House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâ—x whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâ—th Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâ—fe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâ—ughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâ—ry the third Dâ—ugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâ—lâ—s Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ— Cliffâ—rd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâ—gâ—reâ— married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâ—use of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ— if either râ—ght lâ—w reason or coâ—sideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâ—s abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâ—ons Line for the preeminence â—f once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ— for if he exclude thâ—t then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he â—xclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâ—ughters of King Henâ—y the seventh whiâ—h you distâ—nguâ—sh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâ—ne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâ—â—â—oth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâ—tion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ— enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as â—hat much is meant â—gâ—inst hâ—r Majesty if oc4â—sion serve â—s against thâ— rest thâ—t hold by the same â—itle Albeit her Mâ—iesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thi◠〈◊〉 as it is not safâ—y to pretend so much against hâ—r as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in â—ruth more should be ment agâ—inst her hâ—ghnes theâ— agâ—inst all â—he rest there is this reaâ—on for tâ—at her Majesty by hâ—r present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest â—ogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâ—lâ—cy to declare openly what they meane aâ—ainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâ—esent to â—hew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last â—low and upshot to their gâ—me For which câ—use they will â—eeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ— the seventh avowing the one and disallowâ—ng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when 〈◊〉 was before this of her Mâ—jâ—sty and coâ—pelleâ— the whâ—le Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ— variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of â—he Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth â—eing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâ—fore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ— because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ— you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ— and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâ—e leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâ—s and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâ—land and Suffolk descendâ—d of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâ—ry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lâ—y downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâ—quently incapâ—ble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâ—l testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pâ—rliam thâ—y are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâ—gâ—ret with Aâ—chibald Douglas whâ—â—eof Aâ—bella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
or so I leave it to bâ— tried hereafter between my yong Lord of â—enbighe and Master Philip Sidney whom the same most concerneth for that it is likâ— to deprive him of a goodly inheritance if it take place as some will say that in no reason it can not only in râ—spect of the precedent adultery and murder betweene the parties but also for that my Lord was contracted at least to another Lady before that yet lâ—veth whereof Master Edwâ—â—d Diaâ— and Mâ—ster Edmond Tiney both Courtâ—ers can be witnesses and consumated the same contract by generation of children But thâ—s as I said must be left to be tried hereafter by them who shâ—ll have most interest in the case Onely for the present I must advertise you that you may not take hold so exactly of all my L. doings in wâ—mens affaires neither touching their marriages neither yet thâ—ir hâ—sbands For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortuâ—e that when he dâ—sireth any womans favour then whâ—t person so evâ—r standeth in his way hath the luâ—k to dye quickly for the finishing of his desire As for â—xample when his Lordship was in full hope to marry hâ—r Majâ—sty and his owne wife stood in his light as he supposed he did but send her aside to the house of his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford where shortly after she had the chance to fall fâ—om a paire of stâ—ires and so to breake her neck but yet wiâ—hout hurting of her hood that stood upon her head But Sir Riâ—hard Varney who by commandement remaâ—ned with her that day alone with one man onâ—ly and hâ—d sent away perforâ—e all her Sâ—rvants from hâ—r to a Market two miles of hâ— I sâ—y wiâ—h his man can tâ—ll how she died whiâ—h man being taken afterward for a fellony in the marâ—hes of Wales and offering to publish the manner of the said murder was made away privily in the prâ—son and Sâ—r Richarâ— himsâ—lf dying abâ—ut the same time in London cried pitioâ—sly â—nd bâ—aâ—phemed God and said to a Gentleman of worship of mine acquâ—intance not long before his death that all the divels in hell did teare him in pieces The wife also of Balâ— Buttleâ— kinsman to my Lord gâ—ve out the whole fact a littâ—e bâ—foâ—e her death Bâ—t to return unto my purpose this was my Lords good fortun to have his wife dye at that time when it was like to turne most to his profit Long after this he fâ—ll in love with the Lady Sheffiâ—ld whom I signified bâ—fore and then also had he the same fortune to have her husband dye quickly with an extreame rheume in his head as it was given out but as others sâ—y of an artificiall caâ—â—rre that stopped his breath The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex as I have said before and that â—t a time most fortunate for hiâ— purpose for when he was coming home from Ireland with intent to revenge himselfe upon my Lord of Leycester for begetting his wife with â—hilde in his absâ—nce the childe was a dauâ—hter and brought up by the Lady Shandoies W. Knooles his wifâ— my Lord of Ley hearing therof wantâ—d not a friend or two to accompâ—ny the Dâ—puty as among other a couple of the Earles owne servants Crompton if I misse not his name yeoman of his bottles and Llâ—iâ—his â—his Secretary entertained afterwâ—rd by my Lord of Leiâ—ester and so he dyed in the way of an extreame flux caused by an Italian Râ—â—ipe as all his friends are well assured the mâ—ker wheâ—â—of was a Chyâ—urgeon as is belâ—eved that thâ—n was newly come to my Lord from Italy a cunning man and sâ—re in operation with whom if the gâ—od Lady had beene sooner acquainted and â—sed his helpe shâ— should not have needed to sitten so pensive at home and fearefull of her husbands former returne out of the same Countrâ—y but might have spared the yong childe in her bâ—lly which she was enforced to make away cruelly and unnaturally for clearing the house against the good mans arrivall Neithâ—r must you mâ—rvaile though all these died dâ—vers manners of outward diseases for this is the excellenâ—y of the Iâ—â—lian art for which this Chyruâ—gian and Doctor Iulio wâ—re entertained so carefully who can makâ— a mâ—n dye in what manâ—er oâ— shâ—w of siâ—knessâ— you wâ—ll by wâ—ose instructâ—ons â—o doubt but hâ—s Lorâ—ship is now cunning espâ—cially â—dding also to â—hese â—he counsell of his Doctor Bayâ—y a man also noâ— a little studied as he seemeth in his art for I heard him once my selfe in publique Act in Oxford and thâ—t in presence of my Lord of Leicâ—ster if I be not deceived maintain that poyson might so be tempâ—red and given as iâ— should not appeâ—re presently and yet should kill thâ— pâ—rty afâ—erward at what time should be appointed Which aâ—gument belike pleased well his Loâ—dship and thâ—â—efore was chosen to be discussed in his audience if I be not deceived of hâ—s being that dâ—y present So though one dye of a flux and aâ—oâ—her of a catarrâ— yâ—t â—his impâ—râ—eth â—â—ttle to thâ— matter but shewâ—th rathâ—r the great cunning and skill of the Arâ—ificâ—r So Cardinall Chatilian aâ— I hâ—ve saiâ— before having accused my Lâ—rd of Leicester to thâ— Qâ—eens Majesty and after thâ—t pâ—ssiâ—g from Lonâ—on towards France about the marriage died by the way at Canterbury of a burning fever and so proved Doctor Bayâ—ieâ— asserâ—ion â—rue that poyson may be given to kill at a day At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to heaven and I stood somewhat musing and thinking of that which had beene spoken of the Earle of Essex whose case indeed moved me more then all the rest for that he was â— very noble Gentleman a great advancer of true Religion a Pâ—tron to many Preachers anâ— Students and towards me and some of my friends in pâ—râ—icular he had bâ—ene in some things very benâ—ficiall and therefore I said that it grieved me extreamly to heare or thinke of so unworthy a death contrived by such meanes to so worthy a Peere And so much the more for that it was my chance to come to the understanding of divers particulars concerning that thing both from one Lea an Irish-man Robin â—onnies and others that were present at Pentereis the Merchants house in Dublin upon the Key where the murder was committed The matter was wrought especially by Crompton yeoman of the bottels by the procurement of Lloyd as you haue noted before and there was poysoned at the same time and with the same cup aâ— given of curtesie by the Earle one Mistresse Alâ—s Draykot a goodly Gentlewoman whom the Earle affectioned much who departing thence towards her owne house which was 18. miles off the foresaid Lea accompanying her and waiting upon her she began to fall sick very grievously upon the way and continued with increase of paineâ— and excessive torments by vomiting untill she died which was the
they not all at this day at his disposition are they not all by his procurement in the onely hands of his friends and allyes or of such as by other matches have the same complot and purpose with him In Yorke is president the man that of all other is fittest for that place that is his nearest in affinity his dearest in friendship the head of his faction and open competitor of the Scepter In Barwicke is a Captaine his wives uncle most assured to himselfe and Huntington as one who at convenient time may as much advance their designements as any one man in England In Wales the chiefe authority from the Prince is in his owne brother iâ— law but among the people of naturall affection is in the Earle of Pembrooke who both by marriage of his sisters daughter is made his ally and by dependance is knowne to be wholly at his disposition The West part of England is under Bedford a man wholly devoted to his and the Puritans faction In Ireland was governour of late the principal instrument appointed for their purposes both in respect of his heat and affection toward their designements as also of some secret discontentment which he hath towards her Majesty and the state present for certaine harâ— speeches and ingrate recompences as he pretendeth but indeed for that he is knowne to bee of nature fyrie and impatient of stay from seeing that Commonwealth on foot which the next competitours for their gaine have painted out to him and such others more pleasant then the Terrestriall Paradise it selfe This then is the Hector this is the Ajax appointed for the enterprise when the time shall come This must be forsooth another Râ—câ—ard of Warwicke to gaine the Crowne for Henry the ninth of the House of Yorke as the other Richard did put downe Henry the sixt of the House of Lancaster and placed Edward the fourth from whom Huntington deriveth his title therefore this man is necessarily to be entertained from time to time as we see now he is in some charge and martiall action to the end his experience power and credit may grow the more and he be able at the time to have souldiers at his commandment And for the former charge which held of late in Ireland as this man had not beene called away but for execution of some other secret purpose for advancement of their designements so bee well assured that for the time to come it is to bee furnished againe with a sure and fast friend to Lâ—ycester and to that faction In the I le of Wight I grant that Leycester hath lost a great friend and a trusty servant â—y the death of Captaine Hâ—rsâ—y but yeâ— the matter is supplied by the succession of another no lesse assured unto him then the former or rather more through the band of affinity by his wife The two Ilands of Gersey and Gernsey are in the possession of two friends and most obliged dependents The one by reason he is exceedingly addicted to the Puritan proceedings the other as now being joyned unto him by the marriage of mistris Bâ—sse his wives sister both daughters to Sir Francis or at least to my Lady Knooles and so become a rivall companion and brother who was before though trusty yet but his servant And these are the chiefe Keyes Fortresses and Bulwarkes within without and about the Realm which my Lord of Leycester possessing as hee doth hee may be assured of the body within where notwithstanding as hath beene shewed he wanteth no due preparation for strength having at his disposition besides all aydes and other helpes specified before her Majesties horse and stables by interest of his owne office her Armour Artillery and Munition by the office of his brother the Earle of Warwicke The Tower of London and treasure therein by the dependence of Sir Owin Hopton his sworne servant as ready to rescue and furnish him with the whole if occasion served as one of his predecessours was to receive his Father in King Edwards dayâ—s for the like effect against her Majesty and her Sister And in the City of London it selfe what this man at a pinch could doe by the helpe of some of the principall men and chiefe Leaders and as it were Commanders of â—he Commons there and by the bestirring of Fleeâ—wood his madde Recorder and other such his instruments as also in all other Townes Ports and Cities of importance by such of his owne setting up as hee hath placed there to serve his designements and Justices of peace with other that in most Shires doe weare his livery and are at his appointment the simplest man within the Realme doth consider Whereunto if you 〈◊〉 now his owne forces and furniture which hee hâ—th in Killingworth Castle and oâ—heâ— places as also the forces of Huntington in particular wâ—th their friends followers allies and compartenâ—rs you shall finde that they are not behiâ—de in their preparations For my Lord of Huntingâ—ons forwardnesse in the cause said I there is no man I thinke which maketh doubt mâ—râ—y for â—is private forces albeit they may be very gooâ— for any thiâ—g I â—oe know to the contrary especially at his house within five and twenty miles of Killingworth where one told mee somâ— yeares past thaâ— he had furniture ready for five thousand men yâ—t do â— not think but they are farâ—â—â—â—fâ—riour to my Lord of Leycester who is tâ—ken to have excâ—ssive store and that in divers placâ—s And as for thâ— Castle last mentioned by you there are men of good intelligence and of no small judgement who â—eport that in the same he hath to furnish ten thousand good souldiers of all things necâ—ssaâ—y both for horse and man besides all other muâ—ition armour and artillery whereof great store was brought thither under pretence of triumph wâ—en her Mâ—jesty was there and never as yet carried backe againe and besides the great abundâ—nce of ready coyne there as is said sufficient for any gâ—eat exploit to bee done within the Realme And I know thâ—t the estimation of this place was such among divers many yeares agoe as when at a time her Mâ—jesty lâ—y dangerously sick and like to dye at Hampton Court a certaine Gentleman of the Court came unto my Lord of Huntington and told him that for so much as he tooke his Lord to be next in succession after her Mâ—jesty hee would offer him a meane of great helpe for compassing of his purpose after the decease of her Majeâ—â—y which was the possession of Killingworth Castle for at that time these two Earles were not yet very friends nor confederate together and that being had he shewed to the Earle the great furniture and wealth which theâ—eby he should possesse for pursuit of his purpose The propâ—siâ—ion was well liked and the matter esteemed of great importance and consequently received wiâ—h many thankes But yet afterward her Majesty by
king and crowne have great priviledge and prerogative above the state and affaires of subjects and great differences allowed in points of law As for example it is a generall common rule of law that the wife after the decease of her husband shall enjoy the third of his lands but yet the Queene shall not enjoy the third part of the Crowne after the Kings death as well appeareth by experience and is to be seene by law Anno 5. and 21. of Edward the third and Anno 9. and 28. of Henry the sixt Also it is a common rule that the husband shall hold his wives lands after her death as tenant by courtesie during his life but yet it holdeth not in a Kingdome In like manner it is a generall and common rule that if a man dye feased of Land in Fee-simple having daughters and no sonne his lands shall be divided by equall portions among his daughters which holdeth not in the Crowne but rather the eldest Daughter inheriteâ—h the whole as if she were the issue male So also it is a common rule of our law that the executor shall have all the goods and chattels of the Testator but not in the Crowne And so in many other cases which might bee recited it is evident that the Crowne hath priviledge above others and cannot be subject to rule be it never so generall except expresse mention be made thereof in the same law as it is in the former place and a statute alledged but rather to the contrary as after shall be shewed there is expresse exception for the prerogative of such as descend of Royall bloud Their second reason is for that the demand oâ— title of a Crowne cannot in true sense bee comprehended under the words of the former statute forbidding aliens to demand heritage within the allegiance of England and that for two respects The one for that the Crowne it selfe cannot be called an heritage of allegiance or within allegiance for that it is holden of no superiour upon earth but immediately from God himselfe the second for that this statute treateth onely and meaneth of inheritance by descent as heyre to the same for I have shewed before that Aliens may hold lands by purchase within our Dominion and then say they the Crowne is a thing incorporate and descendeth not according to the common course of other private inheritances but goeth by succession as other incorporations doe In signe whereof it is evident that albeit the King be more favoured in all his doings then any common person shall be yet cannot hee avoyd by law his grants and letters patents by reason of his nonage as other infants and common heires under age may doe but alwayes be said to be of full age in respect of his Crown even as a Prior Parson Vicar Deane or other person incorporate shall be which cannot by any meanes in law bee said to be within age in respect of their incorporations Whiâ—h thing maketh an evident difference in our case from the meaning of the former statute for that a Prior Deane or Parson being Aliens and no Denizens might alwayes in time of peace demand lands in England in respect of their corporations notwithstanding the said statute or common law against Aliens as appeareth by many booke cases yet extant as also by the statute made in the time of King Richard the second which was after the foresaid statute of King Edward the third The third reason is for that in the former statute it selfe of King Eâ—ward there are excepted expresly from this generall rule Infantes du Roy that is the Kings off spring or issue as the word Infant doth signifie both in France Portugall Spaine and other Countries and as the Latine word Liberi which answereth the same is taken commonly in the civill 〈◊〉 Neither may we restraine the french words of that Satute Infantâ—s du Roy to the kings children onely of the first degree as some doe for that the barrâ—nnesse of our language doth yeeld us no other word for the same but rather that therby are understood as wâ—ll the nephewes and other discendants of the king or blood Royall as his immediate children For it were both unreasonable and ridiculous to imagin that king Edward by this statute would go about to disinherit his own nâ—phews if hâ— should have any borne out of his own allegiance as easily he might at that time his sons being mâ—ch abroad from England and the black Prince his eldest son having two children borne bâ—yond the seas and consequently it is apparent that this rule or maxime set down against Aliens is no way to be stretched against the descendants of the king or of the blood Royall Their fourth reason is that the meaning of king Edward and his children living at such time as this statute was made could not be that any of their linage or issue might be excluded in law from inheritance of their right to the Crowne by their foraine birâ—h wheresoever For otherwise it is not credible â—hat they would so much have dispersed their own blood in other Countries as they did by giving their daughters to strangers other meanâ—s as Leoneâ— the kings third son was married in Millan and Iohn of Gaunt the fourth son gave his two daughters Philip and Katherine to Portugall and Câ—stâ—le and his neece Joan to the king of Scots as Thomas of Woodstocke also the yongest brother married his two daughters the one to the king of Spaine and the other to Dâ—ke of Britaine Which no doubt they being wise Princes and so neer of the blood Royal would never have done if they had imagined that hereby their issue should have lost all claime and title to the Crown of England and therefore it is most evident that no such bar was then extant or imagin'd The fift reason is that divers persons born out of all English dominion and allegiance both before the Conquest and since have bin admitted to the succession of our Crown as lawfull inheritours without any exception against them for their foraine birth As before the Conquest is evident in yong Eâ—gar Etheling borne in Hungarie and thence called home to inherit the Crowne by his great unckle king Edward the Confâ—ssor with full consent of the whole Realm the B. of Worcester being sent as Ambassador to fetch him home with his father named Edward the out-law And since the Conquest it appeareth plainly in king Stephen and king Henry the second both of them borne out of English dominions and of Parents that at their birth were not of the English allegiance and yet were they both admitted to the Crowne Yong Arthur also Duke of Britain by his mother Constance that matched with Geffray king Henry the seconds sonne was declared by king Richard his unckle at his departure towards Jerusalem and by the whole Realme for lawfull heire apparent to the Crowne of England though
wit it seemes impossible By drinkes or charmes this worke to passe to bring Know then that Giges were invisible By turning the sigill of his Ring Toward his palme and thereby slew the King Lay with his wife of any man unseene Lastly did raigne by marrying with the queene King Salomon for Magick naturall Was held a cunning man by some Divines He wrote a booke of Science naturall To bind ill Spirits in their darke confines He had great store of wives and Concubines Yet was a Sacred King this I inferre The wisest man that now doth live may erre Also yee say that when I waxed old When age and time mispent had made me dry For ancient held in carnall Lust is cold Natures defect with Art I did supply And that did helpe this imbecility I us'd strong drinks and Oyntments of great price Whose taste or touch might make dead flesh arise To this I answer that those fine extractions Drams and electuaries finely made Serv'd not so much to helpe veneriall actions As for to comfort nature that 's decaid Which being with indifferent judgment weigh'd In noble men may be allowed I trust As tending to their health not to their lust What if I drinke nothing but liquid gold Lactrina christal pearle resolv'd in wine Such as th' Egyptians full cups did hold When Cleopatra with her Lord did dine A trifle care not for the cost was mine What if I gave Hippomenes to drinke To some fair Dames at smal faults you must wink Ye say I was a traytor to the Queene And thâ—t when Monsieur was in greatest grace I being out of favour mov'd with spleene To see a Frenchman frolique in the place Forth toward Barwick then did post apace Minding to raise up a rebellious rout To take my part in what I went about That I was then a traytor I deny But I confesse that I was Monsieurs foe And sought to breake the league of amity Which then betwixt my Prince and him did grow Doubting Religion might be changed so Or that our Lawes and customes were in danger To be corrupt or altered by a stranger Therefore I did a faction strong maintaine Agâ—inst the Earle of Sussâ—x a stout Lord On Monsieurs side and then Lord Chamberlain Who sought to make that nuptiall accord Which none may breake witnesse the sacred Wordâ— But thus it châ—nced that he striv'd in vaine To knit that kâ—ot which heaven did not ordaine Thus did ye mis-interpret my conceiâ—s That for disloyalty my deâ—ds did blame Yet many men have laid their secret baits T' intrap me in such snares to work my shame Whom I in time sufficiently did tame And by my Soveraignes favour bore them downe Proving my selfe true Liegeman to the Crowne Thinke yee I could forget my Soveraigne Lady Thâ—t was to me so gracious and so kinde How many triumphs for her glory made I O I could never blot out of my minde What Characters of grace in her have shin'd But some of you which were by her pâ—efer'd Have with her bones almoâ—â— her name inter'd When she was gone which of you all did weep What mournfull song did Pâ—ilomela sing Alâ—s when she in deaths cold bed did sleep Which of you all her dolefull knell did ring How long wâ—ll yee now love your crowned King If you so soon forget your old Queen dead Which foure and fourty yeares hath governed Yee say I sought by murder to aspire And by strong poyson many men to slay Which as ye thought might crosse my high desire And â—loud my long expected golden day Perhaps I laid some blocks out of my way Which hindred me from comming to the Bower Whâ—re Cynthia shin'd like lamps in Pharohs tower Alas I came not of a Tygers kinde My hands with bloud I hated to defile But when by good experience I did finde How some with fained love did me beguile Perchance all pitty then I did exile And as it were against my will was prest To seek their deaths that did my life detest Lo then attend to heare a dolefull tale Of those whose death yâ—e doe suppose I wrought Yet wish I that the world beleeve not all That hath of me by envious men been wrought But when I for a Kingly fortune sought O pardon me my sâ—lfe I might forget And cast downe sâ—me my state aloft to set My first wife fell downe from a paire of staires And brake her neck and so at Comner dy'd Whilst her true servants led with small affaires Unto a Fure at Abingdon did ride This dismall hap did to my wife betide Whether yee call it chance or destiny Too true it is shâ— dâ—d untimely dye O had I now a showrâ— of teares to shed Lockt in the empty circles of my â—yes All could I shed in mourning for the dead That lost a spouse so young so faire so wise So faire a corps so foule a coarse nâ—w lies My hope t' have married with a famous Queene Drave pitty back and kept my teares unseene What man so fond that would not lose a Pearle To finde a Diamond leave brasse for gold Or who would not forsake a gallant gitle To win a Qâ—een great men in awe to hold â—o rule â—he â—tate and of none be control'd O but the stâ—ps that lead unto a â—hrone Aâ—e dâ—ngerous for men to tread upon Tâ—e Cardinall Chatillion was my foe Whose death peradventure did compact Because he let Queen Elizâ—beth to know My false report given of a former act How I with her had made a precontract And the great Princes hope I bar'd thereby That sâ—ught to marry with her Majesty The Prelate had bin better held his tongue And kist his holy Fathers feet in Rome A Masse the sooner for his soule was sung But he might thanke me had he staid at home Or late or never he to heaven had come Therefore I sent him nimbly from the coasts Perhaps to supper with the Lord of hosts When death by hap my first wives neck had crackt And that my suit unto the Queene â—ll sped It chaâ—ced that I made a post contract And did in sort the Lâ—dy Sheffâ—â—ld wed Of whom I had two goodly children bred For the Lord Sheffeild died as I was sure Of a Catarie which physicke could not cure Some thinke thâ— rhume was artificiall Which this good Lord befoâ—â— his end did take Tush what I gave to her was naturâ—ll My plighted troth yet some amends did make Though her at length unkinde I did forsâ—ke She must not blame me for a higher reach Made my sure promise finde a sudden breach The valiant Earle whom absent I did wrong In breaking Hymeneus holy band In Ireland did protract the time too long Whilst some in â—ngland ingled under hand And at his coming homeward to this land He dyed with poyson as they say infected Not without cause for veâ—geance I suspâ—cted Because this fact notorious scandall bred And â—or I did his gallant wife abuse To salve â—his sore
Scots captived Queen to wife I â—gg'd him on to follow his intent That by this meanes I might abridge his life And she a crowned Queen to stint all strife First finding Scotland lost to England fled Where she in hope of succour lost head O blessed Spirits live yee evermore Iâ— heavenly Sion where your maker reignes And give me leave my fortunes to deplore That am fast fetterd with sins iron chaines Mans most sweet joys are mixt with some foul pains And doâ—h he live of high or low degree In life or death that can from woe be free Ah now my tongue growes weary to recite Such mâ—ssaâ—res as have been here exprest Whose sad remembrance doth afflict my spright Me thinkes I see legions of soules to rest In Abrahams bosome and my selfe opprest The burden of my sinnes doe weigh me downe At me the fiends doe laugh and Angels frowne My crimes I grant were geat and manifold Yet not so heynous as men make report But flattering Parasites are growne so bold That they of Princes matters make a sport To please the humors of the vulgar sort And that poore peevish giddiheaded crue Are prone to credit any tale untrue Let those that live endeavour to live well Left after death like mine their guilt remaine Let no man thinke there is no Heaven or Hell Or with the impious Sadduces maintaine That after death no flesh shall rise againe Let no man trust on Fortunes fickle wheele The guerdon due for â—â—ne I partly feele Know that the Prince of heavenly Saraphins When he 'gainst his Creator did rebell Was tumbled downe for his presumptuous sinne Sathan that once was blest like lightning fell From the highest heaven to the deepest hell And all those Angells that his part did take Have now their portion in the burning lake Of mighty heapes of treasure I could vant For I reapt profit out of every thing I could the Prince and peoples hearts inchant With my faire words and smooth fac'd flâ—ttering And out of drosse pure gold I oft did wring For though the meanes to win be oft unmeet The smell of lucre ever smelleth sweet So I somtimes had very much good hap Great suites of my dread Soveraigne to obtaine Prodigall fortune powr'd down from hâ—r lap Angels of gold as thick as drops in raine Such was my luck to finde the golden veine Likewise with me it seemed nothing strange Both tents and lands oft with my Prince to change I had another way t' inrich my selfe By geting licences for me alone For Wine Oyle Velvet Cloath and such like pelfe By licences to alienation By raising rents and by oppression By claiming Forrests Pastures Commons Woods And forfeiture of lands of life and goods By this strong course also I greatly thrived Jn falling out with my deere Soveraigne For I the Plot so cunningly contrived That reconcilement soone was made againe And by this meanes great gifts I did obtaine For that I might my bags the better fill I beg'd great suites as pledge of new goodwill Besides somtimes I did encrease my store By benefit that I from Oxford tooke Electing heads of houses heretofore I lov'd their money and they lov'd their booke Some poorer though more learned I forsooke For in those daies your charity was cold Little was done for love but much for gold Doubtlesse my Father was a valiant Peere In Edwaâ—d the sixt daies when he was sent Gainst Rebells that did rise in Norfolke shire And after that when he to Scotland went Under the Lord Protectors Regiment By notable exploits against the Sâ—ot Eternall glory to himselfe he got Truly ambition was his greatest fault Which commonly in noble hearts is bred He thought the never could his slate exalt Till the good Dâ—ke of Sumerset was dead Who by my Fathers meanes did lose his head So ill the race of Dudlies could endure The Seymors lives which did their fame obscure When once King Edward 〈◊〉 the butt had shot My Father sayd your Grace shoots neere the mark Thâ— King repli'd but not so neere I wot As when you shot my Vncles head off quite The duke my Father knew the King said right And that he ment this matter to debate If ere hee liv'd to come to mans estate It seemes my Father in times past had been A skillfull Archer though no learned clerke So straâ—ge a chance as this is seldome seen I doe suppose hâ— shot not in the dark That could so quickly hit so faire a mark Nor have I mâ—st my aime nor worse have sped When I shot off the Duke of Norfolks head Now when the Duke of Somerset was dead My Father to the French did Bulloigne sell As pleâ—sâ—d him the King he governed And from the privy counsell did depell Th'earles of Southampton and of Arundell Thus whilst he ruled and controuled all The wise young King extreamly sick did fall Who having languisht long of lâ—fe deprived Not wâ—thout poison as it was suspected The counsell through my Fathers meanes conâ—rived That Suffolks Daugther should be Queen elected Thâ— Sisters of King Edward were rejected My brother Guiâ—forâ— to Iane Gray was wedded Too high preferr'd that was so soone beheaded This Lâ—dy Iane that once was tearmed Queeen Greatâ—r in fame then fortune was put downe Had not King Henries Dâ—ughters living been Mâ—ght for her vertues have deserv'd a â—rowne Fortune at once on her did smile and frowne Her wedding garment for a Princes meet Was quickly changed for a winding sheet For I was iump of Julâ—â—us â—â—sars minde That could 〈◊〉 one supâ—rioâ— Lord endure Nay I to guide my Sâ—veraigne was inclin'd And bring the common people to my lure Accounting that my fortune was obscure And that I lived in a wofull plight If any one eclipst my glorious light The love to reigne makes many men respect Neither their friend their kindâ—ed nor their vow The love to reigne makes many men neglect The duty which to God and man they ow From out this fountaine many mischeifes flow Hâ—reof examples many may be read In Chronicles of th' English Princes dead This humor made King Hâ—râ—old break his oath Made unto William Duke of Normandy This made King Rufus and young Beauclaâ—k both Their elder Brother Robert to defie And Stephen to forget his loialty To Mawa the Empresse and to hold in scorne The faithfull oath which he to her had sworne This made young Henry crowned by his sire Against his Father Warfare to maintaine This made King Iohn the kingdome to aspire Which to his Nephew Arthur did pertaine And him in pâ—ison hardly to retaine And this made Buâ—ingbrook t' usurp the Crowne Putting his lawfull Soveraigne Richard downe This made Edward the fourth at his returne From Burgundy when he to Yorke was come To break the oath which he had lately sworne And rule the Realme in good King Henries roome This made the Tyrant Richard eke to doome His Nephewes death and rid away his wife And so in bloud to end
and banishment Caligula the scourge of fâ—mous Rome Wishâ— all the Romanes had onely one head That when he list to give their fatall doome He might with one great blow strâ—ke all them dead So should he never need thâ—ir hâ—te to dread Even sâ—ch a mischiefe I wâ—sht to my foes That many men might pâ—rish with fâ—w blowes But unto those that doe your favour seeke And by your helpe hope their low states to raise You must be courâ—eous bountifull and meeke Caesar by clemency won greatest praise And was esteem'd the mirrour of hâ—s dâ—yes For it belongs to men of great estate To spare the poore and rich mens mindes abate It 's ill to be a rub upon that ground Whereas the Prince the alley meanes to sweep Their owne conceits they fondly doe confound That into high attempts doe boldly creep And with their shallow pares â—oe wade to deep To hinder what their Soveraigne doth intend Or to controule what they cannot â—mend Calisthenes much torment did sustaine Because great Alexanders pride he checkt Grave Seneca choosing his death wâ—s slâ—ine By Nero's doome whosâ— faults he did correct Use not too shâ—rpe rebukeâ— but have respect Unto the persons when great men doe evill The vengeance leave to God or to the devill Be not too haughty pride â—rocureth hate And meane mens hate may turne to your disgrace Nor too familiar be in high estate For that will breed contempt among the base Observe a meane whiâ—h winneth man much grace Speake well to all trust none use well your foes For this may purchase love where hatred growes And if that you doe feâ—re your friâ—nd should chance To mount too highly in the Princes grace Hiâ— praise to heaven then stick not to advance Say that the charge he beareth is too base And that his worth deserves farre better place So may you by this praise rid him away And so supply his place another day Sâ—y he will prove a terror in the field This private life doth much obscure his fame More fit to beare great Ajax sevenfold shield Then like Sardanapalus court a dame He idlely lives at home it is a shâ—me His very presence may his foes appall Let him be sent Lieutenant Generall Now if he chance to perish in some fight Iâ— was not your worke but the chance of warres Or thus you may excuse your selves by fleight Bâ—â—ming â—he influence of the angry starres Thâ—â— thus by death his future fortune barres Aâ—â— sighing we are sory you may say That this brave man would cast himselfe away But if in feats of armes he have no skill If he be learned wise and eloquent By praising him thus may you have your will Procure him in ambassage to be sent Far off lest he returne incontinent As to the mighty Châ—m or Prestor Iohn And triumph in his roome when he is gone Let no man think I exerciâ—'d the ghost Of this great Peere that sleepeth in the dust Or conjur'd up his spirit to this coâ—st To presse him with despaire or praise unjust I am not partiall but gâ—ve him his due And to his soule I wish eternall health Ne doe I think all written tales are true That are inserted in his Commonwealth What others wrote before I do survive But am not like to those incenst with hate And as I plainly write so doe I strive To write the truth not wronging his estate Of whom it may be said and censur'd well He both in vice and vertue did excell Iamque opus exegi Deus dedit his quoque finem FINIS Scholar The occâ—siâ—n oâ— hâ—s 〈◊〉 and â—eâ—tâ—ng The persons and place of this conference A temperate Paâ—ist The booke of Iustâ—ce Lawâ—er Gentleman The Papists practices against the state Lawyer Two sorts of dealing against the sâ—ate Directly Indirectly The state of all Subiects is a state of different religion The second kind of treason The application of the former example Gentleman Two degrees of treason Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer France Flanders Portugal The old hatred of East Grecians towards the West Latins Scholar Not all Papists propeâ—ly traytors Lawyer The Priests and Seminaries that were executed Gentleman The considerations Misery moveth mercy A good wâ—sh Lawyer The nature and practice of the Guâ—nâ—ans Gentleman The Tâ—rant of Englâ—sh staâ—e Three 〈…〉 in Eâ—gâ—and 〈◊〉 The â—ule of â—eâ—ceâ—teâ— Gentlâ—man Lawyâ—◠〈◊〉 Lord Nâ—â—ths pâ—â—â—cy Gentleman A strange speculation Sâ—hâ—lâ—r The Queens Maiesties most excellent good nature Gentleman Fears that subiect have of my Lord of Leicester Sir Francis Walâ—ingham Deepe disâ—imulâ—tion 〈…〉 Edmund Dudley Robert Dudley Lawyer Gentleman The Law against talking Actâ—ons of Leicester whereof he would have no speecâ— Shâ—la◠〈…〉 upon 〈◊〉 marriage To Sir Thomas Layton L. Treasurer L. Chambeâ—laine M. Controler Sir Thomas Hibbot Gentleman Leicesters Father a traiterous Papist The honour and comâ—odities by the marriage with France Ethelbert King of Kent converted An. Dom. 603 Lawyer Tolleration in Religion with union in defence of our Country Gentleman Dâ—vers marriages of her Madeseaâ—ed Leicesters devices to drive away all Sutors from her Maiesty Leicester convinced himselfe of impudency Lawyer The basenesse of Leâ—cesters ancestors Anno 1. R. Mary Gentleman Doctor Dale Doctor Iulio The Archbishops oâ—erâ—hâ—ow for not allowing two wives to Leicester his Physician The Lady Sheffield now Embassadresse in France The death of Leicesters fiâ—st Lady and wife Sir Richard Varney Bald Baâ—tler The suspitious death of the Lord Sheffield The poisoning of the Earle of Essex The shâ—fâ—ing of a châ—lde in dame Lettice belly The diverâ— operation of Roylor Doctor Bayly the yonger Death of Cardinall Chatilian Schâ—lâ—r Lea. Honnieâ— Mistris Draykot poisoned with the Earl of Essâ—x The Earle of Essex speech to his Page Robin Honnieâ— Genâ—leman Death of Sir Nicholas Throgmarton Sir William Cicill now Lord Treasurer The poisoning of Sir Nicholas in a salet The Lord Chamberlin Monsieur Simiers The poisoning of thâ— Lady Lenox Leicesters most variable dealing with women in contractâ— and marriages Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Retract Protract Leicesters two testaments Scholar Varius Heliogabalus and his most infamous death An Epitaph A pittifull permission The exâ—erpation of the Tarquinions Anno Dom. 959. Gentleman The intollerable lâ—cenciousnes of Leicesters carnality Mony well spent Anne Vauisour The punishments of God upon Leicester to do him good * The children of adulterers shall be consumed and the seed of a wicked bed shall be rooted out saith God Sap. 3. Leicesters oyntment Leicesters bottle Scholar A pretty device An act of atheism Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer Gentleman The first reason why Leicester slew his wife by violence rather then by poyson The second reason Doctor Bayly the elder A practice for poisoning the Lady Dudley Doct. Babington A third reason The intended murder of Monsieur Simiers by sundry meanes The intended murder of the Earle of Ormond William Killegre Scholar Preoccupation of her Maiesties person An ordinary way of aspiring by preoccupation of the Princes person A comparison The
his wretched life A prety plot in practiâ—e I did put Either to take a Queene without delay Or when the carâ—s were shuffled and well â—ut To chuse the King and cast the knaves away He should be cunning that great game would play Ill luck hath he that no good game can make When Princes play and crownes lye at the stake First I assayed Queene Elizabeth to wed Whom divers Princes courted but in vaine When in this course unluckily I sped I sought the Scots Queenes mariage to obtaine But when I reapt no profit for my paine I sought to match Denbigh my tender childe To Dame Arbella but I was beguil'd Even as Octavius with Marke Anthony And Lepidus the Roman Empire shar'd That of the world then held the soveraignty So I a new Triumverat prepar'd If death a while yong Denbighs life had spar'd The grandame uncle and the faâ—her in law Might thus have brought all England under awe In the low Countries did my fame soare high When I was sent Lievtenant generall The Queenes proud foes I stoutly did deny And made them to some composition fall There I maintained port majesticall In pompe and triumph many dayes I spent From noble then my name grew excellent Then was my heart in height of his desire My minde puft up with suâ—quedry and pride The vulgar sort my glory did admire Even as the Romans Ave Caesar cri'd When the Emperour to the Senat house did ride So did the Flemings with due reverence Like thunder say God save your Excellence Few Subjects before me obtain'd this stile Unlesse they were as Viceroyes of this land The name of Lordship seem'd too base and vile To me that govern'd such a royall band And had a Princes absolute command Who did not of my puissance stand in awe That might put him to death by martiall law Loe what a title hath my honour got And Excellency added to my name Can this injurious world so quickly blot A name so great out of records of fame Covering my glory with a vale of shame Or will it now contemne me being dead Whom living even with feare it honoured The towne of Densborough I did besiege Which did on composition â—hortly yeeld I did good servâ—â—e to my gracious liege Till by ill councellours I was beguil'd For such as were my Captains in the field To whom at length chiefe charge I did commit Seduced me to many things unfit When Sir Iohn Nâ—rris counsell I refused Whose perfect skill in feats of armes I knew By Rowland Yorkes device I was abused Whereon some losse soone after did ensue Deventer towne and Zutphen sconce I rue By Yorke and Stanley without many blowes Were tendred to the mercy of the foes And that which to my heart might more griefe strike Happened the death of that renowned Knight My Nephew Sidney neere Coleston dike Receav'd his deadly wound thâ—ough fortunes spight I sent no frâ—sh supply to him in fiâ—ht I was not farre oft with a mighty host So with his losse of life some famâ— I lost The Court in him lost a brave Courtier The Countrey lost a guide their faults to mend The Campe did loose an expert Souldier The City lost an honourable friend The Schooles a patron their right to defend The Court the Countrey the Schools City For Sidneys death still sing a mournfull dity Now while my princely glory did abound Like rich Lucullus I great feasts did make And was for hospitality renown'd The use of armes I quickly did forsake An easier taske I ment to undertake I tooke no joyes in wounds and broken pates But to carouse and banquet with the States Not Heliogabalus whose dainty fare Did all the Roman Emperours feast exceed In cost and rarenesse might with mine compare Though he on braines of Ostriches did feed And Phenicopteines â—nd that instead Of oyle he us'd his lamps with bâ—lme to fill Such was the pleasure of this tyrants will To me Count Egmounts daughter did resort Of such brave Dames as Flanders still did yeeld That it did rather seeme I came to court A gallant Lady then to pitch a field For I did lay aside the sword and shield At cards and dice I spent the vacant dayes And made great feasts instead of martial fraies But whilst in games and love my time I spent Seeming secure as though I car'd for nought My messengers abroad I daily sent As instruments of my stâ—ll working thought Whereby my purpose oft to pâ—sse I brought And compasse what before I did devise At such a time as no man will surmâ—se Thus great attempts I oft did enterprise Like a Magician â—hat with some fine wile Dazles the sight of the spectators eyes And with illusions doth their sense beguile Such policies my cunning did compile That I before mâ—ns eyes did cast a mist While I perform'd such matters as I list Ye â—hat like apes doe imitate my deeds Hoping thereby like favour to obtaine Know that so high a spiâ—it never breeds In a blunt peasant or unnurtured swâ—ine But in my heart imperious thoughts did reigne No fleâ—matick dull milk-sop can aspire But one compact of th'element of siâ—e He daily must devise some stratagâ—m He must be rich stout liberall and wise The humours of base men he must contemne He must be gracious in the peoplâ—s eyes He should be furnisht with rare qualities With learning judgement policy and wit And such like parts as for the time are fit For every forward fellow is not borne To be a Scipio or a Maximus Unlesse that wisedome doth his state adorne Or valour make his life more glorious Though he be base of birth like Marius Yet he by vertues aid aloft may come Like him that was seven times Consull in Româ— Ventidius name at first was meane and base Till he the Parâ—hians host had overthrowne And Ciâ—ero came not of noble race Borne at Aâ—pinia a poore countâ—y towne Yet he madâ— armes give place unto the gowne And Rome by his great wisdome freed from spoil Call'd him the father of their native soâ—le Perhaps young Courtiers lâ—arne something to sing To skâ—p or dance before their Mistris face To touch like Oâ—pheus some inchanting string To run at â—ilt to jet with stately pace Or by some fine discourse to purchase grace But cannot manage the affaires of State Which best belongs to each great Potentate Listen to me ye lusty Souldiers That in such favour high attempt to grow Experience bred in me this manly yeares Hath taught me cunning which you doe nâ—t know Some precepts here I doe intend to show And if my Syren song please not great Peeres Then mâ—y they with Ulysses stop theâ—r eares Trust not a friend that is new reconcil'd In loves faire shew he may hide foule deceit By hâ—m ye unawares may â—e beguâ—l'd Reveale to none your matters of great waight If any chance to know your lewd conceit Suspected to bewray your bad intent He ought to suffer death