Queene Mary also was disinabled by Parlament in her fathers dayes c. And are not these strong argumentes to proue his purpose to wit that this proceeding of the Parlament and declaration made against her was no temporall disgrace Albeit for so much as belongeth to Queene Mary all men doe know that her case was far different for that Queene Marâ—es mother was neuer noted for incontinency and much lesse so many adulterers put to death with her as might be doubted whose daughter she was To the difficulties she had in King Edwards daies both in respect of the Admirall Seymer put to death for loue-matters towards her and the like he sayth in effect nothing but breaketh forth into a fiâ—t of rage about the whore of Babylon her Philira and loue-drugs whereof this fellow can frame a common place to intertaynâ— him selfe for lacke of other matter Of the time also of Queene 〈◊〉 he speaketh nothing About her lawes and cruell proceedings towardes Catholickes he intertayneth himselfe some what longer but no more to the purpose then in the rest For first he sayth that the sorest punishment for the first twelue yeares wâ—s commitment to Bishops and Deanes houses and some of them to prisons where they lay as warme and waxed as fatt as in theyr owne houses And this now hath no need of answer but that if M. Barlow be not yet faâ— this were a good way to feed him by lying in prison as they did for some yeares which is thought will neuer be for Religion come what Religion there will Secondly he sayth that â—or the subsequent yeares he yeeldeth that there was more rigour vsed death being deseruedly drawne on to vse his words by the merit of treason whervnto Religion was made but a stawking-horse and then citeth S. Augustine in defence of the Christian Emperours lawes against heretickes But first he doth not proue or euer shall be able any such demerit of treason to haue drawne on this rigour but only by calumniation which indeed is and hath beene the persecutors stawking-horse to deceiue the simple pretending one thing for another thereby to oppresse the innocent and secondly S. Augustine alloweth indeed and commendeth the Lawes of Catholike Emperours made for the temporall punishment of Heretickes aâ—ter they were condemned by the Church But what Church was that And what Catholicke Religion for defence wherof those Catholicke Princes in S. Augustines dayes did make those lawes so commended by him Was it the Protestant Church And was the Religion thereof the Protestant religion or ours Will M. Barlow ioyne with me in this which of our two Churches and Religions haue descended visibly from S. Augustins Church and religioÌ„ vnto our dayes Can he deny that S. Augustins Church taught Purgatory Prayer to Sayntes Prayer for the dead Masâ—e and Sacrifice for the liâ—ing dead and many other articles now in controuersy betweene vs Dare he stand to this triall out of S. Augustines workes themselues And if he dare not as I know he dareth not nor will euer accept thereof why doth he here prattle out of S. Augustine as though if he were now aliue agayne he would allow the lawes of Protestant Princes made against that religion and Church which himselfe defended while he was lyuing This then is another absurd shift of M. Barlow to delude his Reader But there followeth another if not more absurd yet at least lesse shamefast for that the malice is more apparent Father Persons sayth he who in the Preface of one of his Legends commendeth Queene Elizabeth for her moderate gouerment that was in the last yeare of herraigne and yet by the way for the mans singular honesty it is worth the nothing that in one and the same leafe hauing so commended her in one page marry then she was aliue in the very next page for then he heard she was dead in a Preface to his Maiesty he compares her to no other but Diâ—clesian for cruelty Thus he and for that he citeth a booke that is in euery mans hand to wit the first part of the Three Conuersions of England and thereby his allegation is easy to be examined I did magine that I should finde him very exact and punctuall in his assertion Wherefore I went to looke vpon the two pages of the selfe same leafe the one written before the Queenes death the other after but I could see no such matter so neere togeather then comming back some foure or fiue pages I found that which I suppose to haue giuen him the occasion of this fond cauill for that the Author hauing dedicated that booke to the Catholiks of England in the Epistle Dedicatory layd forth at large the great afâ—lictions and tribulations which they had long suffered for that Religion he commendeth them for their patience and loyall behauiour towardes theyr Prince in all worldly affayres VVhich course sayth he though it hath not escaped the calumnious tongues and pens of some carping aduersaries making all treason yet is it iustifiable and glorious both before God and man where reason ruleth and not passion And I doubt not but that tâ—e wisâ—domâ— and moderation both of her Maiestie and â—er Sâ—â— Counsell iâ—â—ll rather in this point pâ—nder yâ—ur owne facts then your aâ—uersaries wordes So there Where by is euident that the Authour doth not commend Queene Elizabeth for her moderate gouerment towards Catholickes as this man sayth for that within fiue lines after he sayth they haue passed so many yeares vnder the rod of sharpe afflictions but only persuadeth himselfe that the wisedome and moderation both of her Maiestie and the Counsell will stay them from condemning Catholickes for treason vpon other mens words rather then vpon theyr owne facts which being but a particuler case inferreth not that Father Persons commendeth her for her moderate gouerment Nor is the other point true that in a Preface to his Maiestie he compareth her to no other theÌ„ to Dioclesian for cruelty For that my wordes were these Here generally the applause is no otherwise then it was in old time among the Christians vpon the entraÌ„ce oâ— Constantine into the Empyre after Dioclesian and of Iouinian aâ—ter Iulian. Nor is there any mention or comparison of cruelty in that place so as here neyther the leafe or page doâ— agree to his citation nor the commendation of her moderate gouerment is found neyther the comparison of cruelty with Dioclesian is extant nor is he only mentioned but Iulian also Doe you note how many defects of truth are discouered in so smal an allegation But after this again he commeth in with a great scorn against me for saying that our Catholicke Priests put to death by Q. Elizabeth dyed for religion and were true Martyrs for that hauing life offered theÌ„ if they would renouÌ„ce the Pope and conâ—orme themselues to the present state of of England they resused the same And with this he maketh himselfe merry with diuers iesâ—es about
such repeale made concerning the said illegitimation of Queene Elizabeth And King Henry himselfe in that Parlament of the 35. cap. 1. doth professe that he had authority by Parlament to giue and dispose the said Imperiall Crowne by his Letter Patent at his wil pleasure which sheweth that he might if he would appoint her to succeed in default of other issue though she were neuer so much illegitimate seing all was referred to his owne appointment But for so much as M. Barlow doth make so light accompt of this sentence of Parlament as after you shall heare out of his owne conteÌ„ptible words against the same I haue thought it good briefely to repeate them heere and therby shew the weight and moment therof Thus then they ly in the Statute And albeit most dread soueraigne Lord saith the Parlament that the said acts were then made as it was then thought by your Maiesties Nobles and Commons vpon a â—â—re perfect and cleare foundation thinking the said mâ—rriage then had betwene your Highnes the said Lady Anne in their consciences to haue bene pure sincere pâ—râ—â—â—â— and good and so was reputed accepted and taken in the Realme till now of late that God of his infinite goodnes from whom no secret things can be hid hath caused to be brought to light euident and opeÌ„ knowledg as well certaine iust true and lawful impediments vnknown at the making of the sayd acts and fithence that tyme confessed by the sayd Lady Anne before the most Reâ—erâ—nd Father in God Thomas Archbishop of CaÌ„terbury Metropolitan and Primate of all England sitting iudicially for the same by the which plainely appeareth that the said marriage betwene your Grace and the said Lady Anne was neuer good nor correspondent to the lawes but vtterly void and of no effect by reason wherof your Highnes was and is lawfully diuorced and separated from the bands of the said marriage in the life of the sayd lady Anne And this notwithstanding most gracious and soueraigne Lord the Lady Elizabeth your Daughter being borne vnder the said vnlawfull marriage by vertue and authority of the act of your Succession aboue remembred for lack of Heirs-males of your Body should immediatly succeed as your lawfull heiâ—e in the most royall Estate of your Imperiall Crowne of this Realme against all honor equity reason and good conscience if remedy should not be prouided for the same This was the sentence which is graue and weighty as yow see for that the whole Parlament affirmeth that such impediments were discouered by Gods infinite goodnesse and conâ—essed by Queene Anne in publicke iudgment before the Archbishop Cranmer sitting vpon the same matter as by the same it was euideÌ„tly conuinced that she was neuer King Henries true wife indeed and consequently that the lady Elizabeth was neuer his true and lawfull daughter And did not this deserue that M. Barlow should haue brought forth authenticall testimony to the contrary For if this attestation of the Parlament King and Metropolitan were good and true that Queene Anne was neuer in her life lawfull wife to King Henry then could not any future Parlament though neuer so faine it would afterward make her legitimate or lawfully giue her the Crowne in preiudice of the next lawful heire after Queene Maries death which at that time was his Maiesties Mother Queene of France and Scotland But here now M. Barlow would seeme to make some answere to these last words of mine saying that being once true quoth he to wit the illegitimation no humaÌ„ power could make it vntrue to the preiudice of another then he answereth If the illegitimation had byn in her bloud it is true no law could make it good against the right Heire And do you grant thus much Syr That if the illegitimation had bin in her bloud no law could make it good Wherein then I pray you was this illegitimation Was it in her bones or in her flesh or skinne For in one of these foure it must needs be for asmuch as it descended by her birth from her Father Mother But saith M Barlow her bloud being sound seming allegations and plausible inferences might for a time dazell not alter her right but they being cleared and reuersed these second deliberations did not so much establish her right which was inherent in her blâ—ud as make it more apparent and sensibly incontrollable Here now is indeed that begging of the question which without cause it pleaseth M. Barlow sometimes for fashioÌ„s sake to obiect against me For here our questioÌ„ being whether Queene Elizabeth was sound in bloud or no he supposeth it for a principle that it being so then seeming allegatioâ—s or plausible inferences cannot hurt her right but the Parlament supposeth proueth the coÌ„trary that she was not souÌ„d in bloud but wholy vnsouÌ„d by her birth natiuity and the same do we suppose by the authority of this Parlament and by the testification both of her Father and Mother And how ridiculous then is it that M. Barlow should suppose the conâ—â—ary without proofe saying that supposing she was sound plausible inferences could not hurt her Secondly he calleth the resolute and seuere asseuerations of King Henry himselfe and of Archbishop Cranmer and of all the Lords both spirituall and temporall of the Parlament togeather with the iudiciall confession of Queene Anne her selfe beâ—ore her execution he termeth them I say but seeming allegations and plausible infereâ—ces which thing considering both the greatnes of the persons and grauityâ— of the matter both in the sight of God and man and the most weighty consequences which therof did depend is the grieuous iniury that in words could be offered to so great authority For it is to make them all wicked men and lyers they affirming the matter to be true and to hâ—ue beene reuealed by gods infinite goodnes so euidently as there is set down and M. Barlow saying to the contrary that they are nothing but seeming allegations plausible inferences Thirdly where he sayth that these plausible inferences being cleared and reuersed in the second deliberation to wit of the Parlament did not so much establish her right which was inherent in her bloud as make it more apparent he beggeth againe the question and supposeth that for his ground which we deny vntill he can proue it to wit that the former determination of Parlament was reuersed concerning her illegitimation For why should not this appeare in the Satute booke as well as the former And wheras he sayth that her right of successioÌ„ was but dazeled not altered by this Decree of Parlament for that it was inherent in her bloud we haue now shewed that it is a ridiculous tergiueâ—sation for that the Parlament condemning and disanulling vtterly the marryage of her mother with her father doth therby condemne her whole bloud for vnlawfull to succeed except M. Barlow will say she had other bloud which she tooke not from Father
A DISCVSSION OF THE ANSVVERE OF M. VVILLIAM BARLOVV D. of Diuinity to the Booke intituled The Iudgment of a Catholike Englishman liuing in banishment for his Religion c. CONCERNING The Apology of the new Oath of Allegiance VVRITTEN By the R. Father F. Robert Persons of the Society of IESVS VVHERVNTO since the said Fathers death is annexed a generall Preface laying open the Insufficiency Rayling Lying and other Misdemeanour of M. Barlow in his writing IOHN MORRIS Ex fructibus 〈…〉 Matth. 7. You shall know them by their fruites Permissu Superiorum M. DC XII A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS AND PARAGRAPHES CONTEYNED IN THIS BOOKE THE FIRST PART THE Preface to the Reader In which are laid open some few examples of the singular Ignorance Lying and other bad dealings of M. Barlow in his Answere to the Censure of the Apology Of Points concerning the new Oath of Allegiance handled in the Kings Apology before the Popes Breues and discussed in my former Letter CHAP. I. pag. 1. About the true Author of the Apology for the Oath of Allegiance § 1. pag. 3. Of the pretended Cause of the new Oath which is said to be the Powder-Treason § 2. pag. 13. How great a pressure the vrging of the new Oath is to Catholickes that haue a contrary Conscience in Religion § 3. pag. 25. The same argument about the pressure of the Oath is further discussed § 4. pag. 31. What freedome may be said to be permitted to English Catholickes for swearing or not swearing the new Oath § 5. pag. 39. About recourse made to the Bishop of Rome for decisioÌ„ whether the Oath might lawfully be taken by English Catholicks or no Wherin also the present Pope his person is defended against sundry calumniations § 6. pag. 49. Whether the Oâ—th be only of ciuill obedience Oâ— whether thâ—re be any clauses in it against Catholicke Religion CHAP. II. pag. 70. Of certaine notorious Calumniations vsed by M. Barlow against his Aduersary which no waies can be excused froÌ„ malice and witting errour § 2. pag. 87. The reasoÌ„ is examined whether Gods prouideÌ„ce might seeme defectuous if no authority had beene left in the Christian Church to restraine punish euill Kings And whether God be so wary in dealing with Kings as M. Barlow maketh him CHAP. III. pag. 101. Whether the deuising vrging of this new Oath were a blessing or no eyther to the Receauers or Vrgers And first of the Recâ—auers wherin is handled also of Conscience of swearing against Conscience CHAP. IIII. pag. 115. Touching the exhibitours of the Oath and of Scandall actiue and passiue Wherin M. Barlowes grosse Ignorance is disâ—â—â—â—red § 2. pag. 128. The answere to an obiection by occasion whereof it is shewed that Pâ—ssâ—sâ—ion and Presâ—ription are good proofâ—s â—uer in matters of Dâ—ctrine And the contrary is fondly affâ—â—med by M. Barlow CHAP. V. pag. 141. THE SECOND PART About the Brâ—â—â—s of Pope Paulus Quintus CONCERNING M. Barlow his â—xorbitant flattery in exaggerating Queene Elizabeths Vertues and Sanctity CHAP. I. pag. 159. About Queene Elizabeth her Mortifications And of the nature of that Vertue § 2. pag. 168. Of Queene Elizabeth her Felicities and Infelicities CHAP. II. pag. 179. Other Points concerning Queene Elizabeths Felicities or Infelicities § 2. pag. 194. Of Queene Elizabeths Sicknes and Death and other things belonging therunto § 3. pag. 209. Of the Flattery and Sycophancy vsed by diuers Ministers to his Maiestie of England to the hurt and preiudice of Caâ—holicke men and their cause CHAP. III. pag. 229. About Toleration or Liberty of Conscience demaunded by humble petition at his Maiesties handes by Catholickes whether it were height of pride or not As also concerning the contention betweene Protestants and Puritans CHAP. IIII. pag. 251. Concerning Errours Absurdities Ignorances and Falsities vttered by M. Barlow in the rest of his Answere CHAP. V. pag. 273. Whether Toby did well or no in breaking the commandement of the King of Niniue concerning the burying of the dead Iewes And how M. Barlow answereth vnto the authority of the Fathers and ouerthroweth the Kings Supremacy § 2. pag. 285. Of another example or instance out of S. Gregory the Great about the obeying and publishing a Law of the Emperour Mauritius that he misliked which M. Barlow calleth Ecclesiasticall § 3. pag. 303. Whether Councells haue submitted themselues vnto Christian Emperors in Spirituall affayres and namely that of Arles to Charles the great CHAP. VI. pag. 311. Whether the Pope in his Breue did forbid temporall Obedience to his Maiesty of England And whether the sayd Pope hath power to make new Articles of faith CHAP. VII pag. 323. Of certaine other fraudulent and vntrue dealings of M. Barlow vnto the end of this Paragraph with a notorious abuse in alleaging S. Thomas of Aquine his Authority § 2. pag. 334. THE THIRD PART Concerning Cardinall Bellarmine his Letter OF the occasion of the Letter written by Cardinall Bellarmine vnto M. George Blackâ—well Archpriest And whether he mistooke the state of the question Also of the change of Supreme Head into Supreme Gouernour CHAP. I. pag. 245. Whether the denying of taking this New Oath do include the deniall of all the particulâ—r clauses contayned therin § 2. pag. 356. Whether the fourth Councell of Toledo did prescribe any such set forme of Oath to be exhibited to the Subiects as is affirmed in the Apology CHAP. II. pag. 365. Cardinall Bellarmine is cleared from a false imputation and a controuersy about certaine words and clauses in the Oath is discussed § 2. pag. 386. Whether Princes haue iust cause to feare murthering by the commaundement of Popes And in disâ—ussing of the particuler example produced by the Apologer concerning the same great fraud and malice is discouered in M. Barlowes falsifying of Authors c. CHAP. III. pag. 394. About the death of Henry the third King of France whether it may be an example of allowance of such murthers As also about the late Queene of England § 2. pag. 414. Of certaine contradictions obiected to Card. Bellarmine and what confidence may be placed in a mans owne good workes CHAP. IIII. pag. 431. Of three other contradictions imputed vnto Card. Bellar. but proued to be no contradictioÌ„s at all § 2. pag. 448. Of the contentions of sundry other Emperours Kings and Princes with Popes of their times in temporall affaires obiected as arguments against the security of acknowledging the Popes Superiority Wherin many fraudes aâ—d forgeries are discouered in M. Barlow particulerly concerning Fredericke the second and his contentions with Popes CHAP. V. pag. 461. M. Barlows more sure and stronger proofes are discouered to be lyes with other things concerning Frederick the second and Innocentius the fourth § 2. pag. 495. Of the Emperour Fredericke the first whose picture was said to haue beene sent to the Soldan by Pope Alexander the third And of the charge of Alexander the sixt touching the death of Zizimus or Gemen M. Barlowes innocent Turke §
hath the ChaÌ„pion M. Barlow any thing to reply for his Lord in this no truly but granting my proofe to be substantiall as taken from the Scripture it selfe he runneth to otheâ— impertinent matter of dissimilitude betweene Q. Elizabeth Nabuchodonosor as that he had no successour but the Queene hath c. which is not the question in hand nor was the comparison made in this and moreouer in it selfe is false For that Nabuchodonosoâ—s sonne called Euilmeroâ—â—th succeeded him and after him againe Baltazar which seemeth to haue bene fortold by the Prophet Ieremy c. 27. saying Seruient ci ones gentesâ— filio eius filio fâ—lâ— eius All nations shall serue Nabuchodonosor and his sonne and his sonnes sonne In which respect Nabuchodonosor was much more happy theÌ„ Q. Elizabeth who left no such issue to succeed her and therefore the place alleadged by M. Barlow oâ—t of Isay Ex quo dormisti c. since thou wert dead none came in thy place to cut vs vp by graue Authors is vnderstood of Baltazar the last King of that race for to the former it cannot wel be applyed whose sonne and nephew after his death kept them wellnigh forty yeares in captiuity and they were not deliuered till after the death of Baltazar by Cyrus who with Darius ouerthrew him and succeded him by which you may see how well M. Barlow pleadeth for Queene Elizabethsâ— happinesâ— And all this was spoken against the infeâ—ence of true felicity supposing that Queene Elizabeths dayes had beene so aboundant and affluent in all kinde of temporall prosperities as the flattery of these Orators would haue it seme that her selfe had such copia of consolations and inopia of tribulations as the Lord Cooke describeth But for proofe that this was not so theâ—e were many parâ—iculer poynts touched which did shew that her temporall consolations were mingled also with desolations her prosperity with aduersities her ioyes many tymes with griefe as for example the circumâ—tances of her natiuity the declaration made against her by her owne Father as well in the putting to death her Mother with note of incontinency togeather with so many adulterers punished with her as also aâ—terward the same declaratioÌ„ made more authentically in publike Parlament her disgraces passed aâ—terward againe in the time of King Edward her contemptible reiection by the setters vp of Queene Iane her peâ—ills in Queene Maries time by the cutting off of her best friendes whereby she was forced to a deepe dissimulation in religion that could not be but afflictiue vnto her her feares and doubâ—s in the beginning of her owne raigne what would follow by change of religion the pretence of the King of Frâ—â—â—â— known to be in hand for his wiues succession immediatly after Queene Mary her frights by the Duke of Norfolke Earles rising iâ— the North a great Counsell of the chiâ—fest Nobility held at London against her and in fauour of the Queene of Scotland which then â—he was not able to resist if it had gone forward her publike excommunication and depriuation by two or three Popes which could noâ— but bring sollicitude with it her doubtfuâ—nes about maâ—iing being preâ—sed on the one side by the sollicitatioÌ„ of her Kingdome for hope of succession and held backe on the other side by certayne desirs of designements of her owne her fauorites her intricate reckonings with her sayd fauorits from time to time as Pickering Dudley Hatton Packiâ—gton Rawley and Essex among whome the two Earles became in the end to be dredfull vnto her her ielousy and feares conceâ—ned not only of forraine Princes whome she had deepely offended with raising their subiects and maintayning them against them but of domesticall inhabitants likewise especially of Priestes Iesuits and Seâ—inâ—ryâ—men who were painted out to her to be such dangerous people togeather with the Catholickes that vsed their helpes in matters for their soules as she neuer ceased to add lawes vnto lawes against them all and against all vse of Catholicke religion wherunto her selfe had sworne and voluntarily protested in Queene Maries dayes And not only this but breaking also into bloud for these imagined terrors shee put to death publickly aboue an hundred and thirty anointed Priests only for hatred of their order and profession togeather with many other afflicted in priâ—ons others sent into banishment by forty fifty yea seauenty at a time She put to death also both the nearest in kinred and dearest in affection that she had on earth as was her Maiestie of Scotlnd and the Earle of Essex the guilt of which proceeding lying vpon her conscience did so trouble her for diuets yeares before her death as was pittifull but her death it selfe more pittifull in dying without sense feeling or mention of God as diuers do report that do pretend to know the same most certainly I should be glad with like or greater certainty to know thâ— contrary for I take compassion of her state with all my hart And this is in effect the summe and substance of that which was spoken before concerning the interruptions and interpellations of Queene Elizabeths temporall ioyes and comfort which Syr Edward Cooke M. Barlow do make to be so singular and absolute And what reply is now made thinke you to all this Truly nothing at all to the purpose in hand for that one of these two poynts should be shewed eyther that these things are not so or that they do nothing at all impeach Queene Elizabethâ— teÌ„porall felicity and store of conâ—olations but neither of these is proued what then You shall heare first he runneth againe into an extreme rage of rayling and reuiling and scolding as it were a tip-toe inforcing his whole answere with the most contumelioâ—s speach that he can deuise but to this is extant his own answere in print out of Seneca which he alleageth in the Preface of his Sermon at Paulâ— Crosse against his Maister the Earle of Essex Vt quisque est â—â—ntemptissimus ita solutiâ—â—ima lingua â—â—t As each man is more contemptible then others so is he more lewd loose in his tongue Then he chafeth intemperatly that any thing should be sayd or writteÌ„ against Queene Elizabeth after her death and herâ— he dilateth himselfe very largely for lacke of better matter vpon that common place that the rulers of the people are not to be spoken euill of specially after their death for which he citeth both Scriptures and prophane authors I follow not his order in this but the conâ—exion rather of the matter and will proue them to be both hoggs aud doggs out of Aristophanes Pliny Sophocles and other Authors that do reuile the dead But to this obiection also I will put his owne answere in his foresaid SermoÌ„ against the Eâ—rle of Essex where hauing made the same obiectioÌ„ againâ—t himselfe for speaking euill of the said Earle after his death as he doth now against me for calling to memory some of Queene
that all the courses held against him both by Popes and Princes may in respect of his outragious demerits seeme to haue bene very myld moderate and gentle And so much for Sigonius The other wordes of Genebrard also are cited with diminution by saying that Genebrard commeth not short of Sigonius who saith that this was done to wit the deposition iussu Paschalis Pontifiâ—is by the commandement of Pasâ—halis the Pope leauing out the next words Principum qui ad generalia Comitia conuenerant and of the Princes of Germany that met in that vniuersall Diet or Parliament at Mentz so as euery thing is heere minced to the purpose scarce any thing set down sincerely simply throughout the whole booke And as for the principall point that M. Barlow would and should proue in this place that Pope Paschalâ—â— did set on the sonne against his Father now you haue seene that those his two authorities alleaged of Sigonius and Genebrard that he concurred with the generall Diet in Germany do proue it nothing at all for that the Election of the Emperour by seauen German Electors hauing bene appointed by the Sea Apostolike not much aboue an hundred yeares before that time to wit by Gregory the 5. that crowned Otho the 3. and annexed the Imperiall dignity to the Germane nation Pope Paschalis hauing by this meanes besides all other so great right to haue a hand in this matter for the good of Christendome cannot be said to haue stirred vp the sonne to rebellion when he concurred with the whole State of Germany for the translation of the Crowne from the Father to the Sonne Nor wheÌ„ the said Sonne took armes against him afterwardes doth any probable author ascribe it to the Pope but expresly vnto others and namely to the three noble men before mentioned out of Cuspinian Vnto which three noble men in like manner Vrspergensis that was present saw what passed doth ascribe the said rebellioÌ„ vpon the yeare 1105. without euer mentioning the Pope against whome notwithstanding the said Vrspergensis as one that followed the part of Henry the fourth vseth no fauour at all in his relations and consequently may be a witnes without exception as also may be Huldericus Mutius a Protestant German â—riter whose wordes are Henricus filius quorumdam consilijs seductus aduersus Patrem moliâ—ur res nouas Henry the Sonne being seduced by the counsailes of certaine men did attempt new thinges against his Father and in all his narration he toucheth not the Pope ascribing any part therin vnto him And this shall be sufficient for this matter And as for the other point that he toucheth out of Cuspinian and Sigebertus that Pope Gregory the 7. did acknowledge at his death that he had molested Henry the 4. vniustly and was sory for the same besides that it maketh nothing to our purpose for stirring vp the soÌ„ne against the father which hapned almost 20. yeares after Gregories death none of thâ— doth alledge it as a thing certaine but as a report which M. Barlow a little before proued out of the Orator to be vncertaine besides that they do not agree in the narration in diuers points finally for the most of them they are plainly contradicted by a multitude of witnesses which you may read layd togeather both by Doctor Sanders in his Monarchie and Cardinall Bellarmine in his 4. booke de Rom. Pontifice And so I shall need to say no more in this matter ABOVT THE DEATH OF HENRY the third King of France whether it may be an example of the Popes allowance of such murtâ—ers As also about the late Queene of England §. II. FOR another example and proofe that Popes are wont to allow murthers of Princes is brought in a certayne Oration which Pope Sixtus Quintus is sayd to haue made in the Consistory with admiration and praise of that fact and that the fryar which committed the murther should haue beene canonized for the fact if some Cardinalls out of their wisdome had not resisted the same whereunto was answered both by me first and afterward by Cardinall Bellarmine that no such oration was euer extant in Rome or els where but onely amongst the Protestants in forrain Countreys that wrote against it in their declamatory Inuectiue intituled Anti Sixtus who in this against the Pope deserues smal credit Onely it is acknowledged that Sixtus in a secret Consistory vpon the first news of the fact did vtter a certayn speach in admiration of the strange prouidence of almighty God said I in chastising by so vnexpected a way so â—oule and impious a murther as that King had committed vpon a Prince Cardinall Archbishop those two also of nearest bloud to his Maiesty of England without any forme of iudgment at all that a spectacle hereby of Gods iustice was proposed vnto Princes to be moderate in their power and passions for that in the midst of his great royal army and corporall guards he was strangely slaine by a simple vnarmed man when he nothing lesse expected or feared then such a disasterous death To this now M. Barlow replies with great excesse of railing against the Pope saying that the Oration was made that the Pope therin was like yong Elihu whose words boyled within him for ioy of the fact like new wine in a bottle with open mouth stretched sydes glorious tearmes he did hyperbolize both the author manner and fact and that this Oration was like to haue recâ—aued in that Consistory an Herods Plaudite in Deifying the Pope canonizing the fryar c. All which as it hath no other proofe but the assertion of M. Barlowes wild and vnruly tongue so is it easily contemned by any man of discretion especially since there be so many graue men Cardinalâ— and Bishops yet aliue that can testify of the matter and Gentlemen that were at Rome also at that tyme and neuer saw or heard that euer any such Oration of Pope Sixtus Quintus was extant or made by him in allowance or approbation of that horrible fact of the fryar though otherwise as I sayd he did highly admire the straÌ„ge prouidence of God in chastising by so vnexpected a way so foule and impiouâ— a murther as that King had committed against all order of law and iustice Secondly then hauing nothing in effect to say to this yet for that he is bound to say something for his fee allready receiued he thought best to carpe at those wordes of mâ—ne that Pope Sixtus did highly admire the strange prouidence of God in his vnexpected Iustice vpoÌ„ the sayd King and so iesting at my words of strange prouidence he saith A fit Epithete doubâ—les and fetched from profound 〈◊〉 for can Gods prouidence be strange which in the vniuersall gouerment of the world and guidance with protection of particuler creatures iâ— daily and continuall Well then here M. Barlow will needs shew the profundity of
in extolling or rather belying Q. Elizabeth farr beyond all truth or desert calling white black and black white making light darknes darknes light after he hath made her of all liuing creatures the most admirable on earth with many boÌ„basting phâ—ases setting forth her praise who yet in her life tyme did nothing or very little God wot that was praise worthy leauing after 44. yeares raigne no other monument in the land of her liuing in it but that she had pulled downe many Churches 〈◊〉 howses and not so much as buylt or let vp oneâ— or â—rected any thing for posterity to remayne after 〈◊〉 But as Xenophon in Cyrus did not so much write 〈◊〉 life as in him describe what a good King should beâ— so M. Barlow in his transformed Queen Elizabeth â—â—â—leth vs not so much what she was indeed as what 〈◊〉 should haue bene or as now they would for the crâ—dit of their Ghospell wish that she had bene After aâ—â— these Encomions giuen of her life I say thus he adâ—uaunceth her after her death to heauen and withoâ—â— authority will needs canonize her before her tyme to vse his owne phrase make her an eternized Saintâ— His words be theseâ— For her reward in heauen if restraints of liberty and pursuites of malice for Gods truthâ— inflicted through Iealousie and indured with singular patâ—â—ence if a release from them vnexpected followed with hâ—â—nours and blessings neyther interrupted by others wheâ—ther treasons or inuasions nor blemished by herselfe with vice criminall or continued if life shut vp after length 〈◊〉 dayes and a full age with a courage defying death withâ— prayâ—rs imploring mercy with faith assuring the prayers with testimoâ—ies witnessing her assurance can be preceding coniectures or rather euidences of vnspeakable happinesseâ— we may safely conclude that she which passed through 〈◊〉 Crowne of thornes borne so constantly to a Crowâ—e of Gold worne so tryumphantly hath nâ—w gotten the thirâ— of Glory to enioy for euerlasting 115. So M. Barlow with more to the same effectâ— telling how she was an example of vâ—rtue for her owne to follow and a loadst irre for other Nations to admire coÌ„cluding with this Apostrophe Now this renowned Queen this eternized Saint c. And not to enter into disputâ— of the truth of his words nor yet to aske him by what â—ertainty he knowes that she passed from one of these â—hree Crownes to another especially from the gold â—o glory which requireth other proofe then this verâ—all florish of a few Rhetoricall figures bare imagiâ—ary coniectures of that courage prayers faith and testimonies witnessing assurance which this man sitting in his chamber doth faigne but she at her death if we belieue eye witnesses of much better credit then himselfe did little feele to omit this I say as an idle fancy or fiction rather of this foolish Parasite two things I would demauÌ„d of him the first that seeing he will needs draw his glorious Queen into the Calendar of Saints what title or place she shall haue amongst them in the same for that in ours there is no Saint of that sex but is either Virgin or Martyr or both or else nec Virgo nec Martyr as are Wiues Widdowes and repentaÌ„t sinners M. Barlow shall do well in his next to tell vs in which of these degrees this his new Sainted Queen Elizabeth is to be placed perhaps when he hath thought better on the matter he may find some perplexity be content to let her passe for one that was nec Virgo nec Martyr and thrice happy had it bene for her if she had bene indeed a true repentant sinner 116. The other thing is to know what he thinketh of the renowned Mother of his Maiesty whom by this canonizing of Q. Elizabeth he must needs condemne to hell-fire for it is impossible that one heauen should hold both these Queenes in life and beliefe so quite opposite the one with great commendation of vertue remayning in the vnity of the Catholick faith in which and for which she dyed to the great admiration and amazement of the whole world to 〈◊〉 a Queene Mother of a King indeed for religion 〈◊〉 vnder the colour of â—reason to which foule spot as 〈◊〉 Orator well noteth Royall dignity was neuer lyablâ— against all law with all disgrace â—o lâ—ose her heâ—d 〈◊〉 an ordinary malefactor by way of publick and coÌ„ 〈◊〉 iustice whiles the other liued in all ruffe pride and pleasure followed the fancyes of new vpstart Ghospellers hated and persecuted that faith wherin notwithstanding vntill the fall of her vnhappy Father 〈◊〉 whole Iland froÌ„ the first CoÌ„uersion had remayned 〈◊〉 in the end shut vp a wicked lyfe with a miserable pâ—tiful death if that may be sayd to be pitifull miserable which was without all remorse of conscience for fâ—â—mer sinnes all remonstrance of piety in and before her agony all remembrance of her future weale oâ— woe in the life to come all naming God as of her selfe or enduring others that did name him for her or put her in mind of him whatsoeuer this lying Minister who is true in nothing with a few fine phrases chatteth and forgeth to the contrary 117. And if it would but please his most Excellent Maiesty out of his Royall respect to his most Noble Mother to see who in her person haue alwaies most honoured or dishonoured his he should soone find that as in her life tyme the Catholiks had her in highest esteeme so since her death haue registred her in the raÌ„ke of Martyrs of whome the glory of this age Cardinal Bâ—ronius to name one for all the rest writeth thus Porrò eamdâ—m Ecclâ—siam nobilissâ—mam c. Moreouer God in this our age hath permitted that most noble Church of Scotland to be tempted that it might yield a most noble example of Christian coÌ„stancy when as a moÌ„gst â—ther Martyrs which no other Country hath hitherto â—ad it hath deserued to haue their owne Queene the â—â—nguler glory and ornament of the Catholick faith â—efore tryed by a long imprisonment for to be honouâ—ed with the Crowne of Martyrdome So he As conâ—rariwise in M. Barlows brethrens bookes both at home â—nd abroad he shall find the most iniurious slanders â—â—ying reports and reproachfull villanies powred forth â—gainst that innocent Princesse as will make any mans â—ares to glow and hart to rue to see so little respect of â—rincely Maiestie or such insufferable liberty in Proâ—estant writers conioyned with singular impudency â—nd fraudulent malignity in imputing the outragious â—ttempts of the trayterous subiects to the Queen herâ—elf as though she had bene the Author of that misâ—hiefe which in hart she detested with many bitter â—eares the true tokens of vnfaygned griefe most pittiâ—ully bewailed let one Reusnâ—rus in his Genealâ—gyes be â—eene whose words I abhore to set downe and the Reader will not thinke me too sharp and I must conâ—esse that in respect
Salomon or Augustus But I would aske him out of passion if euer he be voyd therof as by report he is very seldome what insolencie hath this Pope shewed in being busy as he calleth it with his Maiesties Person State or Realme For as for his Person he hath alwayes honoured the same both before he was Pope and after wherof many euident testimonies might be alleadged and for his State and Kingdome while he was in Scotland neyther he nor his Predecessours did go about to trouble the same in almost fourty yeares while he reygned there all troubles came from Protestants and their Ministers And when his Maiesty was called into England the Pope that then was by this mans counsaile principally as it may be presumed for that he was Protectour of Scotland wrote to the Catholickes to further their Obedience towards him He neuer medled in any thing vntill this Oath so preiudiciall vnto his Authority and vnto the Consciences of Catholikes was proposed and vrged And as for the peace here named more continuall happy then that of Salomon or Augustus which M. Barlow sayth might be enioyed by his Maiestie with his Subiects if the Pope were not it is well that he will so much as name peace who seemeth in all his speaches to sow the seeds of warres hatred and contention But if his mind were to peace indeed he cannot be so simple but to see that the rigorous and afflictiue courses vsed and this as all men take it by the instigation of those of his coate and order cannot be meanes to peace of mindes howsoeuer otherwise they liue in externall quietnes and deuoyd of tumults And this is all that for the present I haue to write in this matter The end of the first Part. THE SECOND PART About the Breues of Paulus Quintus CONCERNING M. BARLOVVE His exorbitant flattery in exaggerating Queene Elizabeths Vertues and Sanctity CHAP. I. OVR purpose then being as now we haue declared to touch some principal points only handled by M. Barlow in this second and third Part of his answere we shall begin with the point he most standeth vpon dilating himself for twenty leaues togeather coÌ„cerning Queene Elizabeth her raigne life and death as an argument very plausible in his opinion and capable not only of his rayling eloquence and odious amplifications but of all grosse and abiect flattery in like manner togeather with some hopes of other gaines also that way wherunto it seemeth that the poore man hath his tongue and pen most ready to the sale at all turnes and occasions offered But it may be before we end this conference his market may be more then halfe marred in the iudgment at least of disappassionate men especially with his most ExcelleÌ„t Maiesty whome aboue all other he seeketh to gull in this matter turning all vpon him which I both spake and meant to a Minister of M. Barlowes owne ranke so I disclaime from the calumnious imputation that it concerneth any way his Highnesse and shall answere all in the same sense which I then wrote and meant the same reseruing all dutyfull and respectiue reference to his Maiesties Person and Iudgment as bounden duty obligeth me First then occasion being offered or rather necessity imposed to speake of Queene Elizabeth for that albeit the Pope had not so much as named her in any of his two Breues yet had the Apologer brought in her mentioÌ„ with many high praises for disgrasing of Catholickes and their cause and for scorne to the Pope as though he had without cause pittyed and mourned their afflictions vnder her which he saith was none at all for that to his own knowledge she neuer punished any Papist for Religion For these causes I say I was forced in my Letter to say somewhat to this assertiue proposition wherunto the tribulations afflictions calamities spoiles exiles and bloud of so many shed by her did manifestly in the eyes and eares of al men and women that haue liued in our dayes contradict and reclaime And yet did I resolue to do the same as mildly and sparingly as I might answering only the wordes of the Apologie and abstayning purposely from al bitternesse of speach so far as the iust defence of the cause permitted and so shall continue 〈…〉 Barlowes most intemperate prouocation to the contrary VVhereas then in reciting the wordes of the Apologer I mentioned these Hauing sayth he sacrificed as I may say to the Manes of my defunct Soueraigne as well for the discharge of my particuler dutie as loue of veritie I must now performe my dâ—ty also to his Maiestie present c. Vpon which wordes I noted that the phrase of sacrificing to the Queenes Manes or Ghostes seemed to me very profane as proper to the Pagan Sacrifices vsed to those infernall spirits which they called Gods hurtful Gods therfore endeauored to please them with sacrifices My words discourse were these But as for his heathen profane sacrificing to the Manes or Hob-goblins of his late Lady I confesse it is an office fitter for a Protestant-Minister that thinketh it vnlawfull to pray for her soule to deale with her Manes or infernall spirites then with Celestiall by praying for her to Saints But would God these Manes might now haue liceÌ„ce to appeare and talke which him and relate what passeth with her after all this ioylity and ruffe in this world I doubt not but they would coole his excessiue vaine of flattering vanity For if all the old platforme of Saints liues prescribed in Scriptures and practised by the seruants of God were not erroneous and vaine as much fasting continual prayer daily mortification frequent recollection diligent chastisement of theyr bodies humble feruent deuotion labouring and working theyr saluation in feare and trembling aboundant almes-deedes haire-cloth and ashes contrition sorrow and sobbing for their sinnes yf these things I say were the ancient wayes to life and euerlasting saluation then must the pathes of Queene Elizabeth which are knowne by most men to haue bene eyther wholy different or most opposite to these led to another opposite end quia vnusquisque recipiet secundum opera sâ—â— Euery one shall receiue according to his or her works and the sentence of the Apostle is cleare resolute Si secundum carnem vixeritis moriemini si facta carnis spiritu mortificaueritis viâ—etis if you liue according to the flesh you shall die but if you shall mortify by spirit the workes of the flesh you shall liue that is to life euerlasting About these words of mine M. Barlow taketh occasion to make very large discourses and to dilate himselfe in three or foure points â—xceedingly First in the excessiue prayses of the Queene then in superlatiue raylinges against me thirdly in iustifying the phrase of sacrificing to the dead Queens ghost fourthly in setting out her frequent mortifications that she vsed but yet in such sort as he well sheweth not only not to feele what mortification
is in it selfe but neither to vnderstand what he saith nor wherof he affirmeth In the first point of Queene Elizabeths praises he straineth his eloqueÌ„ce or rather loquence to the vttermost as though neyther the earth whilst shee was here nor scarce heaueÌ„ where now he assureth vs she is were worthy of her Shee was a daughter of the bloud Royall sayth he borne to the Crowne in the Prophetes wordes from the birth from the wombe from the conception a Princesse aduanced to the Crowne in apparenâ— right and by vncontrolable succession c. Thus he sayth and yet doth the world know what store of controuersies was about that succession and lawfullnes thereof and they are extant in theyr owne Statutes yet in print so as this man talketh that which he thinketh to be most acceptable and fit for his preseÌ„t purpose of adulation more then what he findeth written or registred or belieueth himselfe for that matter and such as know the man and his constitution are of opinion that if his Maiestie that now is had come into England with that minde which his Noble Mother and her husband the King of France are knowne once to haue had to claime iustify her title presently after the death of Queene Mary for so doth Doctor Sanders tâ—stifie that they had that minde and began to put the armes of England vpon all the sayd Queenâ— plate but that by the peace made Calis released vnto theÌ„ for the same they were pacified for that time it is to be presumed that his Maiestie if he had preuayled in his pretence that he should haue found no one man more fit or readie in England or Scotland to haue gon vp to Paules Crosse or to any other place else to iustifie his Maiesties Mothers pretence against Queene Elizabeth or to disgrace her whome now he extolleth so much euen in this point of legitimation from the belly from the wombe from the conception by apparent right incontrolable succession and the like But now the wind bloweth another way and he followeth the blast and turneth his sayles according to the weather let vs then heare him out further She was sayth he an Imperiall Monarch a famous Empresse or rather the very Empresse of â—ame blazoned out not by home-bred fauourites but by forraine trauailers and writers before and since her death yea â—uen by her enemies both for Religion and warre to be in her time and for her Sexe the starre of Soueraignty the mirrour of Principality a terrour to her enemies the Loadstone of Maiesty drawing vnto her both Embassadours Christian and not Christian only for enterview and salutation but in truth for view and admiration for when they had satisfied themselues with her sight and hardly could they be satisfied what Saba's Queene once sayd of King Salomon they all concluded of her that which oâ—ten falls not out sayth the Orator their eyes had ouercome their eares and truth had out-stripâ— fame report was lesse then verity and her renowne was far short of her desert Thus far our Oratour And doth he not seeme to speake well for his fee But yet wheÌ„ he telleth vs how his famous Empresse or Empresse of fame is blazoned not only at home but abroad by forraine writers he will not forget I hope to remember that shee is blazoned by many of them in farre other colours then heere he painteth her out and this partly in respect of her hard measure towards Catholikes whose religion shee professed vnder Queene Mary and made many fayre promises of continuance therin for the breach wherof and contrary proceeding afterward when she came to the Crowne she susteyned so hard a conceipt and bad opinion of all forrayne Princes people Kingdomes Catholik as the memory perhapes of no one Christian Prince or Princesse that euer liued is more vngratefull and odious to them And this is the very truth notwithstanding all this parasiticall flattery of the Minister which I speake as God knoweth with great compassion towards her and our Countrey for her sake and not with any humor of reuenge insultation or exprobratioÌ„ against her The histories are extant their speaches and iudgements are knowne to such as doe trauaile forreine Countreys and with indifferency and attention doe marke what passeth among them But yet this man sitting at home in his warme chaÌ„ber goeth further in his exaltations of her and to pretermit many as ouerlong for this place he sayth That all her actions being Royally vertuous vertuously religious and religiously wise her wisedome seasoned her religion her religion sanctified her policyes her polices graced her descent all of them togeather wrought her immortality and her immortality is accompayned with renowne vpon earth and reward in heauen So he and much more which I pretermit as idle froath of a flattering tongue who taketh vpon him also to Canonize her with the terme of Eternized Saynt and affirmeth resolutely that shee neuer blemiâ—hed her sâ—lâ—e with vice criminall or continued for soe are his words And what he meaneth by continued I know not exept he meaneth as the word importeth that she continued not from vice to vice without interruption which had bene horrible to haue done if not impossible or had perseuered continually in one and the selfe same vice criminall which had bene as bad if not worse He auoucheth further of her that shee neuer in her life committed hellish crime wherby I suppose he meaneth mortall sinne for that the payne punishmeÌ„t therof is hell according to S. Paules doctrine and then I confesse that this were to be accompted an extraordinary sanctity indeed that a woman brought vp in such liberty for so many yeares togeather in so corrupt a time who as M. Barlow here telleth vs was no Cloystred-Nun but a Queene that liued in all prosperity in the midest of all temptations and allurements both of Sathan the flesh and the world should neuer commit so much as one mortall sinne But I would aske M. Barlow how he commeth to know this secret did he euer heare her Confession For if he did he might with far better conscience vtter her vertues knowne thereby to her prayse and to the edification of others then he did the Earle of Essex his vices to his infamy and other mens scandall But I for my part doe thinke that albeit Queene Elizabeth went often to confession in Queene Maries dayes yet from that time to her death which was more then forty yeares she neuer tooke the benefit of that Sacrament in which long time wee may wel imagine what store of dust a house much frequented would haue gathered that had neuer bene swepâ— in so long a space And albeit shee had had both grace wil and time to coÌ„fesse her sins yet do I belieue that she would neuer haue chosen M. Barlow for her Confessour and Ghostly Father and consequently all that he talketh here of her vices criminall and not continued and
downe in his seauenth booke of his Visible Monarchy The seuere lawes also against them that refused to take the Oath of supremacy and should say or heare masse were made long befoâ—e this and put in practice so as this narration could not stand What replyeth M. Barlow to this Niâ—il ad Rhâ—â—â—â— sayth he the speach is here of lawes whose payne is death Yea Syr. And is it so I refer me to the wordes euen now recited out of the Apology that her Maiestie neuer punished any Papiâ—â—â—â—â— Religion that she was most free from all persecution doth not all any include other punishments besides death Moreouer when it is sayd that she neuer made any rigâ—â—ous lawes against Catholickes doth this only compreheÌ„d the lawes whose punishment is death To what straites is M. Barlow driuen here And yet if he doe remember well the oath of Supremâ—cie he cannot but know that the third refusall therof is also death So as euery way the poore man is taken OF QVEENE ELIZABETH HER FELICITIES and infelicities CHAP. II. AFTER this followeth another question betweene M. Barlow and me about the felicities or infelicities of Queene Elizabeth or rather betweene the Lord Iustice Cooke and me who hauing vpon diuers occasions to the exprobration of Catholicke men and religion whome she pursued in her life time enlarged himselfe extraordinarily in her exaltation calling her The happie Queene The blessed Queene and the like I was forced for defence of the truth to examine somewhat the grounds of this felicitie My words then were That the said Lord Cooke vpon the occasion of certaine words in Pope Clements Breue where Queene Elizabeth is named misera semina a miserable woman in respect no doubt of the miseries of her soule litle respected by her vpon which wordes the Oratour triumpheth thus What miserable it is sayd that miseria coÌ„stâ—s ex duobus contrarys copia inopia copia tribulationis inopia consolationis miâ—erie consisteth of two contraries of aboundance and penury aboundance of tribulation penury of consolatioÌ„ And then he sheweth in what abouÌ„dance of coÌ„solations Q. Elizabeth liued in al her life without waÌ„t of all tribulation which if it were true yet is it but the argument which the worldlinges vsed in the Psalme to proue their felicitie that their Cellars are full their sheep fertile their kine fat they suffer no losse and then Beatâ—â— dixeri nâ— populim cuiâ—ac sâ—nt happie did they call the people that had these things But the holy Ghost scorneth them and so may all men do our Oratour that vseth and vrgeth so base an argument in so high a matter And as for his definition of misery by copia and inopia store want it is a miserable one in deed neuer heard of before I thinke to come from any mans mouth but his owne it being ridiculous in Philosophy and fit to be applyed to any thing that hath eyther store or want As a wise man in this sort may be defined to be him that hath store of witt and want of folly and a foole to be him that hath store of follyâ— and want of wit and so a rich man is he that hath store of riches want of beggarie a poore man is he that hath store of beggarie penury of riches And are not these goodly definitions thinke you for so great and graue a man to produce Thus passed the matter then But now M. Barlow doth constitute himselfe Aduocate for the Iustice and if he plead his cause well he will deserue a good â—ee for the cause it selfe is but weake as preseÌ„tly you will behould The Lord Cooke sayth he who at the Arraignement of Garnet indignantly scorning that the high Priest of Rome should in a Breue of his call so great a Prince as Quene Elizabeth was Miseram Fâ—minam a miserable woman by a description of miserie consisting of two contraries want of comâ—ort and plenty of tribulation shewes by many reasons euident and demonstratiue that she hauing aboundance of ioy and no touch of affliction but blessed with all kind of felicities could not be called Miserable c. In which words I would haue you note first that wheras here he sayth that the Iustice shewed this by many reasons euident and demonstratiue within a dozen lines after he saith of these reasons But if they be not concluding demonstrations yet as least let them be probable perswasions which is quite contrary to that which he sayd before that they were euident and demonstratiue so soone the man forgetteth himselfe But to the matter it selfe that albeit all these temporall felicities ascribed to Queene Elizabeth had bene so many and so great as Syr Edward affirmeth them yet had it beene but the argument of worldlings who in the 143. Psalme did measure their felicity by their full Cellars were checked for the same by the holy Ghost by teaching them that not Beatus populus cui haec sunt but beatus populus cuius Dominus Deus eius consequeÌ„tly that Queene Elizabeth might haue these temporall felicities and yet be truly miserable in that sense wherin Pope Clement so called her to wit concerning the affaires of her soule and euerlasting saluation To this I say he answereth first by demanding why temporall prosperitie may not be made an argument of Gods loue to Queene Elizabeth and of her felicitie for so much as it is scored vp for one of the Notes of the true Church by Cardinall Bellarmine de Notâ—â— Ecclesiae Nota 15 Whereunto I answer that this temporall felicitie is not to our purpose for that Pope Clement spake of her spirituall infelicitie as hath bene shewed and that temporall felicitie doth not infer or argue spirituall felicitie euery man will confesse that hath spirit to discerne it for that the whole Scripture is ful of testimonies that wicked men and consequently miserable in soule haue bene temporally blessed by Almighty God made rich powerfull prosperous euen to the very affliction scandalizing as it were of the iust and vertuous but yet were they not happy for this but most miserable euen as those Israelites were that hauing their fill of quailes in the desert sent theÌ„ from God they had no sooner eaten them as the Scripture sayth adhuc escae eorum eraÌ„t in ore ipsorum ira Dei ascendiâ— super 〈◊〉 the meat was yet in their mouthes and the wrath of God did fall vpon them And he that shall read ouer the 72. Psalme shall see that it is altogeather of this matter to wit of Dauids admiration of the wealth and prosperitie of the wicked whose end notwithstanding he sayth to be most miserable aestimabam vt cognoscerem hoc labor est ante me donec intelligam in nouissimis eorum deiecisti eos dum alleuarentur I did thinke I could haue vnderstood this matter but it is harder then I imagined vntil I coÌ„sidered their ends thou
sayth M. Barloâ— to this Doth not common sense teach it to be so And thus much for the death of those our Catholike and innocent Priests whose death was pretiosa in conâ—â—ecta Domini pretious in our Lords sight that died only for testimony of his truth which if M. Barlow did as well see and feele as Queene Elizabeth doth at this day he would not so prattle as he doth Let vs see a little further He bringeth in for proofe of the Queenes mildnes an Historiographer of Genua called Bizarrus or Bizarro which in English signifieth a Mad-cap and he is brought in to tell vs certaine points of a Mad-cap indeed to wit the great moderation of her mind her in-bred clemencie though himselfe be an out-bred that she gouerned her subiects with exceeding great mildnes abhorring from bloud or putting any to death c. which belike he writing in Genua knew better then English men liuing in England who felt the smart in themselues and others whiles this man was out of the Gunshot and as it is likely well paid for his paynes for Syr Horatio Parauicino was able both for his credit and wealth to vndertake a greater matter then this And for that you M. Barlow with M. Sutcliffe and others do so often alleadge this Bizarro as an Author against vs it shall auaile much both for your credits and his to tell vs where when and by what authority he was printed for here in Italy we can heare of no such worke although some search hath bene made for him which doubtles we should do had he bene set forth in these parts and therefore we thinke him to be no Catholike writer but of a bastard brood and a Mad-cap indeed of your owne making Besides that how truly he writeth not only all England but all the whole world can testify and to omit all other most cruell massacring and bloud-shed the memory of the vnnaturall and Butcherly Tyranny executed vpon his Maiesties Mother will remaine for a most rufull example to all posterity But M. Barlow not content with externe witnesses alleadgeth also domesticall saying Your owne Priests shal speake for Queene Elizabeths lawes and then cyteth out of the book of Quodlibets a certaine pathetical exaggeration in praysing Queene Elizabeth and her lawes also against Catholickes which we esteeming to come from that good suggester Ri. Can. who suggested so notorious a lie vnto M. Mortâ—n as himselfe complaineth hath byn shewed in the late Reckoning with him we esteeme it accordingly do giue it the credit that it deserueth which is nothing at all And M. Barlow is driuen to a hard exigent wheÌ„ he stoopeth so low as to take vp these base raggs to blazon Q. Elizabeths prayses withall which a wiser man would haue byn ashamed to alleage especially knowing with what sorrow of hart the poore man that fathered that filthy worke repeÌ„ted him at his death therof asked of God the Iesuites pardon for the same as before hath bene signified OF QVEENE Elizabeths Sicknes and Death and other things belonging thereunto §. III. AFTER the former points of Queene Elizabeths lawes and executions therof made against Catholikes and Catholike Religion whereby she made her selfe most odious both at home and abroad to forrayne Princes yea to many Protestant Potentates themselues that misliked such cruelty I shewed that as the naturall effect and consequence in such causes is feare diffidence suspition and vexation of mind so grew the same vpon her very much in the course of her life especially towards her latter dayes when she was impressioned that not only Priestes and Iesuites who indeed did pray to God for her conuersion but souldiars also and Captaynes and Phisitians did seeke her death eyther by poysoning her body saddle chayre seate or somewhat else belonging vnto her as the deathes of Lopez Squier others doe testify to all which M. Barlow doth answere now by running to certayne common places and sentences that proue nothing but only that he hath bene more diligent then iudicious in gathering them out of Authours and applying them without puâ—pose for he telleth vs first out of Salust that Ingenia Regum sunt prona ad formâ—dinem the inclination of Kings are prone to feare And then out of Seneca Dâ—bia pâ—â— certis solent timere Reges Kinges are wont to feare thâ—ngs that be doubtâ—full for certayne which in my iudgement maketh more for my purpose then his Then he sayth that it was not soe with Queene Elizabeth for that carefull she was fearefull she was not wary she was but not iealous prouident but not suspicious wherin I referre me to them that knew her better then M. Barlow and to the effects themselues which are the best witnâ—sses And for that I sayd in my Letter that this griping passion of feare and iealousy did force her to lay hands vpon the bloud of the most dearest in affection and nearest of kinted that she had in this life as the Earle of Essex and his Maiesties Mother M. â—arlow comming to answer this poynt sayth neuer a word but passeth it ouer with mumme-sâ—lence and no marueile for he had sayd so much before both for the Earle and against the Earle while the Queene was a liue for him in setting â—orth his excessiue prayses and tryumph after Calâ—s voyage when he hoped to haue preferment by him and against him aâ—ter his dâ—ath when the path of promotion opened it selfe another way to wit by disgracing infaming him as I thinke the miserable man knew not what to say perswading himselâ—e wherin I thinke he erred not that whatsoeuer he should say no man would belieue or greatly care of it and therefore sylence was the best But for the thing it selfe I meane the manner of his dâ—ath I will not meddle nothing doubting but that so loose and exorbitant a life as he led being alwayes accoÌ„panied with crewes of goodfellow-Ministers that by life and doctrine taught him that way of perfection in their trade he deserued no better an end then he receiued And moreouer it may be also that the State and Queene had further reasons to moue them to seuerity against â—im then euery man knoweth although with the Queenes owne person he was thought to be further engaged for speciall â—auours receyued then that vpon the suddayne he could fall to hate her and seeke her destruction and so he protested at his death though this bloudy Sycophant in strayning his actions thoughts and intentions after his death at Paules Crosse wher in a maÌ„ may discouer supereminent malice issuing out of the roote of ambition leuelled all his speach to that end to styr vp and confirme iealousy in the Queenes mynd that they two could not liue togeather and therefore in the end of his Sermon extant now in print he left thirteene most spightfull recordes to be borne in memory whereof the sixt is in these wordes Hiâ— liâ—e a danger to the Queene marke that
Which wordes of marke that are not adioyned to any of the other recordes whereby it is euident that that was the butt wherat he shot and may probably bee ghessed that as Ladron de casa one wholy depending of him and knowing his secret intentions was vsed before to beate this poynt secretly into the Queenes head while the other was aliue which after his death he preâ—ched so publikly And no man doubteth but that if his Maiestie that now is whome he so highly flattereth had then come in his way and that it had as well layen in the Queenes power as it did in her desire to equall his fortune with his Mothers for her owne greater safety this fellow would as eagerly haue runne vpon the same Theme as he did then against the Earle to wit that the King of Scotlandes life had bene a danger to the Queenes life of England and would haue sayd also marke that Nay he would confirme it with the saying of Tacitus which here he doth alledge for iustifying his Mothers death suspectus sempâ—r inâ—isusque dominantibus quisâ—â—e proximuâ— aestimatur He that is next in succession to a principality is alwayes suspected and hated by him that is in possession Vpon which ground M. Barlowes eloquence would quickly haue drawne forth some probable argument of likely danger to the Queenes life if the other were permitted to liue and consequently consulenâ—â—â— securitati it is good to make sure I will not stand to discourse what he would haue done in such a case if it had fallen out for his purpose for that may be presumed by that which he did which was to scan the sayd Earles actions wordes driftes and intentions with as much malignity as euer lightly I haue noted in any to make him odious to the Prince State and especially to the Cittie of London which â—e knew to be well affected vnto him therfore his thirteenth and last record was to the sayd Cittizens there present deliuered in these words Hiâ— hard opinion and censure of your basenes and vnfaythâ—ullnes to thâ— Queâ—ne which manner of Sycophancy himselfe conâ—esseth in a Preface afterward to the Reader did so much displease the Mayneâ— to vse his word as if he had with Ananias lyed to the holy Ghost or preached his owne damnation Others gaue out that he was strooke suddaynly with a dredfull sicknes others sayth he with more virulence though with lesse violence for penal charge frame matter of hard iudgement out of the discourse it selfe first in generall that I haue broken the Canon both of religion and law in reuealing a Penitents confession which was with remorse and priuate c. Secondly in particuler because in one part of my Preface I sayd that I was not a penny the richer nor a step the higher for the Earle albeyt I celebrated his glory at the Crosse for Cales victory and therefore hence they coÌ„clude that I now speake of splene and preach for rewardes Thus farre M Barlow testyfieth of the peoples iudgmeÌ„t coÌ„cerning him his iudgemeÌ„t of the Earle of Essex wherin he being so much interessed as now you see no meruaile though he passed this point with silence Let vs see what he sayth to the other coÌ„cerning his Maiesties Mother and her making away First he beginneth with a common place as before I mentioned saying If iealous suspition and feare extend it selfe to any it commonly alights vpon the heyre apparent or the successour expected And for proofe of this he citeth the wordes of Tacitus before by me alleadged And how litle this maketh to his purpose for excuse of the matter euery meane-witted-reader will coÌ„sider He goeth further therefore saying That as beâ—ore this censurer brought in the Mother of his Maiesties Father for a parallell to the Powder-treason so he reckoneth now for one of Queene Elizabeths miseries the death of the Queene his Maiesties Mother Wherto I answere first that the parallel was iust as to me it seemed for that as this treasoÌ„ was designed by powder so that of his Maiesties Father was both designed and executed And as this was done by Catholickes so that by Protestants only this happy difference there was that wheras the other had effect this had not And secondly I say I did not reckon the death of the Queene his Maiesties Mother for a misery of Queene Elizabeth if wâ—e respect the effect it selfe for that I doubt not but that the sayd Queene Elizabeth did hould it for a felicity to be able to achieue it but I hould it for an infelicity in respect of the cause that forced her vnto it which was miserable feare iealousy and suspition But what inference doth he make of this thinke you Let vs heare him vtter it in his owne words VVherby sayth he the Reader may iudge how he would vse hiâ— Maiesties owne fame if he were gathered to his Fathers when he is glad to alleadge soe vnsauoury examples of both his parents What sequele or consequence is this For that I doe with compassion and detestation of the facts make mention of both theyr murthers procured and executed by people of M. Barlows Religion therefore I would vse euill his Maiesties â—ame if he were gathered to his Fathers What coherence is there in this or whereof doth this consequence sauour but of folly only and malice But yet he passeth on to a further poynt of defence for this hath none at al as you see That renowned Queens death sayth he was a misery indeed to this whole Land and the most inâ—â—leble blot that can be recorded of this Countrey Doe you see that now he calleth her renowned against whom in their ordinarie books and Sermons they did vse in those dayes the most vilest and basest speaches that could â—e applyed to a woman doe you heare him say now that in deed her deaâ—h was a misery to the wholâ— land doe you heare him tell vs that the blot thereoâ— is indeleâ—le VVould he haue spoken so in his Saint Queenes life time This fellow is no time-seruer you may be sure VVell this is hiâ— confession Let vs heare his excusation ad excusandas excusationes in peccato But sayth he that our late Soueraygne was abused therein and that wicked act committed before her knowledge therof besides her notable expressing of her owne grieâ—es when she heard oâ— it other sufficient proofes haue fully resolued all honâ—st men hereof So he And I trow hee meaneth honest men of his owne honesty that will admit for sufficient any prooâ—es for the making away of any without scruple that stand in theyr light But was Queene Elizabeth abused therein VVas the act of cutting oâ— the head of Queene Mary of Scotland a wicked act VVould M. Barlow haue called it so in Queene Elizabeths dayes That it was commited before her knowledge Durst any man in her dayes â—ut to death a kitchin boy of her house much lesse of her bloud without her knowledge approbation and
consent Did she make so notable a demonstration of her owne griefes which she had therof What demonstration was this Wherin did it consist Did she shed teares Did she vest her selfe with sâ—ckloth for the same Did she put any man to death any of the doers or counsellours therof And if not what sufficient proofes notable expressing of her griefes doth this Minister meane What mourning garmentes were there seene throughout the whole Court for this fact What signe of sorrow and publick afflâ—ction Of her Mother it is written that when she heard oâ— Queen Dowagers death she mourned in yellow sattin with gould lâ—ce what apparell Queene Elizabeth did mourne in for Queene Maryes death by her selfe commanded I read not but that then as the cause waâ— somewhat like of both theyr ioyes both of Queene Anne and Queene Elizabeth mother and daughter by the faâ—l of their aduersaries it is probable also that their mourning habits were not vnlike But in truth when I doe consider the circumstances of that lamentable and vnheard of bloudy action that a Queene of that Nobility so honourably borne brought vp a Queene of two so great Kingdomes and Heyre apparent to the third comming into the Realme vpon assuraÌ„ce giuen hauing no obligation of subiection nor being lyable to any corporall punishment by the lawes eyther of nature or nations beeing equall and no wayes subiect and if she were guilty in any thing yet can it not be preâ—umed to haue bene more then the seeking of her owne liberty being vniustly deteyned which is permitted both by Diuine and humane lawes yet notwithstanding after soe many yeares of afflictions in restraint and prâ—son to be brought to a blocke and to be forced to lay dâ—wne her necke at her commandement whome shee allwaâ—â—s esteemed vnequall to her selfe and to haue her heâ—d cut of as the poorest woman that liued by the common hangman seemeth to mee to be one of the most pittifull spectacles that hath happened in Chriâ—â—endome since that Christianity beganne especially she hauing so potent and able a Prince regnant at that time in so warlike a Nation and so neere as his Maiestie was But let vs see what M. Barlow sayth to this for it foloweth immediatly vpon his former words And since that â—ime sayth hee our now Soueraigne that had the nerest interest in that errand was long agoe satisfied by her Maiesties owne purgation But I would demand of M. Baâ—low what ingredients there were in that purgation he talketh of Colloquintida a little before but I will not stand with him about Apothecary-druggs but this I say that exept the purgation of Queene Elizabeth concerning his Maiesties Mothers death had for ingredients these three things first Confession of her iniustice in that act then sorrow and contrition for the same and thirdly offer of satisfaction I must needes say as God by the Proâ—het â—eremy sayd to Ierusalem Silaueris te niâ—ro mulâ—iplicaueâ—is tiâ—i herâ—am Borith macuâ—ata es in iniquitate tua coram me dicit Domiâ—us If thou shâ—lt wâ—sh thy selfe with â—alt-peeter and multiply neuer soe much the herbe Borith thou art defiled with thine iniquity before me sayth the Lord God But his Maiestie sayth M. Barlow was long agoe satisfied with that purgation That may bee out of prudence â—oâ— the causes that euery wise man will ghâ—sse the times standing as they did Yt may be also that his Maiestie meaneth to follow the wisedome of King Dauid who left somthing in this kind to be done by his sonne which sure I am that if his Maiestie were but three moneths abroad in the world to heare what is talked in other Princes Courtes and Countreys he would exact perhaps a larger satisfactioÌ„ about this matter Now theÌ„ to speake briefly of Queene Elizabeths death which of purpose for some pages I haue ouerslipt to treat of these premises now handled that went before it I sayd in my letter that after so long a life in such worldly prosperityâ—s pleasures and iollityes as hers had bene it was a pittifull death to depart from this world to eternity with so little preparation or mention of God as she is reported to haue vsed wherof I sayd that I had seene a relation of a person of worth that was present at all her sicknes and death and had written the same not long after her buriall which I sayd then I would passe ouer for breuities sake But now for that I am so much vrged thereunto by M. Barlow I meane to impart with the Reader the greatest part of the sayd narration though not all for sundry respects but without any addition of matter from my selfe as most sincerely I doe protest But first let vs heare what M. Barlow sayth to that which already I haue written before First he sayth That if Queene Elizabeth at the first assault of her sicknes were silent and solitary phisicke will ascribe it vnto the nature of melancholy diseases c. Then â— hat reason would interprete that as â—he in refusing peremptorily her bed did shew her Princely resolution stantem mori to dye standing so Christian charity would inferre her retired silence to be a with-drawing of her mynd from her senses for a more serious meditation or her by-past lyfe and future state Behould heere M. Barlowes spirituall Rhetoricke or Rhetoricall spirituality that can make madnes meditation and silence or rather dumbnes vpon melancholy to be a voluntary withdrawing of the mind from her senses Indeed her by-past life and future state were matters that required deep meditation yea contrition also and teares if wee will belieue Saint Augustine who both wept hartily and repeated often ouer the penitentiall psalmes when he lay on his death-bed and further said as Possidius relateth in his life that no man ought to goe out of this life without pennance if he hath time to procure it but alas it seemeth that Queene Elizabeth was not in that state of mynd or sense to procure it or to accept of it if any man had offered the same vnto her As for the other particulers what she answered to her Doctor of Phisicke that she did meditate that she did lay her hands vpon the head of Doctor VVhitguist Archbishop of Canterburie kneeling by her and saying Amen to his prayers and sayd vnto one of her Ladyes wayting vpon her that her mind was little of from God and so gaue vp the Ghost c. all this I say for that it is much different from the faithfull relation of the aforesayd worthy person which was present and wrote the Story as an eye-witnes which M. Barlow doth not I shall remit my selfe and the Reader to the sayd relation which is this that ensueth Her Maiestie being in good health one day a priuy Counsellour presented her with a peece of gould of the bignes of an Angell dimly marked with some small characters which he sayd an old woman in VVales bequeathed her on her
death-bed and therupon he discoursed how the sayd old woman by vertue of the same liued to the age of an hundred and od yeares and in that age hauing all her body withered and consumed and wanting nature to nourish she died commaunding the sayd peece of goâ—ld to be carefully sent her Maiesty allâ—aging further that as long as the sayd old woman wore it vpon her body she could not dye The Queene vpon the confidence she had thereof tooke the sayd gouldâ— and wore it vpon her ruâ—fe Now though she fell not suddainly sicke yet daily decreased her rest and feeding and within few dayes fell sick indeed and the cause being wondred at by a Lady with whom she was very priuate and confident her Maiesty tould her commaunding her to conceale the same that she saw one night in her bed her body exceeding leane and fearfull in a light of fire This sight was at VVhite-hall a little before she departed from thence to Richmond and may be testifyed by another Lady who was one of the neerest about her Person of whom the Queene demaunded whether she was not wont to see sightes in the night telling her of the bright flame she had seene Afterward in the melancholy of her sicknes she desired to see a true looking glasse which in twenty yeares before she had not seene but only such a one as was made of purpose to deceaue her sight which glasse being brought her she fell presently into exclayming againsâ— them whicâ— had so much commended her and tooke it so offensiuely that some which before had flattered her duâ—st not come into her sight Now falling into extremity she â—ate two dayes and three nightes vpon her stoole ready dreslâ—d and could neuer be brought by any of her Counsell to go to bed or to eat or drinke only my Lord Admirall one time perswaded her to drinke some broath â—or that any of the rest she would not answere them to any question but sayd softly to my Lord Admiralls earnest perswasions that if he knew what she had seene in her bed he would not perswade her as hee did And comaunding the rest of the Lords to depart her chamber willed my Lord Admirall to stay to whome she shooâ—â— her head and with a pittifull voice said vnto him My Lord I am tied with a chaine of iron about my nâ—eke he alleadging her wonted courage she replied I am tied and the case is altered with mee About the same time two Ladies waiting on her in her Câ—aÌ„ber discouered in the bottom of her Chaire the Queenâ— oâ— hartes with a nayle of iron knockt through the forehead of it the which the Ladies durst not then pull out remembring that the like thing was reported to be vsed to other for witch-craft Another Lady waiting in these times on the Queene leauing her asleep in her priuy chamber at Richmond at the very first distemper of her sicknes met her at she tâ—ought three or foure chambers of fearing that she would haue byn displeased that she leâ—t her alone came towards her to excuse her selfe but shee vanished away and when the Lady retourned into the same chamber where she left the Queene she found her asleepe as before So in time growing past recouery hauing kept her bed some daies the Counsell sent vnto her the Bishop of Canterburie other of the Prelates vpon sight of whom she was much offended cholerikly rating them bidding them be packing afterwardes exclaymed to my L. Admirall that â—he had the greatest indignity offered her by the Archbiâ—hop that a Prince could haue to pronouÌ„ce senteÌ„ce of death against her as if she had liued an Atheist And some Lords mentioning to haue other Prelates to come vnto her she answered that she would haue none of those hedge-priests so none of them came to her till after she was past sense at the last gasp at which tyme some praiers were said not farre from her The Queene being departed this life the Lords of the Counsell went to London to proclaime his Maiesty leauing her body with charge not to be opened such being her desire but some for some reasons hauing giuen a secret warrant to the Surgeons they opened her which the rest of the Counsell did not contradict Now her body being seared vp was brought to VVhite-hall where it was watched euery night by six seuerall Ladies who being all about the same which was fast nayled vp within a board-coffin with leaues of lead couered with veluet it happened that her body brake the coffin with such a cracke that it spleated the wood lead and cerecloth to the terror and astonishmeÌ„t of all that were present wherupon the next day she was fayne to be new trimmed vp in so much as all were of opinioÌ„ that if she had not byn opened the breach of her body would haue byn much worse Diuers other particularities â—or that they coÌ„cerne speciall Peâ—â—onageâ— I haue thought good for some causes to conceale And this narration I haue byn forced to set forth to auoid the calumniation of M. Barlow who saith vpon my first words in the Letter to my friend This is another Iesâ—â—â—icall tricke as well in matters histoâ—icall as oâ— doctrine to â—raâ—e it out with an impudâ—nt tale but aske theÌ„ for their Author who saith it then ansuâ—â—er is like the Câ—clops câ—y in Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nobody nobody But we say coÌ„trary to the Cyclops somebody somebody or rather many Lodies togeather for that in this point I haue the original by me haue shewed it to many men of grauity iudgmeÌ„t though it be not coÌ„uenient to declare the name of the Relator for this present to M. Barlow for more causes then one And as for his general slauÌ„der conâ—umelies which he though good heâ—â— to cast in that it is a Iesuitical trick as well in matters Historicall as of doctrine to braue it out with an impudeÌ„t tale the assertioÌ„ therof must needs â—hew his impudency if he doth not proue it with some examples as he neyther doth nor can but how often I haue don it against him in this book the Reader hath partly seene and will more before wee end And the two late bookes published to omit all other the one The sober Reckoning with M. Morton the other The Search of M. Francis VValsingham one of their owne Religion do so put them to the wall in this matter of lying and falsifying as if M. Barlow be able well to answer those two bookes and satisfy substantially for the mayne and huge number of falsities therin obiected and demonstrated it shall not be needfull for him to trouble himselfe any more to answer this my booke for I will take my selfe satisfied by the satisfaction giuen to them And thus now hauing buried Q. Elizabeth brought her body to rest for a time would to God we might hope the like both for body and soule eternally Christ Iesus our Sauiour knoweth how
common Catholicke Church nor in that vnitie without good life especially if he should die in any of these sinns mentioned before by S. Paul that goe bâ—fore or follow him to Iudgement The minor proposition is that Q. Elizabeth is noted most grieuously in both these kinds Ergo there may be a iust feare of her euerlasting damnation Neyther doth this preiudice Almightie God his extraordinarie mercies to whome he listeth we speake here of the ordinarie way of saluation reuealed vnto the Church and in that sense onely shal be sayd somewhat to the Minor proposition wherin standeth the cheife moment of this our question That Queene Elizabeth was excommunicated by name by two or three Bishops of Rome whome we hould for supreme heades on earth of the knowne Catholike Church no man can deny that she was likewise excommunicated by conâ—equence though not by name by the General Councel of Trent in all tâ—ose Canons anathematizations which were made against Protestants for their doctrine which she also held no maÌ„ can doubt of as neither but that she was coÌ„prehended in all the cases that touched her faith or actions in Bulla Coenae euery yeare repeated and pronouÌ„ced against Heretikes Schismatikes Vsurpers of Ecclesiasticall power and authority whereof she auouched herselfe to be Head in her owne kingdomes And now that this externall visible Church called Catholike and knowne by that name throughout the world aswell by friends as enemies which S. Augustine sayth is an argument that it is the true Church indeed is the selfe same visible Church that was in the foresaid Fathers times and visibly deduced by succâ—ssion from their dayes to ours is so manifestly to be proued as no man can with reason deny the same and consequently if it were so certaine a damnation to be excommunicated or put out of that Church as now you haue heard the said Fathers to affirme then is it soe now aâ—â—o and then goâ—th hard the case of Queene Elizabeth as you see for that it is not knowne that she was euer reconciled or taken into the sayd Church againe And as for the other point concerning other sinnes meant or mentioned by the Apostle as on the one side I will not take vpon me to determine what or how many or how great she committed so on the other considering the frailty of mankind the temptations of the triple enemie the world the flesh and the diuell the many occasions she had in her free state of life to fall into sinne and that in the space of foure and fourty yeares at least after the entrance to her Crowne she neuer vsed the ordinary help of ancient ChristiaÌ„s for purging her soule which the foresaid Fathers doe teach vs to be not onely contrition but also Sacramental Confession absolution of the Church her state I say being this it must needs follow that so many as belieue and acknowledg this Sacrament of the Church to be necessary to saluation when it may be had yea is câ—mmaunded by the sayd Church vnder paine of Censures to be reiterated euery yeare once at least if not oftener that this woman neuer making the same and dying in that state cannot be saued according to the iudgment of all those that belieue follow that Church that condemneth her which Church being spread throughout the whole world as it was in S. Augustines time and hauing obtayned the same priuiledge which he tooke to be sufficient to demonstrate the true Church to wit that she is knowne by the name of Catholicke both to friends enemies true Christians and Heretickes according to the common sense of men for he proueth that neuer heretical Congregation could obtayne to be so much as called Catholike throughout Christendome or to be knowne by that name this thing I say being soe we see what a dreadful preiudice this may appeare to be against the euerlasting saluation of Queene Elizabeth For if there were so great mayne a difference betwene bodily Phisitianâ—â— both for number skil experience antiquity and authority about the temporall death of any Prince as there is here in all these qualities betweene the spirituall Phisitians of Christendome Catholike and English Protestants concerning the eternall death of Queene Elizabeths soule to wit that so many more temporall Phisitians in number without comparison so much more learned so much more experienced in corporall Phisicke as the other exceed them in spirituall yea further and that they had so many deadly Symtomes Chryâ—es and Prognosticons conâ—â—med out of the authority of Hipocrates Galâ—â— and other ancienâ— Phisitians all tending to mortality as the other haue out of the doctrine iudgment and perpetuall practice both of the said Church and holy Ghostly Fathers of the same foâ— Queene Elizabeths euerlasting death I doubt nothing but that the sayd Princes temporall life would be held for very dangerous or rather his death were very probable Neither did I say any more of the spirituall death of Queene Elizabeth most likely to accompany her corporall I beseech the mercie of Almighty God that it be not soe And here I might adde also another plaine familiar proofe out of the said ancient Fathers and namely out of S. Augustine to the end we may see how his Church did agree with ours or rather the vniuersall known Catholicke Church in his dayes with that Church that hath the same name notes in ours For besides that number of authorities which I cited out of him before as agreeing with other Fathers that it is impossible for an Heretick Schismatick or an ExcoÌ„municated person dying in that state to be saued he goeth further in an other place into more particulers for being required by his freind Quod-Vult-Deus to set downe vnto him a briefe Catalogue or enumeration of all the particuler heresies that the Catholicke Church had condemned from the beginning of Christianitie vnto their time or did hould for heresies in those dayes he set downe aboue fourescore and added in the end that if any man should professe or belieue any of those heresies or any other that had or sâ—ould spring vp he could not be a Christian Catholicke and consequently neyther be saued but euerlastingly damned Now in this Catalogue or booke of heresies which was also gathered vnto their dayes by Philastrius and S. Epiphanius before him S. Augustine setteth downe for damned heresies some that Queene Elizabeth did manifestly â—ould and so was thought to hould and for any thing that we know died in the same as namely those heresies of the Hereticke Aërius that solemne fasts appoynted by the Church were not to be obserued but euery man or woman to fast when they would least they should seeme to be vnder the law So sayth that hereticke And then which maketh most to our present purpose that prayer and sacrifice were not to be offered vp for the dead nor did profiâ— them any thing at all vpon which later poynt I am induced to make
conscience iustice to giue it him yet if I should doubt that by my deniall he would take away the other halfe also or perhaps my life or that some scandall would follow as that other men by my example would shew disobedience in greater thinges I should be bound in prudence and pâ—ety for auoyding of these greater euilâ— both to my selfe and others to obey and giue him the halfe of my goodes which he demaundeth but this is not directly by force of iustice and conscience as you see but per accidens that is to say â—accidentally for auoyding of those greater euills of scandall and perill if I obey noâ— But now let vs see the truth of M. Barlow in relating this resolution of S. Thomas First he cutteth of the words nisi forè per accidens which do alter the whole case and â—ayth that their Angelicall Doctour telleth them that in vnlawfâ—ll things commaunded they must obey â—or auoyding scandall and perill wheras S. Thomas sayth non teâ—tentur obedire si iniusta praecipiâ—â—â— that they are not bound to obey their Princes if they commaund vniust things Secondly M. Barlow distinguisheth not when vnlawfull things are commaunded whether they be vnlawfull only vnto the Prince that coÌ„maundeth or to the subiect in like manner to whom they are commaunded And it may be that the Ministers head conceaued not the distinction or if he did he concealed it by guile and fraud for the thing importeth much to the resolution of the case for when the thing commaunded is vnlawfull only to the commaunder as in the former example when he commaundeth me to giue halfe of my goods wrongfully then may I out of prudence as hath bene sayd for auoyding of greater euils obey that vniust commaundment but if the thing commaunded should be vnlawfull not only to the Prince to coÌ„maund but to me also to performe as to do another man iniury or to endanger my owne soule or to offend God by any sin whatsoeuer then may not I according to S. Thomas his doctrine for auoyding any scandall or perill whatsoeuer perâ—orme the same This was craftily here concealed by M. Barlow for I will not hold him so grossely ignorant as that he did not consider it and the câ—â—se oâ— this concealment was for that it maketh wholy agâ—â—st him in our mayne controuersy of temporall Obedience For that the swearing to the new Oath coÌ„maunded vnto Catholikes in preiudice of their conscience Religion is of the number of those vnlawfull things that are vnlawfull not only to the commaunder but also to â—â—e performer and consequently neither for the auoyding scandall or perill may be obeyed And therby is cut of all M. Barlowes idle discourse which he maketh in this place of â—â—e danger and perill that by taking this Oath he sayth may be auoyded vrgeth vs with the doctrine of S. Thoâ—â—â— therin that euen in things vnlawfull we must obey our temporall Princes But in this you haue seene both the depth and fidelity of the man Now let vs see a poynt or two more and so end this Parapraph Pag. 190. he hath these words against me The Epistler saith he makes the way to end this Paragraph for as coÌ„cerning Rome beiâ—g Babylon he speakes not a word as by silence granting that to be true which Cardinall Matthew playnly also acknowledgeth and â—â—sesseth to be that Babylon of the Apocalyps So hâ— And truly it is strange and ridiculous to see men of reason to proceed in this manner so without reason for it Cardinall Bellâ—rmine and other Catholikes do graunt that Rome was called Babylon by S. Iohn in the Apocalyps and by S. Peter also that wrote his Epistle from thence vnder the name of â—abylon and if S. Hierome and other Fathers do expound 〈◊〉 of Râ—me as it was Heathen persecuted the Martyrs in â—hose dayes and not of Christian Rome or the Christian people of Rome who were holy and Saynts in those dayes if this I say be so and that the Protestants be told therof aboue an hundred times and yet still their writers do comeâ— forth with this doughty Argument that Rome was Babylon what shall a modest man do but passe it ouâ—r with silence and contempt There followeth a certayne contentioÌ„ about the two â—reues of Clemens Octauus written into England at two different timesâ— about the point of succession to the Crowne â—fteâ— the Queenes death the first exhorting the Catholickeâ— to doe their best indeâ—uours â—or procuring a Cathâ—â—licke Prince the other altogether in fauour and recomâ—mendation of the aduancement of his Maiestie that 〈◊〉 is of which two Breues I wrote in my Epistle that hauiâ—â— procured some knowledg about that point I found thâ—â— they were sent into England not both togeather nor iâ—â—mediatly before the late Queenes death as was obiected but the one diuers yeâ—res before she died to wit vpon thâ— yeare 1600. and the other 3. yeares after to wit vpon thâ— yeare 1603. immediatly after the sayd Queenes death contrary to which M. Barlow sayth that Tortâ—â— affirmâ—â—â— that hauing the Copyes of 2. Breues in his hand 〈◊〉 findeth that they were sent in togeather vpon the yearâ— 1600. But the reconciliation of this is easy For thaâ— those two Breues named by Tortus are accounted by me bâ— one Breue for that they were all of one matter but dâ—plicated in effect the one to the Archpriest and Clergie thâ— other to the Laity so that there is no contradiction at alâ— For that besides that first double Breue there was anotheâ— sent in of another Argument wholy in fauour of hiâ— Maiestie in particuler as now hath bin said vpon thâ— yeare 1603. And so there iâ— no contradictioÌ„ at all in this but that both the assertions are true Only that is falsâ— which is here in parciculer affirmed by M. Barlow that iâ— the first Breue was set downe that no man might be admitted except he would first sweare not only to tolerate but also to promote the Romish Catholicke Religion which wordes are not there neither is swearing once mentioned in either of these duplicated Breues And as this is vntrue so that which ensueth is parasiticall when vnto my speach of Pope Clements particuler good opinion and affection towards his Maiesties Person when he was King of Scotland to wit that he loued him most hartily and alwayes spake honorably of him treated kindly all those of his Nationâ— that said they came froÌ„ him or any wayes belonged vnto him and oftentimes vsed more liberality that way vpon diuers occasions theÌ„ is conuenient for me perhaps to vtter here caused specialâ— prayer to be made â—or his Maiestie c. To all which M. 〈◊〉 answereth in these words That albeys there is nothing 〈◊〉 Mâ—â—â—stie but that which is amyable and admirable his parts of 〈◊〉 art grace all so singular that by the eminency of his place 〈◊〉 descryed far and neere they must needes excite great loue to his
disposition the second causes doe worke infallibly though in producing their effects some worke necessarily some casually some freely Hereby then we see first that M. Barlow vnderstood not his Authors in saying that Gods Prouidence is so farre forth called Gods Prouidence only as it remayneth in Gods secret counsaile for as Saint Thomas in the booke by him alleadged saith Gods Prouidence hath two partes the one is ordinatio or â—ispositio rerum the other is ordinâ—â— executio per causas secundas which second is called fatum or destiny but yet is a part of Prouidence as yow see and therby doth M. Barlow erre grossely in contraposing it to Prouidence saying it is called fatum and not prouidence wheras fatum is a part of prouidence as appeareth by that which hath beene said but yet more grosly doth he erre when he sayth that when Gods Prouidence doth shew it selfe in sensible effects it is destiny not prouidence for that this Fatum or destiny consisteth as it hath beene said in the order connexion of the second causes before they worke their effect not in the sensible effects themselues when they are now produced and extra causas And so by this we see in part M. Barlowes profundity in Schoole-diuinity But we haue not yet done for that he goeth forward against the Pope saying If after the murther of the King of France the Pope had seene that some really true not partially supposed good had bene effectuated by the Parricyde that should he truly and only haue ascribed to Gods Prouidence as Ioseph applyed his being in Egypt for the reliefe of his kinred vnto Gods permission but not vnto his brethrens sale c. And heere now we see another profundity not so much of Diuinity as eyther of ignorance or impiety ascribing only vnto Gods Prouidence things that in our eyes seeme good and profitable wherin he impiously abridgeth Gods Prouidence which is ouer all things without exception eyther dispositiuè or permissiuè by ordayning or by permitting as he might haue seene in the Author by him alleadged I meane S. Thomas in his question de Prouidentia not that God is the Author of sinne or of the obliquity therof as Caluin his followers wickedly affirme but that God doth vse euen naughty and sinfull actions oftentimes to his glory and to the vniuersall good of his gouernment and so he vsed the wicked action of Herod Pylate and others to the furthering of Christ his sacred passion for so it is sayd expressly in the Acts of the Apostles vnto God himself that Herod Pilate togeather with the Gentils and Iewes conspired against our Sauiour facere quae manus tua consilium tuum decreuerunt fieri to do those things which thy hand counsaile haue determined to be done To which effect many other places of Scripture might be alleadged wherby it is euident that the admiring of Gods Prouidence in such actions is not an allowaÌ„ce of the thing it selfe as lawfull in the doer for that no man will say that the Apostles did allow the actions of Herod Pilate in putting Christ to death though they do acknowledge it as we haue now seene to haue come by the particuler prouidence of almighty God consequently all that idle speach which is here vsed by M. Barlow against Pope Sixtus Qâ—intus that he did not as King Dauid did in detesting Ioab for his trayterous slaughter of Abner but would haue canonized the Fryar if some Cardinals had not resisted this speach I say is very idle indeed For neuer was there any such cogitation knowne to haue bene in the Pope for canonizing that man nor did the Pope euer prayse or allow the fact as often hath bene sayd nor doth M. Barlow know how he would haue dealt with the sayd Fryar for the same if he had escaped death and had bene in his power to punish him so that all heere is spoken out of passion and will to calumniate much also out of errour and ignorance as hath bene sayd as namely that nothing is to be ascribed to Gods Prouidence but that which to vs seemeth really true good and not partially so supposed So as heere a man is made iudge what is to be ascribed to Gods Prouidence and what not In which case I doe not see how the actions of Herod Pilate could well be ascribed to Gods prouidence as the Apostles did ascribe them I do not see also how M. Barlow can mantaine his assertion here set downe that the selling of Ioseph into Egypt by his brethren was not by Gods Prouidence but only as he sayth for the reliefe of his kinred which the Patriarch Ioseph doth seeme plainly to contradict when discouering himselfe vnto his brethren he said I am your Brother Ioseph whom you sold into Egypt be not afrayd nor let it seeme vnto you a hard thing that you sold me into these Regions for that God sent me before you into Egypt for your safety And more plainly in the last of Genesis where the Patriarch speaking to his Brethren sayth Vos cogitasâ—is de me malum c. you thought to do me hurt but God turned it to good to exalt me as at this present you see and to saue many people And are not these words playne that the whole action of Ioseph his selling into Egypt was by Gods permissiue prouidence Or will M. Barlowes profound diuinity teach vs that in the selfe same mysterious actions one part is subiect to Gods Prouidence and the other not The last example brought forth to proue the Pops accustomed attempts for murthering Princes is that of Queene â—lizabeth late Queene of England against whose life was obiected many attemptes to haue beene made by priuity and incitation of diuers Popes but I desired some proofes therof whereto was answered in thâ—se words for veryfication of this there needeth no more proofe then that neuer Pope eyther then or since called any Church-man in question for medling in those treasonable conspiracyes To which my words of answer were And needeth there noe more Syr but this quoth I to condemne both Confessors and Popes for that no Pope hath called into question or punished any Clergy-man for such like attempts what if he neuer knew of any such attempt nor beleiued that there were any such really designed What if he neuer heard of any Clergie man accused except such as were put to death by the Queene herselfe and so were sufficiently punished whether they were culpable or innocent To all which demands of myne M. Barlow answereth with great impatience For where I demand And needeth there no more Syr for proofe but this His answere is There needeth no more CVRR but that But this I ascribe to his choller And for that he bringeth no other thing of any moment about this matter that I haue spoken largely els where of Queene Elizabeth her affaires I shall
the moon in the Asseâ— belly M. Barlows flattery of Kinges Barl. p. 44 3. Reg. 2. Wisely Syr William Salomons fact of killing Adoniah condemned Lucae 2. Iob 36. Psal. 2. The secoÌ„d psalme ill chosen of M. Barlow for flattery of Princes Examples of Gods terrible threats vnto Kings Daniâ—l .4 3. Râ—g 21. Iob 36. Gods prouidence in gouerning his Church perfect no wayes defectuous Alu. Pelag lib. 1. De planctu Eccl. cap. 13. Aluarus Pelagius abused by M. Barl. Gratian Decret part 1. distinct 5. Greg. c. 10. ad interrogata Augustini Beda lib. 1. de hist. Angl. cap. 27. Bertrand in additione ad glos de maioritate obedientia c. â— Barl. p. 49. M. Barlows falfe dealing in alledging his aduersaries wordes â—et p. 20. Prou. â—4 vers 28. Vincen. aduers. hares August de vera rel cap. 38. Idolatry and superstition not alwaies causes of fâ—ar Foure kindâ—s of superstition 1. Tim. 1. M. Barl. prouoked to stand to his own Authors The Maior The Miâ—or An important controuersy to be haÌ„dled If M. Barlow list to accept this offer alâ—beit the author be dead he shall find those that will ioyne with him Barl. p. 52. There is no vltima resolutio with the ProtestaÌ„ts in matters of faith The Catholicks answere concerning his vâ—tima â—esolutio No resolution amongst heretâ—cks What resolution is taken froÌ„ the Pope Pag. 53. M. Barlows hate of ambition scilicet and his mortification M. Barlows stomake for digestion and concoction Barl. p. 54. Letter pag. â—â— Bar. p. 55. M. Barlows idle discourse 1. Pet. 2. 1. Cor. 8. Lett. p. 22. M. Barlowes ill fortune in dealing with Schol men Barl. p. 57. Of â—ctiue passiue scaâ—dall â— 2. q. 43. ar 1. ad 4. Scandal actiue without passiue Ibid. art 2. in coâ—porâ— Carnal Diuinity Bad dealing in M. Barlow The definition of scandal what is actiue and paâ—siue scandall ScaÌ„dalum Pharisaeorum ScaÌ„dalum Pusilloâ—uÌ„ S. Thomas expounded S. Thom. abused The errours of M. Barlow about the matter of scaÌ„dall M. Barlows want of patieÌ„ce M. Barlow vnderstaÌ„deth not the tearâ—es oâ— schoole Diuinity Epist. 50. Who lay the scandall of Balaam Catholicks or Protestants Letter pag. 22. M. Barlow speaketh morâ— then he can proue The successâ—oÌ„ of the Church of Rome Barl. pag. 59. 60. M. Barlows arguments against the Church of Rome The Pope both particuler Bishop of Rome and yet chiefe Pastour of the whole Church M. Barlowes bad argument which is false both in antecedent and consequent Euill life doth not preiudice truth of doctrine Barl. p. 60. M. Barlowes Ministeriall phrases of indument and stripping By Baptisme we are made members of the Church ProtestaÌ„ts gone out of the Catholike Church not Catholikes out of theÌ„ Barl. p. 62â— Mattâ— 13â— Antiquity prescriptioÌ„ good argumeÌ„ts in case of Religion Matth. 13. Tertul. aduers Marc. lib. 4. The Fathers do vrge prescription Hilar. lib. 6. De Trinitate ante medium Hier. Episâ—â— ad Paâ—nachium Pag. â—2 Concil Caâ—thag apuâ— CyprianuÌ„ Bad dealing of M. Barlow How posseâ—sioÌ„ with prescriptioÌ„ are euincing arguments in mâ—tters of fayth Sober Rec. cap. 3. §. 101. c. M. Barlow hardly vrged Matth. vlt. Matth. 16. No such Oath euer exaâ—ted by oâ—her Princes Barl. pag. 62. About Q. Elizabeths raigne life death Lett. p. 27. Queene Elizabeth her Manes M. Barlowes flattering loquence Barl. 64. M. Barl. turnes with the wynd like a weather-cocke Quene Elizabeth otherwise blazoned by forrain writers then M. Barlow reporteth Barlow p. 66. 67. Q. Elizabeth Canonized for a Saint by M. Barlow Q. Elizabeth in M. Barl. his iudgment neuer coÌ„mittâ—d anâ— mortal sinne Q. Elizabeth would neuer haue chosen M. Barlow for her ghostly Father About Q. Elizabeths Manes sacrificing vnto theÌ„ Barl. p. 74. Hierom. Eâ—ist ad Rom. Oratâ—â—em August de Dâ—â—tr Chrisâ—ian M. Barl. his trifling Act. 28. v. 11. 2. Pet. 2. 4. Act. 17. 28. Rom. 14.4 In what cases a maÌ„ may iudg of another 1. Tim. 5. 24. Barl. p. 75. Matth. 6. About externall mortifications 3. Reg. 2â— 27. Achab truly mortified Prophane impietie in M. Barlow Q. Elizabeth no cloystered Nunâ—e A place of S. Paul expounded coÌ„cerning bodily exercise Châ—ysost in comment ad c. 4. in 1. Tim. 3. Reg. 17. M. Barlow no friend to mortifications A strange kind of mortificaâ—â—on Mortification Rom. 8. 13â— Aug. l. 1. confeâ—s c. 5. Bern serm 52. in Cant. Ser. 13 de verbâ—â— Apost Strange kind of answering Gregor 5. moral c. â— Two parts of mortification internall externall Externall mortification in Princes M. Barlow a Deuine for the Court. Apol. pag. 16. M. Barl. foolish shift in answering his Aduersaries obiection about the PersecutioÌ„ vnder Q. Elizabeth Lett. paâ— 18. Let. p. 29. L. Cooke in the book of the late arraignmeÌ„t fâ—l 53. Psal. 143. Barl. p. 78. M. Barlow very forgetfull Temporall felicity no argument of spirituall happines Psal. 72. Hier. 12. Abacuâ— 10. Psalm 77. Bâ—llarm de notis Eccl. cap. 15. A place of Bâ—llarmâ— answered concerning temporall felicity S. August discourse S. Hierome Arnobius S. Basil. S. Chrysostome Theodoret Euthymius Psal. 2. 4. Psa. â— 36.23 Sapien. 4. Prouerb 1. 26. M. Barlâ— moues habens L. Câ—â—â—â— in tâ—e last boâ—ke â—f Arrâ—ignmeÌ„ts pag. 64. A bad definition of Misery by coâ—â—a inoâ—ia Psal. 68. 2. Cor. 1. Syr Edw. Cooke a poore Deuine None soe bold as blind bayard Lett. pag. 29. M. Barlowes weake Philosophy Barlow p. 82. 1. â—eg 31. Eccles. 4. 5. M. Barlow hardly vrged M. Barlowes waÌ„t of Diuinity Strange cases of conscience proposed by M. Barlow Nabuchodonosor more happy then Q. Elizabetâ— Q. Elizabeth her infelicities M. Barlow eueâ— by his owne censure and sentence contemptible M. Barlow followeth not his owne rules â—arlow pag. 96. The vices of wicked Kings recounted after their death in Scripture Letter pag. 35. A monstrous head of the English Protestant Church Barlow pag. 99. Nero and Domitian heads of the Church in M. Barlowes opinion Touching the birth of Queene Elizabeth M. Barl. Babylon Philâ—ra loue-druggs M. Barl. neuer like to be prisoner for religion S. Augusâ—â—â—â—â—o Protâ—staÌ„t Calumnious citations For what cause a maÌ„ may be a Martyr Matth. 5. The Prieâ—â—s that dâ—e â—â—n Q. 〈◊〉 time true Martyâ—s M. Barlows two foolish cases â—arl p. 92. Quodlib pag. 269. 277. M. Barlows trifling M. Barl silence and the cause therof A charitable Bishop Barl. p. 94. Barl. Preface to his sâ—â—mon the fiâ—st sonday in Lent 16â—0 About the making a way his Maiesties Mother Tacitus lâ— 1. Histor. M. Barlow turns his sailes with the wind serues the tyme. Barl. p. 59. Q. Elizabeths purgation about the Q of Scotlands death Hier. 2. 22. About the disastrous death of Q. Elizabeth â—â—5 â—5 The narration of the manner of Q. Elizabeths death In what case we may iudg of other meÌ„s soules after their death 1. Tim. 5. No sin to iudge of men deceased in herâ—sie Cyprian l. 〈…〉 S.