Bishops from Exile which Constantius being himself of the Arian Perswasion had banished thereby to lay an Odium on Constantius And it hath been observed That not long after Constantius declared against the Deity of the Son of God the Empire was taken from him and given to Julian Julian professed it to be his Opinion That no man ought to force another to be of his Opinion and charged the people not to injure the Christians or reproach them or draw them to sacrifice against their wills Sozom. l. 5. c. 4. And many Outrages committed by the Heathen upon the Christians were done without his order Theodoret l. 3. c. 6. But as it is known that he did not persecute the Christians with fire and Sword as Dioclesian did yet he contrived more mischievous ways to destroy Christianity it self than others did to destroy the professors of it and as one probable means to accomplish it he summons the Bishops of the several Factions enjoyning them to do nothing to the prejudice of the Empire and on those terms permits them to enjoy their own Opinions and different Modes of Worship Eo modo saith St. Aug. Epist 166. nomen Christi de terris perire putavit si Sacrilegas dissentiones liberas esse permisit Thereby to keep them in a balance till he had setled his affairs or to permit them to destroy one another as in Constantius time the Arians had begun and to save him the labour He seemed averse from putting any to death for their Religion not so much perhaps through any innate clemency as through a devilish Polity for he had observed that the Church multiplyed under the greatest Persecutions and the Faith Fortitude and invincible patience of Christians appeared admirable to their Enemies so that he envyed them the glory of Martyrdome To this purpose he wrote an Epistle to Ecebolius declaring his mind concerning the Galilaeans as he called the Christians That none of them should have any force offered them or be compelled into the Temples nor be reproached by the Pagans and p. 213. writing to the Bostrians he minds them How he had re-called such as were banished and by an Edict restored their Goods which were forfeited And though he practised the ruine of the Christians yet he seemed to have a reverence of their Religion for when he assumed the Title of Pontifex Maximus he wrote to his Idol-Priests and tells them That the reason why the Temples of their Gods were so much forsaken and the Christians frequented was their different behaviours The Christians delighting in works of mercy providing their Hospitals for the Poor the Widows and Fatherless 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but his Priests were barbarous and cruel inhospitable to strangers or their own poor And to his reproof adds an exhortation that they would imitate the Christians And to the people he writes That they should learn of the Christians to reverence their Priests and obey their Magistrates and Governours And he perswades the Priests not to gad abroad without leave of their Superiours and communicatory Letters and such as did notoriously offend he would have them suspended for a time from their Communion in things sacred and partaking of their Sacrifices Of this he speaks at large in his 49 Epistle p. 202. And although he were a bitter Enemy to Athanasius concerning whom he by an express Edict to Edicius Praefect of Egypt gives command to banish him not only out of the City of Alexandria where he had won over many Noble persons to the Christian Religion and caused the Pagan Temples to be quite deserted but also out of all Egypt yet did he hold a good correspondence by Letters with divers Christian Bishops particularly with George an Arian Bishop whose Library after his death he charged Porphyry to preserve intirely for his use p. 176. As also with Aetius another Bishop exhorting him to come and live with him p. 164. But he had still a hatred to their Religion though he loved them for their Learning and peaceableness to which he endeavoured to oblige them by kindness being yet afraid to exercise cruelty towards them And that he might avoid the Name of a Persecutor himself he gave countenance and incouragement to the Jews in their opposition of the Christians and gave them leave to rebuild Jerusalem of which Amm. Marcell l. 23. c. 1. Eusebius l. 3. ch 17. write thus Julian desiring to propagate the memorial of his Empire by some great work intended the reedifying of the Temple at Hierusalem committing the work to Alipius of Antioch who was assisted by the Praefect of Judea But when they began to dig the foundations terrible Fire-balls issued out of the Earth destroyed many Workmen forcing them to desert the work With this Heathen Writer Eusebius agrees and relates more at large That by an Earth-quake the old foundations were cast up which many came from far to behold and that there came down fire from Heaven which consumed all their Tools and working Instruments for a whole day together And that the night following the forms of Crosses were visible in their Garments shining like the Sun-beams Yet those hardned Jews notwithstanding these three Miracles which forced many of them to confess that Christ was an Omnipotent God believed not He had indeed so invincible a prejudice against the Christian Religion that though he were convinced of the learning and peaceableness of the Christians yet could not his heart be moved to embrace it When that excellent Apology of Apollinaris was presented him in behalf of the Christians he returned to them with contempt I have read I have considered and rejected it Yet although he did connive at and tolerate many indignities and violences against the Christians and made some Edicts against them they did multiply and increase under him as Titus Bishop of Bostria remonstrated to him that their number was nothing inferiour to that of the Gentiles and in Antioch in Alexandria and in his very Army the greater part were Christians And although his designs were as bad as wit and malice could make them I do not find that he wrote any of his Laws in bloud nor in a Judiciary manner did execute any upon the account of their Christianity which we must ascribe wholly to the Providence of God who though he set this wicked Prince over them as a punishment for their revolt from the true Faith into Arianism and for their Divisions and Cruelties practised among themselves this common Enemy being a probable means to unite them both in faith and love yet the Divine Clemency who hath the hearts of all kings in his hands permitted him not to make that havock of the Church which he intended And Athanasius was a true Prophet when he told the Suffering Christians that Julian was Nubecula cito transitura a cloud that threatned a Storm but would be soon blown over And ought not we also who as yet conflict onely with our own fears acquiesce in the
Testimony of Athanasius for this place being an account of the Publick Prayers made by himself for Constantius the Emperour though he had remeved him from his Pastoral charge In his Apologie to Constantius Witness hereof saith he is first the Lord who heard us and granted unto you the intire Empire which was left unto you by your Ancestors then those who at that time were present for the words I used were these onely Let us pray for the welfare of the most religious Emperour Constantius and the whole People with one voice cried presently O Christ be favourable to Constantius and so continued praying a long time And then he concludes Let truth take place with you and leave not the whole Church under a suspition as though such things as tended to the death of Constans should be thought on or written by Christians and especially by Bishops Athanasius was also accused for celebrating Publick Prayers in the Church of Alexandria which he confesseth he did being urged thereto by the importunity of the People that they might pray for the welfare of the Emperour in that Church which he himself had builded being ready otherwise to go out of the City and to assemble themselves in the Desarts But thus he expostulates with the Emperour And you O King most beloved of God where would you have had the People stretch out their hands and pray for you there where the Pagans did pass by or in the place which bore your name and which from the first foundation thereof all men did call a Church And then he prays thus for the Emperour O Lord Christ who art indeed King of kings the onely begotten Son of God the Word and Wisdom of the Father because the People have implored thy goodness and by thee called upon thy Father who is God over all for the welfare of thy most religious servant Constantius I am now accused And then speaking to the Emperour You do not forbid but are willing that all men should pray knowing that this is the Prayer of all that you may live in safetie and continually reign in peace And as for you O Emperour beloved of God many years I pray you may live and accomplish the Dedication of this Church for those Prayers that are made therein for your welfare do no way hinder the solemnitie of the Dedication And whereas Athanasius was accused also for not obeying the Emperours Command to depart from Alexandria he says I do not oppose the Command of your Majestie God forbid I am not such a man as would oppose the very Treasurer of the Citie much less so great an Emperour I was not so mad as to oppose such a Command of yours I neither did oppose it nor will enter into Alexandria until you of your humanitie be pleased I shall so do If old Gregory was of another mind it was but one Doctors Opinion And I think our Author in the same case is a Dissenter from all Christian Divines as well as from the Church of England and from Mr. Baxter too who saies that hurtful prayers and desires are seldom from God and he speaks it in the very case of Julian p. 17. of his Direct part 4. I shall here add the example of that Legion which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Thundring Legion consisting of 6666 Christians under marcus Aurelius of whom Zephiline speaks thus The Emperours Army being in great distress for want of water and being compassed about by their Adversaries the Praefect of the Praetorians told Marcus That there was nothing which those Christians could not obtain by their Prayers Marcus therefore desired the Praefect that he would intreat them to pray unto their God which they had no sooner done but the Lord by thunder and lightning discomfited their enemies and with seasonable showers refreshed the whole Army which otherwise might have perished St. Ambrose was another of those Lachrymists which our Author derides he lived under Valentinian the younger another Arian Emperour and yet as Ruffinus says of him Hist Eccless l. 2. c. 26. he did not defend himself by his hand or weapon but with fastings and continual watchings and remaining under Gods Altar by his Prayers prevailed with God to be a Defender both of him and his Church I will give you St Ambrose his own words to his Church at Millain I will never forsake you willingly being constrained I know not how to make opposition Dolere potero potero flere potero gemere adversus arma Milites Gothos Lachrymae meae arma sunt talia enim munimenta sunt Sacerdotis aliter NEC DEBEO NEC POSSUM RESISTERE I can sorrow I can weep I can sigh against Arms Souldiers and Goths Tears are my weapons for such is the Munition of a Priest in any other manner I OVGHT NOT I CANNOT RESIST And his People were much of the same mind as he describes it Epist. 33. or as in some Editions the 13. Ad Marcellinam What could have been better spoken by Christian men than that which the Holy Ghost spake in you this day Rogamus Auguste non pugnamus We entreat O Emperour we fight not we are not afraid yet we entreat This saith St. Ambrose doth become Christians that both the tranquillity of peace be desired by them and their constancie in faith and truth should not be deserted no not with the peril of death And in his Tract de Renovatione fidelium Laude magis scribendum est non tam male facere non posse quam nolle whereof St. Peter told us the sence long before 1 Pet. 2.19 This is thank-worthie to God if a man endure grief suffering wrongfully And that man doth certainly suffer wrongfully that hath the Laws of God and man on his side But there is no Law of God for resistance of a lawful Magistrate The Apostle did not calculate his Doctrine for the three first Centuries under Heathen and that it should expire under Christian Magistrates the Spirit of God foresaw that Kings should be nursing Fathers to his Church and made good Laws for the securitie thereof but he never meant that Princes should be resisted though in some things they should act contrary to those Laws So that when our Author demands by what Law we must die p. 81. and answers Not by the Law of God for being of that Religion which he approves I answer Yes 1. By the Law of God rather than make resistance that we may bear testimony to that Law by suffering of death for our Religion rather than to violate it by our Rebellion 2. By the Laws of our Country too for though by the favour of Christian Princes many good Laws are made for obedient Subjects which the Prince may not violate without his great sin against God yet hath the Supreme Authority of the Land provided especially for the security of the Prince who is a Common good We see how in Nature light things do sometimes descend and things that are heavie
shall know or hear of to be against him or any of them And I do farther swear That I do from my heart abhor detest and abjure as impious and heretical this damnable Doctrine and Position that Princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the Pope may be deposed or murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever And all these things I plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear according to these express words by me spoken and according to the plain and common sence and understanding of the same words without any Equivocation or mental Evasion or secret Reservation whatsoever c. Now let any man judge whether you have not taught the Jesuits themselves how to equivocate and to make void that solemn Oath by affirming that there can be no such person as an Heir to the Crown while the King is living Your own distinction of an Heir Apparent and Presumptive seems a sufficient Confutation of your sensless Assertion Besides though it may be true of a Testamentary Heir that he is not actually so till the death of the Testator yet a Legal Heir upon whom an Estate is intailed as the Royal Crown of England is upon the next in Bloud is truly an Heir and ought to inherit And in this Opinion I am confirmed by the Apostle Gal. 4.1 who says That though the Heir as long as he is a child i.e. as long as his Father liveth differeth nothing from a servant yet he is Lord of all and if he be a Son or next in Bloud to a Prince whose Kingdom is hereditary then is he his Heir v. 7. as St. Paul argues You seem to grant that this is the Law-sence of the words Heirs and Successors in an Act of Parliament as in the Duty of Excise granted to the King his Heirs and Successors But an Oath of Allegiance you say ought to be conceived in plain words and in the common sence of those words Which I should think to be that which the Lawyers that penned that Oath and the Lawgivers that enjoyned it did intend and unless you will justifie Papists in their Equivocations and absolve them from the obligation of that Oath it cannot be taken in any other but the Law-sence Well say you if it be so and so it must be let them be sure to keep it in that sence in which they have or should take it at sixteen years of age in the Court-Leet viz. I will be true Liegeman and true faith and troth bear to our Soveraign Lord the King that now is and to his Highness Heirs and lawful Successours Kings and Queens of this Realm of England To which you add this pitiful and worse than Jesuitical Evasion It is plain to every body that no one certain or known person in the world hath any interest at present in the Oath of Allegiance besides his Majesty that now is For which you give this as a Reason which is none at all For who shall be King or Queen of England hereafter none but God himself knows And if God by whom Kings reign had not wonderfully restored his Majesty we should have had none at this time But God by a Miracle hath restored the right Heir against all oppesition Pag. 21. He brings in another Objection against the Bill of Exclusion fetched from the Common-Prayer to which I perceive he is no great Friend viz. No Church of-England-man can be for it with a good Conscience being to the prejudice of his R. H. because we there pray that God would prosper him with all happiness here and hereafter Now by the way no such words as here and hereafter are expressed though we grant they are implied under the word All. But we especially though not onely intend it to that happiness which flows from the Spirit and grace of God and may bring him and all the Royal Family to Gods everlasting Kingdom and as a means thereunto that he would endue them with his holy Spirit and enrich them with his heavenly Grace You say No man in the Communion of the Church of England prays that Prayer more heartily than you do But if you do indeed think him to be a Julian and your self such as those Christians that sayd their Prayers backward that prayed him to death and would not so much as desire his conversion this would certainly be a Curse in the mouth or heart of any Protestant And I hope there are no such in the Communion of our Church though you intimate that they were all such in the Primitive Church and that we should be such also for p. 96. you say You find not one single wish among the Antients for Julian's conversion but all for his down-right destruction It is a good Rule that Pro quibus orandum pro iis laborandum We should by a meek and Christian behaviour inforce our Devotions for 't is the Prayer of the Righteous man that availeth much If we could thorowly inspect the Arguments that prevailed for the reputed defection of that Prince I believe the unchristian behaviour of those who oppose his Succession was most cogent And who knows but our amendment moderation and meekness might yet reclaim him But to pray coldly without faith for what you say p. 22. there is no hope and to act contrary to your Prayers is to beg a denial And I hope many others pray more heartily than you do For when we pray God to indue him with his Holy Spirit c. we pray that he may return to the Protestant Religion and not that he may be exposed to an invincible Temptation and a kind of necessity to extirpate it as you maliciously accuse us Nor are we to distrust the power of divine Grace either to restrain or sanctifie those whom we pray for and so to limit the Holy One of Israel as if he had not the hearts of Kings in his hand or had no rule over the Governours of the world Cambden p. 5. of his Remains reports that when Brithwald the Monk was troubled about the Succession the Bloud Royal being almost extinguished he heard a voice saying The Kingdom of England is Gods Kingdom and God will provide for it And why should not we acquiesce in the same Divine Providence P. 79. You argue against a Popish Successour à possibili because he may be a Persecutor Some have accounted both our present Soveraign and his Father of blessed memory such they sent the One out of the world with an Exit Tyrannus though the meekest and most gracious Prince in the world and what the effects of a Bill of Exclusion as some men would manage it may be is dreadful to consider But as you suppose the Popish Successessour may be so I suppose he may not be a Persecutor And for the proof of this I appeal to your Friend Plato Redivivus who in p. 207. gives an instance in the Prince of Hanover who was perverted to the Roman Church went to Rome to abjure Heresie and returning home
dogmatically to the people committed to his charge we shall find him teaching and exhorting a different Doctrine and Practice from what is here delivered by him of which I shall speak at large hereafter and onely note by the way That the Oration was made long after Julian's death which savoured not very much of humanity and if it were upon occasion of some disappointment as is reported it had as little of Christianity And this will appear a truth that he did exceed as well in the praise of Constantius the first Arian Emperiour as in the dispraise of Julian and the misrepresentation of the Christians in his time All which circumstances considered and no other proof produced our Authour deserves to do publick Penance for abusing the Fathers and Primitive Christians and as he saies the whole Christian world And yet what can Gregory blame in Constantius but that which he calls his Ignorance or Mistake not being aware of his Apostacie And it was too unchristian to blame the Emperour not onely for making him a King but keeping him alive This you say p. 24. is enough to shew that Constantius would never have made Julian Caesar if he had known him to have been such And in my judgment here is as much said to prove that Constantius ought to have slain him when his Brother Gallus was slain Although this was a thing which he repented of in his Death-bed and would undoubtedly be more unworthy of a Christian Emperour to exclude him out of the life than to leave him to a Succession that descended by inheritance to him And if it be such a Bill of Exclusion that you contend for I am sure none of the Fathers nor any good Christian would ever consent to it P. 24. Is an Exclamation against the Emperour having first said that Constantius did far excel all other Kings in Wisdom and Vnderstanding p. 25. and that he was led by the Hand of God into every Counsel and Enterprize what in turning Arian and persecuting Athanasius and other Orthodox Bishops and putting Arians in their seats your wisdom was admired above your power and again your power more than your wisdom but your Piety was valued above them both Then he comes to blame the Emperour as the onely ignorant and inconsiderate person and which of the Devils stole in along with you at that Consult And yet again p. 26. he saies of this first Arian Emperour That he would have parted not onely with his Empire and all that he had in this world even his Life it self for the securitie and safetie of the Christian Religion c. And our Author saies that at his death he shewed with much earnestness the concernment he had for the true Religion p. 28 29. But for ought I yet see Julian's Apostacie was not yet known but he was generally accounted both a pious and a stout man and therefore his repenting of making Julian Caesar was not on the account of Religion but for some other respect Julian having been declared Augustus by his Souldiers who often disposed of the Empire and being then on his march to dispute the Title with Constantius for hitherto Julian kept to the Christian Assemblies and was not known to be a Pagan as you shew from Ammianus Marcellinus p. 28. After that Julian was declared Emperour he still feigned himself a Christian and though in private he performed his Heathenish Rites trusting some few with the secret yet he publickly went to Church on Twelfth-day and after he had been devout at the Service he came away again This was done at Vienna not quite Ten Moneths before the Emperour's death This is all that our Author produceth for the sense of the Fathers and primitive Christians for the Exclusion of Julian his Title was divine his Religion at most onely suspected not know Yet saies our Author p. 30. If this Doctrine concerning the alteration of Succession shall displease any which is contrary to what these Fathers which will not amount to one single person assert with so much vehemencie He thinks it reasonable that first they confute this Doctrine of Exclusion which they dislike And secondly That they would never fetch their Mountebank-Receipts of Prayers and Tears and suchlike encouragements to Arbitrarie Government out of the Writings of these very Fathers This our Author knew could easily be done and therefore he thought to prejudice his Readers against it by calling them Mountebank-Receipts and Antimonarchical Authors and encouragements to Arbitrarie Government Than which I scarce know any thing more profane but the down-right Blasphemie of the Doctrine of Christ and the practice of the best Christians who counted not their lives dear unto them that the Doctrine of the Gospel might not be evil spoken of as if Christianity were an utter Enemie to Caesar or as another Mahomet to establish his Kingdom by the Sword What an easie matter doth our Author think it to impose any falsehood on the Vulgar when he tells them of Fathers and primitive Christians with so much vehemencie asserting the lawfulness of excluding Julian and instead of all other proofs produceth onely a Rhetorical Expression of a person in some passion from which it might be proved as lawful to Murder Julian as to Exclude him from the Succession Hercules tuam fidem But to answer our Author's demand I shall endeavour to confute his Doctrine viz. That the Fathers and Primitive Christians of the whole World were for the Exclusion of Julian from the Empire Iraeneus Tertullian and St. Augustin you have seen to be of a contrarie Judgment 1. The true Christians could not be for it upon your Position That he had a right to it by the Law of Nature and the Hand of God gave it him which you seem to assert 2. It is certain the Arian Fathers were not as hath been alreadie shewn they congratulated Julian's advent to the Kingdom Much less could the Orthodox be for it upon Gregories surmise that Constantius would have excluded him out of the Life as well as the Empire 3. From their behaviour towards Constantius a vehement Arian the Orthodox Fathers shew they were not for Exclusion Constans his Brother was joyned with him in the Empire and he defended Athanasius and the Orthodox Bishops against Constantius yet these Christians never sided with Constans against Constantius they never resisted or sought to depose or exclude him although his Heresie was extreamly dangerous and propagated by Force and Persecution of more eminent Divines than any that suffered under Julian And as our Author says that Poperie is ten times worse than Paganism so I have heard as wise and good men as himself say that Socinianism is as bad as Poperie and the Arians who denied the Deity of the Son and the Holy Ghost were much like our Socinians Mr. Baxter hath so much Charitie as to think that some that died in the Communion of the Church of Rome are Saints in Heaven though he will scarce grant it to
will ascend against their natural propension for the preservation of the Universe and if private men do submit themselves to some Violencies and Injustice for the preservation of the publick Peace it is but their duty and if the Prince do invade our Rights that is no ground for us to invade his in whom the happiness of the whole Nation doth consist St. Bernard was another Lachrymist Epist 221. speaking to Lewis then King of France Whatever it pleaseth you to do concerning your Kingdom Crown and Soul we that are the Children of the Church cannot conceal the injuries done to our Mother we will stand and fight even to death for our Mother if need be but Armis quibus licet non scutis gladiis sed precibus fletibusque ad Deum with such Arms as are allowed us not with Sword and Buckler but with Prayers and Tears to God I could multiply many Testimonies in this kind nor can any other than such as our Author produceth of some private passionate and mistaken Christians be pretended to the contrary until such time as the Pope erected the Standard of Antichrist against Christian Kings which was after the time of Gregory the Great or until Presbyterie as a Reformado fought under the same Banner Now to say as you do in the close of this Chapter p. 55. That in that Age the best Prayers and Tears were those which did best execution upon an Apostate Emperour and contributed most to his destruction and again p. 96. I do not find among the Ancients one single wish for Julian 's Conversion but all for his down-right Destruction is a very unchristian insinuation especially for one who pretends to say the Prayer for the Royal Family as heartily as any man in the Preface P. 93. Our Author by way of Postscript tells us he hath many more exceptions against the Artillery of Prayers and Tears than he can stay to insist on The first is a great exception indeed which makes St. Gregory to overthrow all that our Author had quoted from him for St. Gregory p. 57. of the first Invective Eaton-edition says thus Julian was hindered by the goodness of God and the Tears of Christians which were shed in great plentie by many who had this onely remedie against the Persecutor Now it is well observed by our Author here are no Prayers mentioned none at all for his confusion no such Prayers as are no better than Treason by our Law p. 95. Secondly Gregory doth not tell us here that they had no Arms or Walls or that these Lachrymists cried CHVD EAT CHEESE AN CHAD IT but that they had this onely Remedie against the Persecutor i. e. as our Author says They had no other way to help themselves And though here be no Prayers mentioned yet in other places St. Gregory mentions Prayers and was as great a Lachrymist at Prayer as any P. 96. Our Author parallels these Prayers with some which he says were made Treason in Queen Mary 's days of which the Act says Anno 1. and 2. of Philip and Mary lib. 9. That some prayed that God would turn her heart from Idolatrie to the true Faith or else to shorten her days or take her quickly out of the way Though they had used such Prayers in secret they should methinks for their own sakes have for born them in their Conventicles where the Act says they were used and where as you would have it such murdering Prayers are too frequent in our Age. And I doubt whether God might not have rejected such Prayers with a Quis requisivit I believe verily it was never in our Saviour's mind when he bids us to pray for them that persecute us nor of his Apostle when he injoyns that Prayers and Supplications c. be made for Kings and all that are in Authoritie 1 Tim 2.1 And whereas that Act saith Such a Prayer was never heard or read to have been used by any good Christian man against any Prince though he were a Pagan you think you have given presidents for it in the case of Julian where the Christians prayed for his Destruction not his Conversion If as you say you pray as heartily for his R. H. as any man in the Collect for the Royal Family you cannot but mind his Conversion And no president that ever I heard of will warrant any other Prayers but to this effect ENDVE THEM WITH THY HOLY SPIRIT INRICH THEM WITH THY HEAVENLY GRACE PROSPER THEM WITH ALL HAPPINESS AND BRING THEM TO THINE EVERLASTING KINGDOM c. Here is nothing at all for Destruction but all for Conversion And though I know you are a daring man yet pray do not think of reforming the English Liturgie by your Julian nor Gregorian Account and teach us by your example to say our Prayers backward Gregory himself was so great a Lachrymist that our Author if he have any spark of Grace or intention to repent must needs weep with him and as he did recant that as publickly in other more serious Writings which he delivered in a fit of Passion or to shew his Rhetorick Gregory Nazianzen Orat. 17. p. 267. to the Citizens of Nazianzum that were in great fear by reason of the displeasure of their Praefect perswades them to make use of these weapons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ps 34.17 If thou turn to the Lord with mourning thou shalt be saved Ye see saith Gregory how Salvation is annexed to Mourning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nothing can come between your Prayers and the Blessings that you ask Doth the Spirit of God prescribe Mountebank-Receipts in the opinion of Gregory or ought not he to repent that calls them Mountebank-Receipts Then minding them of the instability of Humane Affairs and of the great benefit they may reap by their patience and submission to Gods Chastisements he adds Let us submit our selves to God to one another and to those who have the Government on Earth the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same that St. Paul useth Rom. 13.5 To God in all things to each other in brotherly charitie and to our Governours for the sake of good order He adds it is a hainous and dangerous thing to exhaust the Clemencie of the Ruler by needing daily pardon Among other Laws of our Religion we have this given us by the Spirit of God who hath joyned that which we are able to do to that which is just and honest and hath established it by a most laudable Law That as Servants obey their Masters and Wives their Husbands and the Church Christ and Disciples their Pastors so we also are commanded to obey the higher Powers not onely for Wrath but for Conscience-sake as being bound to yield them Tribute nor let us give occasion by our wickedness to bring the Law into contempt and to provoke the revenging Sword but rather being made better through our fears endeavour to obtain praise from the higher Powers Decies repetite placebit I wish I could
say of our Author Et hinc illae Lacrymae but our Author hath other thoughts he thinks he hath much obliged the whole Nation turning their Mourning into Mirth and instructing them after the new fashions of Rome and France to exchange their Prayers and Tears for Fire and Sword for Gun-powder Pistols Poniards and therefore he first saies it was a Christian that killed Julian and from Zozomen that he was to be commended for the fact p. 60 61. Sigebert in his Chron. ad Anno 1088. tells us That this noveltie that I say not Heresie was not yet risen up in the world that the Priests of God who saith to a King Remove and maketh an Hypocrite to reign for the sins of a people should teach the people that they owe no subjection to wicked Kings and though they have given an Oath of Fidelity to them yet they owe no Fidelity to them nor are to be accounted perjured though they fight against them and that he that obeyeth the King shall be excommunicated and he that opposeth him shall be absolved from the guilt of Injustice and Perjurie So that although these Ancient Bishops were never in Scotland yet a man may think our Scotizing Presbyters have been at Rome whose Principles and Practices run such parallels as would sill a bigger Volume than I intend I shall onely shew that the Fathers give us a better Form of praying for Kings than your Directorie doth and the Law of God and Man enjoyns us Vniformitie in the use of it Tertul. Apol. c. 31 c. You that say we regard not the welfare of Caesar look into our Scriptures which command us to pray for our Enemies and Persecutors especially that we pray for Kings and all in authoritie For with them the whole Empire is shaken and we our selves as Members thereof are in hazard therefore we sacrifice for the safetie of the Emperour but to God and as God hath commanded with pure Prayer we pray for them and their Officers and Magistrates for faithful Armies seasonable Times and a quiet Age c. Having our arms spread to God let Hooks tear us Crosses hang us c. a praying Christian is prepared for any torment Come then you Praefects and force out our Souls praying for the Emperour Athenagoras in his Apologie to M. Aurelius We pray for your Empire that the Son 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is most just may succeed the Father in the Kingdom and that your Empire may increase and flourish all being subject to you which would be much for our good that we leading a quiet and peaceable life may readily obey you in all your commands St. Cyprian to Demetrian We pray day and night propitiating and appeasing God for your peace and safetie and that the Reign of Valerian and Galien may continue unshaken So Eusebius observes l. 6. c. 11. Eccl. Hist of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria That he prayed for the same Emperours that their Kingdom might continue St. Sebastian lived under Dioclesian and Maximian and fought for them and prayed and assures us the rest of the Souldiers did the like The Priests of the Temples do possess your Majesties minds saith he with unjust surmises as if we the Christians were Enemies to the Commonwealth whereas by our Prayers the Commonwealth is bettered and increased for we cease not to pray for your Empire and the safetie of the Roman Armie See Surius on Jan. 20. Optatus l. 3. contra Parmen The Apostle teacheth us to pray for Kings and those that are in Authoritie etiamsi talis eslet Imperator qui Gentiliter viveret though he were a Pagan The Council of Paris 6th p. 534. of the Second Tome of the French Councils If Jeremy the Prophet admonished to pray for the Life of Nebuchadonozor that Idolatrous King how much more ought Supplications to be made for all Christian Kings Aphraates a zealous Christian being demanded by Valens an Arian Emperour whither he went I am going saith he to pray for your Empire Theophilus Bishop of Antioch I will honour the King not adoring him but praying for him So likewise in the Preamble of the Council of Agatha where the Catholick Bishops pray for an Arian King after this manner With Knees bended on the ground we pray for the continuance of your Kingdom and People that as you have granted us libertie to assemble our selves so God would extend your Kingdom with Happiness govern it with Justice and protect it with Virtue Prooemium Synodi Agathensis When by the instigation of Pope Paschal the Second the Emperour was unjustly deprived the Church of Liege blame the Pope for it saying If he were such as you describe him yet should we suffer him to reign over us because our Sins have deserved it and such a Prince ought not to be repelled by taking Arms against him but by pouring out our Prayers Resp Eccles Leoardensis ad Epistolam Pasch 2d So that whether our Author will or no it will still be owned as a Maxime among Christians Preces lachrymae sunt Arma Ecclesiae Prayers and Tears are the Churches Artillery and your new MILITIA will never prevail against this COMMISSION OF ARRAY An Answer to our Author's CHAP. VII Julian's Death THis Chapter is mostly the relation of two wonderful discoveries of Julian's Death the one of a Christian Schoolmaster for it seems the Christians at Antioch though it were the place that Julian most hated had Christian Masters to instruct their Children who being askt by Libanius the Sophister what the Carpenters Son was doing answered He is making a Coffin And yet perhaps he thought no more of Julian's death than Libanius whose expression of a Carpenters Son might give occasion to such a Reply Then for his other story of his double St. Julian Sabba for our Author hath Sainted him before and behind That he whilst he was praying should be in a Trance and cry out The wild Boar the Enemie of the Lords Vineyard hath suffered the punishment of his faults and lies dead I cannot admit such Miracles into my Creed 〈◊〉 but look on them no otherwise than such conjectures as Julian himself made when at the fall of the man that lifted him up to his horse he cried out He that raised me up is fallen and as the Historian says Constantius died at that very time But the merriest Scene is behind p. 58. That as soon as the Christians at Antioch heard of it they had publick joyful meetings and had not onely Dances in the Churches and Chappels of their Martyrs and then likely they had the musick of Organs or some other instruments too but likewise in the Theatre they proclaimed the Victorie of the Cross Such Thanksgivings we had in this Nation at the Butchery of the Royal Martyr But though they brought their Horse-guards into St. Pauls I do not find they danced in the Churches The manner of his death our Author reports p. 59. as an uncertainty but jumps in
counted the Grievance of a great Partie P. 82. Old Bracton appears again and is made to eat his own words for whereas he had said of the King That every one is under him and he under none but God and that he can have no equal in his Kingdom for so he should lose his command because one equal hath no power over another now he is made to contradict himself That Rex est sub lege quia lex facit Regem c. which is utterly false not onely because the Kings Predecessors came in by Conquest but also because it is the Royal Assent that passeth all Bills into Laws Mr. Baxter answers this p. 14. part 4. of Christian Directory That Lex being taken for the signification of the Soveraigns will to oblige the Subject the Law doth not make the King but the King the Law For which he quoteth Grotius lib. 8. p. 195. Neminem sibi imperare posse à quo mutatâ voluntate nequeat recedere And Grotius quotes S. Augustine Imperatorem non esse subjectum Legibus suis And doubtless this is true in every Free Monarchie as England is by Historians and Lawyers granted to be Now consider that Bracton wrote in the Reign of Henry the Third when his Earls and Barons often confederated and rose actual War against him and made him to capitulate with them having got the strength of the Nation in their hands in favour of whom he seems to write and calls them the Kings higher Court not as some higher than the King but than other of the Kings Courts Yet was this no Parliament for the Commons are not mentioned by Bracton Now let any judge when Bracton was in the right and when in the wrong opinion by what followeth in the same Chapter for as our Author blames the Doctor for not reading on so do I much more blame him because he came nearer to it And thus Bracton says Si autem ab eo peccatur locus erit supplicationi quod factum suum corrigat emendat quod si non fecerit satis sufficit ei ad poenam quod Dominum expectet Vltorem Nemo quidem de factis suis praesumat disputare multo fortius contra factum suum venire i. e. If the King do offend there is libertie of petitioning that he would amend what is amiss which if he will not do there is no punishment for the King but to expect God to be his Avenger but let no man presume to dispute of his doings much less to make opposition against what he doth And this is agreeable to that Scripture Eccles 8.4 Who may say to him What dost thou If therefore we should grant it to be true what Bracton says according to practice rather than Law in those lawless times yet Now as Plowden as great a Lawyer as Bracton says the Case is altered And the Oath of Supremacie against the Pope which Bracton would by no means admit and the Oath of Allegiance and Act of Parliament for not taking up Arms on any pretence whatsoever would have quite overthrown Bracton's Opinion if he had not done it himself Our Author seems to apply the Premises onely against a Popish Successor and freely grants that when he is lawfully possest of the Crown he is inviolable and unaccountable as to his own person and ought by no means to have any violence offered to him p. 84. To what purpose then hath he given Instances of reproach proachful and provoking Language Prayers and Devotions that helpt on his death all for his Destruction none for his Conversion threatning to kick him and from Zozomen encouraging the Assassination of him when Julian was in quiet possession of the Empire P. 94. You quote a Saying of Asterius How great a resort is there from the Church to the Altars c. This is answered by Bishop Bilson p. 502. of Christian Subjection You find saith he that multitudes ran from Christ to Paganism after Julian to Arianism after Valens but do you find that the Godly did rebel against them What presumption is this in you to controul the Wisdom and Goodness of God sifting his Church by the rage and fury of wicked Princes and crowning those that be his as patient in Trial and constant in Truth Were you throughly perswaded that the hearts of Kings are in the hands of God and that the hairs of our heads are numbered so that no persecution can apprehend his which he disposeth not for the experience of their faith or recompence of their sins you would as well honour the Justice of God in erecting Tyrants that our unrighteousness may be punished in this world as embrace his Mercie in giving rest to his Church by the favour of good Princes Experto Crede This good Bishop says We have these twenty seven years endured all sorts of calamities that may befal men in exile therefore charge not us to be worldly minded p. 501. See Mr. Baxter to this purpose part 4. of the Christian Directory What our Author says concerning Passive Obedience p. 85. c. shall be considered anon P. 89. He is very angry that the Doctor should reflect on some dangerous Pamphlets as that of the History of Succession The Dialogue between Tutor and Pupil and another that affirms That Parliaments should sit till they have done that for which they were called And contrariwise so far commends the treasonable Popish book of Doleman as that it was impossible to write a Historie of Succession without borrowing from it Their Tools are so dull they must needs be beholding to the Philistines to set an edge on them upon their Whetstones of Lyes and Forgeries Quam bene conveniunt P. 91. The Thebaean Legion like a malus Genius meets him again and for their sakes he is resolved rather to die a Murtherer than a Martyr for p. 85. he puts the Case though he confesseth it to be a rare Case for bad Princes seldom stoop so low as to be Executioners of their own cruelty But the Question is if they should How far notwithstanding men may endeavour to save themselves without breach of their Allegiance and of that true Faith and Loyaltie which they ought to bear of life and limb and terrene honour If they have a mind to know they may ask advice i. e. How far notwithstanding the Oath of Allegiance men may resist their Prince For the Authors part he is resolved already but will not discover to every one what is in his heart if he thought it unlawful to resist the Kings person in case he should offer violence to a Subject he would certainly have published it but his Silence speaks his Consent Now if the King be forced for his defence to take an armed Guard as our Late Soveraign was And our Author with other Malecontents that think themselves highly wronged because they are not rewarded according to their deserts should meet him with another Armed Company and fight him he may kill his person
and the other at the left hand of some Great person when he shall come into his Kingdom Or if the hopes of the translation of the Kingdom should fail and degenerate into a Commonwealth one of them may be as Milton was a mercenarie Historian or under-Secretarie of State But now I think on it they will never be so fit as Milton was of whom they come as short in accuracie of Stile as they may in time exceed him in other of his Vertues and Preferments I would advise our Divine Lecturer to take a Doctor 's degree at Salamanca for he may despair of it here in England and then he may be the fitter to be a Casuist and Confessor to the States General to resolve their Cases of Conscience And for our Lawyer if he do but read one Lecture more on Doleman and pursue his Argument as he hath begun he that is yet esteemed of but as the Pick-lock of the Law and speaks things doubtfully and mysteriously as the Devils Oracles were wont may come to that Top of Preferment which Mr. Br. a Quondam Brother attained And though he never sit in Judgment as he did yet he shall if his Friends will be at the cost have that Inscription on his Tomb which was provided for the other Mr. Hunt speaking of his Adversary says p. 152. he observes for our imitation that the Orthodox did not depose the Arian Emperours And answers We ought undoubtedly to imitate them therein for that no man much less a Prince ought to lose any right for a Speculative errour or meer misbelief But onely for wicked practices and opinions that promote excite and encourage them As if Opinions that overthrow the Doctrine of Christs Divinity did not directly tend to wicked practices Hath not this Lawyer been fee'd by the Socinians to become their Advocate But might not an Arian Emperour be resisted and One who is truly Christian and a Defender of the Apostolick Faith be opposed And doth our Author know of any more than a Speculative errour if so much in him whom he prosecutes so violently Or was not Constantius his being of the Arian perswasion the cause of many actual cruelties practised against the Orthodox not in remote places onely but chiefly at Constantinople where he mostly resided and were not many of those Cruelties acted by the authoritie of his Edicts as I have noted concerning Macedonius his Cruelties And so for the Sitting of Parliaments till all Grievances are redressed Milton p. 80. Si Rex Parliamentum prius dimiserit quam ea omnia transigantur quorum causa Concilium indictum erat perjuris reus erit Mr. Hunt resembles him in this as well as if there had been a transmigration of Souls Let his Majestie satisfie his people never so well by Reason and Authoritie and serious promises of frequent Parliaments yet this man insinuates that he acts as if there were no intent to call a Parliament any more And that the design of the Addressers was for discontinuance of Parliaments and for a Popish Successor though he himself observes that in thanking his Majestie for his promise of frequent Parliaments they do desire them See his Preface P. 152. He says as our Author doth after him That the behaviour of the Church towards the Roman Pagan Emperours was much different from that which they bore to Julian who succeeded to Christian Emperours was educated a Christian and sometime bore a place in the Church for whereas the Apostles had enjoyned the Christians to pray for the Pagan Emperours though actual persecutors of the Church yet THE WHOLE CHVRCH did curse and Anathematize Julian with an Anathema Quo Deus rogatur ut aliquem è medio tollat In Julianum cum defectioni adderet Machinationes evertendi Christianismi usa est Ecclesia isto extremae necessitatis telo a Deo est audita Grotius on Luk. c. 6. v. 22. The whole of Grotius his Note to this purpose is in these words Sunt quaedam delicta tam atriocia ut si contumacia accedat nemo non videat esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro talibus dum tales manent Ecclesia non intercedit precum suffragio quod solis poenitentibus patet Generaliter tamen his ut infidelibus mentem optat meliorem Chrysostomus ubi anathema pronunciandum ait adversus facta non adversus homines intelligit districtum illud anathema quo Deus rogatur ut aliquem e medio tollat Hujus sanè rarior est usus non tamen Nullus nam in Julianum cum defectioni adderet machinationes evertendi Christianismi usa est Ecclesia isto extremae necessitatis telo a Deo est exaudita If our Author had not been afraid to discover from what Writers he collected his Posie of Daisies as he calls it p. 95. he would have repeated this of Mr. Hunt which seems to carry more of Reason and Authority than any thing else in all his Treatise of Julian And because I suspect that he may keep this for a Reserve for I have heard that he intends to pursue his design against all Opposers if he bring no other weapons but such as these of the Church-Censures we shall not fear for these are Spiritual weapons which the Church makes use of and that onely against incorrigible offenders that had committed a sin to death as their last refuge in extream necessity yet of these he onely says the Church doth not intercede by supplications proper to the penitents yet generally even to these as also to Infidels it prays for a better mind St. Chrysostome says Grotius speaking of the Anathema that is to be pronounced against the Actions not the Persons understands this severe Anathema whereby God is intreated to take away the offender from the midst of the people c. So that Grotius and Chrysostome having delivered their Judgements clearly in other places concerning Prayers for Heathenish and Persecuting Emperours they cannot be understood here to write against their own and the judgement of all those other Christians afore-mentioned To which I adde this of Tertull ad Scapulam Christianus Nullius est hostis nedum Imperatoris quem sciens à Deo suo constitui NECESSE EST ut eum diligat revereatur salvum velit And in his Apol. We reverence in our Emperours Gods judgement that made them Governours for we know that to be in them which God would have and of this we make account as of a great Oath And the Oath of Christian Souldiers as Vegetius de re Militari l. 2. c. 5. was Per Deum per Christum per Spiritum Sanctum per Majestatem Imperatoris c. By God and Christ and by the Holy Ghost and by the Majestie of the Emperour who next to God was to be loved and reverenced they swore to yield him faithful Devotion and vigilant Service c. And he gives this reason for it For a man whether private or military doth serve God
his People Therefore we must take away all pretences of the lawfulness of Resistance or we must grant All pretences to be lawful that the People shall judge so to be Therefore the Scripture hath forbidden resistance in any case as our Law grounded on Scripture and Reason hath also done on any pretence whatsoever It had been enough to oppose Bishop Vsher's sole Judgment against our Author's Bishop Vsher of the power of Princes p. 214. The patience of the Saints was not onely seen in the Primitive Persecutions but continued as well under the Arian Emperours who retaining the name of Christians did endeavour with all their power to advance that damnable Heresie but also under Julian himself who utterly revolted from the very profession of the Name of Christ. Sr. Augustine observed the same on Psal 124. Julian was an Infidel an Apostate and Idolater yet Milites Christiani servierunt Imperatori Insideli Christian Souldiers served this Heathen Emperour When they came to the Cause of Christ they would acknowledge no Lord but him in Heaven but when he said Go forth to fight Invade such a Nation they presently obeyed They were subject to their Temporal Lord for his sake that was their Eternal Lord. The Arian Persecution by Constantius who had also Apostatized from the true Faith was as violent and of much longer continuance than that of Julian yet though the Christians had then as you pretend the Laws on their side they made no resistance I am constrained to repeat this again because I meet with a contrary Assertion in Mr. Hunt p. 153. I must remember him saith he out of Socrates Eccl. Hist l. 2. c. 38. when the Souldiers of the Arian Emperour Constantius were by his command sent to enforce them to become Arians they took Arms in defence of their Religion Where I perceive as great a Lawyer as Mr. Hunt is he hath taken honest John Milton into his Consult who says Chap. 44. of the Primitive Christians Idem bellum Constantio indixerunt quantum in se erat Imperio vita spoliarunt That they waged War with Constantius and as much as in them lay spoiled him of his Life and Empire This being said by Milton how notoriously false soever Mr. Hunt is ready to assert the truth of it and makes an offer of as good Authoritie for it as ever Milton did for the Kings Condemnation as will appear by the History This passage refers us to a horrible Relation of the Arian Persecution acted by Macedonius who procured Edicts from that Emperour to force the Christians to the Arian infidelity The History begins chap. 27. Macedonius after the death of Paul Bishop of Constantinople who was banished first and then slain in exile by the Arians Athanasius hardly escaping them enters on those Churches who having great power with the Emperour stirred up as great Wars and Cruelties between the Christians themselves as any that were acted by the Tyrants and he got his impious actings to be confirmed by the Emperours Edicts Presently he proclaims the Edicts in all the Cities and the Souldiers are enjoyned to assist him The Orthodox are banished not onely from their Churches but their Cities Then they constrain the people against their wills to communicate with the Arians and used as great violence as ever any of those used that forced the Christians to the worshipping of Idols applying Whips Tortures and all kind of Cruelties Some were Sequestred of all their Goods others Banished many died under their Torments and those that were to be Banished were slain in the way These Cruelties were practised throughout all the Cities of the East-part of the Empire especially at Constantinople This Persecution when Macedonius was made Bishop was increased more than before of which Socrates in chap. 38 gives a fuller relation p. 142 Edit Valesii That he then persecuted not onely Catholicks but the Novatians also who agreed with the Catholicks in the Consubstantiality Both were oppressed with intolerable mischiefs Agellius the Bishop of the Novatians is forced to flee but many eminent for their piety were apprehended and tormented for refusing to communicate with them and after other Tortures they gagg'd their Moueths with Wood and forced their Sacrament into them which was to those good men the greatest torment of all They also forced the Women and Children to receive their Baptism If any resisted they used Whips Bonds Imprisonment and other cruelties of which it shall suffice to relate one or two instances leaving the Auditors to judge by them of the inhumane actings of Macedonius and his Party Such Women as would not communicate with them they first squeezed their Breasts in a Box and then cut them off some with Iron and others with Causticks of scalding Eggs. A new kind of torment never used by the Heathen against us Christians was invented by these who professed Christianity These things I am informed of saith Socrates by Auxanontes a very old man a Presbyter of the Novatian Church who before he was made Presbyter endured many indignities being cast into Prison with one Alexander a Paphlagonian and beaten with many stripes whereof this Alexander died in prison but Auxanontes lived to endure more torments I have not time to translate the entire History which may be read in that Chapter I shall therefore come to that part of it related to by Mr. Hunt which is thus Macedonius hearing that in the Province of Paphlagonia especially at Mantinium there were such a multitude of Novatians as could not be expelled by the Arian Ecclesiasticks procures four Companies of Souldiers to force them to turn Arians They in defence of their Sect armed themselves with despair as with Weapons and gathering together in a Body with Hooks and Hatchets and what Weapons were at hand met the Souldiers in which scuffle many of the Paphlagonians and neer all the Souldiers were slain This I heard saith Socrates from a Paphlagonian that was in the Fight And he adds that the Emperour himself was offended with Macedonius for this action I should indeed have wondered at the confidence of Mr. Hunt in accusing from this story the Orthodox for arming themselves in defence of their Profession when it was onely a rout of Novatians that were by the Arian crueltie driven to despair that defended themselves against them But I am so transported at another saying of his that I have no admiration of any thing else how false or pernicious soever You shall find it p. 192. of his Treatise concerning the Succession where having suggested that if the D. be not excluded he doth certainly make us miserable and mincing the matter a little saying We exclude onely his Person not his Posteritie he is not afraid to add And we will not entail a War upon the Nation though for the Sake and Interest of the glorious Familie of the STVARTS The speech is so heinous that it cannot admit any aggravation Well may such men as he and his Plagiary seek to
Kindred who were never reported to design any such thing It had been most commendable in Constantius if as he provided a Royal Palace for the Education of his Kinsmen so being himself a Christian Emperour he had more carefully provided for their Christian Education That Age had as many Learned Bishops well skilled in all Humane Literature as any one before or since and yet Constantius permitted the Seeds of Superstition and Paganism to be sown in that rank Soyl as soon as those of Christianity and 't is no wonder if our corrupt nature being left at liberty prefer that Religion which is accommodated to its lusts to that which especially tends to the suppressing and extirpation of them And if Corn and Weeds be permitted to grow together in a fertile ground it is no wonder to see the weeds to outgrow the Corn. His Education AS soon as he was Seven years old he was committed to the Tuition of Mardonius an Eunuch by whom he was put to learn Grammar and Rhetorick in the publick Schools of Constantinople Nicocles a Lacedemonian taught him Grammar and the famous Turn-coat Ecebolius taught him Rhetorick Libanius the Heathen Philosopher had a famous School at that time in Constantinople whose Works Julian procured and read with great delight and in a little time becomes familiarly acquainted with him often frequenting his School and as the manner of the Grecian Scholars was he adventured to declaim publickly against the Christians and p. 4. our Author says he would dispute hard with his Brother in favour of the Heathen pretending that he only tryed how he could hold the weaker side of a Question He profited much in that sort of Philosophy which Iamblicus taught being a mixture of the Opinions of Plato and Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which he calls himself a zealot and shewed great honour and kindness to Iamblicus These were the Masters which Mardonius his Tutor procured for him and were the Corruptors of his Youth for being of a light and desultory Wit and withal very industrious and inquisitive after knowledge he hastily imbibed such Principles as his Tutors instilled He tells us himself in his Misopogon what he learnt under this Mardonius which he relates to the Athenians The Names of Plato Socrates Aristotle and Theophrastus are much talked of with derision This old Man Mardonius having foolishly he speaks by Irony observed their dictates perswaded me being a Boy desirous to learn that if I would tread in their paths I should be better not onely than other men but than my self And I for what could I do else obeying my old Tutor cannot change any thing though I desire it never so much And I accuse my self that I did open a more free admission to all the Vices of that old Man For thus he taught me out of Plato That Man is worthy of Honour who offends not but he that deters others from offending is worthy of more than double Honour The first is profitable to himself alone the others to many that brings the Delinquent before the Magistrates and if he also joyn in punishing the injurious this is a noble and complete Citizen and may be called a Conquerour in the conflict of Vertue This and some other Moral Vertues wherein Julian perceived the generality of Christians to be defective as to their practice raised in him a great opinion of his Pagan Tutors and from Lectures of Morality he proceeds to learn more curious Arts. For After this Maximus an Ephesian Philosopher who was by Valentinian put to death for his Impostures and Magical Arts taught Julian to cast Nativities and make Divinations and initiated him to the Mysteries of Magick And as if he had not enough of those devilisbs Arts he sollicites a Journey to Athens pretending to see Greece and to be acquainted with their Schools where he grew into a familiar acquaintance with the best of the Heathen Philosophers of that Age which abounded with many that were excellent Moralists A Heathen Writer Ammianus Marcell l. 22. c. 3. says that Julian from the very first instructions of his childhood was given to the Worship of the Heathen Gods and Idols It is no wonder if having such Tutors he became zealously affected to the same This was his study while his Brother Gallus was living and as soon as he understood of his death which was an unnatural barbarous action and raised great prejudices against the Christian Religion he was greatly discontented and diligently inquired by those who were skilled in Curious arts what would become of him Twenty years together he dissembled himself to be a Christian and attained to great knowledge in that Religion but rather that he might know how to oppose it for as St. Augustine observes l. 5. c. 21. De Civ Dei Cujus egregiam indolem decipit amore dominandi sacrilega detestanda curiositas A sacrilegious and accursed Curiositie perverted his excellent wit However his proficiency in Christianity preferred him to be a Reader of the Holy Scriptures to the people and those Arguments of his which were learnedly and satisfactorily answered by St. Cyril Bishop of Alexandria do demonstrate his Knowledge both of the Old and New Testament for which he was admitted into Holy Orders Now how could Constantius expect but that Julian being put to such Nurses he should suck in such milk as they yielded Neglectis urenda silex innascitur agris His Apostacie is imputed to these three causes First To the levitie of his Nature Secondly To his love of Magical Arts. Thirdly To his ambition of the Empire When Gallus was put to death the Emperour had such informations that Julian conspired also against him that he resolved to put him to death also but by the intercession of Eusebia the Empress he was sent for to appear at Court and by her intercession and favour was not only preserved but within a short time declared Caesar and the Emperor to ingratiate him the more gave him his Sister Helena to Wise Before we give an account of his Actions while he was Caesar it will be convenient to give the Reader A Character of his Person and Disposition HE was of a middle Stature his Hair soft and hanged down his Beard long and sharp a full and rolling Eye comely Eyebrows and a streight Nose his Mouth somewhat large his Under-lip seemed divided his Neck fat his Shoulders broad and large and from the Head to the Foot his Members were proportionable and well joyned so that he was made both for Strength and Activitie Gregory Nazianzene who knew him at Athens gives this description of him That his Neck inclined forward his Shoulders often in motion that he had a wandring Eye and furious Aspect his Feet unstable his Nose and Lineaments of his Face were ridiculous and signified scornfulness in his Apparel sordid his Laughter was loud and frequent his Grants and Denials were without reason his Speech slow and interrupted his Questions hastie and
Goodness of God who may yet prevent not onely those distant evils which we fear but those real mischiefs also which we are presently and desperately running into Either the evils we fear may not come or if they do they may be speedily removed and by the blessing of God may be Sanctified by our amendment in a greater love of the Truth and of one another While Julian was meditating against Christians his vain-glory spur'd him on to a War against the Persians intending to have added one Title more to himself viz. Parthicus And although he were disswaded from it by Salustius and other his best Souldiers Amn. Marcell l. 23. c. 4. as also by those Southsayers in whom he placed most confidence yet would he by no means be diverted from that War which he carried on with such rashness and wilfulness that we may justly number him with those of whom it is said Quos perdere vult Jupiter dementat prius He was in his March presented by a Company of Souldiers with a great Lyon wounded to death which portended the death of some great King saith Marcellinus but he took no notice of it A Souldier also as he had watered his two Horses was struck dead together with them by Lightning which was interpreted as an ill Omen yet on he goes towards Persia and as soon as he had landed his Army in Persia he caused his Ships to be burnt reserving onely a few of the least of them to serve as a Bridge over the Rivers that might hinder his March which much offended his Souldierie as arguing a distrust of their valour and cutting off all hopes of retreat in their greatest necessitie It hapned that in the first Onset which was made by the Persians Julian had the better and thereupon appointed a solemn Sacrifice to Mars for which ten white Bulls are prepared but nine of them died before they could be brought to the Altar and the other ran away but being brought back was sacrificed but revenged his death by such ominous signs as highly incensed Julian and made him resolve and swear by Jupiter never to sacrifice to Mars again So that here was another Apostacie of Julian's from one of his chief Gods the God of War The grand Battalia of the Persians being at hand Julian prepares for it and in the preceding night he told some of his friends that the publick Genius which he saw when he was saluted Emperour in Gaul appeared to him in a sad posture and sorry habit passing by He saw also an Exhalation in the form of a Torch falling to the ground which he was afraid had been the Star Mars which threatned him His Aruspices being consulted upon this disswaded him from that Battle at least for some hours But he refused and as soon as it was day put his Army in order for a fight The Persians were as early as he and falling on the Rear of the Roman Armie put them to some distress which Julian hearing of made such haste to succour them that he took onely his Target neglecting any other Armour and by his seasonable assistance recovered the fault and repulsed the Persians and with hands lifted up urged his men to pursue them he himself being at the head of them and on the very heels of his Enemies In this Conflict he received his mortal Wound a Javelin slightly wounding his Arm pierced into his Side and stuck in his Liver From what hand it came we have had occasion to enquire already and as for the report that he pluck'd it out and threw it in the Air with a Vicisti Galilaee I find no great authoritie for it among the Writers of that Age. His wound being searched and dressed the pain abated and calling for his Arms and Horse resolved to enter again into the fight but his strength failed him and hearing that the place where he was wounded was called Phrygia he remembring that it was foretold that he should die in Phrygia despaired of life and about Midnight calling for a draught of cold Water he drank it and shortly after died His dying Speech THe time of departing this life is my Companions now at hand which as an honest and well-meaning Debtor I gladly repay to Nature not as some believed with reluctancie and sorrow for by the common Opinion of Philosophers I am sufficiently instructed in how much more blessed condition the Soul is than the Bodie and am satisfied that when one passeth out of a worse into a better estate he ought to rejoyce rather than to be troubled considering also that the Celestial Gods reward the most pious men with death as the greatest reward of all others I also am assured that it hapneth to me after the same manner lest I should fall under some heavie burthens as I undergo or do any thing unworthie of my self having yet ever found by experience that sorrows and pains as they domineer over Cowards so are easily overcome by Valiant persons Neither doth it repent me of my Actions nor the remembrance of any Wickedness afflict me either committed at such time as I lay in the shade and in corners as I could and studied vertue or since I came to the Government I think I have kept my self blameless and without blemish as one descended from the Gods above In times of Peace governing with moderation not without good consideration making either Offensive or Defensive Wars though the issue were not always answerable For the Celestial Powers alone have the Soveraignty of Events concluding with my self that the end of Government is the advantage and safety of good Subjects I have ever been as you know more inclined to Peace and Tranquillitie by the whole course of my actions opposing Lasciviousness as that which corrupts both things and manners and whithersoever my Mother the Commonwealth how imperiously soever called me though to never so dangerous a Post there have I stood immovable being accustomed to despise all fortuitous events I will not be ashamed to confess that I have heretofore understood that I should die in War and therefore I adore and praise the eternal Divinity that I perish not by any Conspiracie nor languish through the pain of a Disease nor am I condemned to death he thought it might have been upon his Brother's death but in the middle course of my flourishing Glory I have deserved so renowned a passage out of this world He is equally to be esteemed a Coward who desireth to die when he ought to live as he who shuns death when it comes conveniently Thus much may suffice to have spoken my strength now failing me Concerning my Successor I wittingly say nothing lest through imprudence I should pass by a worthie person or by naming one I conceive fitly qualified if another should chance to be preferred bring him into imminent danger but as a dutiful Son of the Commonwealth I wish her a good Governour in my room Having spoken this he perceived his Attendants to
with a stout mind for this is the property of good men to do their duty and to be of a good hope and to accommodate themselves to what ever fatal necessity shall impose p. 218. And as men of true valour and magnanimity are seldom cruel he expressed a natural clemency in all his actions those against the Christians towards his later end only excepted which yet I cannot perceive to be executed but upon some great provocations by the rash and ungovernable among the vulgar sort of Christians Of which the Historians of that time given many instances But all these vertues were sullyed with that one vile act of his in becoming an Apostate from the best Religion after that he had professed it for Twenty years together and attained a competent knowledge therein His Vices AS his Vertues were great so were his Vices and that which was most predominant was his levity and unsetledness of mind For having been false to his Redeemer he was never true to any of his false Gods He was so displeased with Mars the God of War that he solemnly vowed never to sacrifice to him more He was talkative to excess and boasted of his own Atchievements Popularity and vain-glory being that which he especially aimed at Marcellinus who was a Heathen a great friend and observer of his actions says l. 25. c. 6. That he was rather Superstitious than a devout observer of any Religion He offered costly Sacrifice rather to honour himself than his Gods and though given to Divinations yet contemned such as boded ill So resolute and self-willed he was in the business of Persia that against all good advice and ill presages he cast himself away He shewed himself unmerciful in this one Edict that he forbad the Professors in Rhetorick and Grammar to teach Christians lest they should wound the Heathen by their own darts Among his Edicts those are especially noted which he set forth against the Christians As first his forbidding the Children of Christians to be brought up in the knowledge of Philosophy lest as is noted by Socrates they might be better enabled to confute the Heathen Sophisters 2. His forbidding Christians to bear any Office in his Guards or Government in his Provinces 3. His Edicts for seizing the Christian Churches and imposing Mulcts on such as would not Sacrifice to his Pagan Gods As for Sanguinary Laws our Author observes that he enacted none Greg. Nazianzen who knew Julian hath sufficiently recorded his Vices in his Stelliteuticks from whence our Author hath taken his History But as I would not believe all as truth which some deliver in Panegyricks of their Heroes so neither all that is said in such Orations against Professed Enemies Of his Works ALthough we might wish that Julian had never known Letters because of those virulent Satyrs which he wrote against Christianity yet the Poison wherewith his Writings do abound having excellent Remedies prepared against the venome of them by the Learned Fathers of that Age such as Greg. Naz. and St. Cyril there being also some remarkable passages concerning History and Christianity interspersed they may be read with some benefit by Learned Men. He says of himself in an Epistle to Ecdicius Praefect of Egypt in which he desired him to send the Books of George an Arian Bishop of Alexandria Some delight in Horses others in Birds others in wild Beasts but I from my Childhood have been a great lover of Books His proficiency in variety of Learning will appear by what is now extant although it is supposed that he wrote many things before he was Caesar that are now lost as several Orations sent to Iamblicus the loss whereof he bewayls in an Epistle to him yet extant My opinion is that Julians Vices were real and deep rooted that he had but the umbrage and appearance of Vertue which he therefore retained that he might make them serve his Pride Popularity and vain-glory After he came to be Caesar he redeemed what time he could for his study dividing the night into three parts one for sleep another for his Books and the third for his Military Affairs and usually he would pen one of his Orations in that part of the night Suidas gives this account of his Writings First his Book call'd the Caesars containing a short and sharp account of them all from Augustus to his own time Secondly his Saturnalia and discourse of Three figures Thirdly his Misopogon written against the Antiochians and another Tract shewing the original of Evils another against Heroclitus shewing how to live Cynically and many Epistles of several sorts of which 63 are now extant He wrote his Misopogon to revenge himself upon the Antiochians who had abused him in words calling him Monkie Goats-beard and Butcher for killing so many Bulls for Sacrifices and that which most provoked him was the Impress upon some Coyn viz. A Bull lying upon his Back upon the Altar which the Antiochians interpreted to signifie that the World was turned up-side-down by Julian For these reasons he upbraids them with their Intemperance and their fondness of Plays and Theatres Secondly for their Religion which he calls Impiety though they worshipped God and Christ instead of Jupiter and Apollo Thirdly the iniquity of their Magistrates who countenanced the avarice of the Rich to the impoverishing of the People For these things he blames them speaking as of himself And when he comes to apologize for himself he confesses that his life was void of all Pleasure that he was too religious and severe in Judicature for which he prays their pardon imputing these faults to his Master by whom he was taught from his youth to live temperately religiously and justly and that he had spent his youth amongst the Gauls a rough and warlike people ignorant of delicacies The sum of this accusation we have in this Syllagism He that lives contrary to the manners of other men is deservedly accused by them Julian liveth contrary to the manners of the Antiochians in contemning Pleasures and restraining Impiety and Injustice which they allow and defend Therefore he 's justly accused by them To which if we add one Syllogism more you have the sum of that whole Book viz. He that bestows benefits upon ungrateful men is a Fool. Julian hath bestowed benefits on ungrateful men in commending cherishing and increasing the Antiochians Therefore he is a Fool. Concerning his account of the Caesars Socrates in his Ecclesiastical History lib. 3. c. 1. says That he blamed every one of them not sparing Marcus the Philosopher And Zonaras in his third Tome observes his ingratitude to Constantius blaming him for his prodigalitie feigning that Mercury asking him what was the propertie of a good King he should answer To have and to consume much The Books now extant are these 1. His Orations in praise of Constantius the Emperour and of Eusebia his wife 2. In praise of the Sun and of the Mother of the Gods Against unlearned Dogs To Heraclius concerning the Sect of the Cynicks and a Consolatory Oration at the departure of Salust His Caesars his Misopogon and sixty three Epistles besides that to Themistius and the Athenians But the most pestilent of all his Works were those which he wrote against the Christian Religion which are mentioned and answered by St. Cyril Bishop of Alexandria in Ten Books consisting of 362 Pages in the sixth Tome of his Works set forth in Greek and Latine by Johannes Aubertus printed at Paris 1638. to which for his full satisfaction I refer the Reader THE CONCLUSION IT appears by what hath been said That Julian was a perfidious and detestable Apostate A malicious and subtile Persecutor who designed much more against the Christians than God permitted him to practise But as there is an open and declared Apostacie and Opposition of the Truth by professed Enemies so is there a secret and real revolt from the Truth and persecution of its Disciples by some that profess themselves Friends to the same And in our own Age we have known some not only of the Roman but other Perswasions who may be parallel'd with and in some circumstances exceed Julian For Julian being a Great Prince had the unhappiness of being bred in forein Countries among subtile Pagans who tempted him to their impieties in his youth There are some who have had their whole Education among learned and sincere Professors of the Christian Faith and yet revolt from it Julian for Six years together faithfully served the Emperour in his Wars to the great hazard of his Life Others even in times of peace study to involve their Prince in unnatural Wars to the endangering of his and their own Lives Julian had a power to have executed his malicious designs but was restrained Others live under a just power and enjoy Protection and Peace yet their perverse Wills admit of no restraint Julian employed his Wit in writing against his Christian Subjects Others employ theirs in writing against their Christian Governours He wrote Panegyricks of a Constantius who had contrived his death Others write Satyrs and Libels against their Princes to whom they owe their Lives In a word the greatest aggravation of Julian's Apostacie was that he had been a Lecturer of the Holy Scriptures the truths of which he renounced and wrote against them And there are some who have been long in the Order of Priesthood that have so far revolted from their Profession as to write point-blank against the plain and most necessary practical duties of the Holy Scriptures And whether Julian or such as these be the greater Apostates I leave to the Judgement of the Impartial Reader FINIS