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A40805 Christian loyalty, or, A discourse wherein is asserted that just royal authority and eminency, which in this church and realm of England is yielded to the king especially concerning supremacy in causes ecclesiastical : together with the disclaiming all foreign jurisdiction, and the unlawfulness of subjects taking arms against the king / by William Falkner ... Falkner, William, d. 1682. 1679 (1679) Wing F329; ESTC R7144 265,459 584

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expressed Socr. l. 6. c. 6. by the appearance of an Army of Angels as a Guard about his Palace which so astonished them who were with Gainas that they gave over their attempt Theod. Hist l. 5. c. 24. And when the small Army of Theodosius was engaged against the formidable Forces of Eugenius who rebelled against him the Enemies Darts and Arrows are related to have been forced back upon themselves by the rising of a violent Wind. To these I shall adde that late relation concerning King James Sect. 3 whom when Agnes Sampson had undertaken to kill by Witchcraft Spotsw Hist of SC. B. 6. an 1509. her Familiar Spirit which She employed to effect it came to her and told her it could not perform it adding these words which She did not understand Il est Homme de Dieu He is a Man of God And though all these things deserve consideration the plain Rules of Conscience and Religion give the most full and unexceptionable testimony of the great displeasure of God against all actings of Treason and Sedition SECT III. The practice and sence of the Primitive Church concerning resistance 1. The loyal spirit of the Primitive Christians Above the examples of any other sort of men the spirit of the Primitive Christians deserves to be reverenced and regarded Whilest they lived under Pagan Emperours before the time of Constantine there was no such thing heard of as their undertaking to depose their Kings or Emperours nor no pretence of power in any Christian Bishop to absolve them from their allegiance And I think that for three hundred and forty years after Christ there can be no one instance given of any Christians making any forcible opposition by taking Armes against their Governours Con● 〈…〉 p 115 Origen in his time tells Ce●s●s that he could shew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●o undertaking of Sedition among Christians who were not allowed to defend themselves against their Persecutors 2. Vnder heavy sufferings Yet the heavy sufferings of the Christians were then very great not only by reason of the several cruel deaths inflicted upon divers of them but also because of the great multitudes who died Martyrs in bearing the Cross and following the patience and meekness of Christ. Of which I shall give three instances from the several parts of the World in the end of the third and beginning of the fourth Centurie Eus Eccl. Hist l. 8. c. 9. Eusebius acquaints us that in the Dioclesian Persecution in Thebais which was none of the greatest Countries of Africa there were not only for some days but for some whole years together sometimes ten or twenty oft thirty other times about sixty and sometimes an hundred with their Wives and Children in one day slain by various Methods of cruel death And he himself had there seen some put to death by fire and others the same day by the Axe even so many that the Executioners were tired out and their Axes blunted Such instances speak the admirable patience hope and obedience of those holy men and the wonderful Power of God that preserved and propagated his Church notwithstanding so great oppositions 3. In Persia Sozomen tells us Sozom. l. 2. c. 10 13. that under Sapores his Reign there were sixteen thousand Martyrs of whom an account could be given by name and that besides them there were so great a multitude who died for the profession of Christ that they were more than could be numbred And in France the Thebaean Legion of almost seven thousand Christians being all armed and valiant men became Martyrs by the cruelty of Maximianus the Emperour when they refused to join in the Pagan worship the Emperour commanded twice that every tenth man should be put to death but after both these executions the remainder persisting in the same resolution were all commanded to be slain But they according to the counsel of Mauritius and Exuperius their Commanders tell the Emperour that they submitted their Bodies to his power that they could never be charged with cowardise or deserting his Wars but in this utmost peril where desperate circumstances might make men more resolute they would not take Armes against him yea said they though we have Armes in our hands we will not use them for resistance Ban. an 297. n. 10 11 12. Grot. de J. B. P. l. 1. c. 4. n. 7. de Imp. c. 3. n. 14. Cent. 4. c. 12. col 1420. tenemus Arma non resistemus This famous Story related by Eucherius and the Martyrology is thence insisted on by Baronius and Grotius as also from Crantzius and others And a like account is given by the Magdeburgenses from P. de Natalibus Simeon Metaphrastes and Vincentius 4. And the chief Guides of the Christian Church who lived under the Arian Princes and Julian the Apostate retained the same spirit and sense of their duty Among other slanders Bar. an 351. n. 34. with which Athanasius was charged he was accused before Constantius Athan. Apolog ad Const of conspiring with and stirring up Magnentius against him But Athanasius not only denyeth the fact and declareth how he had openly prayed for the success of Constantius but he utterly disclaimeth such things as not consistent with Christian Principles affirming that if there was any appearance of any such thing in him he would condemn himself to myriads of deaths And he entreats the Emperour that he would have no such suspicion against the Church as if any right Christian and especially a Bishop would advise or write any such thing And much more is in the same Apology in detestation of resistance though Constantius was an Arian and a Persecutor and Athanasius had in his Reign been ejected from Alexandria 5. Under Julian Naz. Orat. 4. Nazianzen declared that the Christians only arms fortress and defence was their hope in God And when under Valentinian the younger St. Ambr. Orat in Auxent Ambrose was required to yield up his Church to Auxentius he tells his people I shall not leave you willingly if I be compelled I know not how to withstand I can grieve I can weep I can groan aliter nec debeo nec possum resistere by other means I neither ought nor can resist And the language that he and the other sound Christians then used was Rogamus Auguste non pugnamus we ask O Emperour we fight not Id. in Epist 33. a● Marcellin and tradere basilicam non possum sed pugnare non debeo I cannot yield up the Church but I ought not to fight The result of all these testimonies is that when the authority laws and rules of Government they lived under did oppose the Christian Profession or the truth and purity of its Doctrine they thought it their duty patiently to suffer and not in opposition to those laws which were then established to take up Armes against their Governors But against the force of this Argument from the
Ordinance of Government is a useful institution that Christian Prayer which suiteth the Christian doctrine can desire no less than that this institution should attain its end and become every way effectual for the doing good And many Christian Princes have signally advanced both the doctrine and practice of Godliness and Religion Ecclesiastical persons subject to Princes 5. And that Ecclesiastical persons as well as others are included under the duty of yielding obedience and subjection to this authority doth appear from that general Precept Rom. 13.1 Let every soul be subject to the higher powers Where as the expression is universal and unlimited so the Comments of S. Chrysostome Theodoret In Loc. Theophylact and Oecumenius S. Bernard Ep. ad Senonens Archiep. Est in loc Gr. de Valent Tom. 4. Disp 9. qu. 5. punct 4. Bell. de Rom Pont. l. 2. c. 29. do plainly declare all Ecclesiastical persons and Officers of what degree soever even Apostles and Evangelists to be concerned therein But this sense of these words though urged also by S. Bernard is not embraced by the present Romish Writers but their exceptions made use of to elude this testimony are of no great force For while they tell us that these words do as much if not more require subjection to the Ecclesiastical power as to the temporal those who thus interpret are by S. Aug. censured Aug. cont Ep. Parm. l. 1. c. 7. to be sane imperitissimi And that the Apostle doth directly discourse here of obedience to the civil and temporal Rulers appears evidently from his mentioning their bearing the sword v. 4. and receiving tribute v. 6. 6. And the pretence that this command doth only oblige them who are properly subjects but not those Ecclesiastical persons who are pretended not to be subject but superior to the secular power doth proceed upon such a Notion which was wholly unknown to the ancient times of Christianity For it was then usual to hear such expressions as these Tertul. ad Scap. c. 2. Colimus Imperatorem ut hominem à Deo secundum solo Deo minorem we reverence the Emperour as being next to God and inferior to none besides him Hom. 2. ad Antioch And S. Chrysostome owned Theodosius as the head over all men upon Earth i. e. in his Dominions And according to this perverse Exposition there is no more evidence from the Apostles doctrine concerning any Christians in general being subject to Princes than concerning Ecclesiastical Officers because his doctrine must then be owned only to declare that those who are in subjection ought to be subject but not to determine whether any Christians were to be esteemed subjects to the Pagan Rulers or no. 7. But though the Apostles were ready to declare all needful truth even before Princes and Consistories we never find them when they were accused before Magistrates to plead against their power of judicature or that they had no authority over them but they defended themselves and their doctrine before them And when S. Paul declared Act. 25.10 11. S. Paul's appeal considered I stand at Caesars Judgment-seat where I ought to be judged if I be an offender or have committed any thing worthy of death I refuse not to dy I appeal unto Caesar he doth thereby acknowledge the Emperour to have such a power over him who was a great Ecclesiastical Officer as to take cognisance of his acting whether he did any thing worthy of death or of civil punishment 8. But against this instance Bellarmine who in his Controversies did yield De Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 29. that the Apostle did appeal to Caesar as to his superiour in civil causes afterwards retracts this and declares that the clergy being Ministers of the King of Kings are exempt de jure from the power not only of Christian but of Pagan Kings and therefore asserteth that S. Paul appealed unto Caesar In Libr. Recognit not as to his superiour but as to one who was superiour to the President of Judea and to the Jews 9. But such shifts are first contrary to the sense of the ancient Church concerning this case as may be observed from the words of Athanasius who being accused before Constantius telleth him if I had been accused before any other Athan. Apol ad Constant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I would have appealed unto your piety even as the Apostle did appeal unto Caesar but from thee to whom should I appeal but to the father of him who said I am the truth which words declare this appeal to be as to a superiour and the highest on Earth who is only under God Secondly this perverteth the Apostles sense and contradicteth his words who declared in his appealing where he ought to be judged if he had done any thing worthy of death which is a plain acknowledgment of superiority over him 10. Thirdly Besides that all appeals are owned by Civilians and Canonists as an application from an inferiour judge to a superiour judge this particular liberty of appealing to the Roman Emperour was a priviledge granted only to them who were free Citizens of Rome and the Apostle could not claim this but by owning himself a Citizen of Rome and therefore a subject to the chief Governour thereof For this appeal was founded upon that Roman law which condemned that inferiour Judge as deeply criminal who should punish any Citizen of Rome thus appealing To this purpose Jul. Paul Sentent l. 5. Tit. 28. n. 1. Julius Paulus saith Lege Julia de vi publica damnatur qui aliqua potestate praeditus civem Romanum antea ad populum nunc ad Imperatorem appellantem necarit necarive jusserit torserit verberaverit condemnaverit in vincula publica duci jusserit And accordingly upon this appeal S. Paul declared that no man no not Festus himself the President of Judea who otherwise was enclinable to have done it might deliver him to the Jews Act. 25.11 SECT III. What authority such Princes have in matters Ecclesiastical who are not members of the Church 1. It may be said that what is declared by S. Peter and by S. Paul to the Romans and also his appeal did immediately respect Heathen Governours and therefore if these places will prove any thing of the Princes power in matters Ecclesiastical they must fix it in Pagan Princes as well as in Christian Div. right of Ch. Gov. ch 26. And this is the principal thing objected against the argument from S. Paul's appeal by Mr. Rutherford who tells us that this would own the Great Turk to be Supreme Governour of the Church 2. And it must be confessed that it is a very sad and heavy calamity to the Church when those soveraign powers who are not of the true Religion will intermeddle in the affairs of the Church without the fear of God and due respect to the Rules of Religion Such was the case of the Jewish Church under the Roman power
where bad notions or inclinations get a through entrance they are apt to propagate and are not easily rooted out Thus S Hierome observes Hier. Prooem in lib. 2. Comment ad Galat. that Galatia which too readily embraced corrupt doctrines in the Apostles times notwithstanding S. Pauls Epistle to them continued to be a place prone to Heresy unto his time And the Church of corinth was so apt to fall into Divisions and Schisms that notwithstanding the Apostles severe rebukes of them for that sin they were soon after his Death Clem. Rom. Ep. ad Cor. strangely over-run with it again to the great disparagement of their Christian profession 7. Of the undutiful carriage of the Kirk of Scotland I gave a considerable and known instance in the former Book And that they at Rome do cast high disrespects and create great danger to Princes may be discerned both by the former Book and by the foregoing Section 8. Positions of Fanaticism and Jesuicism disloyal And besides these matters of Jact and practise it hath been manifest that many wild extravagant and disloyal Positions which are dangerous and destructive to Government and humane Society have been asserted by men of a Fanatick strain and temper of some of which I shall have occasion to take more particular notice in the progress of this discourse De Jur. Mag. in Subd qu. 6. Junius Brut. Vind. Qu. 2. Rutherf of Civil Policy Qu. 9 31 32 c. Some of them assert that the people in general may take the Power and Government into their own hands and deprive and punish their governours when they see cause others grant this power only to the persons who are the peoples representatives others fix the same in inferiour Officers with respect to the supreme governour And others have run on so far as to yield this pwoer to the meanest part of the people as was asserted by an Anonymous Scotchman about the time of the Galloway Rebellion that in the right of self defence the concourse of the Nobles or the Primores Regni is no way of absolute necessity 9. And amongst the Papists they who are of the Jesuitical strain do not only embrace those notions of the Popes deposing power to the great prejudice of Soveraign Princes Authority and safety but they also run into the highest strain of Fanaticism in violating the majesty of Kings and subjecting them and their authority to the people De Rege l. 1. c. 6. Thus Mariana when the Prince is accounted by the people to pervert his government alloweth to them the liberty of publick resistance by open War and also the use of Private violence commending the treasonable Murther of Hen. 3. of France by James Clement and allows very man to set himself against such a Prince whom he calls a Tyrant saying Ibid. c. 3. tanquam fera omnium telis peti debet He also such are the wicked and wretched principles of these Jesuits approveth the use in this Case of deceit and fraud yea and of poyson by poysoning his Seat or Cloaths But that we may think there is something of Conscience remaining in such a spirit as this he condemns Ibid. c. 7. and declares against the giving such a person poyson in his meat and drink for this doughty reason because it is saith he against humanity that he should be put upon contributing to his own Death by any act of his own which he would here do by taking this poyson in his food But sure this mans reason was as far from him as Conscience when he wrote these things in his not discerning that there was altogether as much done in contributing to his own death by putting on his poysoned Cloaths 10. ●ess de Just Iure l. 2. c. 9. ●ub 4. Becan de jure Just ad Qu. 64. D. Thom. qu. 4. And Lessius and M. Becanus two other Jesuits in this particular agree almost word for word with one another in asserting these Positions that a Prince who hath a just title becomes a Tyrant with respect to the administration of his Government when he designs in his Government and aims at his private advantage and not the publick good and burdens the common-wealth with unjust exactions sells the offices and places of Judges and makes Laws to his own advantage and not the publick That when this Tyranny is no longer fit to be born this Prince is first to be deposed or to be declared an enemy by the Common-wealth or the chief Estates of the Kingdom or by any other who hath authority and then he thereby ceaseth to be a Prince and it becomes lawful to attempt any thing against his person and life That so long as he remaineth a Prince that is till such acts be done as are now mentioned he may not be killed by private persons unless it be for their necessary self defence And Lessius saith in another place Dubit 8. for the further clearing his sense in this particular that for the necessary defending a mans own life or securing himself from being maimed it is lawful to kill him who sets upon him himself or procures another to do it And this saith he must be owned allowable against any superiours whatsoever even that a Vasal may in this Case kill his King unless it be likely that civil Wars may follow for discord about succession And in such an high strain of treason and Unchristian disloyalty is the Jesuits Casuistical Divinity But against the falshood and wickedness of these assertions it is needful to declare and defend the true and peaceable principles of Reason and Christianity and against the dangerous effects which such positions tend to promote it is necessary that publick laws provide due security for the person of the King to which purpose the general acknowledgment of the unlawfulness of taking up Armes against him The Laws of England condemnall Waragainst the King is of very good use 11. Our English Laws providing for the safety both of King and Subjects and the preservation of their just Rights do declare it universally unlawful to make or levy any War against the King And upon this account it must also be as much against reason and Christianity yea more both because of the greater duty to superiours and the concern of the general good to invade that Right and Royalty which the Law secures to the King as to deny to Subjects that property right and safety which the Law provides for them I confess the consideration of our Law in matters of doubtfulness difficulty or profound disquisition would be an unfit undertaking for my profession and especially for a man of no deeper study in the Law than my self But I am perswaded that if no men had made use of subtil Artifices and designed methods to obscure plain things there would have been no want of evidence even to any ordinary understanding in this particular to direct them to the honest practises
granting than by denying them liberty to take Armes But I here desire the Reader impartially to consider that there are as great improbabilities of any such Case as is proposed ever happening under any Prince who hath a just right to the Crown as things of this World can admit and if any such should possibly happen the second consideration which I shall propose for the Subjects security will shew a way of help and redress therein 5. How little foundation there is for nourishing the jealousies expressed in this supposition may in part be discerned by looking backwards And in turning over the Annal and Chronicles of many Ages no such thing doth appear to have been undertaken by any English Monarch to enervate and make void the force of all laws and the rights founded upon them And the most that was ever done to this purpose was by them who under a pretence of liberty did take Arms against the King or forcibly prosecuted an opposition to his Government and Authority when great numbers were illegally deprived of their Lives or Estates sequestred decimated and suffered many other injuries 6. But if we look forward no such supposition can be admitted but it must require a Concurrence of all these strange things 1. That all the subordinate Rulers and Ministers of justice in the Realm must conspire against their Consciences the Law and their Oaths either out of choice or fear to pervert justice and to cast off all pious sense of God thereby and all care of their own Souls 2. That such a Prince must have no respect either to God or to his own interest and honour abroad or safety at home which under God consisteth in the flourishing estate and good affection of his Subjects For where Laws are in any high measure violated and prostituted by the Governours and general injuries thereby sustained by the Subjects since Mankind is not only led by respect to duty but also to advantage Aurel. Vict. in Nerone Suet. in Nerone n. 47. Tacit. Hist l. 1. such Subjects may be backward in defending that Prince against those who oppose him which was the Case in which Nero was generally forsaken by his Roman Subjects and put upon destroying himself to avoid that shameful death to which he was sentenced by the Senate Yea such a Prince hath great reason to stand in fear to his own Confidents and instruments for since they must be men of no Conscience and fidelity towards God it may well be expected according to the determination of Constantius the Elder Eus de Vit. Const l. 1. c. 11. that they will also prove unfaithful to their Prince if they can thereby propose a way to advance or better themselves And such instruments may see cause to nourish fears that where injustice violence and cruelty are frequently exercised they may upon slight occasions expect a time when their turn to suffer their part will be the next and this was the occasion of the Death of Commodus the Roman Emperour Herodian l. 1. who was first poysoned and then strangled by the contrivance of some who had been his great Favourites that they might secure their own live which they discovered were suddenly like to be taken away And from this it may appear that there was just reason for that observation of Xenophon Xenop de Regn. p. 911. that tyrannical Governours are under greater terrours and have more reason of fears at all times than men ordinarily have in War because they have not only reason to be afraid of their professed Enemies but of those whom they account their friends and defence And Hieronymus Osorius observeth not without reason Osor de Reg. Instit l. 8. that in such persons the stings and frequent lashes of their own Consciences and some inward though unwilling dread of God besides other fears and jealousies make their state sad and miserable Wherefore though Vsurpers having no right may account in their best and safest contrivance to lay their foundation in force and violence until they think themselves otherwise secure this is so greatly opposite to the interest of a rightful Prince that if he be a person of any reason in the World he must needs reject it 3. It must also be supposed that all those who act as instruments in such oppressions must be devoid not only of the sense of God and good Conscience but also of humane cautionsness For if such an imaginary Prince shall have his Conscience awakened to repentance or shall consult his own honour or else shall end his dayes as his breath is in his Nostrills all such persons are then accountable to the strict judgment of the Law and being Enemies to the publick good have little reason to expect favour 7. The security of Subjects from Gods governing the World The other ground of subjects security though they may not take Armes against their Soveraign is from God being the Judge and Governour of the World Shall it be thought a sufficient restraint to the exorbitancy of a Fathers power over his Children that if he becomes unnatural the earthly judge can both vindicate them and punish him though Children be not allowed when they think fit to beat and kill their Father and shall not the judgment and authority of God over Princes be thought valuable and considerable though he is more righteous and more able to help the oppressed than any Judge upon Earth And the judgments of God have been especially remarkable in the World against such Princes as have either designed the subverting the Laws of common righteousness or have set themselves in defiance against the true Religion and worship of God Socr. l. 3. c. 21. gr Theodor. l. 3. c. 20. Sozom. l. 6. c. 1 2. Naz. Orat. 4 21. The Ecclesiastical Historians and Fathers who write of the Death of Julian which was in the second year of his Reign in his Expedition against the Persians do all agree that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or divine vengeance ordered his Death and that he who did effect it whether Man Angel or Devil for by several Writers it hath been referred to all of these was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one subservient to the divine pleasure And some of these Writers say that himself dying did express so much Hieron ad Heliodor c. 8. and S. Hierome declareth Christum sensit in Media quem primum in Gallia denegârat 8. When the horrid impieties against the God of Israel and dreadful cruelties against the Jews of Antiochus Epiphanes a puissant Prince had increased to a strange height he was at last upon a defeat given to his enterprises struck even to death with inward terrour and the affrighting perplexities of his own Conscience And he then could not but acknowledge that his own injustice and cruelty and his profaning the Temple 1 Mac. 6.8 13. were the causes which brought upon him this sad trouble and forrow adding with respect thereunto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
lives for the honour of God and defence of Religion But private persons were then reputed to have done their duty when they sighed and mourned for the abominations of others as they did who received the mark for their preservation Ezek. 9.4 and kept themselves unspotted from them as was done by the seven thousand in Israel who bowed not their knees to Baal 1 Kin. 19.18 whom Origen Orig. in Ep. ad Rom. c. 11. Naz. Orat. 32. and Nazianzen according to the manifest sense of the Scriptures account to have observed Gods Testimonies and to have been accepted of him 4. But the clearest evidence The coninent loyalty of David against the lawfulness of Subjects taking Armes under the Kingdom of Israel or Judah is from the behaviour and spirit of David The Government of Israel was peculiarly Theocratical and the fundamental Law of their Kingdom was this Thou shalt in any wise set him King over thee whom the Lord thy God shall chuse Deut. 17.15 Now God had rejected Saul and his Family from continuing in the Government of the Kingdom of Israel 1 Sam. 13.14 and Ch. 15.23 26 28. and David by Gods appointment was anointed of Samuel to succeed him 1 Sam. 16.12 13. and Saul himself knew that David was to the King after him and that the Kingdom of Israel would be established in his hand 1 Sam. 24.20 only the Kingdom was not taken from Saul during his life Ch. 26.10 〈◊〉 And upon this account no subject in the World can have a greater Plea for defending himself by Force and Armes than David had in whose safety the common interest of the whole Realm of Israel was in an especial and extraordinary manner included 5. Under these cicumstances Saul unjustly persecuted David who had done him no injury but rewarded him good for evil as himself acknowledged 1 Sam. 24.9 11 17 18. and his rage was so fierce as to resolve to take away his life Ch. 20.31 33. and upon Davids account he cruelly slew fourscore and five of the Priests of the Lord in one day Joseph Ant. Jud. l. 6. c. 14. and Josephus saith three hundred eighty five persons of the Priestly Family were put to death by him and in Nob the City of the Priests he smote with the edge of the Sword both Man Woman Infant and Suckling only Abiathar escaped Ch. 22.18 19. And Saul forced David from the place of Gods worship Ch. 26.19 So that Saul was guilty of a great opposition against God and the violation of justice and Davids defence was that in which the Authority of God and Religion Righteousness and the common good were concerned 6. In this Case David who was not obliged to give up himself in a unjust violence endeavoured to avoid this by prudent ways of escape Hom. against Rebell Part. 2. or as our Homilies express it to save himself not by Rebellion nor any resistance but by flight and hiding himself from the Kings sight And when God delivered Saul into Davids hands at two several times 1 Sam. 24.10 18. Ch. 26.12 the men who were with him were forward to have taken away Sauls life and pleaded that God had administred an occasion for fulfilling his promise concerning Davids succeeding Saul Ch. 24.4 10. Ch. 26.8 But that which prevailed with David to the contrary was the sense of his duty which God had enjoined him Opt. cont Parm. l. 2. obstabat saith Optatus divinorum memoria mandatorum He represseth their inclinations and declareth it to be a great evil and guilt to stretch out an hand against the Lords anointed Ch. 24.6 10 11. and Ch. 26.9 11. And in those places he used words of more than ordinary detestation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let evil be to me from the Lord or according to our Fuller in his Miscellanies wickedness Ful. Misc l. 2. c. 2. or a thing abominable from the Lord will be charged upon me if I stretch forth my hand against the Lords anointed When he had cut off the Skirt of Sauls Robe which might reflect some dishonour upon him his heart smote him And at last when the Amalekite who was one of the Army of Israel under Saul declared that he did slay him though at his own request and when dangerously wounded and ready to fall into his Enemies hands David revengeth the Death of Saul by shedding the blood of that Amalekite 2 Sam. 1.15 16. wherein he gave an high testimony of the great sense he had of the unlawfulness of offering any violence and force to a lawful King and Soveraign 7. Nor was this behaviour of David De Dav. Saul Hom. 2. from an unnecessary scrupulousness or timorous fearfulness but this was so commendable that S. Chrysostome proposeth this instance as a pattern for Christians to imitate and declareth that David gained a greater honour hereby and a greater Victory by having a full mastery over his passions than by his remarkable Conquest over Goliah And David was both a wise man This was from no ungrounded fears but from a clear and certain knowledge of his duty wiser than all the servants of Saul 1 Sam. 18.30 and also of undaunted courage and a Prophet and therefore it is very unlikely that he should be guided by mistaken scruples in that he so oft considered so earnestly expressed and which was his present great interest to understand But it is very observable that about those very times when he expressed his high abhorrence of stretching out his hand against Saul he was under the extraordinary guidance of the Spirit of God and then penned the fifty seventh and fifty fourth Psalms and some others much about that time as appears from the titles of those Psalms compared with 1 Sam. 24.3.8 Ch. 26.1 8. And there have been men of good note R. Kimch in Munst in Ps 57. Gr. Nys l. 2. de Inscr Ps c. 2 6 15 16. both among the Jewish Writers and ancient Fathers who think that those words Al-taschith which are in the title of the fifty seventh Psalm and some others and signify Destroy not have respect to what David spake to hinder his men from destroying Saul which is expressed in the Hebrew and in several Copies of the Septuagint 1 Sam. 26.9 by the same words which are in the title of that Psalm And if this be admitted this Psalm must express that David had the greater assurance and confidence in God for his own preservation and safety by reason of his eminent fidelity to Saul and that this was by the guidance and inspiration of Gods spirit which directed him herein And the substance of this conjecture is thus far certainly true that David had from his loyal demeanour unto Saul much inward joy and peace and expectation of Gods blessing upon himself as he declareth 1 Sam. 26.23 24. in these full and express words The Lord render to every man his righteousness and his faithfulness for the Lord delivered thee into my hand
doubt since you refuse the course of all divine and humane laws with them whether by the law of nature they may not defend them selves against such barbarous Blood-suckers And then he adds Yet we stand not on that if the laws of the land where they converse do not permit them to guard their lives when they are assaulted with unjust force against Law or if they take Armes as you do to depose princes we will never excuse them from Rebellion 20. But in truth the Case above-mentioned ought not at all to be supposed or taken into consideration either with respect to this publick acknowledgment or any thing else For there is greater hurt to be feared from the making such suppositions than from the thing supposed since it is much more likely that such designs should be imagined and believed to be true when they are false as they were in the unjust outcryes against our late Gracious Soveraign than that they should be certainly true And every good man yea every reasonable man may have as great confidence that no such case will really happen as can be had concerning the future state and condition of any thing in this World The princes main interest is to preserve the just Rights of his Subjects For though it should be supposed that some princes may be tempted to think that by such means they might carry on some present design which might please themselves or some other persons who flatter them into it yet this will appear to be against their grand interest And the constant preservation of our Fundamental legal rights by our Kings doth manifest that they well understood how much their interest and their subjects were linked together and withal the confidering this is of great use to quiet and satisfy the minds of subjects and therefore I shall take some notice thereof 21. First with respect to Christianity 1. As to Christianity and the otherworld and the interest of another World For though Princes bear not the Sword in vain but may and must use severity where it is necessary against evil doers yet the precepts of Righteousness Meekness and Love and the laws of Nature and of Christianity do as much oblige the greatest persons upon Earth as other men And since they have a righteous Lord and Governour in Heaven thereupon the dying words of David spoken by divine inspiration are to them a necessary Rule He that ruleth over men must be just ruling in the fear of God 2 Sam. 23.3 And they are also as much concerned as others in the threatnings against the disobedience of these divine Precepts And the Holy Scriptures speak much of the sad estate of all persons whomsoever who practise Oppression Cruelty and Unmercifulness And the future tortures in another World of the greatest persons who were evil and injurious here is also plainly expressed by Plato Plat. in Gorg. fin de Repub. l. 10. Indeed Christianity alloweth repentance but that repentance which is available in Cases of wrong and injury must enclude a necessary care of restitution and reparation 22. Secondly with respect to their honour and esteem 2. Their honour As a good name is useful to all men so an high and honourable reputation of Princes gains them that reverence and respect in the World which is of great moment to themselves and their Kingdoms But whilest it is their honour to secure the welfare of their Subjects the open violating their Rights will expose them to be accounted persons of no Fidelity and Integrity And every man accounts his own interest to be maintained and upheld in the establishing Righteousness and Justice but when men calmly consider things they account Injustice and Oppression to be injurious to the general state of Mankind To this purpose any ordinary man who invaded what was anothers right was accounted by Philo to be Phil. de Decal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Common Enemy of humane Society What was it that made this Kingdom so uneasy and weary under those who commanded it before his Majesties Happy Restauration but that the just Rights of his Majesty and others were then prostrated and the Laws of the Realm and the established Religion subverted And the methods of unrighteousness are the more distastful to all men because he who is unjust to one if he have opportunity and can propose to himself an advantage thereby is like to be so to another 23. Thirdly with respect to their safety Salomon observed 3. Their safety Prov. 16.12 that the Throne is established by Righteousness And it must needs be so because this with other acts of goodness is the way to obtain the blessing of God and also to engage the good affections and hearts of the Subjects which are the great security and defence of Princes But where unrighteousness hath manifestly prevailed though not in the highest degree to contrive utter destruction it hath oft been of fatal consequence Cicero observed Cic. de Offic. l. 2. prope fin that when in the Lacedemonian Government Rights were frequently invaded against Justice this occasioned first the ruine of the Governours and then of the Common-wealth and brought great troubles also upon the neighbouring parts of Greece And when the Cruelties Suet. in Domit. n. 10 11 14. Extortions and Impiety of Domitian made him to be feared and hated of all his own Friends and Intimates and his nearest Relations who knew not how to think themselves secure were the persons who contrived and effected his Death 24. Fourthly 4. Their inward satisfaction with respect to the quiet peace and serenity of their own minds How much inward perplexity attendeth the greatest men who are most guilty of Cruelly and Oppression especially when their Consciences are awakened by the sense of any approaching dangers is evident from the great terrour and fearfulness which surprized Caligula Nero and others of the like spirit To this purpose the account given by Philip de Comines Comin l. 7. c. 2. concerning Ferdinand and Alphonso Kings of Naples and Sicily is very remarkable When Ferdinand through his Cruelty and Oppression was hated at home and could by no means procure Peace with the French his mere grief for his miserable condition brake his heart and ended his dayes His Son Alphonso who equalled at least the miscarriages of his Father though he seemed before to be a man of an high spirit and great Courage was now perpetually possessed with such amazement that in the night in his sleep he ordinarily cryed out of the approach of his Enemies and thought that not only men but even Trees and Stones were the appearance of the French coming against him In this his consternation he resigned his Kingdom fled from Naples into Sicily and soon died And though his Son Ferdinand was of a better temper the Subjects being disgusted by these former Kings and not being hearty in his defence he was overcome by his Enemies lost his Kingdom and a little after left the World 25. Thus severe punishments from the dirae ultrices Aurel. Vict. in Caracalla as Aurelius Victor noted or rather from the justice of the righteous God oft attend and torment the greatest Potentates for their unrighteous actions and therefore the doing justice which God particularly enjoins must needs be their interest as well as their duty And as all these things I have mentioned are useful considerations against all injuriousness so are they of especial weight against the highest oppression and designs of ruine And besides what I have here discoursed Ch. 2. Sect. 2. n. 3 4 c. I also refer the Reader to what I have said in a former Chapter concerning the security which Subjects have of their interest and property though they may not take Arms against their Soveraign And these things may be sufficient to quell and suppress uncharitable and unreasonable and unchristian jealousies and suspicions if they be impartially and calmly pondered 26. Wherefore since our Religion enjoins us to fear God and honour the King let no evil imaginations be entertained to hinder this duty For as we by the mercy of God live under a Prince of great Clemency and Justice so there is little cause to fear that any Soveraign who stands so much concer●●d from the most solemn obligations and his own interest every way to maintain and preserve the Laws and the good of his people should ever endeavour against these established Laws to contrive the ruine of them nor can there be any pretence that lesser inconveniencies should be a foundation for Warlike Insurrections And let every Christian practise that Obedience and submission to Superiours which the Rules of Equity the nature of Civil Society and especially the Laws of our Christian profession do require But let that unruly and turbulent spirit be utterly rejected unto which ungoverned passions provoke evil men Joseph Ant. l. 17. c. 3. This was one part of the bad temper of the Pharisees that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such who had a special faculty of opposing and going counter unto Kings but no such thing was in the Life or Doctrine of our Saviour nor ought to be in any who own themselves to be his Disciples 27. And now I shall conclude with an humble and hearty Supplication to Almighty God in which I entreat the Reader to join also That he would bless and preserve our present Soveraign and that he and his Successors may alwayes Rule in Prosperity and Peace and in a constant exercise of Piety Justice and Mercy That they may ever effectually maintain and promote the true profession and practice of Religion and the welfare of the Church of God That these Kingdoms may flourish and be under the continual blessing of God and his Protection and Care and that the Inhabitants thereof may faithfully serve him And that no Vnchristian Jealousies and Suspicions or any evil Seeds of Discord may take Root amongst us and that our Holy Religion may never henceforth be evil spoken of through any Vnchristian practices of Rebellion which are opposite to true Christian Loyalty Amen FINIS