and hate Herevpon the Lord Sudley was arrested and sent to the tower and in very short time after condemned by act of parliament And within few daies after his condemnation a warrant was sent vnder the hande of his brother the Duke whereby his head was deliuered to the Axe His owne fierce courage hastened his death because equally ballanced betweene doubt and disdaine he was desirous rather to dye at once then to linger long vpon curtesie and in feare The accusations against him contained much friuolous matter or terme them pittifull if you please The act of parliament expresseth these causes of his attaindor For attempting to get into his custody the person of the King and gouernment of the realme For making much prouision of mony and of victualls for endeauouring to marry the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sister for persuadinge the Kinge in his tender age to take vpō him the Rule order of himselfe The proofes might easily be made because he was neuer called to his answeare But aswell the protestations at the point of his death as the open course carriage of his life cleered him in opinion of many So doubtfull are all weighty matters whilest some take all they heare for certaine others making question of any truths posterity enlarging both D r Latymer pretending all the grauity and sincerity of a professed diuine yet content to be seruiceable to great mens ends declared in a sermon before the King that whilest the Lord Sudley was a prisoner in the Tower he wrote to the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sisters that they should reuenge his death which indeed the Lady Mary afterwards more truely did by ◅ting the Earle of Warwicke then either shee was or at that time could in particular be required Many other imputations he cast forth besides most doubted many knowne to be vntrue and so whereas Papinian a ciuill lawyer but a heathen chose rather to dye then to defend the murth◅r which the Emperor Caracalla had done vpon his brother Geta some theologians haue beene imploi◅d to defile places erected only for religion and truth by defending oppressions and factions deste◅ning their professions and the good artes which they had learned by publishing odious vntruths vpon report and credite of others O wiues The most sweete poison the most desired evill in the world Certainly as it is true as Syracides saith that there is no malice to the malice of a woman so no mischiefe wanteth where a malitious woman beareth sway a woman was first giuen to man for a comforter but not for a counsailor much lesse a controler and directer and therefore in the first sentence against man this cause is expressed because thou obeyedst the voice of thy wife And doubtlesse the protector by being thus ruled to the death of his brother seemed with his left hand to haue cut off his right For herevpon many of the nobility cryed out vpon him that hee was a bloodsucker a murtherer a parricide a villaine and that it was not sit the K. should be vnder the protection of such a rauenons wolfe Soone after it was giuen forth and belieued by many that the King was dead wherevpon he passed in great estate through the cittie of London to manifest that he was both aliue and in good health whether this speech were spread either by aduenture or by arte it is vncertaine certain it is it did something shake the strength of the Kings affection towards the Protector B◅sides many well d◅sposed mindes conceiued a hard opinion of him for that a church by strand-bridge and two Bishops houses were pulled downe to make a seat for his new building in digging the foundation whereof the ◅ones of many who had beene there buried were cast vp and carried into the fields and because the stones of those houses the church did nothing suffice for his work the sle◅ple and most part of the church of Saint Iohn of Ierusal◅m neere Smithfield most beautifully erected and adorned not long before by Docray Priour of that church was mined and ouerthrowne with powder and the stones applied to this spatious building And because the worke could not be ther with finished the cloister of Paules on the north side of the church in a place called Pardonne churchyearde and the dance of death very curiously wrought about the cloister and a chappell that stood in the midst of the church-yeard also the charnell house that stood vpon the south side of Paules now a carpenters yeard with the chappell tombes and monuments therein were beaten downe the bones of the dead carried into Finsbury fields and the stones conuerted to his building It is constantly affirmed that for the same purpose hee intended to pull downe the church of S Margaret in Westminster and that the standing thereof was preserued only by his fall assuredly as these actions were in an high degree impious so did they draw with them both open dislike from men and much secret reuenge from God And now hath the Lord Protector played the first act of the tragedie of his life namely his high and prosperous estate he is now stopping into the second act wherein he beginneth mainly to decline For the Earle of Warwicke espying opportunity shewing him selfe and knowing that in troublesome times the obedience of great persons is most easily shaken drew about 18 of the priuy counsaile to knit with him against the Lord Protector These he did so winde vp to his purpose that they withdrew from the courte fell to secret consultations and walked in the citty with many seruants weaponed and in new liueries the causes thereof many coniectured but few knew They were all desirous that the Protectors greatnesse should be taken lower but none conceiued that the Earles malice did extend vnto death But the Lord Protector as humble then as he had beene haughty before sent secretary Peeter to them in the Kings name to vnderstand the causes of their assembly and to declare vnto them that he would thanke them for hating him in case they did it in loue to the King intreating them for the Kings sake if not for his safetie yet for his quiet that they would forbeare open shew of hostility and resort vnto him peaceably that they might commune together as friends In the meane time he armed 500 men parte of the kings parte his owne the court gates were rampard and people raised both by letters and proclamation to aide the King and the more to encrease the present terror he remoued the king by mightfrō Hampton courte to Windosor with a company more resembling an army then a traine On the other side the Lords at London first taking possession of the tower sent for the Maior and Aldermen of the citty to the Earle of Warwicks lodging at Ely house in Holborne here they presented themselues secretly armed and the Lord Rich then Lord Chancellor of England a man of quicke and liuely deliuery of speech but
without either any sensible inâ—…nding or impairing for a time At the last a Gentlewoman vnworthy to be named but accounted to be a schoole-mistresse 〈◊〉 the purpose offered her seruice assuredly to cure him in case he were committed wholly to her hand hereto the Physitians would in no case afford their aduice because as she could giue no reason either of the nature of the disease or of the part afflicted so shee would not declare the meanes whereby shee intended to worke thâ—… cuâ—… After some â—…he 〈◊〉 of deliberation among the Councell it was resolued that the Physitians should be discharged and the cure committed to her alone the apparant defect both of her iudgement and experience ioyned to the weightinesse of the aduenture caused many to maruell and some deeply to suspect that shee was but an instrument of mischiefe this surmise was strongly confirmed within a very short time ensuing when the King did fall into desperate extremities his vitall parts were mortally stuffed which brought him to a difficultie of speech and of breath his legs swelled his pulse failed his skin changed colour and many other horrid symptomes appeared Then were the Physitians called againe who espying him in that fearefull estate departed from him with a sad silence leauing him to the miserable mercy of neere approaching death some of these whispered among their priuate friends that they were called for fashion only but neither their aduice nor appliances were any deale regarded but the King had beene ill dealt with more than once and that when by the benefit both of his youth and of carefull meanes there was faire means of his recouery he was againe more strongly ouerlaid Yet as crueltie and wrong neuer stand secure so the Duke thought one thing more expedient for assuring his designes and that was to draw the Lady Mary wholly into his power to this purpose Letters were directed to her in the Kings name from the Councell willing her forth with to resort to the King as well to be a comfort to him in his sicknesse as to see all matters well ordered about him the Ladie suspecting no lurking mischiefe addressed herselfe with all speed to the iourney expressing great ioy that either her company or her seruice should be esteemed needfull to the King but as she was vpon the way and within halfe a daies â—…ourney of London her foot readie to slip into the sâ—…are shee receiued aduice both of the Kings desperate estate and of the Dukes designments against her whereupon she returned in haste to her house at Houeden where in a short time shee heard how â—…o proâ—…table her iourney would haue beene to London So the King hauing long wrastled with a lingring and tormenting sicknesse at the last his spirits yeelded to the malice of his disease which as with great patience hee did endure so with no lesse pietâ—…e did he end it many feruent prayers hee made both for himselfe and for the people of his Realmes and some when he was esteemed almost past sense and so spent his last breath in committing his sweet soule into the Almighties hands which had created it He died at Greenwich vpon Thursday the sixth day of Iuly in the yeare 1553. and in the seuenteenth yeare of his age when he had raigned six yeares fiue moneths and nine dayes two dayes his death was concealed to open a straight way for the Dukes crooked purposes his body was buried vpon the ninth of August in the same yeare in the Chappell of Saint Peters Church in Westminster and laid neere to the body of King Henry the seuenth his Grand-father THIS HISTORY I HAVE BVILT FOR THE MONVMENT OF HIS VNPERISHABLE FAME FINIS LONDON Printed for IOHN PARTRIDGE and are to be sold at his Shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Sunne 1630. 1537 Plin. lib. 7. cap. 9. Plin. 16. Fest. lib. 3. Solin ca. 4. râ—…r mem Prob. in epit l. 10. Valerij Liv. dec 1. lib. 2. Sil. Ital. lib. 13. Hermo in castig Plin. loco cod Lib. 10 Lib. 7. Lib. 7. c. 53. Caes. 2. Gallic Conest 6. Deut. 20. Cap. 25. Gen. 3. 17. * Or happely yeare
mixture of honest delight Vnder these teachers the Prince thrived so well that in short time he spake the French tongue perfectly In the 〈◊〉 tongue he could declaime vpon the suddaine no lesse both readily and purely then many who were reputed amongst the most learned of these times He attained not only commendable knowledge but speech in the Greeke Spanish and Italian languages having alwaies great iudgment in measuring his words by his matter his speech being alike both fluent and weightie such as best beseemed a Prince as for naturall Philosophie for Logicke Musicke Astronomie and other liberall sciences his perfections were such that the great Italian Philosopher Cardane having tasted him by many conferences and finding him most strongly to encounter his new devised paradoxes in Philosophie seemed to be astonished betweene admiration and delight and divulged his abilities to be miraculous These his acquirements by industrie were exceedingly both enriched and enlarged by many excellent endowments of nature For in disposition he was milde gracious and pleasant of an heavenly wit in body beautifull but especially in his eies which seemed to haue a starrie liuelynes and lustre in them generally hee seemed to be as Cardane reported of him A MIRACL'E OF NATVRE When he was a few moneths aboue nine yeeres of his age great preparation was made either for creating or for declaring him to be Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Count Palatine of Chester In the middest whereof K. Henry his Father ended his life of a dropsie accompanyed with a spreading scaâ—…e of his thigh Herevpon Edward Earle of Hartford and S r Anthony Browne knight of the order and Master of the horse were forthwith dispatched by the residue of the counsâ—…ile to the young King then lying at Hartford These came vnto him and the next day brought him to Enfield neither with preparation nor traine any more then ordinarie Here they first declared vnto him and to the Lady Elizabeth his sister the death of K. Henry their father Vpon which tidings they both brake forth into such vnforced and vnfained passions as it plainely appeared that good nature did worke in them beyond all other respects Never was sorrow more sweetly set forth their faces seeming rather to beautifie their sorrow then their sorrow to clowde the beautie of their faces Their young yeares their excellent beauties their louely and liuely enterchange of complaints in such sort graced their griefe as the most yron eies at that time present were drawne thereby into societie of their Teares The next day following being the last of Ianuarie the young king advanced towards London The Earle of Hartford riding next before him and S r Anthony Browne behinde The same day he was proclaimed King and his lodging was prepared within the Tower He there was received by the Constable and Lieuetenant on horse backe without the gates and vpon the bridge next the Ward-gate by all the chiefe Lords â—…o his counsailo These attended him to his chamber of presence and there sware allegiance vnto him Here he remained about three weekes and in the meane time the counsaile appointed vnto him by his Fathers will dayly sate for ordering the affaires of the Kingdome Among these the Earle of Hartford was elected and forthwith proclaimed protector of the Realme and governour of the kings person vntill he should accomplish the age of eighteene yeares To this office he was deemed most fit for that he was the kings vnkle by the Mothers side very neere vnto him in bloud but yet of no capacitie to succeede by reason whereof his naturall affection and dutie was lesse easie to be over-carryed by Ambition A few daies after the Lord Protector knighted the king within the Tower and immediatly the king stood vp vnder his cloath of estate tooke the sword from the Lord Protector and dubbed the Lord Maior of London knight Herehence ensued diverse other advancements in honour For S r Edward Seymer Lord Protector and Earle of Hartford was created Duke of Somerset The Lord William Parre Earle of Essex was proclaimed Marquis of Northampton Sâ—… Thomas Seymer the kings vnckle was made Lord of Sudley and high Admirall of England S t Richard Rich was made Lord Rich Sâ—… William Willoughby Lord Willoughby of Parreham and Sir Edmund Sheffield Lord Sheffield of Buterwike And because high titles of honour were in that time of the Kings minority sparingly granted because dignity then waited vpon desert which caused it againe to be waited on by respect every of these testified for others that it was the pleasure of the Kings Father before his death that these titles should thus bee conferred During this time the body of King Henrie was with honorable solemnities conveyed from London to Sheene and thence to Windsore and there buryed within the Colledge All his officers brake their staues and threw them into the graue but at their returne to the tower new staues were delivered vnto them this solemnitie being finished the King vpon the nineteenth of Febr. 1547. rode in great state from the Tower to the Palace of Westminster and the day following was crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury assisted with other Bishops and all the chiefe nobilitie of the Realme About the twenty-ninth yeere of the Empire of Charles the fifth and the 33 of the Raigne of Francis the first of France and in the fifth yeere both of the raigne and age of Marie Queene of Scotland The same day a generall pardon was granted to all persons as it hath beene vsuall at coronations But by some envious oppositions or for some other causes vnknowne fixe onlie were excepted The Duke of Northfolke Cardinall Poole Edward â—…e Courtney eldest sonne to the Marquesse of Exceter Doctor Pates Master Fortescue and Master Throgmorton But they overlived that envie and had their pardons afterwards in the first yeere of the Raigne of Queene Marie A few daies after the Earle of Southampton Lord Chancellor of England for being opinatiue as it was reported and obstinately opposite to the rest of the Lords in matters of counsaile was removed both from his office of being Chancellor and from his place and authority in counsaile and the great seale was delivered to Sir William Pawlet Lord S â— Iohn who was Lord great Master of the Kings houshold But this wound of disgrace never left bleeding vntill it was stopped by the Protectors fall It is certaine that from the first entrance of this King to his raigne never was King either more loving to others or better beloved generally of all The one whereof proceeded from the goodnes of his disposition the other from many graces and vertues illustrious in him for besides his excellent beauty and modestie beseeming a Prince besides his sweet humanity the very life of mortall condition besides a naturall disposition to all literature whereto he seemed rather borne then instructed many noble and high virtues sparckled in him especially Clemencie Courage Care and knowledge in affaires of
furnished he should awaite occasion to sollicite the same Lastly that he should carry a nimble eare as well touching any variation in all these â—…atters as for other occurrences in France Spaine Italie Almaine and thereof advertise the king But notwithstanding all these cautions and preventions of peace or truce betweene the Emperour and the French the king of England finding the Emperour slow in his performances and much suspecting his secret ends entertained a treatie of peace with France but secretly and a farre off and to bee governed as occasions should vâ—…ry and in regâ—…rd hâ—…reof agreement was made that all ships and goods which had bin surprised at sea by the English vpon the French or by the French vpon the English since the beginning of that treatie should be freely discharged And albeit the English had great aduâ—…ntage in value of reprisalls as being alwaies both more strong and actiue at sea yet the king by his proclamation commanded that forthwith restitution should be made Hostility being thus suspended with France preparation was made for warres against Scotland the occasion whereof did thus arise MARY STYWARD sole daughter heire to Iames the 5. King of Scots began her raigne ouer the Realme of Scotland vpon the 18 of December 1542 being then not aboue 7 daies olde so as the Sunne no sooner almost saw her an infant then a Queene and no sooner was shâ—…e a Queene but she was desired of Henry then King of England to be assured in marriage to Prince Edward his only sonne being then not much aboue 6 yeares of age Vpon this ouerture the gouernor of Scotland assembled the nobility of the Realme at Edenburgh where after much debatement of the coÌ„modities or discommodities like to ensue they concluded in the end that in March then next ensuing a Parliament should be held to giue perfection and forme to that businesse In the meane time S. Ralph Sadler knight was sent embassador from England to the Gouernor and other Lords of Scotland who followed his charge with so good diligence and advice that in the same parliamenâ—… authority was giuen to William Earle of Glancorne S. George ' Douglasse S. William Hamilton S. Iames Leirmouth knights and to one of the secretaries of state to conclude this marryage These commissioners came into England with whom before the end of Iulie the same yeere all covenants were concluded instruments of the contract of marriage interchangeably sealed and sworne and a peace established for ten yeares which time expyred both the Prince and the Queene should be of age to consent The French King all this tiâ—…e was so enteartined with warres against the Emperor that he had no sence of these proceedings but when he vnderstood that these agreements were passed as well for marriage as for peace he bâ—…nt his best endeuour to dissolue them both First with intention to impeach both the greatnesse and strength of the English nation after with desire to winne this marriage for Francis who afterwardes was King of France To this purpose the French K. sent for Mathew Earle of Levenoxe who then serued vnder his pay in Italie and furnished him with mony forces and friends and aboue all with many encouragements to take vpon him brauely the honour of his house and Ancestors to remoue the Earle of Arraine from the Regency of Scotland and to reverse such pactions as he had made The Earle at his first arrivall in Scotland was ioyfully received as a man most engaged in domesticall factions He alwaies vsed curtesie and modestie disliked of none sometimes sociablenes and fellowship well liked by many generally he was honoured by his nation and well reputed by strangers in favour of him the Pope sâ—…nt the Patriarch of Apulia his Legat into Scotland who in the Popes nâ—…me did faithfully assure that both forces mony should be sent into Scotland to resist the English Heâ—… drew the greatest of the Cleargie on his side who were most powerfull to draw on others On the other side the king was not negligent to support his party with supplies wher by great troubles ensued in Scotland which fell not within the times that I hauâ—… in hand In the end the Earle of Arraine abandoned the king of England and applyed himselfe only to the French by reason whereof the Regencie was confirmed to him which otherwise he had bin vpon adventure to loose And as the Earle of 〈◊〉 did forsake the English and adioine to the French so the Earle of Levenoxe being forsaken by the French applyed his service wholy to the English which did not only continue but much encrease the calamities of Scotland during the time of king Henries raigne King Henrie at the time of his death gâ—…ue a spâ—…ciall charge to the Lords of his counsaile that they should omit no â—…ndevours whereby the said marriâ—…ge might be procured to take effect Herevpon they pursued this quarrell in the same stâ—…te the king left it But before they attempted any thing by Armes the Lord Protector assailed the Scottish nobility with a friendly letter Herein he remâ—…mbred them of the promises seaâ—…es and oathes which by publike authority had passed for concluding this marriage that these being religious bonds betwixt God and their soules could not by any politike act of state be dissolved vntill their Queene should attaine vnto yeares of dissent Hee farther added that the providence of God did then manifestly declare it selfe in that the male princes of Scotland failing the kingdome was left to a daughter and in that King Henry left only one sonne to succeed That these two princes were agreeable both for yeares and princely qualities to bee ioyned in marriâ—…ge and thâ—…reby to knit both Realmes into one That this vnion as it was like to bee both easily done of firme continuance so would it be both profitable and honourable to both the Realmes That both the easinesse and firmnâ—…s might be coniectured for that both people are of the same language of like habit and fashion of like qualitie and condition of life of one climate not only annexed entirely together but sevâ—…red froÌ„ all the world 〈◊〉 For as these are sure arguments that both desâ—…ended from one originall and had bin vnder one governement so by reason that likenes is a great cause of liking and of loue they would be most forceable meanes both to ioine and to hold them in one body again that the profit would rise by extinguishing warres betweâ—…ne the two nations by reason whereof in former times victori sabroad haue bin impeachâ—…d invasions and seditions occasioned thâ—… confines of both Realmes laid wâ—…st or else made a nurserie of rapines robberies and murthers the inner parts often deepely pierced and made a wretched spectacl to all eies of humanity and pittie That the honour of both Realmes would enerease as well in regard of the countries sufficient to furnish not only the necessities but the moderate pleasures of this life as also of the people
the sands towards Lieth but the most towards Dakeâ—…th which way by reason of the marish the English horse were least able to pursue The chase was given from one of the clocke in the afternoone till almost six It reached fiue miles in length and foure in breadth all which waies the Scots scattered in their flight Iackes Swords Bucklers Daggers or whatsoeuer was either cumbersome or of weight to impeach their hast yea some cast off their shooes and dublets and fled in their shirts Divers other devises were practised to avoid or deferre the present danger Some intreated and offered large ransomes some being pursued only by one sodainly turned head and made resistance by whom many horses were disabled and some of their horses either slaine or hurt The Earle of Angus a man of assured both hardinesse and vnderstanding couched in a furrow and was passed ouer for dead vntill a horse was brought for his escape 2000 others lying all the day as dead departed in the night Divers others plunged into the river Eske and couered themselues vnder roots branches of trees many so streined themsesues in their race that they fell downe breathlesse and dead whereby they seemed in running from their deaths to runne vnto it The English discerned in their retreit that the execution had beene too cruell and farre exceeding the bounds of ordinary hostility which happely was a cause in the secret iudgment of God that they had no better fruit of their victory The dead bodies lâ—…y all the way scattered so thicke as a man may see sheepe grazing in a well stored pasture most slaine in the head or necke for that the horsemen could not well touch lower with their swords and scarse credible it is how soone they were stripped and laid naked vpon the ground But then againe the eyes of all men were fastned vpon them with pitty and admiration to behold so many naked bodies as for talnesse of stature whitnesse of skinne largenesse and due proportion of limbes could hardly be equalled in any one country The ground where their severall battailons first brake lay strewed with pikes so thicke as a sloore is vsually strewed with rushes whereby the plâ—…ces could hardly be passed ouer either by horse or by foot the riuer Eske ran red with blood so as they who perished therein might almost bee said to bee drowned in their fellowes blood On the otherside when they came to the place where the English men at Armes had beene defeated many of their horses were found grieuously gashed or goared to death The English who there perished were so deeply wounded especially on the head that not one could be discerned by his face Braue Edward Shellie who was the first man that charged was knowne only by his beard Little Preston for that both his hands were cut off being known to haue worne bracelets of gold about his wrests others were brought to knowledge by some such particular marks Hereby appeareth as I said before what blessing is growne to both nations by their late happy vnion when before they were like two rude encountring Rammes whereof he that escapes best is sure of a blowe Divers of the Nobilitie of Scotland were here slaine and many Gentlemen both of worth and noble birth of the inferior sort about 10000 as some say 14000 lost their liues Of the English were slaine 51 horsemen one footman but a farre greater number hurt The Scottish prisoners accounted by the Marshals booke were about 1500. The chiefe whereof were the Earle of Huntley the Lords Yester Hoblie and Hamilton the M r of Sampoole and the L. of Wimmes A Herault was also taken but discharged forthwith The execution was much maintained by the Scots owne swords scattered in every place For no sooner had an English horseman brake his sword but forthwith he might take vp another Insomuch that many of them brake three or foure before their returne So apparant is the hand of God against violation of faith that it is often chastised by the meanes appointed to defend it Of all other the English men were least favourable to the Priests and Monkes by the Scots called Kirkmen who had beene equally troublesome in peace and vnprofitable in warre To whom many as well English as Scots imputed the calamity of that day these made a band of 3 or 4000 as it was said but they w'ere not altogether so many howbeit many Bishops and Abbots were amongst them from these divers Scots feared more harme by victory then they found among their enimies by their ouerthrow After the field a banner was found of white sarcâ—…net whereon a woman was painted her haire about her shoulders kneeling before a crucifix on her right hand a church and along the banner in faire letters written Afflictae ecclesiae ne obliuiscaris This was supposed to haue beene the Kirkemens banner But could this crucifix haue spoken as one is said to haue spoken to S t Francis and another to S t Thomas it might happely haue told them that neither religious persons are fit men for armes nor armes fit meanes either to establish or advance Religion I must not forget the fidelity of a Scottish souldier towards the Earle of Huntly He finding the Earle assaulted by the English and without his helmet tooke of his owne headpeece and put it on the Earles head The Earle was therewith taken prisoner but the souldier for want thereof was presently stroke downe This Earle was of great courage for this cause much loued of his souldiers to whom he was no lesse louing againe This he manifested by his great care for such Scottish prisoners as were either wounded or poore providing at his proper charge cure for the one and releife for the other This Earle being asked whilst he was prisoner how he stood affected to the marriage answered that he was well affected to fauour the marriage but he nothing liked that kinde of wooing Certaine of those who escaped by slight excused their dishonor not without a sharpe iest against some of their leaders affirming that as they had followed them into the field so it was good reason they should follow them out Those bitter tests the more truth they carry the more biting memory they leaue behinde The day of this fight being the 10 th of September seemeth to be a most disastious day to the Scotâ—… not only in regard of this ouerthrow but for that vpon the same day 34 yeares before they were in like sort defeated by the English at Flodden field The victory raised exceeding ioy among the English partly because it came so cheape partly by reason of the great danger and greater terror that had bin cast vpon them by reason of the repulse and disarray of their men at Armes Now as seâ—…ldome one accident either prosperous or adverse cometh vnaccompanied with the like so this calamity hapned not to the Scots alone For whilst the English army had thus drawne both the preparations
and intentions of the Scots wholly vpon them The Lord Wharton and the Earle of Leuenoxe entred Scotland on the west marches with 5000 men and hauing marched two miles they wonne the church of Anan a strong place and alwaies much annoying the English there they tooke 62 prisoners fired most part of the spoyle and ouerthrew the fort with powder passing 16 miles further they tooke the castle of Milke which they fortified strongly and planted a garrison therein and after much spoile and wast of the country returned safely into England These successes did strike such a terror into many of the Scots that the Earle Bothwell and diuerse cheife gentlemen of 〈◊〉 and Meers supposing to finde more easy conditions by yeelding then by striuing submitted themselues to the King of England and were receiued by the Lord Generall into protection But it is most cerraine that the English made not their best improuements of these fortunate euents and that especially by two miserable errors â—…unctation in prosecuting and haste in departure But doubtlesse the vnion of these two realmes was a worke most proper to Gods omnipotent arme which afterwards effected the same as by milder meanes so in a more durable manner then they could haue bin vnited by Armes This high appointment of God we must reuerence and admire but not omit to obserue the errors committed First therefore after the retreit the English lodged the same night in the place where the battaile had bin fought Where and in the villages not farre distant they soiourned fiue daies without doing any thing in the meane time the English searched the riuers and hauens whether the Scottish ships were retyred in such sort as they left few ships of war vnspoiled or vntaken the army also gathered the spoile of the field whereof 30000 iacks and swords 30 peices of great artillery were shipped for England The English hauing thus long breathed and thereby giuen breathing to their enimies fired Lieth tooke S t Colmes Broughticragge Rockesborough Humes castle Aymouth Fial castle Dunglasse Kilnecombe and diuers other small pieces whereof parte they ruined parte they enlarged and fortified and furnished them with able souldiers accustomed with often and prosperous successe Herewith as if they had beene weary of their faire fortunes they suddainly brake off the enterprise and returned another way into England hauing staid not aboue 25 daies in Scotland and lost vnder 60 men The pretence of their departure was worse then the departure it selfe namely for that the yeare and their prouisions were far spent and the country afforded little forrage Assuredly as nature taketh least care for those things which she formeth in hast so violent and storm-like fortunes how terrible so euer are seldome durable Now the Lord Gouernor of Scotland being of great courage and sober iudgement as a man might well read in his face as he had amply performed his duty both before the battaile and in the field so especially after the fight he declared himselfe to be of a stout and vnbroken spirir For first he assembled the dispersed forces of the Scottish army albeit not in sufficient manner to giue a fresh battaile by reason that much of their armor was lost yet able to keepe the English from ranging at largâ—… Then hee presented the English with diuers offers of â—…reaty touching matters in difference vntill the country was dischargâ—…d of them lastâ—…y knowing right well that counsels are commonly censured by euents and that in matters of armes albeit the praise of prosperous successe is shared amongst many yet the blame of misadventures is charged vpon one And fearing hereby mutinies amongst his owne people and contempt of others hauing first assured the young Queene in place of good defence he assembled the Scottis nobility and vsed words to this effect I assure my selfe that many of you my Lords and more of the vulger are much displeased with me for that I haue advised this warre whereof so sad euents haue followed for this cause I haue assembled you together to reduce you to a better opinion or to blame you deepely either if you remaine offended or if you cast downe your courage throw feare the betrayer of all succors which reason can afforde for tell me if you are discontented with me for aduising this warre doe you not condemne your selues for following the aduice It is certaine that at the first you were all of my opinion and that I did nothing without your approuement If now vpon one misadventure you change your iudgements and charge the fault only vpon me you doe me wrong and discouer your owne weaknesse in being vnable to endure those things which you knew were casuall and which you were resolued to endure But I make no doubt but the same reasons which induced you to entertaine this warre will induce you also to prosecute the same howsoeuer sodaine and vnexpected euents dismay your iudgments for the present Touching my selfe I was alwaies of opinion and shall never change that it is better the kingdome should be in good estate with particular losse to many of the people then that all the people should be well and the state of the kingdome altogether lost or dishonourably impaired euen as it is better that a ship should be preserued with some discommodity to the sailers then that the sailers being in health the ship should perish or as it is lesse dangerous when diuerse parts of a tower are decaied and the foundation firme then when the foundation is ruinous albeit the parts remaine entire For the common estate is but weakned by calamities of particular persons but the ruine of the state inâ—…olueth all in a generall destruction And therefore they are to be blamed alike both who moue and who decline warre vpon particular respects the comeither honour or necessity must bee the true measure of both But the cause of this warre is no other then that wee will not incontinently submit our selues to doe what our neighbours require That is because at the first word wee are not forward to thrust our necks vnder the girdles of our enimies yea our old enimies yea our only enimies of any accompt for many years who in their gluttenous hope haue devoured our kingdome who by the bloody execution of their late victories haue shewen what curtesie wee may expect at their hands In doeing whereof wee shall abandon our ancient and approved friends who as they neuer failed vs in our extremities so are they now prepared with large aides to relieue vs who will not feare or pause at the least before he leap vpon this sodaine changeâ—… who will forsake long tryed friends to rely vpon those who alwaies haue beene ready by Armes to infest vs. Not at all times vpon desire either of revenge or spoile but to bring vs vnder their ambitious dominion which of vs had not rather dye this day then see our enimies in our strongest castles and yoakes of garrisons cast vpon our necks Who
as of meane birth so prone to thrust forwards the ruine of great persons in this manner spake vnto them I am not ignorant into what aduenture I now plunge my selfe in speaking against a man both high in honour and great in fauour both with the King and many of the people But my duty prevailing against respect of danger I will plainly declare the discontentments of the Lords of his Maiesties counsaile haue already conceiued against the actions past of the Lorde Protector as also their fears touching matters to ensue that with your aide they may in good time happily remedy the one and remoue the other assuring you all that as I will not vtter any thing falsly so will I forbeare to tell many truths And first to touch vpon his open ambition with what good reason or purpose thinke wee did he being a man of many imperfections as want of eloquence personage learning or good wit aspire to the great offices of gouerning all affaires of state sit for none but whom God hath fauoured with fitting graces And albeit these defects might haue beene well supplied by sufficiency of others of the counsaile yet was hee so peeuishly opiniatiue and proud that he would neither aske nor heare the advice of any but was absolutely ruled by the obstinate and imperous woman his wife whose ambitious and mischieuous will so guided him in the most weighty affaires of the realme that albeit he was counsailed by others what was best yet would he doe quite contrary least he should seeme to need their aduice And yet this was not enough as auarice and ambition haue neuer enough but to adde dignity to authority and to make sure that as no man should as in power so in title surmount him he would be aduanced to the Degree of Duke of Somerset which hath alwaies beene a title for one of the kings sonns inheritable to the crowne And albeit it may seeme a light matter to speake of bribery and extortion against him yet his robberies and oppressions haue beene such that no man would willingly haue adventured to commit them vnlesse he thought by treason so to assure himselfe as he could not be called to answere for them For he hath laid his rauenous hands vpon the Kings treasure and Iewels left by his Father which were knowne to be of an inestimable value that it might well be said euen as he had giuen forth that K. Henry died a very poore prince and had beene vtterly shamed in case he had liued one quarter of a yeare longer Then also what hauocke hath he made of the Kings lands and inheritance What sales and exchanges vpon pretence of necessity And yet what a high deale hath he transported to himselfe Without regard of others who haue emploied their trauailes estates in seruice of the King of his deceased Father What artes hath he vsed to spend those spare himself against the time of his mischievous purpose How greedily how insatiably hath he neuer ceased the whilest to rake gleane mony together What shamefull sale of offices preferments hath he made nothing regarding the worthinesse of the person but the worth and weight of the gift Betraying thereby the administration of the realme into the hands both of worthlesse and corrupt men To speake nothing the whilest of his minte at Duresme place erected vsed for his priuate profit To speake nothing of the great Boutisale of colledges and chantries to speake nothing of all his other particular pillages all which were so farre from satisfying his bottomles desires that he proceeded to fleece the whole Commonwealth to cut and pare it to the very quicke For vnder colour of warre which either his negligence drew on or his false practises procured he leuied such a subsidie vpon the whole realme as neuer was asked a greater at once which should not haue needed albeit the warres had beene iust in case he had not imbereled the Kings treasure as he did for besides he extorted money by way of loane from all men who were supposed to haue it and yet left the Kings souldiers and servants vnpaid But in all these pretended necessities how profuse was he in his priuate expences Carrying himselfe rather as fitting his owne greatnesse then the common good How did he riot surfeit vpon vaine hopes as if new supply for wast would neuer want What treasures did he bury in his sumptuous buildings And how foolish and fancifull were they A fit man forsooth to gouerne a realme who had so goodly gouernment in his owne estate All these things as there are but few but know so we may be assured that hee neuer durst haue committed halfe of them with a minde to haue remained a subiect vnder the law and to be answerable for his actions afterwards but did manifestly intend to heape his mischiefs with so high a treason as he might climbe aboue his soveraigne and stand sure beyond reach of law And for inducement to this his traiterous designe he suborned his seruants and certaine preachers to spread abroad the praises of his government with as much abasing the noble King Henry as without impudence they could deuise Following therein the practises of K. Richard the tyrant by deprauing the Father to honour the sonne to extinguish the loue of the people to the young King by remembring some imperfections of his Father which example both traiterous and vnnaturall who doubts but his heart was ready to follow whose heart was ready to defame his father and set nought by his mother as it is well knowne and to procure yea labour the death of his brother whom albeit the law and consent of many had condemned vpon his owne speeches yet his earnest endeauor therein did well declare what thoughts can sinke into his vnnaturall breast what foule shifts he would haue made rather thē that his brother should haue escaped death to that end that he might remoue at once both an impeachment to his poysenous purposes a surety to the Kings life estate To this ende he also practised to dispatch such of the nobility as were like to oppose against his mischeiuous drift in such sort either to encumber weaken the rest that they should be noe impediments to him In the meane time he endeauored to winne the common people both by strayned curtesy by loosenes of life whereto he gaue not only licence but encouragement and meanes And the better to advance his intents he deviseth to intangle the realme not only with outward warre that with rumor thereof his dangerous diuices might be obscured bu◅ but with inward sedition by stirring and nourishing discontentments among the nobility gentry and commons of the realme This he did vnder pretence of such matters as all men desired might be redressed more gladly then hee but in a more quiet and setled time But the time seemed most convenient for him when vnder the sweete pretence of release and libertie to the
haue lost their heads and that the Earle of Arundell was made acquainted with the practise by S r Michaell Stanhope and that it had bin done but that the greatnesse of the enterprise caused delaies and sometimes diuersity of aduice and further said that the Duke of Somerset once faining himselfe to be sicke went to London to assay what friends he could procure This Crane was a man who hauing consumed his owne estate had armed himselfe to any mischiefe Hamonde confessed that the Duke of Somersets chamber had beene strongly watched at Greenwich by night All these were sworne before the counsaile and the greatest part of the nobility of the realme that their confessions were true and as fauourably set downe in behalfe of the Duke as with a safe conscience they could and forthwith vpon the information of Crane the Earle of Arundell and the Lord Paget were sent to the Tower so were Stradley and S t Albones seruants to the Earle of Arundell the Lord Strange voluntarily enformed how the Duke desired him to moue the King to take to wise his third daughter the Ladie ◅ane and that he would be his especiall about the King to aduertise him when any of the counsaile spake priuatly with him and to acquaint him what they said Herevpon to giue some publique satisfaction to the people the Lord Chancellor who had words at will wit enough to apply them declared openly in the starre chamber all these accusations against the Duke of Somerset letters were allso published to all Emperors Kings Embassadors chiefe men in any state wherein these matters were comprised By other letters the muster of the Gendarmorie was deferred for certaine moneths other letters were directed to Sir Arthur Darcy to take charge of the tower and to discharge Sir Arthur Markham For that without acquainting any of the Lords of the counsaile he suffered the Duke of Somerset to walke abroad and permit entercourses of letters betweene Dauid Seymor and M rs Poynes Whilest these matters were in trauerse messengers arriued from Duke Mauris◅ of Saxony the Duke of Mickleburge and Iohn Marques of Brandenburge Princes of the religion in Germanie to vnderstand the Kings minde whether he would agree to aide them with 400000 dollars in case any necessity should assaile them they consenting to doe the like to him in case he should be ouercharged with warre the King gaue them an vncertaine answere but gentle and full of faire hopes that because their message was only to know the Kings inclination and not to conclude he could giue them no other answere then this that he was well enclined to ioyne in amity with them whom he knew to agree with him in religion but first he was desirous to know whether they could procure such aide from other Princes as might enable them to maintaine their warres and to assist him if need should require and therefore he willed them to breake this matter to the Duke of Prussia and other Princes about them and to procure the good will of Hamborough Lubecke and Breme then he desired that the matter of religion should be plainly set downe least vnder pretence thereof warres should be made for other quarrells lastly he willed that they should furnish themselues with more ample instructions from their Lords to commune and conclude of all circumstances pertaining to that businesse The Kings answere was framed with these vncertainties and delaies least if the King had assured his consent at the first it might haue beene taken as breach of league with the Emperor afterwards they and other Princes of Germany made a league offensiue and defensiue with the French King against the Emperor into the which the French King desired the King of England to come but because the French K. was the chiefe of the league the King did plainly perceiue that the warre was not for the cause of religion wherefore he answered that he could not doe it with breach of his league with the Emperor against whom hauing no pretence of hostility he was not so desirous of warres as without iust cause of his owne to pull them vpon him About the same time the Lord admirall was sent into France as the Kings deputie to be Godfather at the baptisme of the French Kings sonne also a French man who had committed a murther at Diepe and fled into England was remitted into France and deliuered vpon the borders to receiue iustice by the same lawes against which he had offended And now the Duke of Northumberland being impatient of long working wickednesse the 4 th act of the Duke of Somersets tragedie must not be delaied least thereby feare abating as being false it could not be durable either the Kings gentle disposition or the loue which he had formerly borne to his vnkle might happily returne to their naturall working So the Duke of Somerset after a short aboad in the tower was brought to his triall at Westminster The Lord William Paulet Marques of Winchester and Lord treasurer sate as high Steward of England vnder a cloath of estate on a bench moūted three degrees the Peeres to the number of 27 sate on a bench one step lower These were the Duke of Suffolke and of Northumberland the Marques of Northampton the Earles of Darby Bedforde Huntington Rutland Bath Sussex Worcester Pembrooke and Here◅orde The Barons Abergauenny Aud◅ly Wharton Euers Latimer Borough Louch Stafford Wentworth Darcie Sturton Windesore Cromwell Cobham and Bray First the inditements were read in number 5 containing a charge of raising men in the north parts of the realme at his house of assembling men to kill the Duke of Northumberland of resisting his attachment of killing the Gendarmorie of raising London of assaulting the Lords and deuising their deaths when the prisoner had pleaded not guilty and put himselfe vpon triall of his Peeres the examinations before mentioned were read and by the Kings learned counsaile pressed against him Hereto albeit he was both vnskilfull and much appalled causes sufficient to driue him out of matters yet after a short entreaty that words either idly or angerly spoken might not be enforced to any high crew to the points obiected he answered That he neuer intended to raise the north parts of the realme but vpon some brutes he apprehended a scare which moued him to send to S r William Herbert to remaine his friend That he determined not to kill the Duke of Northumberland or any other Lord but spake of it only and determined the contrary That it had beene a mad enterprise with his 100 men to assaile the Gendarmory consisting of 900 when in case he had preuailed it would nothing haue auailed the pretended purpose and therefore this being senselesse and absurd must needs dis◅redid other matters which otherwise might haue beene belieued That at London he neuer proiected any stirre but euer held it a good place for his surety That for hauing men in his chamber at Greenwich it was manifest he meant no harme
because when he might haue done it he did not and further against the persons of them whose examinations had beene read against him he obiected many things desiring they might be brought to his face which in regard he was a person of dignity and estate he claimed to be reasonable especially against S r Thomas Palmer he spake much euill and yet in opinion of many farre short of the truth Hereto no answere was made but that the worse they were the fitter they were to be his instruments fit instruments indeed said he but rather for others then for me The fast being made the Kings learned counsaile auouched the law to be to assemble men with intent to kill the Duke of Northumberland was treason by a statute of the 3 4 th or K. Edward then raigning made against vnlawfull assemblies that to raise London or the North parts of the realme was treason that to minde resisting his attachment was felony that to assault the Lords and to devise their deaths was felony But vnder fauour of their iudgement the statute alleaged bears no such sense either for treason or for felony indeed by a statute of K. Henry 7 it is felony for inferior persons to contriue the death of a Lord of the counsaile but Lordes are therein expresly excepted The Lordes went together and first the Duke of Suffolke nobly said that he held it not reasonable that this being but a contention betweene priuate subiect vnder pretention thereof any meane action should to draw to intention of treason The Duke of Northumberland in countenance bearing shew of sadnesse but in truth stifly obstinate denyed that he would euer consent that any practise against him should be either imputed or reputed to be treason yet this was not taken to proceede from modesty as he expected but for that he could not with his honour or with reason so enforce it The Marques of Northampton was crossed and contentious with many but neuer replied to any answere a manifest marke of no strong spirit Some of the rest plainly brake forth that they held it vnfit that the Duke of Northumberland the Marques of Northampton and the Earle of Pembrooke should be of the triall because the prisoner was chiefly charged with practises intended against them But hereto answere was made that a Peere of the Realme might not be challenged After much variation of opinions the prisoner at the barre was acquit of treason but by most voices most fauouring the Duke of Northumberland he was sound guilty of felony Hereupon iudgement followed that he should be hanged but this would neuer haue gone so hard had they not prosecuted all vnder pretence of treason The Duke of Somerset might haue craued his clerge but he suffered iudgement to passe thanked the Lords for his gentle triall craued pardon of the Duke of Northumberland the Marques of Northampton and the Earle of Pembrooke for his ill meaning against them and made suit for his life in pitty to his wife children and seruants and in regard of paiment of his debts As he departed because he was acquit of treason the axe of the tower was not openly carried whereupon the people supposing that he was altogether acquit shooted halfe a dozed times so loud that they were heard beyond Charing Crosse. It is certaine the people fauoured him the more because they saw that there was much secret hate borne against him But as this immoderate fauour of the multitude did him no good so will it vndoe so many as shall trust vnto it It was told the King that after the Dukes returne to the tower he acknowledged to certaine Lords that he had hired Bartuile to make them away that Bartuile confessed so much and that Hamond was not ignorant thereof which whether it were true or whether deuised to make the King more estranged from him of iudgement could not hold themselues assured About this time Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of Durham a man famous in those times for learning and integrity of life was sent to the tower for concealement of I know not what treason written to him I know not by whom and not discouered vntill what shall I call the party did reueale it But the Lord Chancellor Rich hauing built a faire estate and perceiuing what nimble ears were borne to listen after treason also for that a parliament was towards wherein he was doubtfull what questions might arise made suit to the King that in regard of the infirmities of his body he might be discharged of his office giuing good example to men sometimes by their owne moderation to auoid disgrace So he deliuered the seale at his house in great S t Bartholomewes to the Duke of Northumberland the Earle of Pembrooke sent by the King with commission to receiue it The same seale was forthwith deliuered to D r Godricke Bishop of Ely a man if happily able to discharg the place assuredly no more It was first deliuered vnto him only during the sicknesse of the Lord Rich but in short time after he was sworne Lord Chancellor because as keeper of the seale he could not then execute such matters as were to be dispatched in parliament And now after iudgement against Somerset the Lords were not negligent to entertaine the King with all delights they could deuise partly to winne his fauour but especially to conuert his thoughts from his condemned Vnkle to this end they often presented him with stately masques braue challenges at title and at barriers and whatsoeuer exercises or disports they could coniecture to be best pleasing to him then also he first began to keepe hall and the Christmas time was passed ouer with banquetings masques plaies and much other variety of mirth Often they would call him to serious affaires wherein he tooke especiall pleasure Sometimes they would remember him how dangerous the Duke of Somerset was who hauing made away his only brother contriued the death of the chiefe of the nobility And where say they would his mischiefe haue rested Would it haue raged against all and left the King only vntouched Verily hauing beene alwaies both cruell and false there would haue beene no end of his mischiefe and all his submissions must now be taken for counterfeit and dissembled But his auarice and ambition once remoued the way will be laid open to vertue and merit So about two moneths after his iudgement the 5 th and last act of his tragedie was brought vpon the stage When being so often exposed to fortunes mercy before he was placed by a strong guard vpon a seaffold at tower hill about eight of the clocke in the morning to suffer death albeit straight charge had beene giuen the day before to euery housholder in the citty not to permit any to depart out of their houses before ten of the clocke that day yet the people the more vnruly by this restraint by such thick throngs swarmed to the place that before seauen of the clocke the hill was couered and
in cases of treason murther or selony That for the time of the Mart all men should pay but halfe the custome due in other places of the Realme That during the time noe shipping should be made from any place betweene Southwales Essex but only to South-hampton That in Hampshire Wiltshire Sussex Surry Kent Dorseâ—…shire and no bargaine should be made for wares during that time but only at that Mart. That a court should be erected to punish offendors with liberties of good condition That some one commodity as happily some one kind of cloath should be assigned as proper to the Mart. That some liberties must be giuen to the inhabitants of South-hampton and some monies lent to them if it might be spared to beginne their Trafique That ships should attend the safegard of Merchants so well as they could and that if this Mart tooke good effect another might be erected at Hull for the Northeast countries to beginne presently after Sturbridge faire so as they might returne before the great Ices stopped their seas Thus it was concluded but the execution was for a time delaied because the wooll fleete of 60 saile was lately before departed for Antwerp could not possibly be called backe But to make the first preparation because a Mart could not subsist without exchang liberty was granted to the English Merchants to exchang and rechange money for money As vpon this occasion this profitable purpose was first delaied so afterwards it was altogether dashed first by the Kinges sicknesse after by his death Now albeit the King was both deepely in debt and had many extraordinary occasions yet in regard of the troublesome times he did forbeare to charge his subiects with such loanes and impositions as vsually in peace breed discontent and in turbulent times disquiet but he chose rather to deale with the Foulker in the low Countries for moneys vpon loane at a very high rate And hereupon letters were directed from the Lords of the counsell to the Foulker at Antwerp that he had receiued from the King 63000 punds Flemmish in Februarie and 24000 in Aprill next before which amounted to 87000 pounds Flemmish A faire summe to be paid in one year especially in that busy world when it was necessarie for Princes not to be without money Hereupon and for that they vnderstood that at that time he was well able to forbeare money they aduised the King to pay to him only 5000 pounds of the 45000 l which then remained vnpaid and to continue the rest at the vsuall yearly interest of 14 l for euery hundred wherewith they desired him to retaine good patience Hereto the Foulker answered that as he had found faire dealings before so he would rest content to deferre paâ—…ment of 30000 l so as 20000 l thereof might be well assured to be paid within some conuenient time All this was presently agreed and no lesse faithfully performed afterwards And assuredly as God is the word and cannot but make good his word so a Prince so much looseth of his dignity as hee declineth from his word About this time a garrison pay of 10000 l was sent to the Frontires of Scotland and the like to Calais and in the same yeere 5000 l into Ireland hereto if we adde the Kings great charges in fortification vpon both the frontires of Scotland and France the particulars wherof I omit as matters now altogether of no vse it may easily be be discerned that the hostility with Scotland and France and the inciuility of Ireland were a great part of the cause which held this frugall King thus diued in debt And for another means of raising of mony commissions went forth for selling chantry lands and houses for paiment of the Kings debt giuen forth to be 251000 pounds sterling at the least Also to enquire of all Church goods either remaining in Cathedrall or parish Churches or embesâ—…ed away namely of Iewels of gold siluer or siluer crosses candiâ—…sticks censors challicies ready mony coapes and other vestiments and reseruing to euery Church one Challice and couering for the Communion â—…able the residue to be applied to the benefit of the King â—…y their sales and enquiries the Kings wants were 〈◊〉 what relieued And many persons uery meane both for birth and ability of minde and of no lâ—…sse place of emploiment found means to aduance themselues to so great estate as they left their posterity ranged among the nobility of this realme Of these church purchasers I haue seene many melt to nothing and the residue shall be obserued either by riot or by improuidence to consume At the same time for more assured strength of the Borders vpon Scotland order was setled that no man in those parts should beare two offices at once which not well obserued in later years hath much derogated both from the dignity and discharge of offices aswell in state as in some inferior places Another means for raising mony was practised no lesse pleasing to the people then profitable to the common-wealth And that was by enquiring after offences of officers in great place who as by vniust dealing they became most odious so by iustice in their punishments the Prince acquireth both loue and applause And so one Beamont M â— of the Rolles was conuinced that in his office of wardes he had purchased lands with the Kinges mony also that he had lent aboue 700 l of the Kinges mony and forborne 11000 of the Kinges debts for his owne profit Also that being M r of the Rolles he dealt corruptly in a case betweene the Duke of Suffolke and the Lady Powes For he bought the Ladies Tithe and caused an indenture to be forged from Charles Brandon the Duke a little before deceased purposing a grant of the lands in question from Duke Charles to the Lady Powes Also that he had concealed the felony of his seruant who hauing stolne from him 200 l he tooke the mony to himselfe againe Hereupon he surrendred to the King all his offices lands goods in satisfaction as well for the monies due by him to the King as of the fines which his offences had merited he was a man of a dull and heauy spirit and therefore the more senslesly deuoted in his sensuall auarice One Whalie receiuer of Yorkeshire acknowledged how he had lent the Kinges mony for gaine how he euer paid one yeares reuenue with the arrerages of the yeare before how he had bought the Kinges land with the Kinges mony how he had made diuerse false accompts how vpon fall of mony he borrowed diuerse summes whereby he gained 500 l at one crying downe For these misdemeanors he surrendred his office and submitted himselfe to pay such fines as the King or his counsell should charge vpon him The Lord Paget Chancellor of the ' Duchie was conuinced that he had sould the Kings landes and timber woods without commission that he had taken great fines for the Kings lands and applied them to his proper vse and
that he had made leases in reuersion for more then xxi years for these offences he surrendred his office and submitted himselfe to be fined at the pleasure of the King So his fine was gessed at 6000 l whereof 2000 were remitted vpon condition that the other 4000 should be paid within the compasse of that yeare This he endured with a manly patience as knowing right well that he held all the residue of his estate vpon curtesie of those who hated him at the heart It was at the first suspected and afterwards expected by all that among other matters obiected against the Lord Paget the chiefe or at least one should haue beene for contriuing to Banquet the Lords at his house and vnder pretence thereof to take off their heads which was the only cause for which the Duke of Somerset lost his head But because no mention was made thereof because about the same time the Lord Gray of Wilton Bannister and Crane and a little after the Earle of Arundell were freely discharged hauing beene imprisoned for this conspiracy the conceit was taken that the Dukes head was the only aime and that the residue were vsed but as a countenance of state to dazle the people Letters were sent to the gouernor of Gernesey that divine seruice should there be vsed according to the forme of the Church of England A King of Armes named Vlster was newly instituted for Ireland his prouince was all Ireland and he was the first 4 th King of Armes the first herald appointed for Ireland Whilest these matters were in action the Emperors Embassador in England deliuered letters to the King from the Regent in the low Countries importing that whereas the King was bound by a treaty betweene the Emperor and the Kinges Father at Lutrect in the yeare 1542 that if the low Countries should be inuaded the King should aide him with 5000 foote or 70 crownes a day during 4 moneths and that this aide should be performed within one moneth after request For so much as the French King inuaded Luxembourg the Emperor required aide of the King of England according to the effect of that treaty Herevpon order was giuen that if the Embassador did moue for answere to this letter he should be told by two of the counsell that during the Kinges progresse his counsell was dispersed whose aduice he was desirous to heare And further that the K. had committed the same treaty to be perused by men whose iudgments as he did much respect so would he expect a time vntill their opinions might be heard And in case that after this the Embassador should againe require an answere then they should say that the King hauing lately wrestled out of most dangerous warres wherewith his yong years were ouerburthened he hoped well that the Emperor would not desire to thrust him into the like againe That he had sworne amity with the French King which he could not with his honour breake therefore if the Emperor should deeme it so meete he would mediate a peace as a friend to both which he should best effect by forbearing to vse hostility against either And in case the Embassador should still perseuere to vrge the treaty they were lastly directed to answere that the King did not hold himselfe bound by that treaty as both made by his Father and euidently preiudiciall to his real◅ for albeit agreements of peace are perpetuall bind the successor yet it is not so in agreements of society cōsederation And this the Emperor did right well vnderstand for whē the King in his last warres desired to enter a new treaty with the Emperor he returned answere that it should not need for albeit the King were discharged by his Fathers death yet the Emperor was still bound And againe the Emperor had not for his part performed the treaty as well in hindring the carriage of horses armor and munition which the King had prouided for his warres as also in neglecting to send aide when the low Country of Calais was forraged and therefore he did not iustly demand performance thereof from the King I know it hath beene often in like sort answered that treaties dissolue by death of those who made them for so the Fidenates held themselues discharged of the league which they had made with Romulus after his death And the Latines did the like after the death of Tullus and likewise after the death of Ancus The Etrurians affirmed the like after the death of Priscus And the Sabines after the death of Seruius And againe after that Tarquinius was cast out of state I know also that the difference is great betweene a league of peace and a league of society confederation But I will not touch euery string of this question which Hottoman calleth a noble question and much tossed and debated partly because it consisteth of many knotty and thorny distinctions wherein approued authors doe not well agree but chiefely because at this time it fell not to be a difference betweene the Emperor and the King For when the Embassador first came for answere to this letter M r Wotton and M r Hobbie answered according to the first branch of their instructions wherewith he departed well satisfied for the present and before he called for answere againe one Stukely arriued out of France and declared to the counsell how the French King being persuaded that Stukely would neuer returne into England because he departed without leaue vpon apprehension of the Duke of Somerset his master bewraied to him that if he could procure peace with the Emperor he intended to besiege Calais and was in hope to carry the towne by way of the sand hills and that from thence winning rice banke he might both famish the Towne and beate the market place how he further said that he intended to land in some angle of Scotland about Falmouth because boulewarkes there might easily be wonne and the people were for the most part Catholiques And further how at the same time Mounsier de Guise should enter England by the way of Scotland not only with good leaue but with aide and conduct from the Scots Vpon this discouery the King assembled his counsell at Windesor entred with them into deliberation whether it were either safe from him or to no disaduantage to rely so securely either vpon the strength or faith of France as either to refuse or neglect to afford aide vnto the Emperor and thereby happily incurre his hostility Many were of opinion that the King should condescend to aide the Emperor First for that if the King were desirous to hold the Emperor bound by the treaty made with the Kinges father he must also be obliged thereby Otherwise it was a lame halting league and could not possibly goe vpright Then for that if the Emperor should not be aided the house of Burgundie was like to be deuoured by the French whereby their greatnesse might grow dreadfull especi◅lly to England Then for that againe
and maintained the sâ—…cond to be cured and relecued and the third to be chastised and reduced to good order When this was 〈◊〉 to the King he gauâ—… to the Citie for education and maintenance of the first sort of poore the Gray-Friers Church neere Newgate-market with all the reuenues there to belonging for cure and releefe of the second â—…ort he gaue Saint Bartholomewes neere 〈◊〉 for correction of the third hee appoinâ—…ed his house at Brideâ—…ell the ancient Mansion of many English Kingâ—… and which not long before had beene repaired and beautified by Henry the â—…ighth for the entertainment of the great Emperour Charles the fifth for increase of 〈◊〉 of their places together with the new re-edified Hospitall of Saint Thomas in Southwork the King gaue seuen hundred and fifty markes yearely out of the rents of the Hospitall of Saint Iohn Baptist or the Sauoy with all the bedding and furniture at that time belonging to that place and when the charter of this gift was prâ—…sented vnto him with a blanke space for lands to be afterwards receiued in Mortmâ—…ine to a yearly valew without further licence the King presently with his owne hand filled vp the void space with these words foure thousand markes by yeare this done with reuerenâ—… gesture and speech he thanked God for prolonging his life to finish that businesse and so hee was the first Founder of those three pious workes which by many additions are now growne to be the most absolute and famous of that kinde in Europe The Kings sicknesse daily increased and so did the Duke of Northumberlands diligence about him for he was little absent from the King and had alwayes some well assured to espie how the state of his health changed euery houre and the more ioyfull hee was at the heart the more sorrowfull appearance did he outwardly make whether any tokens of poyson did appeare reports are various certainly his Physitians discerned an inuincible malignitie in his disease and the suspition did the more increase for that the complaint being chiefly from the lights a part as of no quicke sense so no seat for any sharpe disease yet his sicknesse towards the end grew highly extreme but the Duke regarded not much the muttering multitude knowing right well that rumours grow stale and vanish with time and yet somewhat either to abate or delay them for the present hee caused speeches to be spread abroad that the King was well recouered in health which was readily beleeued as most desired to be true Hereupon all persons expressed ioy in their countenance and speech which they inlarged by telling the newes to others whom they incountred who haply had heard it often before and as the report increased so there with increased also the ioy Thus whilest euery men beleeued and no man knew it was made more credible by religious persons who openly in Churches gaue publike thankes for the Kings recouery But when the speech of his danger was againe reuiued and as in newe it happeneth the more stopped the more increased to the worse then as if the second time he had beene lost the people did immoderatly breake forth into passions complaining that for this cause his two Vncles had beene taken away for this cause the most faithfull of his Nobilitie and of his Councell were disgraced and remoued from Court this was the reason that such were placed next his person who were most assuredly disposed either to commit or permit any mischiefe that then it did appeare that it was not vainly coniectured some yeares before by men of iudgement and fore-sight that after Somersets death the King should not long enioy his life To qualifie these and some broader speeches it was thought conuenient that the King sometimes should shew himselfe abroad albeit little either with his pleasure or for his health yet a thing which in long consuming sicknesses euen to the last period of life men are often able to doe Whilest the King remained thus grieuously sicke diuers notable mariages were solemnized at once in Durham place The Lord Guldford fourth sonne to the Duke of Northumberland married Lady Iane the Duke of Suffolkes eldest daughter by Frances daughter to Mary second sister to King Henry the eighth also the Earle of Pembrokes eldest sonne married the Lady Katherine the Duke of Suffolkes eldest daughter by the said Lady Frances who then was liuing and Martin Kayes Gentleman Porter married Marie the third daughter of the Duke of Suffolke by the said Lady Frances lastly the Lord Hastings sonne to the Earle of Huntington tooke to wife Katherine youngest daughter to the Duke of Northumberland hereupon the common people vpon a disposition to interpret all Northumberlands actions to the worst left nothing vnspoken which might serue to stâ—…rre their hatred against the Duke or pitie towards the King but the Duke was nothing moued herear for being equally obstinate both in purpose and desire and mounting his hopes aboue the pitch of reason he resolued then to dissemble no longer but began openly to play his game For albeit the Lady Iane married to his fourth sonne had not right to the succession of the Crowne for that shee was excluded first by the two Ladies Mary and Elizabeth daughters of King Henry the eighth next by the issue of Lady Margret married into Scotland eldest sister to King Henry the eighth lastly by her owne mother the Ladie Frances who then was liuing yet Northumberland sottishly mad with ouer great fortune procured the King by his Letters Patents vnder the great Seale of England to appoint the Lady Iane to succeed him in the inheritance of the Crowne in this contriuance he vsed the aduice of two especially Lord chiefe Iustice Montague who drew the Letters Patents and Secretary Cecil these furnished the Patent with diuers reasons whereof some were of Law and some of policie in State The pretensions of Law were these that albeit the Crowne of the Realme by an Act of the fiue and thirtieth of King Henry the eighth was in default of his issue of his body and of the body of Edward his sonne lawfully begotten limited to remaine to the Lady Mary his eldest daughter and to the heires of her body lawfully begotten and in default of such issue the remainder thereof to the Lady Elizabeth his second daughter and to the heires of her body lawfully begotten vnder such conditions as should be limited by the said King vnder his Letters Patents vnder the great Seale or by his last Will in writing signed with his hand yet because the said limitations were made to persons illegitimate both the marriages betweene King Henry the eighth and their seuerall mothers being vndone by sentences of diuorce and the seuerall diuorcements ratified by authoritie of Parliament in the eight and thirtieth yeare of King Henry the eighth which Act remained then in force both the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth were thereby disabled to claime the Crowne or any honours or hereditaments as heires
will not preferre a death for libertie before a life without it Their promises are faire and large indeed I must say but of what assurance What assurance can we haue but that when we haue lifâ—…ed them into the chaire of state wee shall not be compelled to be their footemen If our prince were a man and should marry an inheretrix of England wee should happily haue no cause to feare but that he would maintaine the liberty of his natiue country but being a woman and desired in marriage of a King of England vnder whose power and custody she must abide how shall we be able against his minde either to benefit or preserue vs verily as men hate those that affect that honour by ambition which perteineth not to them so are they much more odious who either through negligence or through feare will betray the glory and liberty which they haue Now my Lordes if any surmise either that this warre will be long or that we shall haue the worst in the end his error is great for removing whereof I must tell you that which many of you seeme either little to remember or never to haue knowen doe you suppose the state of this realme of the valâ—…ur whereof the enimy hath often found wofull proofe to be now so feeble that it cannot beare off a greater blow then this It hath often done it and is able of it selfe to doe it againe if our endeavours be answerable to our meanes Our Ancestors haue sustained many greater dangers and yet retaining their libertie haue left both it and their honour entire to vs what are wee of lâ—…sse heart then they For of lesse ability we are not shall we shew our selues vnworthy of our succession from them Assuredly it is more shame for a man to loose that which he holdeth then to faile in getting that which he never had But suppose our forces to be neerer driven then they are our ancient allies the French are vpon the seas and neere approaching for our reliefe also our friends in Italie and other partes haue sent vs money to supply our wants wherfore Lords it is meete that we resume our ancient courage and addresse our selues for new preparation not only vpon those hopes both from our selues and our friends but in contempt of our enimies For often it hapneth that a prosperity vnexpected maketh men carelesse and remisse if they be not very wise whereas they who haue receiued that wound become more vigilant collected especially when they see not only the common honour and liberty but their particular both seignories and safeties to be at the stake And albeit the enimy hath done that which it was to be belieued they would endeavour to doe in case we would not yeeld vnto them yet as those things must be endured vpon necessity which happen by the hand of God So those which come from enimies must be borne by vertue And since it is a custome of our country so to doe sith our people are famous for being nothing abashed at crosse events take wee heed this vertue faile not in vs. If it doth If we shew our selues heartlesse and faint wee shall vtterly overthrow not only the glory but the memory both of our ancestors and of our state As for those who haue yeelded to our enimies let vs esteeme them as fugitiues and traitors who endeavour to cast themselues and their country into subiection but let vs stand assured that they who least shrinke at the stormes of fortune whether in publique or private affaires are alwaies most vertuous and victorious in the end On the other side K Edward added to his glory curtesie liberality shewing himselfe most gratious in couâ—…tenance to all giuing rewards sutable to every mans performance or place The L Protector he rewarded with lands of the yeerely value of 500 l and certaine it is that these first fortunes raised vnto him a great respect both in other countries and among his owne people and the rather because he was discerned to be much searching both into the Counsailes and after the events of all his affaires and likewise into the condition and state both of his owne strength and of the countries neere vnto him But these prosperous proceedings were not only hindred in their fairest course but altogether stayd and in some measure turned backe by reason of the vnadvised forwardnesse of divers chiefe counsailors in making both sodaine and vnseasonable alterations in matters of state whose greedy desires of having their wills in all they liked bred both trouble to the realme and to themselues danger for great sodaine changes are never wiâ—…hout danger vnles the Prince be both well setled in government and able to beare out his actions by power but whilest K. Edward was both vnripe in yeers and new in government to attempt a change both sodaine and great could not be accompanied with many mischiefs The great matters wherein alteration was wrought were especially two religion and enclosures Now for that Religion is of so high and noble a nature of so absolute necessity in a common wealth that it is esteemed the foundation of Lawes and the common band of humane society no sodeyne alteration can almost be made therein but many will be induced thereby to attempt some alteration in rule whence saith Dio conspiracies seditions are often occasioned For Religion being seated in the high throne of conscience is a most powerfull ruler of the soule and farre preferred before estimation of life or any other worldly respect for this advanceth man to the highest happinesse It leadeth him to his last end all other things are but instruments this is the hand all other things are but accessaries this is the principall And therefore as all men are naturally moued by religion so when they are violently thrusted forward by those who as Liuie speaketh make it their purpose to possesse soules by superstition then doe they breake all bands of reason and of rule no persuasion of the one no command of the other can then restrame them Multitudo vbi religione capta est melius vatibus quam ducibus suis paret Curt. lib. 4 0. I will not deny but that some change in religion is often expedient and sometimes necessary because more in that then in any other thing it is hard to containe men from running into one of these extreames either of vaine superstition or of carelesse contempt but this must be done with a lost and tender hand as Cicero speaketh vt quum minimo sonitu orbis in republica convertatur Some respect should also haue been given to those greene times to the monstrous multitude muffled with 2 great plagues corruptions of iudgement custome and ignorance whereto may be added griefe at their owne wants and envy at the prosperity of others especially for that many bold spirits were busied not only to incense but to lead them into much variety of mischiefe And if it be said