king and crowne have great priviledge and prerogative above the state and affaires of subjects and great differences allowed in points of law As for example it is a generall common rule of law that the wife after the decease of her husband shall enjoy the third of his lands but yet the Queene shall not enjoy the third part of the Crowne after the Kings death as well appeareth by experience and is to be seene by law Anno 5. and 21. of Edward the third and Anno 9. and 28. of Henry the sixt Also it is a common rule that the husband shall hold his wives lands after her death as tenant by courtesie during his life but yet it holdeth not in a Kingdome In like manner it is a generall and common rule that if a man dye feased of Land in Fee-simple having daughters and no sonne his lands shall be divided by equall portions among his daughters which holdeth not in the Crowne but rather the eldest Daughter inheriteâ—h the whole as if she were the issue male So also it is a common rule of our law that the executor shall have all the goods and chattels of the Testator but not in the Crowne And so in many other cases which might bee recited it is evident that the Crowne hath priviledge above others and cannot be subject to rule be it never so generall except expresse mention be made thereof in the same law as it is in the former place and a statute alledged but rather to the contrary as after shall be shewed there is expresse exception for the prerogative of such as descend of Royall bloud Their second reason is for that the demand oâ— title of a Crowne cannot in true sense bee comprehended under the words of the former statute forbidding aliens to demand heritage within the allegiance of England and that for two respects The one for that the Crowne it selfe cannot be called an heritage of allegiance or within allegiance for that it is holden of no superiour upon earth but immediately from God himselfe the second for that this statute treateth onely and meaneth of inheritance by descent as heyre to the same for I have shewed before that Aliens may hold lands by purchase within our Dominion and then say they the Crowne is a thing incorporate and descendeth not according to the common course of other private inheritances but goeth by succession as other incorporations doe In signe whereof it is evident that albeit the King be more favoured in all his doings then any common person shall be yet cannot hee avoyd by law his grants and letters patents by reason of his nonage as other infants and common heires under age may doe but alwayes be said to be of full age in respect of his Crown even as a Prior Parson Vicar Deane or other person incorporate shall be which cannot by any meanes in law bee said to be within age in respect of their incorporations Whiâ—h thing maketh an evident difference in our case from the meaning of the former statute for that a Prior Deane or Parson being Aliens and no Denizens might alwayes in time of peace demand lands in England in respect of their corporations notwithstanding the said statute or common law against Aliens as appeareth by many booke cases yet extant as also by the statute made in the time of King Richard the second which was after the foresaid statute of King Edward the third The third reason is for that in the former statute it selfe of King Eâ—ward there are excepted expresly from this generall rule Infantes du Roy that is the Kings off spring or issue as the word Infant doth signifie both in France Portugall Spaine and other Countries and as the Latine word Liberi which answereth the same is taken commonly in the civill 〈◊〉 Neither may we restraine the french words of that Satute Infantâ—s du Roy to the kings children onely of the first degree as some doe for that the barrâ—nnesse of our language doth yeeld us no other word for the same but rather that therby are understood as wâ—ll the nephewes and other discendants of the king or blood Royall as his immediate children For it were both unreasonable and ridiculous to imagin that king Edward by this statute would go about to disinherit his own nâ—phews if hâ— should have any borne out of his own allegiance as easily he might at that time his sons being mâ—ch abroad from England and the black Prince his eldest son having two children borne bâ—yond the seas and consequently it is apparent that this rule or maxime set down against Aliens is no way to be stretched against the descendants of the king or of the blood Royall Their fourth reason is that the meaning of king Edward and his children living at such time as this statute was made could not be that any of their linage or issue might be excluded in law from inheritance of their right to the Crowne by their foraine birâ—h wheresoever For otherwise it is not credible â—hat they would so much have dispersed their own blood in other Countries as they did by giving their daughters to strangers other meanâ—s as Leoneâ— the kings third son was married in Millan and Iohn of Gaunt the fourth son gave his two daughters Philip and Katherine to Portugall and Câ—stâ—le and his neece Joan to the king of Scots as Thomas of Woodstocke also the yongest brother married his two daughters the one to the king of Spaine and the other to Dâ—ke of Britaine Which no doubt they being wise Princes and so neer of the blood Royal would never have done if they had imagined that hereby their issue should have lost all claime and title to the Crown of England and therefore it is most evident that no such bar was then extant or imagin'd The fift reason is that divers persons born out of all English dominion and allegiance both before the Conquest and since have bin admitted to the succession of our Crown as lawfull inheritours without any exception against them for their foraine birth As before the Conquest is evident in yong Eâ—gar Etheling borne in Hungarie and thence called home to inherit the Crowne by his great unckle king Edward the Confâ—ssor with full consent of the whole Realm the B. of Worcester being sent as Ambassador to fetch him home with his father named Edward the out-law And since the Conquest it appeareth plainly in king Stephen and king Henry the second both of them borne out of English dominions and of Parents that at their birth were not of the English allegiance and yet were they both admitted to the Crowne Yong Arthur also Duke of Britain by his mother Constance that matched with Geffray king Henry the seconds sonne was declared by king Richard his unckle at his departure towards Jerusalem and by the whole Realme for lawfull heire apparent to the Crowne of England though
ruine of â—he Râ—alm For whereas â—y the common dâ—stiâ—ctâ—on now râ—ceived in speech thâ—re are three noâ—â—ble differences of religion in the Lâ—nd â—he two extreams whereof are the Papâ—st and â—he Paritan and the religious Protâ—stant oâ—taining the meane this fellow being neither maketh his gaine of all and as he sâ—ekâ—â—h a Kingdome by the one extreame and spâ—ile by the otherâ— so he useth the authority of the third to compâ—sse the fiâ—st two and the couâ—ter-mine of eaâ—h one to the overthrow of all thrâ—e To this I answered In good sooth Sir I see now where you are you are fallen into the common place of all our ordinâ—ry taâ—ke and confeâ—â—nce in the Universiâ—y for I know that you meane my Lord of Leâ—â—â—ster who is the subjâ—ct of all pleasâ—nt discourses at this dâ—y â—hroughouâ— the Râ—â—lme Not so pleasant as pittifull answered the Gentlâ—mâ—n if all mâ—ttâ—rs and circumsâ—anâ—es were wel consiâ—ered excâ—pt any man tâ—ke pleasure to jest at oâ—r owne miseries whiâ—h are like to be greater by his inâ—quâ—â—y â—f God aveâ—t â—t not then by al the â—iâ—kednâ—ssâ—â—f England bâ—sides he being the man that by all probâ—biliâ—y is like to be the bâ—ne and fâ—tall dâ—stiny of oâ—r â—tatâ— with the eversion of â—rue râ—lâ—gâ—on whereof by indirâ—ct meanes he 〈…〉 thâ—â— the Lanâ— dâ—â—h nourâ—sh Now 〈◊〉 qâ—â—th thâ— Lâ—wyâ—â— if you say th◠〈◊〉 for â—he Proâ—estants opinion of him whâ—t shâ—ll I 〈◊〉 for his mâ—rits towards the Papâ—stâ— who for as mâ—â—h â—s I câ—n perceive doe 〈◊〉 theâ—sâ—lâ—â—s lâ—â—tle bâ—holding unâ—o hâ—m albeâ—â— fâ—r hâ—s â—aine he was some yeere their secret friâ—nâ— agâ—iâ—â—t you untill by his friends he was pâ—rswaâ—ed and chiefly by thâ— Lâ—rd North by way of poliâ—y as the said Lord bosâ—eth in hope of gâ—â—ater gâ—â—â—e tâ— step ovâ—r to the Puritans agaâ—nst us both whom notwithstanding it is probâ—ble that he loveth as much as he doth the rest You know the Bearâ—s love said the Gentleman which is all for his own panch and so this Bear-whelp turneth all to his own commodity and for greedinâ—sse thereof will overturn all if he be not stopped or muzlâ—d in time And suâ—ely uâ—to me it is a strange speculation whereof I cannot pick out the reason but onely that I do attribute it to Gods punishment for our sinnes that in so wise and vigilant a State as ours is and in a Countrey â—o well acquâ—inâ—ed and beaten with suâ—h dangeâ—s a man of such a Spirit aâ— he is knowne to be of so extrâ—me ambition prâ—de falshâ—â—d and tâ—â—châ—ry so borne so bâ—ed up so nâ—zled in treason fâ—om his infancy descended of a tribe of traytours and flâ—shâ—d in conspiracy agaâ—nst the Royâ—ll blood of King Henries children in his tâ—ndâ—r yâ—erâ—s and exâ—rcâ—sâ—d â—ver since in drifts againsâ— the same by the blooâ— and ruâ—ne of diâ—â—rs others a man so well knowne to beare sâ—â—râ—t in 〈◊〉 aâ—ainst hâ—r Majâ—sty for causes irreconcilâ—able and most dradly rancour against the beâ—t and wâ—sâ—st Coâ—ncâ—llours of her Hâ—ghnâ—sse thâ—t suâ—h a oâ—e I say so hâ—â—â—full to God and man anâ— so markâ—â—ble to the simplest Subjâ—ct oâ— thiâ— Land by the puâ—lique â—nsignes of hiâ—â—yrannous purpose shâ—uld b◠〈◊〉 so many yeâ—res wâ—thout châ—â—kâ— to aspire to tyranny by most manifest wâ—yes and to pâ—â—ssâ—sse himâ—eâ—fâ— as now hâ— hath doâ—◠〈◊〉 Courâ— Couâ—câ—ll and Couâ—â—râ—y wâ—â—hout 〈◊〉 so that noâ—hing wantâ—â—h to him but onâ—ly hâ—s pleasâ—re and the dâ—y already conâ—eived in his minde to dispose as hâ— liâ—t boâ—h of Prince Crown Realm anâ— Râ—ligiâ—n It â—s much truly quoth I that you sâ—y and it ministrâ—â—h not a little mâ—rvaile unto mâ—â—y wherof your Worship is noâ— the first nor yâ—t the 〈◊〉 person of accompt which I have heard discourse and complaine But what shall I say hereunto there is no man that ascribeth not this unto the siâ—gular benignity and most bountifull good nature of her Majesty who measuring other men by her owne Heroicall and Princely sincerity cannot easily suspect a man so much bounden to her grace as he is nor remove her coâ—fidence from the place where she hath heaped so infinite benefits No doubt said the Gentleman but this gracious and sweet disposition of her Majesty is the true originall câ—use thereof which Princely disposition as in her highnesse it deserveth all rare commendation so lyeth the same open to many dangers oftentimes when so benâ—gne a nature meeteth with ingrate and ambâ—tiâ—us persons which observation perhaps câ—usâ—d her Mâ—jesties most noble Grandfather and Father two renowned wâ—se Princâ—s to withdraw sometime upon the sudden their great favour from certaine Sâ—bjects of high estate And her Majesty mâ—y eâ—sily use her owne excellent wisdome and memory to recâ—ll to minde the manifold examples of perilous haps fallen tâ— divers Princes by too muâ—h confidence in obliged proditours with whom the name of a Kingdome and one houres reigâ—e weyeth more then all the duty obligation honesty or nature in the world Would God her Mâ—jâ—sty could see the continuall feares that be in heâ— faithfull Subjâ—cts hearts whiles that man is abouâ— her noble person so well able and lâ—kâ—ly â—f thâ— Lord avert it not to be the calamity of her Priâ—ely blood and name The talke wâ—ll never out of many mouthes anâ— minds that diverâ— ancient mâ—n of this Reâ—lme and once a wise Gentleman now a Councâ—llour had with a certaine friend of his concerning the presage and deep impression which her Mâ—jesties Father had of the house of Sir Iohn Duâ—â—ey to be the raine in time of his Majâ—sties royall house and blood which thing was â—â—ke to have been fulfilled soon after as all the world knoweth upon the death of King Edward by the said Dudley this mans Faâ—her who at one blow procured to dispâ—tch from a possession from the Crown all three children of the said noble King And yet in the middest of thâ—se bloody practices against her Majesty that now is and her sister wherein also this fellowes hand was so far as for his age he could thrust the same within sixteen dayes before King Edwards death he knowing belike that the King should dye wrote most flattering letters to the Lady Mary as I have heard by them who then were with her promâ—sing all loyalty and true service to her after the decease of her brother with no lâ—sse paâ—nted words then this man now doth use to Queene Elizabeth So dealâ— he â—hen with the most deare châ—ldren of his good King and Master by whom he had bâ—ene no lâ—sse exalted and trusted then this man is by her Mâ—jâ—sty And so deâ—ply dâ—ssembled he then when he had in hâ—nd the plot to dâ—stroy â—hem boâ—h And whâ—t then alas mâ—y not we feare and doubt of thiâ— his son who in outragious ambition and dâ—sire of reigne is not infâ—riour to his Fathâ—r or to any oâ—hâ—r aspiring spirit in the world buâ— far more iâ—sâ—lent câ—uâ—ll vindiâ—ative â—xpert poteâ—t
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
boldnes if I have been too plain with him And so I pray you let us goe to supper for I see my seruant expecting yonder at the Gallery doore to call us downe To that said the Lawyer I am content with all my heart and I would it had beene sooner for that I am afraid lest any by chance have ovâ—rheard us here since night For my owne part I must say that I have not been at such a conference this seven years nor meane to bee hereafter if I may escape well with this whereof I am sure I shall dreame this fortnight and thinke oftner of my Lord of Leicester than ever I had intended God amend him and me both But if ever I heare at other hands of these matters hereafter I shall surely be quake britch and thinke every bush a theefe And with that came up the Mistris of the house to fetch us down to supper and so all was husht saving that at supper a gentleman or two began again to speak of my Lord and that so coâ—formable to some of our former speech as indeed it is the common talke at tables every where that the old Lawyer begâ—n to shrink and be appâ—led and to cast dry looks upon the Gentleman ouâ— friend doubting lest something hâ—d been discoverâ—d of our confeâ—ence But indeed it was not so Pia et utilis Meditatio desumpta ex libro Iobi Cap 20. HOc scio a principio ex quo positus est homo supeâ— terram quod laus impiorum brevis sit et gaudium hypocritae ad instaâ— puncti Si ascenderit usque ad coelum superbia ejus et caput ejus nubes tetigerit quasi sterquilinium in fine perdetur et qui eum viderant dicent ubi est velut somnium avolans non invâ—nietur transiet sicut visio nocturna Oculus qui eum viderat non videbit neque ultra intuebitur eum locus suâ—s Filii eius atterentur egestate manus illius reddent es laborem suum Ossa eius implebuntur vitiis adolescentiae ejus cum eo in pulvere dormient Paâ—is eius in utero illius vertetur in fâ—l aspidum intrinsecus Divitias quas devoravit evomet et de venâ—re illius extrabet eas Deus Caput aspidum surget occidet cum lingua viprae Luet quae fecit omnia nec tamen consumetur Iuxta multitudinem adinventionum suarum sic et sustinebit QuoniaÌ„ coÌ„fringens nudabit pauperes domum rapuit non aedificavit eam nec est satiatas venter eius cum habuerit quae concupierit possidere non poterit Non reman sit de cibo eius propterea non permanebit de bonis eius CuÌ„ satiatus fuerit arctabitur aestuabit omnis dolor irruet super eum Vtinam impleatur venter eius ut immiâ—tat in â—ú Deus iâ—aÌ„ fuâ—oris sui pluat super illum bellum suum Fugiet arma ferrea irruet in arcum aereum Gladius eductus egrediens de vagina sua fulgurans in amaritudine sua Omnes tenebrae absconditae sunt in occultis eius Devorabit eum ignis qui non succenditur affligetur relictus in tabernaculo suo Apertum â—â—it geâ—men domus illius detrabetur in de furoris dei Haecest pars bominis impii à deo hereditas verborum ejus à domino A Godly and profitable Meditation taken out of the 20. Chapter of the Booke of Job THis I know from the first that man was placed upon earth that the praise or applause given to wicked men endureth but a little anâ— the joy of an hypocrite is but for a momenâ— Though his pride were so great as to mount tâ— heaven and his head should touch the skyes yeâ— in the end shall hee come to perdition as a dunâ—hill and they who beheld him in glory beforâ— shall say where is he he shall be found as a flâ—ing dreame and as a phantasie by night shall 〈◊〉 away The eye that beheld him before shall 〈◊〉 more see him nor yet shall his place of honouâ— ever more behold him His children shall be worâ—out with beggeâ—ie and his owne hands shall râ—turne upon him his sorrow His olâ— bones 〈◊〉 be replenished with the vices of his youth are they shall sleep with him in his grave His breaâ— in his belly shâ—l be turned inwardly into the 〈◊〉 of Serpents The riches which hee hath devouâ—â—â— he shall vomit forth againe and God shâ—ll 〈◊〉 them forth of his belly He shall suck thâ— head 〈◊〉 Cocatrices and the venemous â—ongues of addâ—â— shall slay him He shall sustaine due punishmeâ—â— for all the wickednes that he hath committed 〈◊〉 yet shall he have end or consummation thereoâ— Hee shall suffer according to the multitude of 〈◊〉 his wicked inventions For that by violence heâ— hath spoyled the poore made havock of his houâ—â— and not builded the same His womb is never satisfied yet when he hath that which he desired he shall not bee able to possesse the same There remaineth no part of his meat for the poore and therefore there shall remaine nothing of his goods When his belly is full then shall he begin to be straitned then shall he sweat and all kinde of sorrow shall rush upon him I would his belly were once full that God might send out upon him the rage of his fury and raine upon him his war He shall flye away from Iron weapons and run upon a bow of brasse A drawne sword comming out of his skabard shall flash as lightning in his bitternesse All daâ—knesse lye hidden for him in secret the fire that needeth no kindling shâ—ll devoure him and hee shall be tormented alone in his tabernacle The off-spring of his house shall be made open and pulled down in the day of Gods fury This is the portion of a wicked man from God and this is the inheritance of his substance from the Lord. FINIS LEICESTER'S GHOST Printed Anno Dom. MDCXLI LEICESTER'S GHOST J That sometimes shin'd like the orient Sunne Though Foâ—tunâ—s subject yet a puissant Lord Am now an object to be gaz'd upon An abject rather fit to be deplor'd Dejected now that whilome was ador'd Affected once suspected since of many Rejected now reâ—pected scarce of any My Spirit hovering in the foggie aire Since it did passe the frozen Stygian flood Vnto great Britâ—ines Empire did repaire Where of ELIZA's death I understood And that the heavens carefull of Englands good Rais'd up a King who crowned with loves peace Brought in new soyes made old griefes to ceaâ—â— Thus from the concave vaults of starlesse night Where neither sunne nor moone vouchsafâ— to shire My wretched Ghost aâ— length is come to light By charâ—ers granted from the powers divine Snake-eating envie ô doe not repine At honouâ—s-shâ—dow doe not bite the dead My pride is past my pompe from th' earth is fleâ— My
Majesty bâ—â—his statute Gentleman The hastning of the Conspiratours Schollar The Watch-word or the Conspiratours Lawyer Schollar Are you â—atled A great mistery Lawyer Assemblies at Communions Strangers within the Land The perill of our Countrey if Huntingtons claime take place Gentleman The Red Rose â—he White The misery of England by the contention betweene Yorke and Lanâ—aster Guelphians and Gibilâ—neâ— Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick The Battell by Taâ—â—â—ster on Pâ—lme Sunday An. 1460. The danger of Huntingtons claime to the Reâ—lme and to her Majesty Lawyer How Huntington maketh hiâ— titâ—e before hâ—r Majesty * The most of Huâ—tingtons Ancestâ—â—s by whoâ— hee makeâ—h â—iâ—le aâ—tainâ—ed of Treason The fâ—mous device â—f king Richard the third â—â—lowed by Huâ—tington Anno 1. Mariae A point to be noâ—ed by her Majesty The joyning of both houses The Line of Portugâ—ll The old estimation of the House of Lancaster Henry Earle of Richmond The Line of Portugall Scholar The sword of greaâ— fâ—rce â—o juâ—tifie the title of a kingdome Great dangers The beginning of the controveâ—sie betwixt York and Lancaster Edmond Crook-back beginner of the House of Lancaster Blanch. Iohn of Gaunt How the Kingdome was first brought to the House of Lancaster The issue of Iohn of Gaunt The pedegree of king Henry the seventh The two Daughters married to Portugall and Castile Forraine titles The issue of king Edwarâ— thâ— 3. Two Edmonds the two beginnerâ— of the two Houses of Lancasteâ— and Yorke The claime and title of Yorke The issue of king Edâ—ard the fourth The Duke of Clarence attainted by Parliament Huntingtonâ— title by the Duke of Clarence King Richard the third The happy conjunction of the two Houses The issue of King Henry the seventh The Line and Title of Scotland by Margaret eldest Daughter to King Henryâ—he â—he 7. Arbâ—â—â—â— The Line and Title of Suffolke by Mary second daughter to King â—enry the 7. The issue of Francis eldest Daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke The issue of Francis eldest daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk The issue of Elenor second daughter to Charles Brandon Scholar Huntington bebehind many other titles Gentleman The policy of the conspiratours for the deceiving of her Maiesty Scholar Leycesters variability Gentleman Barres pretended against the claâ—m of Scotland and Suffolke Against the Queen of Scotland and her sonne Against Arbella Against Darby Against the children of Hartford Scholar Leycesters dealing with the house of Suffolk Gentleman Bastardy Forraine biâ—th Lawyeâ— Bastardie laâ—â—â—l stops The impediments against Scotland three in number A protestation Touching the first impediment of foâ—raine birth An Alien may purchase The true Maxima against Alienâ— The statute of King Edward whence the Maxima is gathered Reasons why the Scottish title is not letted by the Maxima against Aliens The first reason The rule of thirds Tenant by courtesie Division among daughters Executorâ— The 2 reason The Crowne no such inherâ—tance as is meant in the statute The Crowne a corporation The â— reason The Kings issue excepted by name Liberorum F. de verb. sign The fourth reason The Kings meaning The matches of England with foraigners The fift reason Examples of forainers admited Flores hist. Anno 1066. Pol. lib. 15. Flor. hist. 1208. K. Iohn a tyrant The 6. reason The iudgement and sentence of K. Henry the seventh The 7. reason The Queene of Scots and her son no Aliens The second impediment against the Q of Scots her son which is K. Henry the â— his testament Forain birth no impediment in the â—udgement of K. Henry the â— The succession of Scotland next by the iudgement of the competitors Gentleman Lawyer The Duke of Northumberlandâ— drift Gentleman The mutable dealing of the house of Dudley Lawyer The authority and occasion of King Henries testament The Kingâ— Testament forged The first reason Injustice and improprobabilitâ— The example of France The second reason Incongruities and indignities Adrian Stokes The third reason The presupposed Will is not authenticall The disproving of the Wil by witnesses The Loâ—d Paget Sir Edw. Montague William Claâ—ke A meeting together about this matter of the Nobility Mâ— Lord of Lâ—â—â—est againe plâ—yâ—â— double The old Earle of Penbrooks admonition to the Earl his son yet living The thiâ—d impediment of religion Princes of Germany Qu. Mary Queen Elizabeth * The Dudleis Monsieur King of Navarre Prince of Condy. My Lord of Huntingtons reâ—igion The title of those that ensue the Queene of Scots Schollar The yong King of Scotland Gentl. The device to set out her Majesty with the young King of Scotland The intolerable prâ—ceedings of câ—rtâ—iâ—â—inistâ—rs in Sâ—otlâ—nd aâ—ainst tâ—eir â—iâ—g â— subornation of his enemies in Englaâ—â— Schollar Sir Patriâ—k Adâ—m on Archbish. of St. Andrewes Gentl. Treasons plotted against the King of Scots Leycesters cunning device for overthrowing the D. of Norf. The impudency of Iudas Tâ—e speeches of Leycester â—o the Duke of Norf. Leycest cousenâ—ge of tâ—e Queene The Duke of Norf. flying into Norfolke Machivilian slights Leycesters devices for the overthrow of Sir Christopher Hatton Leycesters devices against the Earle of Shrewsbury Leycesteâ—s contâ—mpt of the ancient Nobility of England Lawyer New men most contemptuous D. Dudlies jest at the Earle of Arundell Gentl. The oft abiect behaâ—iour of Duke Dudley in adverse fortunes Schollar Leycesters base behaviour in adversitie Leycâ—steâ—s deceiving of Sir Chrâ—stopher Hatton A pretie shift of my Lord of Leycester Her Maiesties speech of Leycestâ—r to the Tâ—eâ—suâ—eâ— Gentl. The danger of her Majesty by oppression of the favourers of the Scottish title A Similie true Earle of Leycester Earle of Huntington The old Countesse of Huntingtons speech of hâ—r sonne Lawyer Neaâ—enesse in competitors doth incite thâ—m to adventure Henr. Bullingbâ—ook after King H. the 4 Richard Duke of Gloucester after King Richard the third The great wiâ—edome of her Majesty in conserving the next heires of Scotland The K. of Scotlands dâ—struction of more importance to the conspirators then his mothers The Earle of Salisbury disâ—racâ—d by the competitors Gentl. Tâ—e vigilant eye that her Maiesties 〈◊〉 hâ—d to the â—olatâ—rall liâ—e Persons executed of the hâ—use of Claâ—eÌ„ce The example of Iulius Caesaâ—s destruction Too much confidence verie perillous in a Prince The example of Alexander the gâ—eat bow hee was foretold his danger Schollar Lâ—te executions Gentl. Fraud to be feared in pursuing one part or faction only The comparison of Wolves and Rebels Richard Duke of Yorke D. Dudly A good rule of policy The speech of a certain Lady of the Court. More moderation wished in matters of faction The speech of a Courtier The perill of divisions factions in a Commonwealth The dangerous sequel of dissention in our Realme Gentl. Examples of tolleration in matters of religion Germany The breach reunion again in France Flanders Moderation impugned by the conspira Cicero Cateline The Conspirators opportunitie Leycester to be called to account The death K Philip of Macedonie and cause there of Pausâ—â—ias Kings of England oveâ—tâ—râ—wn by too much favouring of some particular men K. Edw. 2 K Râ—ch 2. K. Henr. 6. Pol. lib. 23 hist. Angl. Lawyer The punishment of William Duke of Suffolk The punishment of Edmond Dudley Gentl. The causes why Princes are chosen and do receive obedience Leycesters Thefts Leycesters murthers A heap of Leycesters enormities that would be ready at the day of his triall Schollar Her Maiesties tender heart towards the â—ealme Gentl. Lâ—ycestâ—rs dâ—sire that men should thnike â—er Maiesty to stand in fâ—are of him Cicero in Officio A rule of Machivell observed by the Dudlies Leycester strong onely by her Maiesties favour An offer made for taking and tying the Beare Leicester what hee receiveth from his ancestors The comparison of Leycester with his father The weaknesse 〈◊〉 Leycesâ—â—r if â—er Majâ—sty turne but her counteâ—â—ce from him Lawyer The end and departure from the Gallerie The wicked mans pomp His joy His pride His fall His children His old age His bread His restitution His punishment His wickednesse His griefe His affliction His damnation His posterity
whiles themselves in the meane space went about under hand to establish their owne ambushment Well quoth the Lawyer for the pretence of my Lord of Huntington to the Crowne I will not stand with you for thâ—t it is a matter sufficâ—ently known and seen throughout the Realme As also that my Lord of Leycesteâ— is at this day a principall favourer and patron of that cause albeit some yeers past he were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same But yet I have heard some friâ—nds of his in reasoning of these matters deâ—y stoutly a point or two which you have touched here and doe seeme to beleeve the same And that is first that howsoever my Lord of Leicester do meane to helpe his friend when time shall serve yet pretendeth he nothing to the Crowne himselfe The second is that whatsoever may be meant for the title or compassing the Crowne after her Mâ—jesties death yet nothing is intended during her raigne And of both these points thâ—y alledge reasons As for the first that my Lord of Leycester is very well knowne to have no title to the Crowne himselfe either by discent in blood alliance or otherwâ—yes For the second that his Lord. hath no cause to be a Mâ—lecontent in the present government nor hâ—pe for more preferment if my Lord of Huntington were King to morrow next then he receiveth now at her Majâ—sties hands having all the Realme as hath bin shewed at his owne disposition For the first quoth â—e Gentleman whether he meane the Crowne for himsâ—lfâ— or for his friend it importeth not much seeing both wayes iâ— is â—vident that he meaneâ—h to hâ—ve all at his owne disposition And albeit now for the avoyding of envy he give it out as a crafty Fox that he meaneth not but to run wiâ—h other men and to hunt wâ—th Huntington and oâ—hâ—â— hounds in the sâ—me chase yet is it not unlike but that he will plâ—y the Beare when he coâ—eth to divâ—ding of the pray and will snatch the best pâ—rt to himselfe Yea and these sâ—lf same peâ—sons of his traine anâ—â—action whom you call his friend though in publâ—que to excuse his doings and to cover the wholâ— plot they will and must deny the matters to be so meant yet otherwise they both thinke hope and know the contrary and will not stick in secret to speâ—k it and among thâ—mselves it is their talke of consolation The words of his speciall Councellour the Lord North are known which he uttered to his trusty Pooly upon the receit of a letter from Court of her Majesties displeasure towards him for his being a witnesse at Leycesters second marriage with Dâ—me Lettice although I know he was not ignorant of the first at Wanstead of which displeasure this Lord making fâ—r lesse accompt then in reason he should of the just offence of his soveraigne said that for his owne part he was resolved to sinke or swimme with my Lord of Leycester who said he if once the Cards may come to shaffling I wâ—ll use but his very own words I make no doubt but he alone shall beare away the Bucklers The words also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir Henry Nevile walking upon the Taâ—resse at Windsor are known who told him after long discourse of their happy conceived Kingdome that hee doubted not but to see him one day hold the same office in Windsor of my Lord of Leycester which â—ow my Lord did hold of the Queene Meaning thereby the goodly office of Constableship wiâ—h all Royâ—lties and honours belonging to the same which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth onâ—ly as Deputy to the Earle Which was plainely to signifie that he doubted not but to see my Lord of Leycester one day King or els his other hope could never possibly taâ—â— effect or come to passe To the same point â—ended the words of Mistressâ— Anne West Daâ—e Lettice sister unto the Lady Anne Askew in the great Chamber upon a day when her brothâ—r Robert Kâ—owles had danced disgratiously and scornfully before the Queen in pâ—esence of the French Which thing for that her Majesty tooke to proceed of wisâ—in him â—s for dislâ—ke of the strangers in presence and for the quarrell of his sister Essex it pleased her Majesty to check him for the same with additioâ— of a reproachfull word or two full well deserved as though done for despite of the forced abseâ—ce from that place of honour of the good old Gentlewoman I mitigate the worâ—s his sister Which words the other young twig receiving in deepe dudgen brake forth in great choler to her forenamed companion and said Thâ—t she nothing doubted but that one day shee should see her sister upon whom the Queene railed now so much for so it pleased her to tearme her Majesties sharpe speech to sit in her place and throne being much worthier of the same for her qualities and rare vertues then was the other Which undutâ—full speech albeit it were over-heard and condemned of divers that sate about them yet none durst ever report the same to her Majesty as I hâ—ve heard sundry Courtiers affirme in respect of the revenge which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Leycesters hands whensoever the mâ—tâ—er should come to light And this is now concerning the opinion and secret speeches of my Lords owne friends who cannot but utter their conceit and judgement in time and place convenient whatsoever they are wâ—lled to give out publikely to the contrary for deceiving of such as will beleeve faire painted words against evident and manifest demonstration of reason I say reason for that if none of these signes and tokens were none of these preparations nor any of these speeches and detections by his friends that know his heart yet in force of plain reason I could alleadge unto you three arguments onely which to any man of intelligence wâ—uld easily perswade and give satisfactâ—on that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best and first for himsâ—lfe in this suâ—t Whiâ—h three arguments for that you seeme to be attent I will not stick to run over in all brevity And the first is the very nature and quality of ambition it self which is such as you know that it never stayeth but passeth from degree to degree and the more it obtaineth the more it covereth and the more esteemeth it selfe both worthy and able to obtaine And in our matter that now we handle even as in wooing he â—hâ—t suâ—th to a Lady for another and obtaineth her good will entereth easily into conceit of his owne woâ—thinesse thereby and so commonly into hope of speedinâ— himselfe while he speaketh for his friend so much more in Kingdomes he that sâ—eth himself of power to put the Crowne of another mans head will qâ—ckly step to the next degree which is to set it of his owne seeâ—ng that alwayâ—s the charity of such good men is wont to be so orderly as according to â—he precepâ— it bâ—ginneth
with it selfâ— first Adde to this that ambition is jealous suspitious and fearfull of it selfe especially when it is jâ—yned with a conscience loden wâ—th the guilt of many crimes whereof he would be loth to be called to account or be subject to any man that might by auâ—hority take review of his life actions when it should please him In which kinde seeing my Lord of Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare as before hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings it is not like that ever hee will put himselfe to another mans courtesie for passing his audict in particular reckonings which he can no way answer or satisfie but rather will stand upon the grosse Sum and generall Quietus est by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life howsoever he do in the next whereof such humours have little regard And this is for the nature of ambition in it selfe The second argument may bee taken from my Lords particular disposition which is such as may give much light also to the matter in question being a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome as it hath beene tampering about the same from the first day that hee came in favour First by seeking openly to marry with the Queenes Majestie her selfe and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head and to his posterity Secondly when that attempt tooke not place then hee gave it out as hath beene shewed before how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty wherein as I told you his dealing before for satisfaction of a stranger so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also the spectacle hee secretly made for the perswading of a subject and Counsellour of great honour in the same cause to the end that if her Highnesse should by any way have miscarried then he might have entituled any one of his owne brood whereof he hath store in many places as is knowne to the lawfull succession of the Crowne under colour of that privy and secret marriage pretending the same to bee by her Majestie wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee will Thirdly when he saw also that this devise was subject to danger for â—hat his privy contract might be denied more easily then he able justly to prove the same after her Majesties decease he had a new fetch to strengâ—hen the matter and that was to cause these words of Naturall issue to be put into the Statute of succession for the Crowne against all order and custome of our Realme and against the knowne common stile of Law accustomed to bee used in Statutes of such matter whereby hee might be able after the death of her Majesty to make ligitimate to the Crowne any one bastard of his owne by any of so many hacknies as he keepeth affirming it to bee the Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe For no other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usuall words of Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed into Naturall issue thereby not onely to indanger our whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also to touch as farre as in him lyeth the Royall honour of his Soveraigne who hath beene to him but too bountifull a Princesse Fourthly when after a time these fetches and devices began to be discovered he changed straight his course and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction pretending the marriage of the Queene in prison But yet after this againe finding therein not such successe as contented him throughly and having in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite he betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington having therein no doubt as good meaning to himselfe as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke Marry yet of late he hath cast anew about once againe â—or himselfe in secret by treating the marriage of young Arbella with his Son intitled the Lord Denbigh So that by this we see the disposition of this man bent wholly to a scepter And albeit in right title and discent of bloud as you say hee can justly claime neither Kingdome nor Cottage considering either the basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours if in respect of his present state and power and of his naturall pride ambition and crafty conveyance received from his Father hee hath learned how to put himselfe first in possession of chiefe rule under other pretences and after to devise upon the title at his leasure But now to come to the third argument I say more and above all this that the nature and state of the matter it selfe permitteth not that my Lord of Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne for Huntington especially seeing there hath passed betweene them so many yeares of dislike and enmity which albeit for the time and present commodity bee covered and pressed downe yet by reason and experience we know that afterward when they shall deale together againe in matters of importance and when jealousie shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their actions it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in farre higher degree then ever before As wee saw in the examples of the reconciliation made betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of Somerset bearing rule under King Edward the sixt and betweene Richard of Yâ—rke and Edmund Duke of Somerset bearing rule in the time of King Hâ—nry the sixt Both which Dukes of Somerset after reconciliation with theiâ— old crafty and ambitious enemies were broâ—ght by the same to their destruction soone after Whereof I doubt not but my Lord of Leycester will take good heed in joyning by reconciliation with Huntington after so long a breach and will not be so improvident as to make him his soveraigne who now is but his dependent He remembreth too well the successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry the seaventh to the Crowne of the Duke of Buckingham who did the same for Richard the third of the Earle of Warwicke who set up King Edward the fourth and of the three Percies who advanced to the Scepter King Henry the fourth All which Noblemen upon occasions that after fell out were rewarded with death by the selfe same Princes whom they had preferred And that not without reason as Seignior Machavell my Lords Counsellour affirmeth For that such Princes afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends for so great a benefit received And consequently least upon discontentment they may chance to doe as much for others against them as they have done for them against others the surest way is to recompence them with such a reward as they shall never after be able to complaine of Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe at Huntingtons hands but rather will follow the plot of his owne Father with the Duke of Suffolke whom no doubt but hee meant
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamâ—n confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâ—dâ—chaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâ—ester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ— onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ— could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâ—cke The remembrance of his marriagâ— missâ—d that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâ—st and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ— sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâ—cution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
he were borne in Britaine out of English allegiance and so he was taken and judged by all the world at that day albeit after king Richards death his other uncle Iohn most tyrannously took both his kingdome and his life from him For which notable injustice he was detâ—sted of all men both abroad and at home most apparently scourged by God with grievous and manifold plagues both upon himself and the Realm which yeelded to his usurpation So that by this also it appeareth what the practice of our Countrey hath beene from time to time in this case of forraine birth which practice is the best intâ—rpreâ—er of our common English law which dependeth especially and most of all upon custome nor can â—he adversary alledge any one example to the contrary Their sixt is of the judgement and sentence of King Henry the seventh and of his Councell who being together in consultation at a certaine time about the marriage of Margaret his eldest daughâ—er into Scotland some of his Councell moved this doubt what should ensue if by chance the kings issue male should faile and so the succession devolve to the heyres of the said Margaret as now it doth Whâ—reunto that wâ—se and most prudent Prince made answer thâ—t if any such event should be it could not be prejudicialâ— to Englâ—nd being the bigger part but rather beneficiall for that it should draw Scotland to England that is the lesser to the more even as in times past it happened in Normandy Aquitaine â—nd some other Provinces Which answer appeased all doubts and gave singular content to those of his Councell as Polidore writeth that lived at that time and wrote the speciall matters of that reigne by the kings owne instruction So that hereby wee see no question made of king Henry or his Councellors touching forraine birth to let the succession of Lady Margarets issue which no doubt would never have beene omitted in that learned assembly if any law at that time had beene esteemed or imagined to beare the same And these are six of their principallest reasons to prove that neither by the words nor meaning of our common lawes nor yet by custome or practice of our Realme an Alien may bee debarred fâ—om claim of his interest to the Crowne when it falleth to him by righfull descent in blood and succâ—ssion But in the particular case of the Queen of Scots and â—erson they doe adde another reason or â—wo thâ—reby to prove them in very deed to be no Aliens Not only in respect of their often and continuall mixture with English blood from the beginning and especially of late the Queens Grandmother and husband being English and so her sonne bâ—goâ—ten of an English father but also for two other causes and reasons which seeme in truth of very good importance The first is for that Scotland by all Englishmen howsoever the Scots deny the same is tâ—ken and holden as subject to England by way of Homage which many of their kings at divers times have acknowledged and consequently thâ— Queene and her son being borne in Scotland are not borne out of the allegiance of England and so no forrainers The second cause or reason is for that the forenamed statute of forrainers in the 25 yeare of King Edward the third is intitled of those that are borne beyond the seas And in the body of the said statute the doubt is moved of children borne out of English allegiance beyond the seas whereby cannot bee understood Scotland for that it is a piece of the continent land within the seas And all our old Records in England that talke of service to bee done within these two countries have usually these Latin words Infraquatuor mâ—ria or in French deins lâ—zquâ—tre mers that is within the foure Seas whereby must needs be understood as well Sâ—otland as England and that perhaps for the reason before mentioned of the subjection of Scotland by way of Homage to the Crowne of England In respect whereof it may be that it was accounted of old but one dominion or allegiance And consequently no man borne therein can bee accounted an alieâ— to Englaâ—â— And this shal suffice for the first point touching foragine Nativity For the second impediment objected whâ—ch is the testament of King Henry the eight authorized by Parliament wherby they affirm the succession of Scotland to be excluded it is not precisely true that they are excluded but onely that they â—re put back behinde the succession of the hous of Suffolk For in that pretended Testament which after shâ—ll be proved to be none indeed King Henry so disposeth that after his own children â—f they shold chance to dye without issue the Crowne shall passe to the heires of Frances of Elenor his neeces by his yonger sister Mary Queene of France and after them deceasiâ—g also without issue the succession to returne to the next heire againe Whâ—rby it is evident that the succession of Margarâ—t Queene of Scotland his eldest sister is not excluded but thrust back onely from their due place and order to expect the remainder which may in time be left by the yonger Whereof in mine opinion doe ensue some considerations against the present pretenders themselves First â—hat in King Henries judgement the former pretended rule of foraine birth was no sufficient impediment agaiâ—st Scotland for if it had bin no doubt but that he would have named the same in his alleaged testament and thereby have utterly excluded that successioÌ„ But there is no such thing in the testament Secondly if they admit this testament which alotteth the Crown to Scotland next after Suffolk then seeing that all the house of Suffolk by these mens assertions is excluded by bastardy it must needs follow that Scotland by their own judgement is next so this testament wil make against them â—s indeed it doth in all points most apparantly but only that it preferreth the house of Suâ—â—olk before that of Scotland And therefore I think sir that you mistake somewhat about their opinion in alleaging this testament For I suppose that no man of my Lord of Huntingtons faction will alleage or urge the testimony of this testament but rather some friend of the house of Sâ—ffâ—lk in whose favour I take it that it was first of â—ll fâ—rged It may be quâ—th the Gentleman nor will I stand obstinatly in the contrary for that it is hard sometime to judge of what faction each one is who discoursâ—th of these affâ—irâ—s But yet I marvel â—f it were as you say wâ—y Lâ—ycesters Father â—fâ—er K. Edwardâ— death made no mention therof in the favor of Suffolk in the other testament which then he proclaimed as made by K. Edward deceased for preferment of Suffolk before his own sisters The cause of this is â—vident quoth the Lawyer for that it made not sâ—ffiâ—iently for his purpose which was to disinherit â—he two dâ—ughters of King Henry himselfe and advance the
house of Suffolk bâ—fore them both A notable change quoâ—h the Gâ—ntleman that a title so much exalted of late by the Father above all order right ranke and degree should now be so â—uch debased by the Son as thouâ—h it were not worthy to hold any degree but rather to be troden under-foot for plain bastardy And you see by thâ—s how true it is which I told you before that the race of Dudlies are most cunning merchants to make their gaine of all thâ—ngs men and times And as we have seene now two testâ—ments alleaged the one of the Kings father and the other of the kings sonne and both of them in prejudice of the testators true successors so many good subjects begâ—n greatly to fear that we may chance to see sâ—ortly a third Testâ—ment of her Mâ—jesty for the tituling of Huntington and exurpation of King Henries blood thâ—t before her Majesty can think of sicknessâ— wherein I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet But now sir to the foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry I have often heard in truth that the thing was counterfeit or at the least not able to be proved aâ—d that it was discovered rejected and defaced in Queen Maries time but I would gladly understand what you Lawyers esteeme or judge thereof Touching this matter quoth the Lawyer it cannot be denied but that in the 28. and 36 years of King Henries reign upon coâ—sideration of some doubt aâ—d irâ—esolution which the King himselfe had shewed to have about the order of succâ—ssion in his owne children as also for taking away all occasions of controversies in those of the next blood the whole Parliament gave authority unto the said King to debate and determine â—hose matters himselfe together with his learned councell who best knew the lawes of the Realme and titles that any man might hâ—ve thereby and that whatsoever succâ—ssion his Majesty should declare as most right and lawfull under his letters patents sealed or by his last Will and Tâ—stâ—ment rightfully made and signed with his owne hand that the sâ—me should bee received for good and lawfull Upon pretence whereof soon after King Henries death there was shewed a Will with the kings stamp at the same and the names of divers witnesses wherein as hath beene said the succession of the Crowne after the kingâ— owne children is assigned to the heyres of Frances and Elenore Neeces to the king by his younger Sister Which assignation of the Crown being as it were a meer gift in prejudice of the elder sisters right as also of the right of Frances and Elenor themselves who were omitted in the same assignation and their heires intituled onely was esteâ—med to be against all reason law and nature and consequently not thought to proceed from so wise and sage a Prince as K. Henrie was knowne to be but rather either the whole forged or at least wise that clause inserted by other and the Kings stamp set unto it after his death or when his Majesty lay now past understanding And hereof there wanteth not divers most evident reasons and proofes For first it is not probâ—ble nor credible that King Henrie would ever go about against law and reason to disinherit the line of his eldest sister without any profit or interest to himselfe and thereby give most evident occasion of Civill war and discord within the Realm seeing that in such a case of manifest and apparent wrong in so great a mâ—tter the authoritie of Paâ—lament taketh little effect against the true and lawfull inheritâ—r as well appeared in the former times and contentions of Henrie the sixth Edward the fourth and Richard the third in whose reignes the divers and contrarie Parliaments made and holden â—gainst the neâ—t inheritor held no longer with any man then untill the other was able to make his owne partie good So likewise in the case of King Edward the third his succession to Fâ—ance in the right of his mother though he were excludâ—d by the generall assembly and consent of their Parliaments yet he esteemed not his right extinguished thereby as neither did other Kings of our Countrie that ensued after him And for our present case if nothing else should have restrained King Henrie from such open injustice towards his eldest sister yet this cogitation at least would have stayed him that by giving example of supplanting his elder sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence of Parliament some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence as we see that Duke Dudley did soone after by a forged testament of King Edward the sixt So ready Schollars there are to be found which easily will learne such lessons of iniquity Secondly there be too many incongruities and indignities in the said pretended Will to proceed from such a Prince and learned councell as King Henries was For first what can be more ridiculous than to give the Crowne to the heires of Francis and Elenor and not to any of themselves or what had they offended that their heires should enjoy the Crowne in their right and not they themselves What if King Henries Children should have dyed whiles Lady Francis had been yet alive who should have possessed the Kingdome before her seeing her Line was next and yet by this testament shee could not pretend her selfe to obtaine it But rather having marryed Adrian Stokes her horse-keeper she must have suffered her sonne by him if she had any to enjoy the Crown and so Adâ—ian of a Serving man and Master of Horses should have become the great Master and Protector of England Of like absurditie is that other clause also wherein the King bindeth his owne daughters to marry by consent and direction of his counsell or otherwise to leese the benefit of their succession yet bindeth not hiâ— Neices daughters to wit the daughters of Francis Elenor if they had any to any such condition Thirdly there may bee divers causes and arguments alledged in law why this pretended will is not authenticall if otherwise it were certaine that King Henrie had meant it first for that it is not agreeable to the mind and meaning of the Parliament which intended onely to give authoritie for declaration and explication of the true title and not for donation or intricating of the same to the ruine of the Reâ—lme Secondly for that there is no lawfull and authenticall Copie extant thereof but onely a bare inrolement in the Chancerie which is not sufficient in so weighty an affaire no witnesse of the privie Councell or of Nobilitâ—e to the same which had been convenient in so great a case for the best of the witnesses therein named is Sir Iohn Gates whose miserable death is well knowne no publike Notary no probation of the will before any Bishop or any lawfull Court for that puâ—pose no examination of the witnessâ—s or other thing orderly done for lawfull authorizing of
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâ—st of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâ—ward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâ—ivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâ—er pretenâ—ed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ— his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and â—bolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a câ—rtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâ—ry sâ—cretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâ—sse of Winchester which then was Treasuâ—er the old Eaâ—les of Arundell and Penbrooâ—e that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâ—lfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâ—ue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâ—ime the Queen of Scotland heâ—re apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ— I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâ—e second â—mpâ—diment imaginâ—d to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched â—ith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveâ—nment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâ—berty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâ—ssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâ—mples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ— trâ—iâ—ors against the fâ—rmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâ—red by their owne confession after but for â—mbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâ—d favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâ—otestants at this dâ—y of that Counâ—ry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ— King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâ—tly injured by the stâ—te of â—rance which is dâ—fferent from them in religion at this dâ—y if after the death of thâ— Kiâ—g that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ— Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâ—e of a different religion from thâ— present state of Englâ—nd and rhâ—t if he weâ—e King to morrow nâ—xt he would alter the whoâ—e government order condiâ—ion and state of râ—ligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ— consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
wit it seemes impossible By drinkes or charmes this worke to passe to bring Know then that Giges were invisible By turning the sigill of his Ring Toward his palme and thereby slew the King Lay with his wife of any man unseene Lastly did raigne by marrying with the queene King Salomon for Magick naturall Was held a cunning man by some Divines He wrote a booke of Science naturall To bind ill Spirits in their darke confines He had great store of wives and Concubines Yet was a Sacred King this I inferre The wisest man that now doth live may erre Also yee say that when I waxed old When age and time mispent had made me dry For ancient held in carnall Lust is cold Natures defect with Art I did supply And that did helpe this imbecility I us'd strong drinks and Oyntments of great price Whose taste or touch might make dead flesh arise To this I answer that those fine extractions Drams and electuaries finely made Serv'd not so much to helpe veneriall actions As for to comfort nature that 's decaid Which being with indifferent judgment weigh'd In noble men may be allowed I trust As tending to their health not to their lust What if I drinke nothing but liquid gold Lactrina christal pearle resolv'd in wine Such as th' Egyptians full cups did hold When Cleopatra with her Lord did dine A trifle care not for the cost was mine What if I gave Hippomenes to drinke To some fair Dames at smal faults you must wink Ye say I was a traytor to the Queene And thâ—t when Monsieur was in greatest grace I being out of favour mov'd with spleene To see a Frenchman frolique in the place Forth toward Barwick then did post apace Minding to raise up a rebellious rout To take my part in what I went about That I was then a traytor I deny But I confesse that I was Monsieurs foe And sought to breake the league of amity Which then betwixt my Prince and him did grow Doubting Religion might be changed so Or that our Lawes and customes were in danger To be corrupt or altered by a stranger Therefore I did a faction strong maintaine Agâ—inst the Earle of Sussâ—x a stout Lord On Monsieurs side and then Lord Chamberlain Who sought to make that nuptiall accord Which none may breake witnesse the sacred Wordâ— But thus it châ—nced that he striv'd in vaine To knit that kâ—ot which heaven did not ordaine Thus did ye mis-interpret my conceiâ—s That for disloyalty my deâ—ds did blame Yet many men have laid their secret baits T' intrap me in such snares to work my shame Whom I in time sufficiently did tame And by my Soveraignes favour bore them downe Proving my selfe true Liegeman to the Crowne Thinke yee I could forget my Soveraigne Lady Thâ—t was to me so gracious and so kinde How many triumphs for her glory made I O I could never blot out of my minde What Characters of grace in her have shin'd But some of you which were by her pâ—efer'd Have with her bones almoâ—â— her name inter'd When she was gone which of you all did weep What mournfull song did Pâ—ilomela sing Alâ—s when she in deaths cold bed did sleep Which of you all her dolefull knell did ring How long wâ—ll yee now love your crowned King If you so soon forget your old Queen dead Which foure and fourty yeares hath governed Yee say I sought by murder to aspire And by strong poyson many men to slay Which as ye thought might crosse my high desire And â—loud my long expected golden day Perhaps I laid some blocks out of my way Which hindred me from comming to the Bower Whâ—re Cynthia shin'd like lamps in Pharohs tower Alas I came not of a Tygers kinde My hands with bloud I hated to defile But when by good experience I did finde How some with fained love did me beguile Perchance all pitty then I did exile And as it were against my will was prest To seek their deaths that did my life detest Lo then attend to heare a dolefull tale Of those whose death yâ—e doe suppose I wrought Yet wish I that the world beleeve not all That hath of me by envious men been wrought But when I for a Kingly fortune sought O pardon me my sâ—lfe I might forget And cast downe sâ—me my state aloft to set My first wife fell downe from a paire of staires And brake her neck and so at Comner dy'd Whilst her true servants led with small affaires Unto a Fure at Abingdon did ride This dismall hap did to my wife betide Whether yee call it chance or destiny Too true it is shâ— dâ—d untimely dye O had I now a showrâ— of teares to shed Lockt in the empty circles of my â—yes All could I shed in mourning for the dead That lost a spouse so young so faire so wise So faire a corps so foule a coarse nâ—w lies My hope t' have married with a famous Queene Drave pitty back and kept my teares unseene What man so fond that would not lose a Pearle To finde a Diamond leave brasse for gold Or who would not forsake a gallant gitle To win a Qâ—een great men in awe to hold â—o rule â—he â—tate and of none be control'd O but the stâ—ps that lead unto a â—hrone Aâ—e dâ—ngerous for men to tread upon Tâ—e Cardinall Chatillion was my foe Whose death peradventure did compact Because he let Queen Elizâ—beth to know My false report given of a former act How I with her had made a precontract And the great Princes hope I bar'd thereby That sâ—ught to marry with her Majesty The Prelate had bin better held his tongue And kist his holy Fathers feet in Rome A Masse the sooner for his soule was sung But he might thanke me had he staid at home Or late or never he to heaven had come Therefore I sent him nimbly from the coasts Perhaps to supper with the Lord of hosts When death by hap my first wives neck had crackt And that my suit unto the Queene â—ll sped It chaâ—ced that I made a post contract And did in sort the Lâ—dy Sheffâ—â—ld wed Of whom I had two goodly children bred For the Lord Sheffeild died as I was sure Of a Catarie which physicke could not cure Some thinke thâ— rhume was artificiall Which this good Lord befoâ—â— his end did take Tush what I gave to her was naturâ—ll My plighted troth yet some amends did make Though her at length unkinde I did forsâ—ke She must not blame me for a higher reach Made my sure promise finde a sudden breach The valiant Earle whom absent I did wrong In breaking Hymeneus holy band In Ireland did protract the time too long Whilst some in â—ngland ingled under hand And at his coming homeward to this land He dyed with poyson as they say infected Not without cause for veâ—geance I suspâ—cted Because this fact notorious scandall bred And â—or I did his gallant wife abuse To salve â—his sore
when this brave Lord was dead I for my selfe did this faire Lady chuse And flesh is fraile deare Lady me excuse It was pure love that made me undertake This haplesse recontract with thee to make Now in Joves pallace that good Lord doth sup And drinkâ— full bowles of Nector in the skie Hunnies his pâ—ge that tasted of that cup Did onely loose his hâ—ire and did not dye True-noble Earle thy fame to heaven doth flye He doth repent his fault and pâ—rdon crave That marr'd thy bed and too soon made thy grave Thou didst behinde thee leave a matchlesse Sonne A peerelâ—sse paterne for all princâ—ly peeres Whose spaâ—ks of glory in my time begun Kindled wâ—th hope flâ—m'd highly in few yeeres But death him struâ—k and drown'd this land in teares His Sonne doth live true imâ—ge of him dead To grace this soil whâ—re showers of tears were shed Thâ—y were to blame that said the Queen should marry With me her Hors keeper for so they call'd me But thou Throgmarton whâ—ch â—his tale didst carry From France to England hast more shâ—rply gall'd me Sith my good Qâ—eene in office high extold me For I was Mâ—ster of her Highnesse Horse I scorne thy words which did my hate inforce But tell me then how didst thou likâ— thy fare When I to supper last did thee invite If I did rid thee of a world of care By giving â—hee a Salet gentle Knight With gastly lookes doe not my soule affrâ—ght Lester I was whom England once did dread But now I am like thee Throgmarton dead My Lord of Sussex was too cholerick That call'd me traitor and a traitors sonne But I serv'd him a fine Italian triâ—k Had not I done so I had bin undone Now marke the end what conquest hath he won A litle scruple that to him I sent Did purge his choler till hâ—s life was spent He was a gallant Noble man indeed O but his life did still my life decrease Therefore I sent him with convenient speed To rest amongst his ancestors in peace â—y rage was pacifi'd at his decease And now I come t' imbrace his love too late Him did I love whom living I did hate I came to visit as I chanc'd to walke My Lady of Lenox whom I found not well I took her by the hand hâ—d private talke And so departed a short tale to tell When I was gone into a flux she fell That never ceast her company to keep Till it had brought her to a senslesse sleep I dream'd she had not many dayes to live And this my dreame did shortly fall out true So as her Ghostly Father I did give Some comfort to her soule for well I knew That she would shortly bid the world adiew Some say I gave such physick as did spill her But I suppose that mâ—ere conceit did kill her Some will object perhaps I did pretend To meet the Earle of Ormond on a day In single fight our quarrell for to end But did command my servant Killygray To lye in ambush that stout Lord to slay But heaven did not consent to work his spoile That was the glory of the Irish soile Perhâ—ps I doubted that I was too weake And loath I was he should the conquest win If in this cause I did my promise breake I hope men will not count it for a sin Is it not gâ—od to sleep in a whole skin When Hannibal could not prevaile by blowes He used stratagems to kill his foes If I the death of Monsieur Simiers fought When he from France Ambâ—ssadour was sent I had just cause to seeke it as I thought For towards me he bore no good intent Had he not fled betimes perhaps I ment T' have sent him in embassage for my pleasure To the black king that keeps Avernus treasuâ—e For when no man about the Court durst speak That I the Lady Lettice married This pratling Frenchman first the ice did breake And to the Quâ—ene the fact discovered Which not without just cause the anger bred Thus th'ape did play his part control'd of none When he espi'd the Beare from home was gone One Salvadore an Italian borne Having once wâ—tâ—ht with me till mid'st of night Was found slaine in his bed the next day morne Alas poore man I ruâ— his wofull plight That did in nothing but in sinne deâ—ight Had he to honest actions bent his wit He might have longer liv'd and scap'd this fit But what reward should such a man expect Whom gold to any lewdnesse could entice Ones turne once serv'd why should we not reject So vilde an instrument of damned vâ—ce What if he were dispâ—tched in a trice Was it not better this mans blood to spill Then let him live the world with sinne to â—il I doubted lest that Dâ—ughty would bewray My counsell and with othâ—rs party tâ—ke Wherefore the sooner him to rid away I sent him forth to sea with Captaine Dâ—â—kâ— Who knew how t' entertain him for my sake Before he went his lot by me was câ—st His death was plotted and perform'd in hast He hoped well but I did so dispose That he at Port St. Iulian lost his head Having no time permitted to disclose The inward griefes that in his heart were bred We need not feare the biting of the dead Now let him goe transported to the seas And tell my secrets to th' Antipodes My servant Gates did speed as ill or worse To whom I did my close intents impart And at his need with money stuft his purse And wil'd him still take courage at his heart Yet in the end he felt the deadly smart He was inveigled by some subtle witted To rob so he was taken and committed Of pardon I did put him still in hope When he of felony was guilty found And so condemn'd till his last friend the Pope Did him uphold from falling to the ground What hope of grace where vice did so abound He was beguil'd like birds that use to gape At Zâ—uxes table for a painted grape Yet I did to the man no injury And gave him time and leasure to repent And well he knew he had deserv'd to dye Therefore all future mischiefe to prevent I let him slip away with my consent For his reprivall lâ—ke a crafty Fox I sent no pardon but an empty Box. Else as unfaithfull Banester betraid The Dâ—ke of Buckinghâ—m his Master deare When he of Richards tyranny afraid Fled to his servants house for succour there So might my man for gaine or forc'd for feare Have brought my corps with shame unto my grave By too much trusting on a paltry knave Me seems at me great Norfolkes Duke doth frowne Because he thinkes I did his death contrive Perswading some he aimed at the Crowne And that by royall match he meant to strive A kingdome to his Lordship to revive Alas good Dâ—ke he was too meek and milde And I too faithlesse that his trust beguil'd For that I found his humour first was bent To take the
Scots captived Queen to wife I â—gg'd him on to follow his intent That by this meanes I might abridge his life And she a crowned Queen to stint all strife First finding Scotland lost to England fled Where she in hope of succour lost head O blessed Spirits live yee evermore Iâ— heavenly Sion where your maker reignes And give me leave my fortunes to deplore That am fast fetterd with sins iron chaines Mans most sweet joys are mixt with some foul pains And doâ—h he live of high or low degree In life or death that can from woe be free Ah now my tongue growes weary to recite Such mâ—ssaâ—res as have been here exprest Whose sad remembrance doth afflict my spright Me thinkes I see legions of soules to rest In Abrahams bosome and my selfe opprest The burden of my sinnes doe weigh me downe At me the fiends doe laugh and Angels frowne My crimes I grant were geat and manifold Yet not so heynous as men make report But flattering Parasites are growne so bold That they of Princes matters make a sport To please the humors of the vulgar sort And that poore peevish giddiheaded crue Are prone to credit any tale untrue Let those that live endeavour to live well Left after death like mine their guilt remaine Let no man thinke there is no Heaven or Hell Or with the impious Sadduces maintaine That after death no flesh shall rise againe Let no man trust on Fortunes fickle wheele The guerdon due for â—â—ne I partly feele Know that the Prince of heavenly Saraphins When he 'gainst his Creator did rebell Was tumbled downe for his presumptuous sinne Sathan that once was blest like lightning fell From the highest heaven to the deepest hell And all those Angells that his part did take Have now their portion in the burning lake Of mighty heapes of treasure I could vant For I reapt profit out of every thing I could the Prince and peoples hearts inchant With my faire words and smooth fac'd flâ—ttering And out of drosse pure gold I oft did wring For though the meanes to win be oft unmeet The smell of lucre ever smelleth sweet So I somtimes had very much good hap Great suites of my dread Soveraigne to obtaine Prodigall fortune powr'd down from hâ—r lap Angels of gold as thick as drops in raine Such was my luck to finde the golden veine Likewise with me it seemed nothing strange Both tents and lands oft with my Prince to change I had another way t' inrich my selfe By geting licences for me alone For Wine Oyle Velvet Cloath and such like pelfe By licences to alienation By raising rents and by oppression By claiming Forrests Pastures Commons Woods And forfeiture of lands of life and goods By this strong course also I greatly thrived Jn falling out with my deere Soveraigne For I the Plot so cunningly contrived That reconcilement soone was made againe And by this meanes great gifts I did obtaine For that I might my bags the better fill I beg'd great suites as pledge of new goodwill Besides somtimes I did encrease my store By benefit that I from Oxford tooke Electing heads of houses heretofore I lov'd their money and they lov'd their booke Some poorer though more learned I forsooke For in those daies your charity was cold Little was done for love but much for gold Doubtlesse my Father was a valiant Peere In Edwaâ—d the sixt daies when he was sent Gainst Rebells that did rise in Norfolke shire And after that when he to Scotland went Under the Lord Protectors Regiment By notable exploits against the Sâ—ot Eternall glory to himselfe he got Truly ambition was his greatest fault Which commonly in noble hearts is bred He thought the never could his slate exalt Till the good Dâ—ke of Sumerset was dead Who by my Fathers meanes did lose his head So ill the race of Dudlies could endure The Seymors lives which did their fame obscure When once King Edward 〈◊〉 the butt had shot My Father sayd your Grace shoots neere the mark Thâ— King repli'd but not so neere I wot As when you shot my Vncles head off quite The duke my Father knew the King said right And that he ment this matter to debate If ere hee liv'd to come to mans estate It seemes my Father in times past had been A skillfull Archer though no learned clerke So straâ—ge a chance as this is seldome seen I doe suppose hâ— shot not in the dark That could so quickly hit so faire a mark Nor have I mâ—st my aime nor worse have sped When I shot off the Duke of Norfolks head Now when the Duke of Somerset was dead My Father to the French did Bulloigne sell As pleâ—sâ—d him the King he governed And from the privy counsell did depell Th'earles of Southampton and of Arundell Thus whilst he ruled and controuled all The wise young King extreamly sick did fall Who having languisht long of lâ—fe deprived Not wâ—thout poison as it was suspected The counsell through my Fathers meanes conâ—rived That Suffolks Daugther should be Queen elected Thâ— Sisters of King Edward were rejected My brother Guiâ—forâ— to Iane Gray was wedded Too high preferr'd that was so soone beheaded This Lâ—dy Iane that once was tearmed Queeen Greatâ—r in fame then fortune was put downe Had not King Henries Dâ—ughters living been Mâ—ght for her vertues have deserv'd a â—rowne Fortune at once on her did smile and frowne Her wedding garment for a Princes meet Was quickly changed for a winding sheet For I was iump of Julâ—â—us â—â—sars minde That could 〈◊〉 one supâ—rioâ— Lord endure Nay I to guide my Sâ—veraigne was inclin'd And bring the common people to my lure Accounting that my fortune was obscure And that I lived in a wofull plight If any one eclipst my glorious light The love to reigne makes many men respect Neither their friend their kindâ—ed nor their vow The love to reigne makes many men neglect The duty which to God and man they ow From out this fountaine many mischeifes flow Hâ—reof examples many may be read In Chronicles of th' English Princes dead This humor made King Hâ—râ—old break his oath Made unto William Duke of Normandy This made King Rufus and young Beauclaâ—k both Their elder Brother Robert to defie And Stephen to forget his loialty To Mawa the Empresse and to hold in scorne The faithfull oath which he to her had sworne This made young Henry crowned by his sire Against his Father Warfare to maintaine This made King Iohn the kingdome to aspire Which to his Nephew Arthur did pertaine And him in pâ—ison hardly to retaine And this made Buâ—ingbrook t' usurp the Crowne Putting his lawfull Soveraigne Richard downe This made Edward the fourth at his returne From Burgundy when he to Yorke was come To break the oath which he had lately sworne And rule the Realme in good King Henries roome This made the Tyrant Richard eke to doome His Nephewes death and rid away his wife And so in bloud to end
his wretched life A prety plot in practiâ—e I did put Either to take a Queene without delay Or when the carâ—s were shuffled and well â—ut To chuse the King and cast the knaves away He should be cunning that great game would play Ill luck hath he that no good game can make When Princes play and crownes lye at the stake First I assayed Queene Elizabeth to wed Whom divers Princes courted but in vaine When in this course unluckily I sped I sought the Scots Queenes mariage to obtaine But when I reapt no profit for my paine I sought to match Denbigh my tender childe To Dame Arbella but I was beguil'd Even as Octavius with Marke Anthony And Lepidus the Roman Empire shar'd That of the world then held the soveraignty So I a new Triumverat prepar'd If death a while yong Denbighs life had spar'd The grandame uncle and the faâ—her in law Might thus have brought all England under awe In the low Countries did my fame soare high When I was sent Lievtenant generall The Queenes proud foes I stoutly did deny And made them to some composition fall There I maintained port majesticall In pompe and triumph many dayes I spent From noble then my name grew excellent Then was my heart in height of his desire My minde puft up with suâ—quedry and pride The vulgar sort my glory did admire Even as the Romans Ave Caesar cri'd When the Emperour to the Senat house did ride So did the Flemings with due reverence Like thunder say God save your Excellence Few Subjects before me obtain'd this stile Unlesse they were as Viceroyes of this land The name of Lordship seem'd too base and vile To me that govern'd such a royall band And had a Princes absolute command Who did not of my puissance stand in awe That might put him to death by martiall law Loe what a title hath my honour got And Excellency added to my name Can this injurious world so quickly blot A name so great out of records of fame Covering my glory with a vale of shame Or will it now contemne me being dead Whom living even with feare it honoured The towne of Densborough I did besiege Which did on composition â—hortly yeeld I did good servâ—â—e to my gracious liege Till by ill councellours I was beguil'd For such as were my Captains in the field To whom at length chiefe charge I did commit Seduced me to many things unfit When Sir Iohn Nâ—rris counsell I refused Whose perfect skill in feats of armes I knew By Rowland Yorkes device I was abused Whereon some losse soone after did ensue Deventer towne and Zutphen sconce I rue By Yorke and Stanley without many blowes Were tendred to the mercy of the foes And that which to my heart might more griefe strike Happened the death of that renowned Knight My Nephew Sidney neere Coleston dike Receav'd his deadly wound thâ—ough fortunes spight I sent no frâ—sh supply to him in fiâ—ht I was not farre oft with a mighty host So with his losse of life some famâ— I lost The Court in him lost a brave Courtier The Countrey lost a guide their faults to mend The Campe did loose an expert Souldier The City lost an honourable friend The Schooles a patron their right to defend The Court the Countrey the Schools City For Sidneys death still sing a mournfull dity Now while my princely glory did abound Like rich Lucullus I great feasts did make And was for hospitality renown'd The use of armes I quickly did forsake An easier taske I ment to undertake I tooke no joyes in wounds and broken pates But to carouse and banquet with the States Not Heliogabalus whose dainty fare Did all the Roman Emperours feast exceed In cost and rarenesse might with mine compare Though he on braines of Ostriches did feed And Phenicopteines â—nd that instead Of oyle he us'd his lamps with bâ—lme to fill Such was the pleasure of this tyrants will To me Count Egmounts daughter did resort Of such brave Dames as Flanders still did yeeld That it did rather seeme I came to court A gallant Lady then to pitch a field For I did lay aside the sword and shield At cards and dice I spent the vacant dayes And made great feasts instead of martial fraies But whilst in games and love my time I spent Seeming secure as though I car'd for nought My messengers abroad I daily sent As instruments of my stâ—ll working thought Whereby my purpose oft to pâ—sse I brought And compasse what before I did devise At such a time as no man will surmâ—se Thus great attempts I oft did enterprise Like a Magician â—hat with some fine wile Dazles the sight of the spectators eyes And with illusions doth their sense beguile Such policies my cunning did compile That I before mâ—ns eyes did cast a mist While I perform'd such matters as I list Ye â—hat like apes doe imitate my deeds Hoping thereby like favour to obtaine Know that so high a spiâ—it never breeds In a blunt peasant or unnurtured swâ—ine But in my heart imperious thoughts did reigne No fleâ—matick dull milk-sop can aspire But one compact of th'element of siâ—e He daily must devise some stratagâ—m He must be rich stout liberall and wise The humours of base men he must contemne He must be gracious in the peoplâ—s eyes He should be furnisht with rare qualities With learning judgement policy and wit And such like parts as for the time are fit For every forward fellow is not borne To be a Scipio or a Maximus Unlesse that wisedome doth his state adorne Or valour make his life more glorious Though he be base of birth like Marius Yet he by vertues aid aloft may come Like him that was seven times Consull in Româ— Ventidius name at first was meane and base Till he the Parâ—hians host had overthrowne And Ciâ—ero came not of noble race Borne at Aâ—pinia a poore countâ—y towne Yet he madâ— armes give place unto the gowne And Rome by his great wisdome freed from spoil Call'd him the father of their native soâ—le Perhaps young Courtiers lâ—arne something to sing To skâ—p or dance before their Mistris face To touch like Oâ—pheus some inchanting string To run at â—ilt to jet with stately pace Or by some fine discourse to purchase grace But cannot manage the affaires of State Which best belongs to each great Potentate Listen to me ye lusty Souldiers That in such favour high attempt to grow Experience bred in me this manly yeares Hath taught me cunning which you doe nâ—t know Some precepts here I doe intend to show And if my Syren song please not great Peeres Then mâ—y they with Ulysses stop theâ—r eares Trust not a friend that is new reconcil'd In loves faire shew he may hide foule deceit By hâ—m ye unawares may â—e beguâ—l'd Reveale to none your matters of great waight If any chance to know your lewd conceit Suspected to bewray your bad intent He ought to suffer death