bore great reverence But after he was come to ripe age his Father chang'd his Name as here they sometimes do into Scià h Selim which in the Arabian Dialect the learned Language to all Mahometans signifies Rè Pacific a Peaceable or Peace-making King conceiving this Name to agree to his Nature The Father dying Scià h Selim being advanc'd to the Kingdom chang'd his Name once again as 't is the custom of many Oriental Princes on such an occasion with more Magnificent Titles for their proper Names are nothing but Titles and Epithets and would be call'd Nur eddin Muhammèd Gihòn ghir which partly in Arabick partly in Persick signifies The Light of the Law Mahomet Take the World in regard of the profession which he makes in publick of the Mahometan Sect though really in secret by what they report he little cares for Mahomet and his Law or any other Religion accounting according to the vain opinion of some in these parts that a man may be sav'd in every Law Nevertheless the Name Scià h Selim tenaciously inhering in the memory of people remains still to him and in common discourse he is more frequently call'd by this then any other Name He had two Brothers One who took a part of the Province Dacan was call'd by his proper Name Peharì and by sirname Sciah Murà d The other who dy'd in the City Berhampòr was nam'd Daniel and sirnam'd Sombòl Scià h but both dyed without Heirs whereupon their Dominion returned back to Scià h Selim. I know not whether by one or more Women this King had four Sons the first is call'd Sultà n Chosrou the second Sultà n Peruìz the third Sultà n Chorrom now in rebellion to whom when he return'd from a war which he had prosperously manag'd in Dacà n his Father gave the title of Sciahi Gihòn which is interpreted King of the World and the fourth Sultà n Scehriar is yet a youth of small age 'T is possible others besides these have been born to him but being dead either in Child-hood or long ago there is no mention made of them at present He hath one Wife or Queen whom he esteems and favours above all other Women and his whole Empire is govern'd at this day by her counsel She was born in India but of Persian Race that is the Daughter of a Persian who coming as many do into India to the service of the Moghòl hapned in time to prove a very great man in this Court and if I mistake not Chan or Vice-roy of a Province She was formerly Wife in India to an other Persian Captain who serv'd the Moghòl too but after her Husbands death a fair opportunity being offer'd as it falls out many times to some handsome young Widows I know not how Scià h Selim had notice of her and became in love with her He would have carried her into his Harà m or Gynaeceo and kept her there like one of his other Concubines but the very cunning and ambitious Woman counterfeited great honesty to the King and refus'd to go into his Palace and as I believe also to comply with his desires saying that she had been the Wife of an Honourable Captain and Daughter of an Honourable Father and should never wrong her own Honour nor that of her Father and Husband and that to go to the King 's Haram and live like one of the other Female-slaves there was as unsuitable to her noble condition Wherefore if his Majesty had a fancy to her he might take her for his lawful Wife whereby his Honour would be not onely not injur'd but highly enlarg'd and on this condition she was at his service Scià h Selim so disdaign'd this haughty motion at first that he had almost resolv'd in despight to give her in Marriage to one of the Race which they call Halà lchor as much as to say Eater-at-large that is to whom it is lawful to eat every thing and for this cause they are accounted the most despicable people in India However the Woman persisting in her first resolution intending rather to dye then alter it and Love returning to make impetuous assaults on the King's Heart with the help too as some say of Sorceries practis'd by her upon him if there were any other charms as I believe there were not besides the conditions of the Woman which became lovely to the King by sympathy at length he determin'd to receive her for his lawful Wife and Queen above all the rest And as such she commands and governs at this day in the King 's Haram with supream authority having cunningly remov'd out of the Haram either by Marriage or other handsome wayes all the other Women who might give her any jealousie and having also in the Court made many alterations by deposing and displacing almost all the old Captains and Officers and by advancing to dignities other new ones of her own creatures and particularly those of her blood and alliance This Queen is call'd at this day Nurmahà l which signifies Light of the Palace A Name I believe conferr'd on her by the King when he made her Queen She hath a Brother who is still in great favour with the King and of great power and is the Asà f Chan whom I mention'd above and one of whose Daughters is one of the Wives of Sultan Chorròm now in rebellion whence some not without ground suspect that the present rebellion of Sultan Chorròm is with some participation of Asà f Chan and of Numrahà l her self perhaps upon design that the Kingdom may fall to him after the death of the Father Sultan Scehrià r hath also to Wife a Daughter of Nurmahà l by her first Husband for by the King she hath hitherto no Children Wherin appears the prudence of this Woman who hath so well establish'd her self with alliances in the Royal Family But to return to the King's Children Sultà n Chosrou the eldest who was a Prince of much expectation well belov'd and as they say a friend in particular of the Christians being at the government of I know not what Country rebell'd against his Father under pretext that the Kingdom by right belonged unto him because indeed King Ekbar his Grand-father at his death left it to him his Nephew being then born and not to Selim the Father who was his Son being displeas'd with his Son Selim for that one time in his life he attempted to rebel against him So easie are Insurrections amongst these Infidels and so little faith can Fathers have in Sons and they in their own Fathers With this pretence Sultà n Chosrou once rais'd a great Army against his Father but coming to a battel he was routed and forc'd to surrender himself freely to his Father Who chiding him with words rather gentle then otherwise ask'd him to what end he made these tumults knowing well that he held and kept the whole Kingdom for him Yet his deeds were sharper then his words for in the first place he caus'd all the chief Captains who had follow'd him in the war to be cruelly slain
and in her own Dominions where I was come to visit and to do her Honour After she was gone her way I with my people enter'd into a little village and there took a lodging in an empty house belonging to a Moor of the Country and near the Palace but I caus'd my diet to be prepar'd in an other house of a neighbour Moor that so I might have the convenience of eating flesh or what I pleas'd which in the houses of Gentiles would not be suffer'd The inhabitants of Manèl are partly Gentiles and partly Malabar-Moors who have also their Meschita's there which was of much convenience to me The Name of the Queen of Olaza is Abag-deuì-Ciautrù of which words Abag is her proper Name Deuì signifies as much as Lady and with this word they are also wont to signifie all their gods nor have they any other in their Language to denote God but Deù or Deurù which are both one and equally attributed to Princes whereby it appears that the gods of the Gentiles are for the most part nothing else but such Princes as have been famous in the world and deserv'd that Honour after their deaths as likewise which is my ancient opinion that the word God where-with we by an introduc'd custom denote the Supream Creator doth not properly signifie that First Cause who alone ought to be ador'd by the World but signifi'd at first either Great Lord or the like whence it was attributed to Heroes and signal persons in the world suitable to that of the Holy Scripture Filii Deorum Filii Hominum and consequently that the gods of the Gentiles though ador'd and worship'd both in ancient and modern times were never held by us in that degree wherein we hold God the Creator of the Universe and wherein almost all Nations of the world always held and do hold him some calling him Causa Prima others Anima Mundi others Perabrahmi as the Gentiles at this day in India But that the other gods are and were always rather but as Saints are amongst us of the truth whereof I have great Arguments at least amongst the Indian Gentiles or if more then Saints yet at least Deifi'd by favour and made afterwards Divi as Hercules Romulus Augustus c. were amongst the Romans But to return to our purpose they told me the word Ciautrù the last in the Queen of Olaza's Name was a Title of Honour peculiar to all the Kings and Queens of Olaza and therefore possibly signifies either Prince or King and Queen or the like As for this Countries being subject to a Woman I understood from intelligent persons of the Country that in Olaza Men were and are always wont to reign and that 't is a custom receiv'd in India amongst the greatest part of the Gentiles the Sons do not succeed the Fathers but the Sons of their Sisters they accounting the Female-line more certain as indeed it is than the Male. Yet that the last King of Olaza having neither Nephews nor other Legitimate Heirs his Wife succeeded him and she also dying without other Heirs left this Abag-Deuì who was her Sister to succeed her To whom because she is a Woman and the descent is certain is to succeed a Son of hers of whom I shall hereafter make mention but to him being a Man not his own Sons but the Son of one of his Sisters hereafter likewise mention'd is to succeed Not to conceal what I know of the History of this Queen I shall add that after her Assumption to the Throne upon the death of her Sister she was married for many years to the King of Banghel who now is a fugitive depriv'd of his Dominions but then reign'd in his own Country which borders upon hers Yet though they were Husband and Wife more for Honors sake then any thing else they liv'd not together but apart each in their own Lands in the Confines whereof either upon Rivers where they caus'd Tents to be erected over boats or in other places of delight they came to see and converse with one another Banghel wanting not other Wives and Women who accompany'd him where-ever he went 'T is reported that this Queen had the Children which she hath by this Banghel if they were not by some other secret and more intimate Lover for they say she wants not such The Matrimony and good Friendship having lasted many years between Banghel and the Queen I know not upon what occasion discord arose between them and such discord that the Queen divorc'd Banghel sending back to him as the custom is in such case all the Jewels which he had given her as his Wife For this and perhaps for other causes Banghel became much offended with the Queen and the rupture proceeded to a War during which it so fortun'd that one day as she was going in a boat upon one of those Rivers not very well guarded he sending his people with other boats in better order took her and had her in his power Yet with fair carriage and good words she prevail'd so far that he let her go free and return to her Country In revenge of this injury she forth-with rais'd War against Banghel who relying upon the aid of the neighbouring Portugals because he was confederate with them and as they say of many Royolets of India Brother in Arms to the King of Portugal the Queen to counterpoize that force call'd to her assistance against Banghel and the Portugals who favour'd him the neighbouring King Venk-tapà Naieka who was already become very potent and fear'd by all the Neighbours and under his protection and obedience she put her self Venk-tapà Naieka sent a powerful Army in favour of the Queen took all Banghel's Territories and made them his own destroying the Fort which was there he also made prey of divers other pety Lords thereabouts demolishing their strength and rendring them his Tributaries one of which was the Queen of Curnat who was also confedrate with the Portugals and no friend to her of Olaza he came against Mangalòr where in a battel rashly undertaken by the Portugals he defeated a great number and in short the flower and strength of India carrying the Ensigns Arms and Heads of the slain to Ikkerì in triumph He did not take Mangalòr because he would not answering the Queen of Olaza who urg'd him to it That they could do that at any time with much facility and that 't was best to let those four Portugals remain in that small place which was rather a House then a Fortress in respect of the Traffick and Wares which they brought to the benefit of their Countries After which he came to a Treaty with the Portugals by which he restor'd the Colours he had taken from them and by their means Banghel surrendred the Fort which Venk-tapà as I said before demolish'd besides other conditions which are now under consideration according as is above-mention'd in my Relation of the Ambassie to Ikkerì This was the War of Banghel
a little water but because every one hath not a drinking-vessel of his own ready to avoid defiling or being defil'd by his companion 's cup there 's a way found out whereby any person may drink in that or any other whatever without scruple or danger of any either active or passive contamination This is done by drinking in such manner that the vessel touches not the lips or mouth of him who drinks for it is held up on high with the hand over the mouth and he that lifts it up highest and holds it farthest from his mouth shews himself most mannerly and thus powring the liquor out of the cup into the mouth they drink round while there is any left or so long as they please So accustom'd are the Indians to drink in this manner that they practise it almost continually with their own vessels for delight without the necessity of shunning communication with others and they are so dextrous at it that I remember to have seen one of them take with both hands a vessel as big as a basin and lifting it up above a span higher then his mouth powre a great torrent of water into his throat and drink it all off Having been frequently present at such occasions that where ever I came the Indians might not be shie of reaching me a cup of water I purposely set my self to learn this manner of drinking which I call drinking in the Air and at length have learn'd it not with cups as big as basins like his abovesaid but with a handsome cruze like those we use or with a little bottle or drinking glass made on purpose I do it very well Sometimes in conversation we drink healths all' Indiana after this fashion with consent that all do reason in the same manner and he that cannot do it right either wets himself well or falls a coughing and yexing which gives occasion of laughter But to return to the opinions of the Indians As for good works and sins they all agree with the Doctrine of Morality and the universal consent of Mankind that there are differences of Virtue and Vice in all the world They hold not onely Adultery but even simple Fornication a great sin nor do they account it lawful as the Mahometans do to have commerce with femal slaves or with others besides their own Wives Yea slaves of either Sex they no-wise admit but hold it a sin making use of free persons for their service and paying them wages as we do in Europe Which likewise was their ancient custom as appears by Strabo who cites Megasthenes and other Authors of those times for it They detest Sodomy above measure and abhor the Mahometans whom they observe addicted to it They take but one Wife and never divorce her till death unless for the cause of Adultery Indeed some either by reason of the remoteness of their Wives or out of a desire to have Children in case the first Wife be barren or because they are rich and potent and are minded to do what none can forbid them sometimes take more Wives but 't is not counted well done unless they be Princes who always in all Nations are priviledged in many things When the Wife dyes they marry another if they please but if the Husband dye the Woman never marries more were she so minded nor could she find any of her own Race who would take her because she would be accounted as bad as infamous in desiring a second Marriage A very hard Law indeed and from which infinite inconveniences arise for not a few young Widows who in regard of their Reputation cannot marry again and have not patience to live chastly commit disorders in private especially with men of other Nations and Religions and with any they find provided it be secret Some Widows are burnt alive together with the bodies of their dead Husbands a thing which anciently not onely the Indian Women did according to what Strabo writes from the Relation of Onesicritus but also the chaste Wives of the Thracians as appears by Julius Solinus But this burning of Women upon the death of their Husbands is at their own choice to do it or not and indeed few practise it but she who doth it acquires in the Nation a glorious name of Honour and Holiness 'T is most usual among great persons who prize Reputation at a higher rate then others do and in the death of Personages of great quality to whom their Wives desire to do Honour by burning themselves quick I heard related at my first coming that a Ragià that is an Indian Prince one of the many which are subject to the Moghol being slain in a battel seventeen of his Wives were burnt alive together with his body which in India was held for great Honour and Magnificence I have heard say for I have not seen any Women burnt alive that when this is to be done the Wife or Wives who are to be burnt inclose themselves in a pile of wood which is lay'd hollow like the rafters of a house and the entrance stop'd with great logs that they may not get out in case they should repent them when the kindled fire begins to offend them Yea divers men stand about the pile with staves in their hands to stir the fire and to powre liquors upon it to make it burn faster and that if they should see the Woman offer to come out or avoid the flames they would knock her on the head with their staves and kill her or else beat her back into the fire because 't would be a great shame to the Woman and all her kindred if she should go to be burnt and then through fear of the fire and death repent and come out of it I have likewise heard it said that some Women are burnt against their own Will their Relations resolving to have it so for Honour of the Husband and that they have been brought to the fire in a manner by force and made besides themselves with things given them to eat and drink for this purpose that they might more easily suffer themselves to be cast into the fire but this the Indians directly deny saying that force is not us'd to any and it may be true at least in Countries where Mahometans command for there no Woman is suffer'd to be burnt without leave of the Governour of the place to whom it belongs first to examine whether the Women be willing besides and for a Licence there is also paid a good sum of money Nevertheless 't is possible too that many Widows being in the height of their passion taken at their word by their kindred who desire it go to it afterwards with an ill will not daring to deny those that exhort them thereunto especially if oblig'd by their word nor to discover their own mind freely to the Governour Things which amongst Women through their natural fearfulness and modesty easily happen And I would to God that in our Countries in
Naieka therewith who being still so afflicted for the death of his Wife that he went not forth in publick nor suffer'd himself to be seen when they tâ—ld him of this matter he stood a while without answering and at length said onely that they might come when they please Whereupon his Courtiers seeing him in this mood would not reply further to him concerning provisions of the journey to be sent to the Ambassador persons to convey his Goods and other such things wherefore Vitulà Sinay said that Sig Gio Fernandez might consider what to do whether to put himself upon the way towards the Court without further waiting or to have him write again and stay for an Answer for he would do which he pleas'd Sig Gio Fernandez as well for the credit of his Embassie as to avoid charges was desirous to have provisions for the journey Men to carry his Goods and other greater conveniences although in publick and with us of his company he did not testifie so much being willing to have it thought that Vitulà Sinay did this Office for him at the Court upon his own motion and not at his request yet I know that in secret he us'd great instance with Vitulà Sinay both by Writing and by Speech by the mediation of an Interpreter that he would write again to the Court and set forth to Venk-tapà how that he was the Ambassador of so great a King the first Monarch of Christians for so I heard him tell the Interpreter though he spoke with a low voice and that it was not seemly for him to go in that manner but that people should be sent to him for his journey and persons to receive him and commands given to Venk-tapà 's Ministers that he might pass through his Territories with that conveniency and decency which was requisite that since he was now within two or three days journey of the Court he would stay another week at Onòr and longer if need were till a better Answer came and that if he thought it expedient Vitulà Sinai himself might go before to do this Office as he that might do it best and who ought to arrive at the Court before him the Ambassador who afterwards might come thither alone by easie journeys after he had sent him an Answer The same night the Interpreter return'd with this message to Vitulà Sinay who was lodg'd on the other side of the River in his own King's jurisdiction October the nine and twentieth After we had heard Mass in Saint Antonie's Aegypt Sig Gio Fernandez was minded to go in person to visit Vitulà Sinay and speak to him about the above-mention'd matter wherefore entring with us into one of those boats which they call Mancive going with twenty or four and twenty Oars onely differing from the Almadies in that the Mancive have a large cover'd room in the poop sever'd from the banks of rowers and are greater then the Almadies which have no such room we pass'd out of the Port and thence from the mouth of the River Southward went to land upon the continent where Vitulà Sinay having been advertis'd of our coming expected us under the shade of certain little Hills and Trees of which all this Country is full This was the first time that I set foot in any place of the Gentiles where they bear sway themselves Sig Gio Fernandez spoke a long while and alone with Vitulà Sinay both of them sitting upon a Carpet spread upon the grass and at length the discourse being ended the Ambassador took boat again and return'd to Onòr Upon the way he told us that Vitulà Sinay said that in either case of his writing again or going in person to the Court and waiting for a new Answer many dayes would be lost therefore it seem'd best to him that we should all put our selves upon the way without further waiting and that to carry his the Ambassador's Goods they had appointed ten Men according to his King's Order wherefore Sig Fernandez told us he was resolv'd to go by all means and seeing the ten men allow'd him to carry his Goods were not sufficient they alone requiring twenty five besides those of the rest of his company he would hire the rest at his own charge and rid himself of this perplexity By this change of opinion after this interview I understod that Vitulà Sinay had spoken in such sort that Sig Fernandez perceiv'd that this coldness of sending him greater accommodations for his journey was not so much through the King 's melancholy for his Wife's death and the present confusion of the Court as for some other cause and the alledging loss of time in waiting for a new Answer was but an excuse of Vitulà but in fine the truth could be no other then that they would not give him any greater Provisions or because Venk-tà pà was not well pleas'd with this Embassie c. And to confirm this I know that before Sig Fernandez departed from Goa Venk-tapà Naieka writ thither to his Ambassador Vitulà Sinay that if they sent this Embassie to urge the restitution of the State and Fortress of Banghel which he had lately taken from a certain small Indian-Prince neighbour to Mangalòr who liv'd under the Portugal's protection for whose defence two or three years before the Portugals had made warr with Venk-tapà Naieka and receiv'd a notable defeat by him it was in vain and that Sig Gio Fernandez now first known to him might forbear to undertake this journey for that he was fully resolv'd not to restore it nor yet to give seven thousand Pagods yearly to that Prince as he had promis'd upon agreement if he went not to live out of those Territories taken from him either in Goa or in Magalòr or elsewhere he pretending at least a purpose to return to live with that annuity in the lands once his own privately in hopes perhaps to raise some new commotion one day So that Venk-tapà Naieka knowing that one of the principal businesses of this Embassie was that of the Prince of Banghel which little pleas'd him and seeing also that this year the Ships from Portugal were not yet arriv'd which every year fetch Pepper out of his Dominions and bring him in a great sum of mony by agreement made by the Portugals who every year were either to take it or pay for it and neither the Ships nor the money coming this year they could not easily pay him for the Pepper this year nor yet for a great part of that of the last for which by reason of the loss of their Ships they still ow'd him And lastly observing the Portugals weakned and low so that they not onely stood in need of him but now in some sort began to submit themselves to him with this Embassie which they sent to him and the disgrace of their pass'd defeat 't was no strange thing that being become insolent thereupon as 't is the manner of the Barbarians and designing to carry it high
City with Drums sounding before it it was carryed sitting in a Chair whereunto it was ty'd that it might not fall cloth'd in its ordinary attire exactly as if it had been alive The seat was cover'd behind and on the sides with red and other colours I know not whether Silk or no. It was open onely before and there the dead person was to be seen By the company which was small I conjectur'd him to be one of mean quality But they told me All dead people are carry'd thus as well such as are buried as the Lingavani whom they also put into the Earth sitting as those that are burn'd and that he whom I saw was to be burn'd we gather'd from the Fire and Oyle which they carry'd after him in vessels The night following there was a great solemnity in all the Temples by lighting of Candles singing Musick dancing about twenty Dancing-women who went in Procession with the Idol into the Piazza dancing before the great Temple but as I was told they began very late namely at the rising of the Moon which was about an hour before mid-night so that I was gone to bed before I knew of it although in the Evening I saw the lights in the Temple But though I saw nothing yet I heard of it as I was in bed being awaken'd by the noise and hearing the same was to be acted over again the next night I purpos'd with my self to see it November the fourteenth I went at night to the Temple to see whether there was any extraordinary solemnity but there was nothing more then usual nor did the Idol come forth onely in the great Temple and its Inclosure or Court into which they suffer not strangers to enter they made their accustom'd Processions with musical instruments singing and other Ceremonies which I conceive were the same with those I saw in Ahinelì onely they are celebrated here every night because as 't is a more eminent Church so consequently the service is more pompous besides that they told me Venk-tapà Naieka had a great and particular devotion to the Idol Agoresuà r who is here worship'd On the fifteenth of the same moneth came first in the day-time and afterwards at night to our House twelve or fifteen publick Dancing-women who by consequence are also publick Strumpets although very young being conducted by certain of their men In the day time they did nothing but talkt a little and some of them made themselves drunk with a certain Wine made of dry'd Raisins or a sort of Aqua Vitae and other mixtures call'd in India Nippa I say some of them because certain others of less ignoble Race as they are more abstinent in eating so they drink not any thing that inebriates At night they entertain'd us a good while with Balls or Dancing after their mode accompany'd with singing not unpleasant to behold for they consist of a numerous company of Women all well cloth'd and adorn'd with Gold Jewels and Tresses of several fashions who sing and snap their wooden instruments They begin all their Balls slowly and by degrees growing to a heat at last end with furious and quick motions which appear well enough Amongst their other Dances two pleas'd me well one in which they continually repeated these words and another wherein they represented a Battel and the actions of slaughter in the conclusion the Master of the Ball who directs all and was one of those that brought them dancing in the midst of them with a naked Ponyard wherewith he represented the actions of slaughter as the Women did with their short sticks But the end of this shew was more ridiculous For when they were dismiss'd they not onely were not contented with the largess of the Ambassador although I added as much of my own to it but went away ill satisfi'd testifying the same by cholerick yellings which to me was a new Comedy November the sixteenth I was told that the above-mention'd Woman who had resolv'd to burn her self for her Husband's death was to dye this Evening But upon further enquiry at the Womans House I understood that it would not be till after a few dayes more and there I saw her sitting in a Court or Yard and other persons beating Drums about her She was cloth'd all in white and deck'd with many Neck-laces Bracelets and other ornaments of Gold on her Head she had a Garland of Flowers spreading forth like the rayes of the Sun in brief she was wholly in a Nuptial Dress and held a Lemon in her Hand which is the usual Ceremony She seem'd to be pleasant enough talking and laughing in conversation as a Bride would do in our Countries She and those with her took notice of my standing there to behold her and conjecturing by my strange Habit what the meaning of it was some of them came towards me I told them by an Interpreter that I was a Person of a very remote Country where we had heard by Fame that some Women in India love their Husbands so vehemently as when they dye to resolve to dye with them and that now having intelligence that this Woman was such a one I was come to see her that so I might relate in my own Country that I had seen such a thing with my own Eyes These people were well pleas'd with my coming and she her self having heard what I said rose up from her seat and came to speak to me We discours'd together standing for a good while She told me that her Name was Giaccamà of the Race Terlengà that her Husband was a Drummer whence I wonder'd the more seeing Heroical Actions as this â—ndoubtedly ought to be judg'd are very rare in people of low quality That it was about nineteen dayes since her Husband's death that he had left two other Wives elder then she and whom he had married before her both which were present at this discourse yet neither of them was willing to dye but alledg'd for excuse that they had many Children This argument gaâ—e me occasion to ask Giaccamà who shew'd me a little Son of her own about six or seven years old besides an other Daughter she had how she could perswade her self to leave her own little Children And told her that she ought likewise to live rather then to abandon them at that Age. She answer'd me that she left them well recommended to the care of an Uncle of hers there present who also talk'd with us very cheerfully as if rejoycing that his Kins-woman would do such an action and that her Husbands other two remaining Wives would also take care of them I insisted much upon the tender Age of her Children to avert her from her purpose by moving her to compassion for them well knowing that no argument is more prevalent with Mothers then their Love and Affection towards their Children But all my speaking was in vain and she still answer'd me to all my Reasons with a Countenance not onely undismay'd and constant
their shame and another like a sheet worn cross the shoulders like a belt each of them had a Sword in his hand or at most a Sword and Buckler there were also as many behind her of the same sort one of which carry'd over her a very ordinary Umbrella made of Palm-leavs Her Complexion was as black as that of a natural Aethiopian she was corpulent and gross but not heavy for she seem'd to walk nimbly enough her Age may be about forty years although the Portugals had describ'd her to me much elder She was cloth'd or rather girded at the waste with a plain piece of thick white Cotton and bare-foot which is the custom of the Indian-Gentile Women both high and low in the house and abroad and of Men too the most and the most ordinary go unshod some of the more grave wear Sandals or Slippers very few use whole Shoos covering all the Foot From the waste upwards the Queen was naked saving that she had a cloth ty'd round about her Head and hanging a little down upon her Breast and Shoulders In brief her aspect and habit represented rather a dirty Kitchin-wench or Laundress then a delicate and noble Queen whereupon I said within my self Behold by whom are routed in India the Armies of the King of Spain which in Europe is so great a matter Yet the Queen shew'd her quality much more in speaking then by her presence for her voice was very graceful in respect of her Person and she spoke like a prudent and judicious Woman They had told me that she had no teeth and therefore was wont to go with half her Face cover'd yet I could not discover any such defect in her either by my Eye or by my Ear and I rather believe that this covering the Mouth or half the Face as she sometimes doth is agreeable to the modest custom which I know to be common to almost all Women in the East I will not omit that though she were so corpulent as I have mention'd yet she seems not deform'd but I imagine she was handsome in her Youth and indeed the report is that she hath been a brave Lady though rather of a rough then a delicate handsomeness As soon as we saw her coming we stood still lay'd down our baggage upon the ground and went on one side to leave her the way to pass Which she taking notice of and of my strange habit presently ask'd Whether there was any among us that could speak the Language Whereupon my Brachman Narsù step'd forth and answer'd Yes and I after I had saluted her according to our manner went near to speak to her she standing still in the way with all her people to give us Audience She ask'd who I was being already inform'd as one of her Souldiers told me by a Portugal who was come about his businesses before me from Mangalòr to Manel that I was come thither to see her I caus'd my Interpreter to tell her that I was Vn Cavaliero Ponentino A Gentleman of the West who came from very farr Countries and because other Europaeans than Portugals were not usually seen in her Dominions I caus'd her to be told that I was not a Portugal but a Roman specifying too that I was not of the Turks of Constantinople who in all the East are styl'd and known by the Name of Rumì but a Christian of Rome where is the See of the Pope who is the Head of the Christians That it was almost ten years since my first coming from home and wandring about the world having seen divers Countries and Courts of great Princes and that being mov'd by the fame of her worth which had long ago arriv'd at my Ears I was come into this place purposely to see her and offer her my service She ask'd What Countries and Courts of Princes I had seen I gave her a brief account of all and she hearing the Great Turk the Persian the Moghol and Venk-tapà Naieka nam'd ask'd What then I came to see in these Woods of hers Intimating that her State was not worth seeing after so many other great things as I said I had seen I reply'd to her that it was enough for me to see her Person which I knew to be of great worth for which purpose alone I had taken the pains to come thither and accounted the same very well imploy'd After some courteous words of thanks she ask'd me If any sickness or other disaster had hapned to me in so remote and strange Countries How I could have done being alone without any to take care of me a tender Affection and incident to the compassionate nature of Women I answer'd that in every place I went into I had God with me and that I trusted in him She ask'd me Whether I left my Country upon any disgust the death of any kindred or beloved person and therefore wander'd so about the world for in India and all the East some are wont to do so upon discontents either of Love or for the death of some dear persons or for other unfortunate accidents and if Gentiles they become Gioghies if Mahometans Dervises and Abdales all which are a sort of vagabonds or despisers of the world going almost naked onely with a skin upon their Shoulders and a staff in their Hands through divers Countries like our Pilgrims living upon Alms little caring what befalls them and leading a Life suitable to the bad disposition of their hearts I conceal'd my first misadventures and told the Queen that I left not my Country upon any such cause but onely out of a desire to see divers Countries and customs and to learn many things which are learnt by travelling the World men who had seen and convers'd with many several Nations being much esteem'd in our parts That indeed for some time since upon the death of my Wife whom I lov'd much though I were not in habit yet in mind I was more then a Gioghi and little car'd what could betide me in the World She ask'd me What my design was now and whither I directed my way I answer'd that I thought of returning to my Country if it should please God to give me life to arrive there Many other questions she ask'd which I do not now remember talking with me standing a good while to all which I answer'd the best I could At length she bid me go and lodg in some house and afterwards she would talk with me again at more convenience Whereupon I took my leave and she proceeded on her way and as I was afterwards told she went about a mile off to see a work which she had in hand of certain Trenches to convey water to certain places whereby to improve them I spoke to the Queen with my head uncover'd all the while which courtesie it being my custom to use to all Ladies my equals onely upon the account of being such I thought ought much rather to be us'd to this who was a Queen
by F. Flaminio Calò an Italian upon the Beatification of the Blessed Luigi Gonzaga who was also a Father of the Society In the Evening the Portugals of quality passed about the streets in a Maskerade accompanyed with Chariots and Musick about twelve of us went out of the House of Sig Antonio Baraccio all clothed in the same Livery which I took care to get made according to my Phansie and I ordered it after the fashion of the ancient Roman Warriers just as the ancient Emperours use to be pictur'd the colours were Carnation and White with several Impresses on the breast every one after his own Phansie it appear'd very well by night and was the best and greatest Body of the whole Maskerade I bore for my Impress a Blaze of Flames with this Italian Word of Tasso Men dolci sì ma non men calde al core Which Impress I have been wont to use frequently since the death of my Wife Sitti Maani the Work of my clothes was wholly together Flames onely distinguished here and there with Tears which shewed my grief February the eighteenth In the Morning solemn Mass was sung and a Sermon made upon the Canonization of the Saints in San Paolo Vecchio In the Afternoon Lists and a Ring being prepared before the Church of Giesù many great Portugal Gentlemen richly clothed came as to run Carreers both at the one and the other giving Divertisement to the Ladies who stood beholding them on Balconies and Scaffolds The like they did afterwards in the street of San Paolo Vecchio February the nineteenth A very solemn Procession was made from San Paolo Vecchio to Giesù through the principal streets of the City which Procession exceeded all the rest in number of Pageants Chariots and Ships and other Engins filled with people who represented several things and good Musick accompanyed with several Dances on Foot and many other brave devices Of all which things I speak not because I have a printed Relation thereof by me In the end of the Procession was carried by many of the Fathers in their Copes the Body of San Francesco Sciavier inclos'd in a fair and rich Silver Coffin with a Silver Canopie over it made very gallant and the Effigies of the Saint behind Then came a great Standard with the pourtraytures of the Saints carry'd likewise by some of the Fathers and after that all the Crosses of their Parishes of Salsette and onely one company of the Fryers of Saint Francis Of the other Religions that are in Goa none appear'd here because they said they would not go in the Processions of the Jesuits since the Jesuits went not in those of others With this Procession which ended about noon ended also the solemnities for the abovesaid Canonizations February the twenty fifth Thiâ— day being the first Sunday of Lent this year the Augustine Fathers according to custom made a solemn Procession which they call de i Passi in reference to the steps which our Lord made in his Passion being carry'd to several places They carry'd in Procession a Christ with the Cross on his shoulders and many went along disciplining themselves being cloth'd with white sack-cloth gallant and handsome very gravely according to the humor of the Nation In several places of the City certain Altars were plac'd where the Procession stood still and after some time spent in singing the Christ turn'd backwards representing that passage Conversus ad Filias Jerusalem dixit illis Nolite flere super me c. At which turning of the sacred Image the people who were very numerous and fill'd the whole streets lamented and utter'd very great cryes of Devotion At length the Procession being come to the Church Della Gratia where it ended after the Augustine Nunns whose Covent stands near that of the Fryers in the same Piazza had sung a while an Image of del volto Santo of our Lord's Countenance like that at Rome was shown to the people gather'd together in the said Piazza from a window of one of the Bell-turrets which are on either side the front of the said Church and so the Solemnity ended But the above-mention'd Altars in the streets are every Fryday during Lent adorn'd in the same manner and visited by the people every day and also many hours of the night just as the Church of Saint Peter at Rome is visited every Fryday of March and they call this visiting Corror os Passos that is going about and visiting the steps of our Lord which serves the people during this time of Lent no less for devotion then for pastime March the first There was also another Procession in Goa of the Disciplinanti which I went not to see the like is made every Fryday during all Lent and therefore I shall not stand to describe it I believe there is no City in the world where there are more Processions made then in Goa all the year long and the reason is because the Religious are numerous and much more then the City needs they are also of great authority and very rich and the People being naturally idle and addicted to Shews neglecting other Cares of more weight and perhaps more profitable to the Publick readily imploy themselves in these matters which however good as sacred and parts of divine worship yet in such a City as this which borders upon Enemies and is the Meâ—ropolis of a Kingdom lying in the midst of Barbarians and so alwayes at Warr and where nothing else should be minded but Arms and Fleets seem according to worldly Policy unprofitable and too frequent as also so great a number of Religious and Ecclesiastical persons is burdensome to the State and prejudicial to the Militia In the Evening of every Fryday of Lent there is a Sermon upon the Passion in the Church of Giesù and so likewise in other Churches but upon other dayes and hours At the end of thesâ— Sermons certain Tabernacles are open'd and divers figures representing some passages of the Passion according to the subject of the Sermon are with lighted Tapers shew'd to the People as one day that of the Ecce Homo another day Our Lord with the Cross upon his shoulders and the last day the Crucifix and so every day one thing sutable to the purpose Oftentimes they make these figures move and turn as they made the Robe fall off from the Ecce Homo and discover the wounded Body at which sight the devout People utter prodigious Cryes and the Women force themselves to shreek out and the Signore or Gentlewomen are so zealous that they not onely cry out themselves but make their Maids do so too and beat them even in the Church if they do not and that very lowdly whether they have a will to it or no. Strange devotion indeed Marâ—â— the third Ten Ships of Warr were at length sent from Goa to the barr or mouth of the Sea in order to depart as they did within two or three dayes towards Ormùz to Ruy Freira the General
women to a miserable death one of his women he had formerly touched and kept Company withall but now she was superannuated for neither himself nor Nobles as they say come near their wives or women after they exceed the age of thirty years though they keep them and allow them some maintenance The fault of that woman this the Mogol upon a time found her one of his Eunuchs kissing one another and for this very thing the King presently gave command that a round hole should be made in the earth and that her body should be put into that hole where she should stand with her head only above ground and the earth to be put in again unto her close round about her that so she might stand in the parching Sun till the extream hot beams thereof did kill her in which torment she lived one whole day and the night following and almost till the next noon crying out most lamentably while she was able to speak in her language as the Shunamits Child did in his 2 King 4. Ah my head my head Which horrid execution or rather murder was acted near our house where the Eunuch by the command of the said King was brought very near the place where this poor Creature was thus buried alive and there in her sight cut all into pieces That great King would be often overcome by Wine yet as if he meant to appropriate that sin to himself would punish others with very much severity who were thus distempered Sometimes for little or no faults the Mogol would cause men to be most severely whipt till they were almost ready to die under the rod which after they must kiss in thankfulness He caused one of his servants of the higher rank to be very much whipt for breaking a China-Cup he was commanded to keep safe and then sent him into China which is a marvellous distance from thence to buy another Sometimes in other of his mad distempers he would condemn men to servitude or dismember or else put them to death as sacrifices to his will and passion not Justice So that it might be said of him quando male nemo pejus that when he did wickedly none could do worse as if it had been true of him which was spoken of that monster Nero observed before who was called Lutum sanguine maceratum Dirt soaked in blood For his good actions he did relieve continually many poor people and not seldom would shew many expressions of duty and strong affection to his Mother then living so that he who esteemed the whole world as his Vassals would help to carry her in a Palankee upon his shoulders The Mogol would often visit the Cells of those he esteemed religious men whose Persons he esteemed sacred as if they had been Demigods And he would speak most respectively of our blessed Saviour Christ but his Parentage his poverty and his cross did so confound his thoughts that he knew not what to think of them Lastly the Mogol is very free and noble unto all those which fall into and abide in his affection which brings me now to speak SECTION XXVI Of the exceeding great Pensions the Mogol gives unto his Subjects how they are raised and how long they are continued c. WHich great revenues that many of them do enjoy makes them to live like great Princes rather than other men Now for those Pensions which are so exceeding great the Mogol in his far extended Monarchy allows yearly pay for one Million of Horse and for every Horse and Man about eighteen pounds sterling per annum which is exactly paid every year raised from Land and other Commodities which that Empire affords and appointed for that purpose Now some of the Mogol's most beloved Nobles have the pay of six thousand horse and there are others at the least twenty in his Empire which have the pay of 5000 horse exceeding large Pensions above the revenue of any other Subjects in the whole World they amounting unto more than one hundred thousand pounds yearly unto a particular man Now others have the pay of four thousand horse others of three or two or one thousand horse and so downward and these by their proportions are appointed to have horses always in readiness well mann'd and otherwise appointed for the Kings service so that he who hath the pay of five or six thousand must always have one thousand in readiness or more according to the Kings need of them and so in proportion all the rest which enables them on a sudden to make up the number at the least of two hundred thousand horse of which number they have always at hand one hundred thousand to wait upon the King wheresoever he is There are very many private men in Cities and Towns who are Merchants or Trades-men that are very rich but it is not safe for them that are so so to appear lest that they should be used as fill'd Sponges But there is never a Subject in that Empire who hath Land of inheritance which he may call his own but they are all Tenants at the will of their King having no other title to that they enjoy besides the Kings favour which is by far more easily lost than gotten It is true that the King advanceth many there unto many great honours and allows them as before marvellous great revenues but no Son there enjoys either the Titles or Means of his Father that hath had Pensions from that King for the King takes possession of all when they are dead appointing their Children some competent means for their subsistence which they shall not exceed if they fall not into the Kings affection as their Fathers did wherefore many great men in this Empire live up to the height of their means and therefore have a very numerous train a very great retinue to attend upon them which makes them to appear like Princes rather than Subjects Yet this their necessary dependance on their King binds them unto such base subjection as that they will yield with readiness unto any of his unreasonable and willful commands As Plutarch writes of the Souldiers of Scipio Nullus est horum qui non conscensa turri semet in mare praecipaturus sit si jussero There was never a one in his Army by his own report that would not for a word of his mouth have gone up into a Tower and cast himself thence head-long into the Sea and thus the people here will do any thing the King commands them to do so that if he bid the Father to lay hands of violence upon his Son or the Son upon his Father they will do it rather than the will of the King should be disobeyed Thus forgetting Nature rather than Subjection And this tye of theirs I say upon the Kings favour makes all his Subjects most servile flatterers for they will commend any of his actions though they be nothing but cruelty so any of his speeches though nothing but folly And