therefore in the next place let us enquire Whether the Christians did behave themselves so like Apostates and Barbarians against their Lawful Emperor as he hath endeavoured to make the World believe they did Surely if the Passages be examined which he hath produced it will appear that some of them are Dubious others False some Laudable many of them Innocent and those few that are Blameable or that he would have to be so Excusable in a great measure and having nothing Singular in them which have not been done to other Emperors before CHAP. III. Of the Behaviour of the Christians towards Julian in Words I Shall begin with their Behaviour towards him in Words as it is set down in his Third Chapter where all along he most unjustly charges what was said but by one or a few Christians upon the whole Number altho the Examples which he hath brought are nothing in proportion to the whole Eastern Empire much less to the Western in which perhaps not one Instance of that which he calls Barbarous Behaviour towards Julian can be produced At his rate of arguing from one or a few Examples to the whole Church a man may prove out of the Scriptures that the Christians were a very untoward People for there as he is pleased to phrase it A man may almost lose himself in the great variety of Instances which may be given of their great and manifold Miscarriages if what some particular Men or Churches did amiss might be charged upon the whole Body of Christians and be called theirs Thus saith he of the Christians in general They sufficiently requited him for calling them Galilaeans for they named him Idolianus instead of Julianus and Pisaeus and Adonaeus from his worshipping of Jupiter and Adonis and Bull-burner from the great number of them which he sacrificed One would think as he hath represented the matter that all the Christians used thus to Nickname Julian and yet if we consult that place of Nazianzen which he cites for it in the Margent we shall find that it was not the general Practise of the Christians so to call the Apostate in requital but of some of one sort (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Naz. 1. Invect p. 87 88. For saith the Father if the Christians had a mind to give new Names they might find many base ones very fit and applicable to him for what should hinder us jearing of him as he doth us to call him Idolianus and Pisaeus and Adonaeus and Bull-Burner as some of the merry and facetious men among us have taken the liberty to call him But yet though they were but the Facetious and some of the Facetious Christians too who called Julian by those Names yet our trusty Author makes no Bones of charging the matter upon them in General They saith he requited him for calling them Galilaeans for they named him Idolianus c. But this is not the only Instance where Mr. J. hath plaid the Jesuit with good Authors and what sair dealing is to be expected from a man who imposes upon his Reader in the very (†) P. 1. first Citation with which he begins his Book Constantine the Great saith he Famous for being the first Christian Emperor divided the whole Empire at his death amongst his three Sons as a Father doth his Estate among his Children that part which came by his Ancestors the West he gave to the eldest This indeed sounds somewhat like an Entailed Inheritance whereas had he truly and entirely rendred the place it would not have favoured that Design For Eusebius saith That Constantius the Great (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb Vit. Const l. 4. c. 52. when he had gotten the whole World into his Power he divided the whole Empire like a Patrimony amongst his three Sons as being the most Beloved of his Heirs That Part which came by his Father he gave to the Eldest There is some difference betwixt saying That Constantine divided the whole Empire like a Patrimony and as a Father divides his Estate and very much betwixt saying simply That he divided it among his Sons and that he divided it among his Sons as the best beloved of his Heirs It was not for the Interest of a man that asserted the Roman Empire to be Hereditary to let his Reader know that Constantine had other Heirs in View besides his Sons this would have given them to understand That he might have passed by his Sons and given the Empire to them or made these Co-partners with those So it was for his Interest to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that which came by his Ancestors as if the West-part of the Empire which Constantine received from his Father had Lineally devolved upon him through many Hereditary Descents But to return to the Nicknames which the pleasanter sort of Christians gave unto Julian what Injury did they do him thereby There was nothing more common among the Pagan Emperors than to surname themselves from their Gods Dioclesian assumed the Surname of Jovius and Maximian of Herculeus and if some of the Wits among the Christians sportingly did the same thing for Julian that other Emperors did for themselves what Precept of the Christian Religion did they transgress thereby But these were (†) P. 32. Instances of their Hatred and Contempt of Julian perhaps they were so but not of the Man nor of the Emperor but of the Apostate and Idolater whom the Christian Religion would have allowed a Confessor to have called so to his very face And be it known unto Mr. J. that many of those who have thundered so much of late with the Thebaean Legion would think it rather their Duty than any Breach of it to tell not only a Popish Prince but a Popish King to his Face did he openly profess the Popish Religion that he was an Idolater a Bread-worshipper a Goddess-worshipper a Creature-worshipper an Image-worshipper a Wafer-worshipper c. which would be a far greater contempt of him than to Nickname him from his Popish-Idols and mock him with them behind his back But let us suppose that these merry Gentlemen did transgress the duty of Christians in playing upon the Name of Julian yet there was nothing of tendency to Rebellion in it nothing specifick that can tempt a man to think that they did it because he persecuted the Christians contrary to Law Our blessed Lord called Herod Fox and St. Paul called Nero Lyon and had Mr. J. found these Names for his Julian in the Writings of the Christians he would in all probability have told us that they looked upon him as a Wild Beast whom every man had a right to slay St. Cyprian in his Exhortation to Martyrdom calls the Emperor Decius Antichrist and in his Epist to Antonianus he calls him Tyrant and Raging Tyrant and Lucianus the Presbyter in his (†) Cyprian Epist Oxon. edit p. 47. Epist to Celerinus calls him the Great Snake and forerunner of Antichrist which are
preferred his base (‖) Vid. Pomp. Laet. Zosim l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Son Crispus Caesar if he had lived or his Nephew Dalmatius before his own Children or a Stranger before them all If he might have done so as according to the Laws and Custom of the Empire he might then let them tell me where is their Hereditary Empire and the Lineal Succession of the House of Chlorus to the Imperial Crown Lastly let me ask them If the Three Caesars designed by Constantine (†) Feliciano Titiano Coss commenced Augusti like our Princes His Coss Constantinus Aug. ad Caelestia Regna ablatus est xi Cal. Jun. Et ipso anno nuncupati sunt tres Augusti Constantinus Constantius Constans v. id Septemb. Ida. Fast Consular From whence it is evident that Constantinus M. died the 20th of May but his Three sons were not declared Augusti till the 8th of September following and in the mean time as Candidates for the Empire rather than Emperors they stiled themselves Caesars as is evident from Constantine Juniors Letter in favour of Athanasius dated the 25th or the Calends of July next after his Fathers death wherein he stiles himself Caesar ib. in the moment of their Fathers death or whether they were not formally made so by the Suffrage of the Legions and whether the Suffrage of the Legions and the unanimous Consent of the Senate according to the Custom of the Empire would not have made any Strangers as rightful Emperors as they When they have considered of an Answer to these Questions I hope they will find that there is nothing more plain than that the Empire was not Hereditary which I undertook to prove After the death of Constantine the Empire remained not long Tripartite for Constantine his eldest Son being killed in a Battel with the (‖) Cedrenus Pomp. Laet. Zonaras Souldiers of Constans it was reduced to the two surviving Brothers whereof (†) Zosim l. 2. Constans the youngest being killed in a Battel agianst the Rebel Magnentius in the 14th year of his Reign the whole devolved upon Constantius who of his (*) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nazianz l. Invect p. 62. goodness made his Cozen-German Gallus elder Brother to Julian Caesar and not long after deposed him from the (‖) Edicto Gallum dignitate privavit Pomp. Laet. Caesarship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Julian ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 498 500. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zon. l. 3. p. 18. Vid. Philostorg Hist Ecc. l. 3. p. 492. and put him to death for his Disobedience (†) Vid. Amm. Marcell l. 14. c. 2 7 9 11. Onerosus bonis omnibus Caesar Ausurus hostilia in auctorem suae felicitatis Ferociens ut Leo cadaveribus pastus Ablatis regiis monumentis Caesarem tunicâ texit communi and Murder of Domitian and Montius After the death of Gallus he made his Brother Julian Caesar and gave him his Sister Helena to Wife Having made him Caesar he sent him into Gaul where he was very successful against the Enemies of the Empire and having got the hearts of the Army by Donatives and other Arts they proclaimed him (‖) Zosim l 3. p. 711. Am. Marcell l. 20. Zonar l. 3. p. 08. Socrates l. 2. c. 47. l. 3. c. 1. Imperator Augustus Zosom l. 5. 1. and put the Diadem upon him (†) Amm. Marcell l. 22. and afterwards swore Allegiance to him upon which Contantius returns from the Persian Expedition and marches against him with his Army designing to reduce him but dies in his March in Cilicia (‖) Amm. Marcell l. 21. saith it was reported That Constantius at his death nominated Julian his Successor in the Empire and made him his Heir leaving him in the Possession of the Empire in which after his Majesties death he was perpectly confirmed by the consent of (*) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zosim l. 3. Vid. Zonar l. 3. p. 21. his Army (†) L. 3. Zosimus tells us That Constantius after the death of Gallus deliberated whether he should create a new Caesar or take a Partner to the Empire after the Example of former Emperors but not knowing any whom he durst trust in the Augustusship with himself he was very uncertain what he should do till Eusebia the Empress perswaded him by many Arguments to constitute Julian Caesar After the Death of Gallus Ammianus Marcellinus saith That many of the Courtiers were (†) Caveri debere Caesaris nomen replicantes gesta sub Gallo against his making of Julian Caesar but that the Empress openly opposed them all saying That the Emperor (‖) Ommibusque memerans anteponi debere â—ropinquum ought to prefer his Kinsman before a Stranger And Julian was so sensible of the Empresses Kindness that he afterwards wrote an (†) Orat. 3. p. 217. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And p. 218. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oration in her praise to express his Gratitude unto her in which he owns all that he had to the Emperors free Bounty and Generosity and accordingly (‖) Tom. 3. p. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zonaras tells us That Constantius sent this Message to him after he had Usurped the Empire that he ought to remember how much he was indebted to his Kindness Not only for making of him Caesar but that he had bred him up from a Child From all which it is plain First That Constantius had the liberty after the death of Gallus whether he would choose any Caesar or no. 2. That he might by the Laws and Customs of the Empire have created any other man Caesar as well as Julian 3. That after he had freely chosen him he might freely have deposed him from the Caesarship as he did his Brother Gallus as (†) In Syriâ Augusti vehiculum irascentis per spatium mille passâ—um fere pedes Antegressus est Galerius purpuratus Am. Marc. l. 14. Vid. Bapt. Egn. Galerius was afraid Dioclesian would have deposed him and as Adrian designed to depose (‖) Hic tamen valetudinis adeo â—â—serae fuit ut Adrianum statim adoptionis paeniteret potuerâ—to eum amovere à familiâ Imperaâ—oriâ quum saepe de aliis cogitaret siforte vixisset Spart in Elio Vero. Ceionius Commodus otherwise called Aelius Verus because he was a Weak and Vnhealthy man Nay the (†) Zonar Loc cit Zosim l. 3. p. 711. Historians agree That Constantius commanded Julian after he rebelled to put off the Habit of Caesar and betake himself to a private condition All which things how agreeable they are with the Birthright of Julian and the notion of an Hereditary Empire I leave to the meanest Capacity to judge This very Contradiction is plainly discernable in our Authors First and Second Chapters notwithstanding all the Art and Fallacies he hath used to disguise the Cheat from vulgar Readers There we have Made Julian Caesar Would never have made Julian Caesar the making
Darcy which two were present at the Communication between the King and me I designed to talk with the Kings Majesty alone and at good leisure my trust was that I should have altered him from that purpose but they being present my Labour was in vain Acknowledging mine Offence with most grievous and sorrowful Heart The Duke of Northumberland said unto me That it became not me to say to the King as I did when I went about to disswade him from the said Will. From the Bishops who consented to the Will of King Edward he goes on to the Bishops who concurred in making the Statute of 13 Eliz. Chap. 1. which makes it High Treason during the Queens Life and forfeiture of Goods and Chattels after her Death to say That an Act of Parliament is not of sufficient Force and Validity to limit and bind the Crown of this Realm and the Descent Limitation Inheritance and Government thereof This Act of Parliament is the Palladium of the Excluders but all the Arguments that can be taken from it are so well answered in the (m) The Great Point of Succession Discussed A True and Exact History of the Succession to which I refer the Reader two Answers to the Brief History of the Succession and the Power of Parliaments in the Case of Succession that Mr. J. had better not have mentioned it nor would he I suppose have done so but to take occasion to make an Invidious Paralled betwixt the Bishops of that time and the present Bishops of the Church For he presents us with a List of their Names and tell us That many of them were Confessors and that they were active and zealous for such Acts as these I know not what he means by such Acts as these for it cannot be proved from Sir Simon Dewes his (n) P. 140. Journal which he hath cited That they consented to this Act about limiting the Succession but for any thing we find there to the contrary they might be concluded in the Majority of the Lords But if it were certain they did all concur to that Act they had very good Reason for so doing because it was so highly conducive at that Season to secure the Queen whose Title was disputeable from being ejected or dispossessed of the Crown by the Queen of Scotland her Heirs But as the (o) 28 ch 7.34 ch 1. censured as unjust by Judge Jenkins Jenkins Rediv. p. 29. Statutes of Henry the 8th which impowered him to limit the Descent of this Imperial Crown had not the honour to be formally repealed but were virtually declared Null and Void from the beginning by the 3 Estates 1 Jacob. ch 1. in an Act of Recognition of King James his Immediate Lawful and Undoubted Right unto the Crown as the next Lineal Heir So this of Queen Elizabeths which is now left out of the Statute-Book received its deaths Wound thereby as being a Virtual Repealing of it or an Implicit Anti-Declaration That an Act of Parliament is not of sufficient force and validity to limit and bind the Descent of the Crown when the Succession is clear and indisputable as God be thanked it now is From this Act of Queen Eliz. he passes on to the Paper of Reasons to prove the Queens Majesty bound him Conscience to proceed with severity in this Case of the late Queen of Scots He Fathers this Paper with great confidence upon the Bishops contrary to Sir Simons Opinion calling of it their Writing although I am confident that would he impartially speak what he thinks he must needs say that he doth not believe they had any hand in the thing For First It is uncertain where or by whom the Reasons were framed Sir Simon saith (*) P. 207. That most likely they were framed in the House of Commons (o) P. 215. and calls them their Reasons Secondly It is very probable they were framed by some private Person who speaks often in the singular Number as God I trust in time shall open her Eyes To those men I think God himself and his Angels will seem cruel and therefore Thirdly It is not probable that they should be presented unto the Queen if they were presented at all as Sir Simon doth but conjecture in the Name or as the Sense of the Bishops especially if we consider that the Paper is anonymous and many of the Reasons in it are the very same which the Papists urge for putting Heretick and the Scotizing Presbyterians of which there were (p) Vid. Bancrosts Dangerous Positions many in Queen Elizabeths time for putting Popish Princes to death I desire Mr. J. to read them again and then to tell me Whether he thinks in his Conscience the Bishops of the Church of England could pen such a Popish or Presbyterian Piece It is credible to believe that they could argue so falsly upon the Principles of the Jewish Theocracy to the like proceedings in Christian States If this way of arguing be true then the Queen was bound to burn many Popish Towns in her Kingdom and smite the Inhabitants with the Sword and to pull down all the Churches especially the Cathedrals because they had been polluted with Idols For my part I must declare that it cannot enter into my Heart to believe that those Bishops would liken themselves to Samuel the Queen to Saul and the Queen of Scots unto Agag or compare themselves to the Man of God her Majesty to Achab and the Queen of Scots to Benhadad or parallel her Case with that of Jesabel and Athaliah Or propose unto her Majesty the Example of Solomon who spared not his own natural yea and his elder Brother Adonijah for Suspition and likelyhood of Treason for a Marriage purposed only but put him to death for the same and that speedily without course of Judgment Or lastly Argue from Deut. 13.6 If thy Brother the Son of thy Mother c. In citing of which it is evident upon whom our Author did reflect I would fain know of him if he approve of this way of arguing or no if he do not why should be think the Reason of those learned Prelates so much weaker than his own But if he do may be please to consult Dr. Hickes his Peculium Dei where he will be better informed But besides this inconclusive way of arguing from the Laws and Examples of the Jewish Theocracy there is in those Reasons a Passage about Constantinus Magnus which is not consistent with the Learning and Integrity of those Fathers It is this That C.M. caused Licinius to be put to death being not his Subject but his Fellow-Emperor for that the said Licinius laboured to subvert the Christian Religion which is not true for Licinius had rendred himself and his Purple to Constantine upon condition of Life and so was become a private Person and he caused him to be put to death for new Attempts against his Promise after he became his Subject as I have shewed p. 43. If the
next immediate and Lawful Heir either Male or Female upon which the Right and Administration of the Government is immediately devolved And that no Difference in Religion nor no Law or Act of Parliament made or to be made can alter or divert the Right of Succession and Lineal Descent of the Crown to the Nearest and Lawful Heirs according to the Degrees aforesaid nor can stop or hinder them in the Full Free and Actual Administration of the Government according to the Laws of this Kingdom Like as our Soveraign Lord To this Declaration of the Three Estates in Scotland I shall and the Judgment of the Vice-Chancelor Heads of Houses Doctors and other Learned and Loyal Members of the Vniversity of Cambridge in their (e) Gazett n. 1653. Address to His Majesty at New-Market Sept. 18. 1681. wherein they declare That they will still believe and maintain that our Kings derive not their Titles from the People but from God that to Him only they are Accountable that it belongs not to Subjects either to Create or Censure but to Honour and Obey their Soveraign who comes to be so by a Fundamental Hereditary Right of Succession which no Religion no Law no Fault or Forfeiture can Alter or Diminish These Learned Men indeed have not so plainly given their Reasons for their Opinion but by the Hints which they have given of them we may perceive that they are the same which I have insisted upon and I believe they will still own them and never be ashamed thereof But Mr. J. it seems hath learnt another Lesson since he left the Vniversity A Good Wit upon the Fret and the great Advantage of having such a Conducter as Mr. H. have made him do Wonders against the Succession and bless the World with a New Discovery That (f) Preface p. 12. the Fathers would have been for a Bill of Exclusion to the great Reproach of all the Bishops who it may be had not preferred some Great Men in their own Opinion according to their fancied Deserts But alas All these Fathers Sanctus Gregorius Nazianzenus Theologus had but one Beard and what they said was not determining as Casuists but as Orators declaiming against Constantius for choosing or making of Julian Caesar which is nothing to a Bill of Exclusion or the Merits of Lineal Hereditary Succession of which the Father or the Fathers had no more Notion than of Guns and Printing or of a Senate consisting of 2 Houses and 3 Estates But Mr. J. hath shewn how much of the Serpent he hath in him in Writing with so much Guile and Venom especially against the Succession and Passive Obedience and in Winding and Turning the Words of Good Authors from their Genuine Sense to his own Purposes as that Famous Passage of Gregory 2 Invect p. 123. where the Father saith That they were destitute of all Humane Aid and had no other Armour nor Wall nor Defence left them but their Hope in God This Place as I have shewn p. 152. Bishop Montague understood of Free and Voluntary Passive Obedience and so did the learned (g) Scutum Regium l. 3. p. 143. Num ductoribus vobis opus est at habâ—tis Jovianum Valentinianum Valentem qui postea sunt Imperii gubernaculis potiti denique Artemium sub ipso Constantino artis militaris peritiâ celebrem vobis interea idem animus eadem mens quae Gregorio Nazianzeno De his Juliani temporibus loquens Nobis quibus nulla alia arma nec muri nec presidia c. Dr. Hakewell as every Man needs must who understands the History of those Times But Mr. J. with what Ingenuity let others judge hath (h) P. 94. cited the Words to signifie forced Passive Obedience such as that of the Papists hath been of late in England who undoubtedly are Passive for no other Reason but because they want sufficient Numbers and Strength But as all Sophistical Writers are apt to do so Mr. J. hath contradicted himself as to this and other Particulars An in the 26th page of his Preface where he shews out of Sozom. That Julians Army were Christians and in the 8th page of his Book out of Nazianzen That there were more than 7000 of them i. e. an indefinite great Number who did not bow the knee to Baal but repulsed Julian as a brave strong Wall does a sorry Engine that is plaid against it Now if Julians Army were Christians and above 7000 of them repulsed Julian with their Passive Valour as a strong Wall does a sorry Engine was it not a great Contradiction and great Disingenuity in Mr. J. to represent them as Few and Defenceless and their Passive Obedience as performed by them upon mere Necessity and Force It is usual among the Ecclesiastical Writers to set forth the Constancy of the Martyrs and Confessors by the Metaphor of a Pillar or Wall Thus the Christians of Lyons and Vienna in their (i) Euseb l. 5. c. 1. Epistle in which they give an Account of their Sufferings say That the Grace of God did fight in them against the Devil and fortifie the Weak and set up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Firm Pillars among them who by their Patience and Constancy drew all the Assaults of the Devil upon themselves This I have observed for the sake of the Common Readers of Julian some of which to my knowledge understood that Phrase of Repelling Julian as a brave strong Wall in the Sense wherein Mr. J. perhaps designed they should take it for Active and not for Passive Resistance which puts me in mind of Hugh Peters who preached up Rebellion on those Words Heb. 12.4 Ye have not yet resisted unto Blood But to Instance in another of his Contradictions p. 21. he cites Eusebius for saying That Constantius Chlorus past over the Inheritance of the Empire by the Law of Nature to his Eldest Son Constantine Where by that Phrase past over he would have his Reader or else it is nothing to the purpose understand Entailed And yet p. 1. he cites the same Author again for saying that Constantine at his death gave to his Eldest Son 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which should be rendred his Grandfathers share and not that part which came by his Ancestors as our Author doth But now if Constantius Chlorus Entailed or Past over the Inheritance of the Empire by the Law of Nature to his Eldest Son Constantine M. how could he give it at his death to his Eldest Son Constantine the second I desire to know of Mr. J. or Mr. H. who is Fitter to Resolve the Question If a Man can succeed to the same Estate both as Heir by Testament and Entail The Admirers of Julian whereof some pretend to be great Masters of Reason might with half an Eye purged of Bad Humours have discerned these and all other Inconsistencies which I have observed in this following Answer but by some of them who took so much Pains to Recommend and Disperse the Book
the whole Army because he was a Good Man and of the Imperial House The Consuls hearing this sent the Tribunes of the people to charge him not to take the Empire upon him but to remain under the Obedience of the Senate and the People but the Army standing firm to their New Emperor they were forced to consent and to choose him Emperor too Claudius after the death of Messalina (‖) Tacit. l. 12.4 5. Dio. l. 60. marrieth his own Neece Agrippina Daughter to his Brother Germanicus and Mother to Nero and she had the ascendent so much over him as to make him Adopt her Son although he (†) Cluadius Britannicus By Messalina vid. Sueton. 27. Dio. l. 60. had a Son of his own After his Adoption she prevailed with him to marry him to his own Daughter Octavia although she was betroathed to another Man After this she laboured all she could to secure the Succession unto Nero and being Jealous of Britannicus whose Interest the Emperors great Favourite and her Enemy Narcissus openly owned she took Advantage of her Husbands first Sickness to poyson him and concealing his Death for some time ordered all things in the interim for the Advantage of Nero who going to the Guards with Burrhus their Captain was at his instance received with great Acclamations though some of them discovering another Inclination (†) Dubitavisse quosdam ferunt expectantes rogitantesque ubi Britannicus esset Tac. An. 12.69 asked where Britannicus was From the Guards he was carried in a Chair to the (‖) Illatusque castris Nero Imperator consultatur sententiam militum secuta patrum consulta nec dubitatum est apud Provincias Tac. An. 12.60 Camp where having made a Speech and promised great Largesses to the Army he was chosen Emperor by them and the Choice was confirmed by the Senate neither did any of the Provinces refuse him for their Prince But he proved a Plague to the Empire and being for his Execrable Tyranny (†) Sueton. 40.42 47. deserted by all Mankind and declared a publick Enemy by the Senate at lastin despair he laid violent hands upon himself after he had afflicted the World about 14 years He was the (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eutrop lip 7. Progenies Caesarum in Nerone defeoit Sueton. in Galb 1. Finitâ Juliorum Claudiorumque domo Galba ad Pison Tac. Hist l. 16. last man and Emperor of the Family of the Caesars wherein it is plain from matter of Fact that the Emperors had Power to Name or Recommend their Successors Secondly that they might name Strangers as well as those of their own Family And thirdly that of their own Family they might prefer their Adopted before their Natural Sons and the remoter before the nearer in Blood Secondly It is plain that the Nominated Successors were chosen First by the Senate who gave the Army Caesars and then by the Army who afterwards gave Caesars unto the Senate and People Thirdly That the Senate might choose a Person who was not nominated by the deceased Emperor and reject another who was nominated by him Nay Fourthly That as yet they had a (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio. l. 60. in princ â—â—â—atus in asserendâ libetate adso consenâ—it quidam vero abolendum Caesarum memorian censuerum Sueton. in Calig 60. Right to resume the Empire had they not been overpowred by the Army and upon the decease of an Emperor to give it to a Stranger as well as to one of Caesars House And now was not this a brave Hereditary Empire wherein the Succession to the Crown was so Casual Irregular and Arbitrary and may not a man with as much reason call Black White a Triangle Square or any one Species by the name of another as to call this an Hereditary which was an Irregular Elective Empire wherein not one of the Emperors hitherto at least came to the Crown by virtue of a Lineal Hereditary descent I desire the Unanswerable Man to consult his Oracles of Law and then to tell me if the Succession be in the Royal House of the Stuarts as it was in the House of the Caesars or if the Julian and Claudian Princes were born like ours unto the Crown Indeed the (†) 108 Years long continuance of the Empire in in the Family of the Caesars made it look something like their Inheritance (‖) Sub Tiberio Caio Claudio unius familiae quasi haereditas fuimus Tacit. Hist l. 16. quasi haereditas as Galba told Piso and so the long continuance of it in the House of Austria makes it now look somewhat like an Inheritance though it be perfectly Thâ—â—ive but still at best it is but quasi haereditas as the French King understands very well But it may be though it were Elective hitherto it might afterwards come to be Hereditary It might so for any thing that nine parts of ten who cry up Julian know to the contrary and therefore let us â—o on with Matter of Fact to see if it were so or no Nero being dead Old Galba was chosen to the Empire by the (†) Eutrop. l. 7. Gaules and Spaniards and then by the whole Army according to the Prediction of (‖) Sueton. in Galba 4. Augustus who told him when he was a Boy that he should live to be Emperor (†) In Ep. Xiphil Dio tells us that Tiberius also foretold him that he should live to tast of the Empire and indeed he did but tast having reigned but 7 Months according to Suetonius whom Cedrenus follows or according to Dio 9 before he was murdered in the Forum by the Procurement of Otho who secretly hated him because he Adopted Piso when he expected that Honour himself Galba being slain his Murderer Otho succeeded being made Emperor not only by the Consent of the Souldiery at Rome but by the (‖) Dio. Xiphil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vocat Senatum â—raetor Urbanus accurrunt Patres deternitur Othoni tâ—â—bunitia potestas nomen Augustiâ— omnes Principum honores Tacit Hist l. 1.47 Election of the Senate But about the same time the German Legions set up Vitellius for Emperor who marched straight into Italy where near Verona he gained a small Victory over Otho who rather than try the Fortune of War the Second time in the 95th day of his Reign or as Dio saith in the 10th Month he killed himself to prevent the Effusion of Roman Blood Otho being dead Sabinus the Prefect of Rome made all the Souldiers in the City swear Allegiance to Vitellius (‖) A flavio Sabim praefecto urbis quod erat in urbe militum sacramento Vitellii adactum In Senatu cuncta longis aliorum Principatibus composita statim decernuntur Tacit. Hist l. 2.55 and the Senate also decreed him all the Power and Honours that any of the Precedent Emperors enjoyed In the mean time (†) Sueton. in Vitell. 15. in Vespes 6. Dio. Xiph. Vespasian while he was
making War in Judaea was created Emperor first by the Moesian Legions then by Tiberius Alexander the Governour of Egypt and the Army there and last of all by the Army in Judea from whence he marched to Alexandria leaving his Son Titus to beseige Jerusalem (‖) Vid. Dion in Xiphil Eutrop. l. 7. c. 1. Oros l. 7. He stay'd at Alexandria sometime having sent Mucianus and Domitian with Forces to Rome but before Mucian arrived there Vitellius falling into Despair upon what was done by Sabinus and Domitian hid himself in a Dog-Kennel thinking to escape by Night to his Brother at Tarracina but being found by the Souldiers they brought him with his Hands bound behind him from the Palace to the Forum where after much contumelious usage they Barbarously put him to death He being dead Vespasian waâ— immediately (†) Romae Senatus cuncta Principibus solita Vespasiano decermt Tac. Hist l. 4. c. 3. declared Emperor by the Senate and his two Sons Titus and Domitiaâ— voted Caesars 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio. This ★ OccultaÌ„ lege sati ostentis ac responsis destinatum Vespasiano ac liberis ejus imperium post fortunam credimus Tacit. Hist l. 11. Fortunate Prince the Favourite of God and Men made his Son Titus (‖) Neque ex eo destitit participem atque tutorem imperii agereâ—triumphavit cum patre censuramque gessit und eidem Collega in Tribunitia potestate in septem Consulibue fuit receptâque ad se ommium officiorum curacirc Sucton 6. Vespasianus Titus Imperatores Orosius l. 7. c. 9. Vid. Dium Xiph. in Vesp Tito Copartner with him in the Empire he let him triumph with him in that Famous Triumph over Jerusalem he made him his Colleague in the Censorship and Tribuneship and in 7 Consulships successively in a word he had the whole care of the Empire committed to him He made Orations in the Senate dictated Epistles and signed Edicts with his own Name and his Fathers and was called Emperor as well as his Father having been proclaimed so by the Army at the taking of Jerusalem His Father reigned 10 years and he survived him but two years and two months This ★ OccultaÌ„ lege sati ostentis ac responsis destinatum Vespasiano ac liberis ejus imperium post fortunam credimus Tacit. Hist l. 11. Fortunate Prince the Favourite of God and Men made his Son Titus (‖) Neque ex eo destitit participem atque tutorem imperii agereâ—triumphavit cum patre censuramque gessit und eidem Collega in Tribunitia potestate in septem Consulibue fuit receptâque ad se ommium officiorum curacirc Sueton. 6. Vespasianus Titus Imperatores Orosius l. 7. c. 9. Vid. Dion Xiph. in Vesp Tito Copartner with him in the Empire he let him triumph with him in that Famous Triumph over Jerusalem he made him his Colleague in the Censorship and Tribuneship and in 7 Consulships successively in a word he had the whole care of the Empire committed to him He made Orations in the Senate dictated Epistles and signed Edicts with his own Name and his Fathers and was called Emperor as well as his Father having been proclaimed so by the Army at the taking of Jerusalem His Father reigned 10 years and he survived him but two years and two months He was succeeded by the Second Nero his Brother Domitian who was murdered by his own (†) Lactantius de Mort. Persecut Dio Xiph. Orosius l. 7. c. 10. Sueton. 17. Domestics the Empress her self being in the Conspiracy when he had reigned 15 years The Chief of the Conspirators besides Domitia the Empress were Parthenius and Sigerus Gentlemen of his Bed-Chamber and Entellus his Secretary of State who coming by a strange Accident to read their Names among others whom the Emperor had destined to Destruction were resolved to be before-hand with him but first sought out for a Successor to the Empire and after Nerva had promised to take the Government upon him they put their Design in execution when he was asleep Domitian being dead Nerva by the Interest of Petronius Secundus the Praefectus Praetorio and the forementioned Parthenius was declared Emperor by the (‖) Dio Xiph. Oros l. 7.11 Eutrop. l. 8. Senate He was old and infirm and died after he had reigned 18 Months Before he died he (†) Dio Xiph. publickly adopted Trajan in the Capitol (⋆) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. â—â— though he had Relations of his own and afterwards declared him Caesar in the Senate meerly for his Vertues though he was no (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio Xiph. Roman but a Spaniard and of obscure Original and he was the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Stranger that succeeded to the Imperial Croâ—â— Here we may see the Skill or Ingenuity of our Author who declaâ—â—d this Incertum quasi vagum Imperium as (†) In Vesp I. Suetonius once called it to be an Hereditary Empire which was fixed to no Family but to which every Free Subject in it Roman or not Roman might possibly succeed as every Freeman in London of what Family or Country soever may come to be Lord Mayor Let him go to his great Mystae in poliâ—ics to help him to reconcile the definition of an Hereditary Empire to such a vagrant and desilroâ—y Succession as I have shewn this to be if he can do it I will no longer believe that the Notions of things are fixed and immutable but that the same Number may be Even and Odd and the same Element Fire and Water The Angels Horns in the Vision of his Mahomet which were half Snow and half Fire are not half so great a Contradiction as such an Hereditary Empire for the Fire Snow were visionary or if they were real the Fire might be lambent not melt the Snow but Electivemelts down the Notion of Hereditary with its very looks they are utterly inconsistent and can no more belong to one common Subject than a Table can be round and square But to return to this strange Hereditary Succession Trajan the best of the Roman Emperors died after he had reigned 19 years In his life time he would Adopt none not Adrian his Countryman and nearest Kinsman who had been bred under him and married his Neece But (†) Dio Xiph. after he was dead Plotina the Empress concealing his death wrote Letters in his Name to the Senate wherein was declared That he had Adopted Adrian after which she declared him Emperor while he was at Antioch of which he was Governour But before he stirred from thence he wrote to the Senate to desire them to confirm him in the Empire which they did and over and above (‖) Oâ—osius l. 7. c. 13. Spartian in Adrian gave him the ancient Title of Pater Patriae and his Wife the Title of Augusta He first Adopted (†) Dio. Xiph. Lucius Commodus or as Spartian calls
him (‖) Qui Aelius Verus appellatus est Spartian Ceionius Commodus Verus but he dying he sent for the Chief of the Senators to his Palace where he lay very sick and most earnestly (‖) Dio. Xiph. Spart in Adriano recommended unto them Arrius or Aurelius Antoninus whom he Adopted and the Senate forthwith admitted him for theri (‖) Xiph. in Ant. Pio. Emperor Aurelius Antoninus being Adopted and declared Emperor his Father Adrian commanded him presently to Adopt (*) The Son of Ceionius Commodus Dio. Xiph. in Adriano Spait in Aelio Vero. Huic Pater C. Commodus quem alii Verum alii Lucium Aurelium multi Annium prodiderunt Annius Verus Antoninus and Marcus Antoninus Spartian saith that Adrian Adopted him upon that (†) Sed eâ demum lege ut ille sibi duos adoptaret Annium Verum Marcum Antoninum In Adriano Condition that he should Adopt them However it was shortly after these Adoptions Adrian died after he had reigned 20 years After he was dead the Senate refused him the Compliment of Divine Honours but upon the Tears and Requests of Antoninus they at length decreed them and gave Antoninus who Capitolinus calls the Second Numa the Titles of Augustus and Pius which he very well deserved He died at his Country House about 12 Miles off Rome after he had reigned according to Eutropius 23 but according to Xiphilin and Cedrenus 24 years and after his death was Canonized by the unanimous Vote of the Senate He was succeeded by his two Adopted Sons Marcus Antoninus and Annius Verus Antoninus who married Lucilla the Daughter of Marcus Antoninus These two Ruled (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eutrop. Verus certe cum Mareo equale gessit imperium nam ipsi sunt qui primo daâ— Augusti appellati sunt quorum fastis consularibus sic nomina praesaribuntur Spart in Aelio Vero. together with equal Authority being both called Augusti and so Registred in the Consular Kalenders Verus died first of an Apoplexy in tHe 11 th (‖) Imperavit cum fratre annus undecem Capitol in Vero. year of their Reign and was survived by Marcus 9 years who died in the 20th year of His. I might here remind our Author of his Hereditary Empire and ask him how it could descend upon (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zosim l. 1. two Heirs at once but I pass on to Commodus Son and Successor to Marcus Antoninus who dying in the Camp commended his Son to the Army a little before his death As soon as his Funeral Solemnities were over Commodus gives mighty Largesses to the Army to bind them more firmly to his Interest and presently returns in hast to Rome When he came near the City the whole Senate and People went out to meet him with Laurels and Flowers in their Hands For they mightily loved him for his Father and and Grandfathers sake and because he was born and bred among them and had so much Senatorian Blood in his Veins For his Father descended of one of the most Illustrious Families of the Senatorian Order and his Mother Faustina the Empress was Daughter to Antoninus Pius and Neece to Adrian and his Extraction added to his Vertuous Education and comely Form made them dote upon him and receive him with Acclamations and all other Signs of Joy Herodian l. 1. as strewing Crowns and Flowers upon the Ground as he entred into Rome After he came to the City he went in Procession to visit the Temples after which having given thanks to the Senators and Gratuities to the Guards for their Fidelity to him he went unto the Palace But the Romans were as much disappointed in him as their Ancestors had been in the Son of Germanicus for the proved a Second Caligula and for his Cruelties was murdered by his Concubine Marcia after he had reigned 12 years Commodus being dispatched Electus and Laetus who conspired his death with Marcia Eutrop. l. 8. Dio. Xiph. Herodian l. 2. Orosius l. 7. 16. brought the news of it to Pertinax who was then Prefect of Rome After he had certified himself of the Truth of the Matter he goes to the Camp and promises large Donatives to the Souldiers and having secured them he was afterwards declared Emperor by the unanimous Consent of the Senate who would also have declared his Wife Augusta and his Little Son Caesar but he would let neither be done He had reigned but 66 days before he was killed in his Palace by the Guards who hated him for his severe Discipline The Souldiers having dispatched him they immediately from the walls of Rome published the Sale of the Empire to him that would give most Two bid for it Sulpicianus Father-in-Law to Pertinax within the City and Julianus without Sulpicianus offered (*) A Drachma is about the value of 7 d. ob Sterl 5000 Drachmas to every man of them but Julianus being the Richer Dio. Xiph. He rodian l. 2. offered 1250 more And the Bargain being made the Souldiers let down their Ladders from the Walls upon which he and his Friends mounted into the City After he was entred the Souldiers declared him Emperor and conducted him straight into the Senate-House whither the Senators immediately repairing for fear confirmed the Souldiers Choice But Severus who had sworn Allegiance to Pertinax hearing what was done marched from the Banks of Danubius with all expedition to Rome He met with no Opposition by the way for Julianus durst not march out to encounter him Herodian l. 2. Dio. Xiph. Eutropius l. 8. When he drew near Rome with his Forces Julianus fell into great distraction and the Consul convocating the Senate who knew in what a Consternation he was they voted him to death and Severus to the Empire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herod l. 2. Vid. etiam Spart in Didio Juliano After this they met Severus at the Gates of the City and saluted him as their Emperor and the People received him with joyful Acclamations although he was an African born He was a Vertuous Prince and successful aganist his Enemies and died at York after he had reigned 17 years He left two Sons Geta and Bassianus surnamed Caracalla both of which he designed for his (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herod in Severo Successors to rule the Empire with joynt and equal Authority as the two (†) Severum quam moriretur Laetatum quod duos Antonines pari imperio reip relinqueret exemplo Pii qui Verum Marcum Antoninous per adoptionem filios repip reliquit hic perâ—se genitos Rectores Romanâ—e reip daret Antininum Bassianum Getam Spart in Severo Vid. Cedrenum Antonines had done before But their Father was no sooner dead but they grew Jealous one of another and all along their Journey from Brittain to Rome lay in different Houses neither Eating nor Drinking together all the way When they came near the City the People and
adopted the Souldiers and Citizens beginning to hate Heliogabalus for his Cruelty Effeminacy and Affectation of Foreign Fashions (*) In Alexandrum omnes inclinantes qui jam Caesar erat a senatu dictus Lomprid set their Affections and Expectations upon his Brother Heliogab understanding all this sought to destroy him but not being able to compass his death he resolved to (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herodian Misit ad milites literas quibus jussit ut abrogaretur nomen Caesaris Alexandro Lampred depose him from the Caesarship and in order to it would not let him stir abroad But the Souldiers mutining upon it he was forced to bring him into the Camp where the Army thinking they had a fair Opportunity to secure Alexander and the Empire unto him killed Heliogab and forthwith declared Caesar Emperor and attended him unto the Palace Alexander being declared Emperor by the Army had all Imperial Honours and Offices conferred upon him by the (†) Certatim denique omnia decreta sunt nomina generum potestatum Lamprid. in Severo Senate and after a peaceable and happy Reign in all things excepting the Persian Expedition was at last killed by the procurement of Maximin who conspired against him as he lay with the Army on the Frontiers of Germany in the 14th year of his Reign A fine Hereditary Empire this was which by reason of its Elective Succession became a (‖) Invadentibus multis remp res Romana praedombus direptui fuit Lamprid. in Severo Prey to every base and villanous Usurper For Maximin a (*) Barbaro patre matre genitus Capitolin Semibarbarian as Herodian calls him was at first but a Shepherd and then a common Souldier and afterwards a Commander and yet so gained the Affections of the Souldiery that he was made Emperor first by a Legion of younger Souldiers over whom he had the Command and then by the whole (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herodian in Alexand Army to which he gave double Allowance of Provision and promised mighty Donatives as the Candidates for the Empire used to do Being declared (‖) Sine decreto Senatûs Augustus ab exercitu appellatus est silio sibimet in participatum dato Capitolin But he was he was afterwards confirmed by the Senate According to Aurelius Victor Potentiam cepit suffragi is legionum quod tamen etiam patres dum periculosum existimant inermes armato resistere approbaverunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cedrenus Augustus in the Camp he made his Son Partner with him in the Empire and War with the Germans against whom he was mighty Successful and magnified his Victories over them in very insolent Letters to the Senate In the mean while the Army in Africa hearing of his barbarous Pride and Cruelty brought the Purple to Gordianus the Proconsul and made him Emperor against his (‖) Reclamantem terra se affligentem opertum purpurâ imperare coegerunt Capitolin Will. He sends word to Rome of what the Souldiers had done to him and the Senate out of hatred to Maximin confirms the Choice of the African Souldiers and declares Gordianus and his Son Augusti and denounces Maximin and his Son Enemies to the Empire Capitolin and Herodian in Maximin Cap. in Gord. and sent Letters to all the Provinces to defend themselves against them At the same time Capellianus in Africk rebels against Gordian who losing his Son whom he sent to reduce him in the first Battel hanged himself The Senate hearing of the death of the two Gordians immediately created Maximus Pupienus Prefect of the City and Clodius Balbinus Emperors and the †Grandson of old Gordian Caesar * Capitol in Maximin in Gord. in Maximo Galb at the desire of the Souldiers and People Hereupon Maximin marches with all his Forces into Italy where he found the Country without Forage and the Cities fortified against him particularly Aquileia at the Seige whereof he and his Son were killed by his own Souldiers to the great Joy of Rome and all the Provinces who looked upon him as another (‖) Ut illum alii Cyclopem alii Busiridem alii Phalarim multi Typhonem vocarent Capitolin Maximus dicebat se non contra hominem sed contra Cyclopem bellum gerere Cap. in Maxim Balb. Cyclops or Busiris and gave solemn thanks to the Gods for their deliverance by his death A few Months after the Army of Maximin (*) Dixisse fertur Maximus vereor ne militum odium sentiamus mortem ib. as Maximus foresaw disdaining the Emperors of the Senate had a mind to have one of their own choosing and therefore watching a fit Opportunity they seized the Palace and slew the Emperors and made Gordianus the young (‖) Gordianus Caesar sublatus a militibus Imperator est appellatus id est Augustus quia non erat alius in present ib. Caesar Emperor or Augustus in their steads Gordianus after he had reigned 6 years was basely betrayed and murdered by his ungrateful Praefectus Praetorio Philippus in the Frontiers of Persia where he was made (†) Capitolin in Gordiano Tertio Eutrop. l. 9. Zosim l. 2. Aurel. Victor Pompon Laetus Emperor by the Army He was surnamed Arabs from his Country and made his Son Partner with him in the Empire But as he betray'd his Master in Persia so Decius betray'd him in Pannonia where he was (‖) Zosim ibid. made Emperor by the Mutinous Legions whom he was sent to reduce Philip hearing how Decius had put on the Purple marches against him with his Son and in the first Battel was slain with his Son after they had reigned about six years Decius and his Son both lost their Lives in the Scythian Expedition by the Treachery of Gallus before he had reigned quite two years Upon the death of Decius Gallus was created Emperor by the Souldiers and the (‖) Haec ubi patres comparere Gallo Hostiliano Augusta Imperia Volusianum Gallo editum Caesarem decernunt Pompon Laetus Senate and Volusianus his Son declared Caesar but he had not reigned many days before the Pannonian Legions after their Victory over the Scythyans under the Conduct of AEmilianus chose him their Emperor Upon which he marched into Italy and was met by Gallus and his Army at Interamnia Eutrop. l. 9. Zosim l. 1. Aurel. Victor Pomp. Laet. But Gallus his Souldiers seeing themselves much inferiour to the Enemy slew their Emperor and his Son and revolted to Aemilianus who was shortly after declared Augustus by the Senate But he had not reigned 3 Months before Valerianus was declared Emperor by the Celtic and German Legions which the Souldiers at Rome hearing and not being willing to spend their Blood in the defence of an Emperor of such ignoble Extraction killed him in his Palace and likewise declared Valerian Emperor Valerian was received by the Senate who created his Son (‖) Eutrop. l. 9. Aurel. Victor Gallienus
Caesar whom he made (†) Trebellius Pollio Partner with him in the Empire leaving him the European forces to defend the German Frontiers while he marched into Persia against Sapores Lactant. de Mort. Persecut who took him Captive after he had reigned 6 years Gallienus after his Fathers death wholly addicted himself to Ease Wine and Wantonness (†) Triginta propè tyrannos passus est Trebell Pollio in Gallien Tumultuarios Imperatores ac Regulos Ib. in Claudio quietly suffering almost 30 several persons to usurp several Parts of the Empire and take upon them the Titles of Augusti till at last some Officers of the Army not being able to endure him any longer killed him at Milan with his Brother Valerian who was also called Augustus He was succeeded by (†) Eutrop. l. 9. Trebell Poll. in Gallien Claudius the Second who was chosen Emperor by the Army and afterwards declared Augustus by the Senate He had not reigned quite two years when he died to the great grief of the Senate who chose his Brother Quintillus Emperor who was (‖) Trebell Pollio Eutrop. l. 9. slain by the Souldiers in the 17th day of his Reign (†) Pompon Laetus Zosimus Cedrenus others say he killed himself after he heard that the Army had chosen Aurelian Emperor whom as Pompon Laetus saith Clodius recommended to the Senate when he first was taken sick My (‖) Trebell Poll. Author speaking of Quintillus his succeeding of his Brother to the Empire saith Delatum sibi omnium judicio suscepit Imperium non Haereditarium sed merito virtutum which I leave to the Author and Superviser of Julian to construe if they can into this English There is nothing more plain than that the Empire was Hereditary Aurelian his Successor did mighty things but was slain by the Treachery of his Secretary (‖) Zosimus l. 2. Eutrop. l. 9. Aurel. Victor Pompon Laetus who having been threatned by him for some Misdemeanours counterfeited orders in his Majesties Name and Hand for killing of some Military Officers which he pretended out of Kindness privately to shew some of them exhorting them to prevent their own death by the Emperors They believing this Sham to be true presently conspired against him and killed him at Caenophrurion between Heraclea and Byzantium after he had reigned six years After the death of Aurelian there was an (†) Flavius Vopiscus in Tacito Interregnum which is inconsistent with an Hereditary Empire for six months which was spent in Compliments betwixt the Army and the Senate which of the two should choose the new Emp. At length the Senate chose (★) Flavius Vopiscus Eutropius l. 9. Aurell Victor Tacitus a grave Senior of their own Body but he scarce lived to do any thing more than to revenge the Murder of Aurelian dying after he had reigned 6 Months After he was dead his Brother Florianus saith (‖) Post fratrem arripuit Imperium non Senatûs autoritate sed suo motu quasi haerediâ—â—rium esset Imperium Vopiscus usurped the Empire without the Authority of the Senate as if it had been an Hereditary Empire which by the Favour of Unanswerable Mr. J. implyes plainly that it was not so He reigned not above two months before he was killed by the Souldiers at Tarsus and as some suspected by the contrivance of Probus the Second Hannibal who was chosen Emperor by the universal Consent of the Army and Senate Tantus autem Probus fuit in re militari ut illum Senatus optaret miles eligerit ipse populus Romanus acclamationibus peteret Vopiscus after he had quelled many Rebellions was slain in a Mutiny of the Souldiers at Sirmium Eutrop. l. 9. Aurel. Victor Vopiscus after he had reigned six years The Senate and People mightily bewailed the death of Probus who was succeeded by Carus the Praefectus Praetorio who as soon as he was made Emperor by the (‖) Vopiscus Pompon Laetus Army declared his two Sons Carinus and Numerianus Caesars and about a year after he took the Empire upon him he was killed by Lightning in his Camp upon the Banks of Tigris Presently after he was dead Numerianus falling sick was killed by Arrius Aper his own Father-in-Law who thought to succeed Probus in the Empire But he was much disappointed in his Expectation for the Army chose Dioclesian a man of obscure Parentage Vopiscus Eutrop. l. 9. Pomp. Laet. and he being declared Augustus revenged the death of Numerianus upon Aper with his own Hand Aper being slain he presently set himself against Carinus whom after many Battels he at last quite routed at the River Margus where Carinus was slain After the death of Carinus he was declared (†) Pompon Laetus Eutrop. l. 9. Lactant. de Mort. Persecut Augustus by the Senate and joyfully received by the People of Rome But finding the Empire infested with Rebellions he declared Maximianus surnamed Herculeus Caesar and then Augustus and made him his Brother and Partner in the Empire which they governed together in perfect (‖) Pompon Laet. Eutrop. l. 9. Lactant. de Mort. Pers Euseb de Mart. Palaest c. 3. Concord till they both resigned together in the 20th year of their Reign They were succeeded by their own Adopted Sons and Caesars Constantius Chlorus whom Maximian adopted and Galerius Maximianus Aurel. Victor Pompon Laet. Lactant. de Mort. Pers whom Dioclesian adopted who being forced after their Adoption to put away their former Wives Constantius married Theodora Daughter-in-Law to Maximian and Galerius Valeria the Daughter of Dioclesian When Dioclesian resigned to Galerius he was forced by him much against his Inclination to nominare Severus and Maximinus who was Nephew to Galerius Caesars at which the Army was much surprized expecting that he should have nominated (†) Constantinum omnes intuebantur Nulla erat dubitatio milites qui adâ—rant priores militum electi ac acciti ex regionibus in hune unum intenti gaudebant optabant vota faâ—iebant c. Lactant. de Mort. Persec p. 38. Constantinus Son to Constantius who was now in Brittain Constantine was then in the Court of Dioclesian and continued after his Retirement with Galerius but very uneasie because another was set up Caesar over his Head Galerius hated him and had ill Designs upon him of which he was very sensible which made him beg leave of his Majesty to go into Brittain to his Father Constantius which he obtained with much difficulty upon his Fathers Letters but leave being once obtained away he posts arriving at York but a (‖) Pervenit ad patrem jam deficientem Lact. de Mort. Pers little before his Father died His Father had declared him Caesar before his Arrival as Pomp. Laet. saith when he first fell sick and at his death left his part of the Empire to him and commended him to the Army for their New Emperor This vexed Galerius to the Heart who yet fearing the
Brittish Legions durst not but send him the Imperial Purple which yet he stained (†) Illud excogitavit ut Severum qui erat aetate maturior Augustum nuncuparet Constantinum vero non Imperatorem sicut erat factus sed Caesarem cum Maximino appellari juberet ut eum de secundo loco rejiceret in quartum Lact. ib. by making Severus Emperor and only giving him the Title of Caesar Not long after Maxentius Son of Maximian was made Emperor at Rome by the Souldiers Galerius sends Severus with an Army against him but as soon as he arrived at the City his Souldiers revolt from him to Maxentius upon which he slyes and in his Flight was killed at Ravenna Upon these new Motions old Maximian surnamed Herculeus putting on his Purple goes to Dioclesian and would have perswaded him that they might joyn and resume the Empire but he refusing he lays by his Purple and goes to Constantine and perswades him for his own ends to go against the Franconians who were then in Rebellion and in his Absence sets up for Emperor again Constantine hearing of this returns sooner than he could expect him besieges him in Marseilles and takes him and severely rebuking him for his Treachery pulls off the Purple from him Euseb Hist l. 8.13 Lactant. de Mort. Persec and makes him a Private Man again Being enraged at this he attempts to kill Constantine by Treachery which being discovered by his Daughter Fausta who put an Eunuch in his stead Maximian hanged himself in despair In the mean time Galerius fearing Maxentius at Rome and being Jealous of Constantine in Gaul dedeclares Licinius Augustus and makes him his Partner in the Empire Lact. de Mort. Persec 32. Ed. Oxon. Upon this Maximin grew discontented which forced him at last to declare him Emperor and Constantine too After this he was stricken with a loathsome Disease of which he died and about two years after him Maximinus dyed at (†) Aurel. Victor Lactant. saith he poyson'd himself de Mort. Pers 49. Tarsus whether he fled from Licinius who pursued him after he had routed his Forces in Illyrium In the mean while Constantine being (‖) Pomp. L. Euseb de Vit. Const l. c. 26 27. invited by the Senate and People of Rome provoked and encouraged by the (†) Euseb ibid. c. 28. Zonar l. 3. in Const Cedren Heavenly Vision goes against Maxentius whom he overthrew near Rome in a pitched Battel Maxentius seeing his Forces routed strived to escape but as he passed over the River Tyber on a Timber-bridge which (‖) Zosim l. 2. Lactant saith that the Bridge was Pons Milvius and that it was cut in two by Treachery de Mort. Pers 44. broke under him he fell in and was drown'd There was now of all these Augustus'es for Dioclesian died in his Retirement in Dalmatia only Constantine and Licinius to whom Constantine gave his Sister Constantia in Marriage But they continued not long in Friendship before they fell into Civil War in which after a Drawn Battel in Thrace Peace was made and confirmed with Oaths on both sides but soon after broken by the Provocations of Licinius who being brought to the last extremity surrendred himself and his Purple to Constantine only upon condition of Life confirmed by the (†) Zosim l. 2. Eutrop l. 10. Oath of Constantine to his Sister Constantia But being sent to Thessalonica and not being able to abstain from (‖) Opinio fuit immorantem Thessalonicae Licinium imisse consilium de resumendis armis ideo missos interfectores Pomp. Laet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Credenus Euseb de Vit. Const l. 2. c. 43. Theod. l. 1. c. 7. new Attempts Constantine ordered him to be put to death Now Constantine was sole Emperor and made his Three Sons Caesars Constantine in the Tenth Euseb de Vit. Const l 4. c. 40. Constantius in the 20th Constans in the 30th year of his Reign among whom not at his death as (†) Ch. 1. p. 5. our Author fraudulently saith but (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb de vit Const c. 60. Edit Vales sometime before he divided the Empire like or as it were a Paternal Inheritance After his Death and Funeral The Tribunes of the Army dispatched away men that had been remarkable for their Love and Fidelity to Constantine unto the Caesars to give them notice of what had happened and the Armies every where as soon as they heard of the Emperors Death did as it were by Divine Inspiration as unanimously consent to acknowledge and admit none for Emperors but his Three Sons as if he had been living among them and accordingly not long after they saluted them all by the Name of Augusti which is the Ceremony of creating Emperors and of this they gave notice to one another by Letters and their Harmonious Consent in the Choice of the New Emperors was known every where at the same time This is as near as I can render it the sense of the 60. Ch. of (†) Edit Vales Eusebius in his 4. B of the Life of Constantine but a Leaf or two from the former Citation which our (‖) P. 1. Author took so much notice of but this Chapter and the next unto it which mentions the Senate and Peoples (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb Vit. Const l. 4. c. 69. unanimous Confirmation of the Military Choice he passed over knowing very well that two such Harmonious and Solemn Elections of the (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vit. Const l. 1. Proaem Three Caesars into the Augustusship was utterly inconsistent with an Hereditary descent And so indeed was the Division of the Empire whether it were by Constantines Designation as Euseb saith or by Agreement among the Three Coesars after his death as (‖) L. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quidam tradunt Constantinum orbem haeredibus testamento divisisse quidam filios sorte fecisse Pomp. Laet. Zosimus relates it For could His Majesty for Example if he had Three Sons or Brothers leave England to one Scotland to another and Ireland to a third or could they if they would after his decease legally parcel this Hereditary Empire into Three Parts like an Estate left in Common to three I suppose if our Author put these Questions to his Superviser whom I take to be the better Lawyer of the two he will tell him No. But to go on with a few more Questions I desire these two Gentlemen to tell me whether Constantine might not have named Four which (†) Eutrop. l. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pomp. Laet. Dalmatium Anavalliani fratris filium Caesarem fecit unà cum filiis haeredem statuit some write he did as well as Three Caesars and Successors or two or one or if he had pleased none but left it as some of his Predecessors did to Fate or the Senate to choose his Successor or whether he might not have
Vid. Jul. Ep. ad S. P. Q. Athen. that he sent him into Gaul that he had such Success there against the Barbarians that the Army declared him Augustus that the Emperor died in his March against him and that after his death his Souldiers submitted unto him But yet our Fallacious Author represents the matter as if he had been Emperor by particular Designation from God like David or Constantine and then cries out Yet the Fathers had the conscience to set aside such a Title as this But Julian was not made Caesar by particular Order from God but by the free Choice of Constantius to whom he owned the Honour of the Caesarship It was he that set him upon the next step to the Empire when he might have set another upon it he by doing that which he was free not to have done was the occasion of his coming so easily to the Empire Julian had no antecedent Right to the Caesarship or the Government of Gaul but he owed both to the Generosity of Constantius And this is the true Ground of all the Rhetorical Interrogatories of Gregory and of Constantius his bewailing and repenting at his death for doing what he had done for him because he was free to have done otherwise indeed as free as Henry the 7th or his eldest Son Prince Arthur had he lived would have been to have made his Brother Henry who was designed for a Churchman Archbishop of Canterbury or York This our Author knew very well and this the very Expressions which he brings out of Nazianzen imply but yet lest the vulgar Reader should discern the Fallacy he keeps a great Jingling with Foreclosing ande Excluding Julian which words as all terms of Privation connote the Habit insensibly carry the understanding of the unwary Reader to think of some antecedent Birthright which Julian had to his Cosens Throne whereas strictly speaking he had no more right unto it than the Superviser of his Book to the Judges place in Ireland from which in his abusive sense of the words he was Excluded and Foreclosed And I would fain ask our Author who hath so artificially disguised the Nature of the Imperial Succession whether at the time of writing he was not conscious to himself of this Fallacy which he is guilty of in calling the Non-Election or Preterition of Julian by the name of Exclusion and if he were not whether he be not convinced of his Mistake now If he be not then I desire him to tell me whether Julian after the death of Constantius could by vertue of Birthright have challenged the Roman Empire as Henry of Lancaster did the English mutatis mutandis in these words (‖) Great point of succession p. 15. I Henry of Lancaster challenge this Realm of England with all the Members and the Appurtenances as I am descended by right line of the Blood coming from the Good Lord King Henry the Third and through that Right which God of his Grace hath sent me Or whether the Senate of Rome could have made such a Recognition of Julians Right as the Parliament made to King (†) Great Point of Succession p. 23. James at his first coming to the Crown We being thereunto bound both by the Laws of God and Man do with unspeakable Joy recognize and acknowledge that immediately upon the decease of Elizabeth late Queen of England the Imperial Crown of the Realm of England c. did by inherent Birth-right lawful and undoubted Succession descend and come to your Majesty as being lineally justly and lawfully next and sole Heir of the Blood Royal of this Realm and thereunto we do humbly submit and oblige our selves our Heirs and Successors for ever If these things could not have been applyed to Julian upon the death of his Cousen Constantius then I hope Mr. J. will grant me that his Arguings from the Authority of Nazianzen are fraudulent and inconclusive and that for all he can make of that single fathers Poetical Exclamations to the Ghost of Constantius the English Succession may be unalterable there being so wide a difference between the Roman and English Monarchy That being Elective and This Hereditary That being Casual Arbitrary Uncertain and most Irregular in its descent and this being fixed to one House in a lineal Descent according to Proximity of Blood But still after all this we are pressed with the Authority of Eusebius who as our Author tells us saith That the Empire was entailed by the Edict of Nature which saith he I think is the most sure and Divine Settlement that can be But Eusebius neither hath said nor could say so nor any thing equivalent thereunto for there was no such thing as Entail nor any notion of it among the Romans neither as to the Empire nor the Estates of Private Men the Emperors as well as their Subjects had always liberty to (†) Inst l. 2. Tit. 13. disinherit their next Relations and make who they would their Heirs and if a man chanced to die (‖) Inst l. 3. Tit. 2. Intestate they had Rules whereby the Estate was divided among his Posterity or if he had none the (†) Ib. Tit. 3. Collateral Kindred were his Heirs at Law Let us therefore consider the Passages of Eusebius wherein our Author triumphs before the Victory and first it is true That in his first (†) De vit Const l. 1. c. 9. edit Val. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quotation Eusebius saith that the Throne of the Empire descended upon Constantine from his Father but then agreeably to the report of all other Authors he implies but two Lines above his 2d Quotation (‖) De vit Const l. 1. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dispositis deinde ex arbitrio rebus suis as Val. renders it that it was by the Order and Disposal of his Father which is inconsistent with an Entail and I would fain know of Mr. J. or Mr. H. how Constantius his part of the Empire came to be entailed upon his eldest Son when h ehad many by the Edict and Law of Nature and Maximians part of it was not so entailed upon his only Son Maxentius who was casually chosen to the Crown What hindered the Law of Nature to take place in the behalf of Maxentius the Resignation or death of his Father how came he not to have the benefit of it if the Law and Edict of Nature in his Quotations of Eusebius signifie a (‖) According to that Definition Jus naturale est dictatum rectae rationis indicans actui alicui ex ejus convenientiâ aut disconvenientiâ cum ipsâ naturâ rationali inesse moralem turpitudinem aut necessitatem moralem ac consequenter ab auctore naturae Deo talem actum aut vetari aut praecipi Grot. de Jure l. 1.10 Prime Indispensable Law of Nature as he would have his Reader to believe What else doth he mean by the (†) P. 21. most sure and divine Settlement that can be and by
ed. ult Par. 1681. Sallustius and then Jovian who were nothing related to the House of Constantine were chosen Emperors by the Army after the death of Julian To obviate this Objection of choosing and of choosing those who had none of the Royal Blood as he fallaciously speaks flowing in their Veins (†) p. 20. he tells us That Constantius having no Sons Julian himself was the sole and undoubted Heir for in him the Family was afterwards extinct Little do his Admirers know how much he hath imposed upon them in this Particular for whether he did not know it or whether he dissembled it I will not stand guessing Julian was not the last of the Blood but left behind him one of the (†) Stirpis Imperatoriae Amm. Marc. l. 6. c. 6. 11. Culminis summi prosapia c. 7. Imperial Stock descended of (‖) Procopio Constantianam praetendenti necessitudinem Constantius and Constantine (*) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cedren Zonar Nephew or Cousen-German by the Fathers side to Julian by name Procopius who was a Commander of great Note in the Army whom he had privately made (†) Ibi moratus aliquot dies dicitur ante aras nullo arbitrorum admisso occultè paludamentum purpureum propinquo suo tradidisse Procopio mandasséque arripere fidentiùs principatum si se interisse didicerit apud Parthos Illicà ut antea cogitaverat triginta millia lectorum militum eidem commisit Procopio Am. Marc. l. 23. c. 3. 〈◊〉 Zosim l. 3. p. 733. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 4. p. 736. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. p. 738. Amm. Marc. l. 26. c. 7. Philostorg l. 9. p. 517. Caesar and commanded him briskly to assume the Empire if he heard he was killed in Persia If Procopius had been an umbratic obscure person our Author might have been in part excused for saying that Julian was the last of the Constantian Family but seeing he made so great a Figure in the times of Constantius and Valentinian as well as of Julian I know not what his Admirers will say in his Defence In the time of Constantius Procopius was one of his (‖) Amm. Marc. l. 17. c. 14. l. 18. c. 6. id l. 26. c. 6. Secretaries and sent by him Ambassador to the King of Persia and in the time of Valentinian and Valens he rebelled upon this Occasion It came to be known that Julian had privately made him Caesar and given him private Instructions to invade the Empire if he should dye in the Persian Expedition It came also to be reported but very falsely that Julian with his last Breath nominated him his Successor and these things made him jealous of the New Emperors because he feared these stories would make them jealous of him Wherefore as soon as he had buried Julian in the Suburbs of Tarsus he (†) Amm. Marcell l. 25. c. 9. retired and could not be found though diligent search and enquiry was made after him (‖) L. 4. 346. Zosimus saith That after Jovian was chose Emperor he presently went to him in all hast and delivered up his Purple unto him telling him how he had received it and desired leave of him to leave his Service and retire to Caesaraea in Cappadocia where he had great Possessions and lived quietly all the time of Jovian but however growing suspected after his death to Valentinian and Valens he absconded and skulked about till being wearied with want and solitude he grew desperate and Rebelled hoping to be assisted with the Julian-Interest but being deserted and betrayed by his own Officers he was delivered bound to Valens (†) Amm. Marc. l. 26. c. 9. Zosim l. 8. c. 8. who presently ordered him to be put to death This is the short Account of Procopius Julian's Nephew as is more probable or Cousen-German by the Fathers side who from the death of Constantius as (‖) L. 25. c. 6. Post Constantii obitum in rerum conversione velut Imperatoris cognatus altiùs anhelabat apparebat eum si unquam potuisset fore quietis publicae perturbatorem Marcell tells us had an eye upon the Empire and seemed to be one who would dispute for it if an Opportunity were offered which made Julian as it was muttered about give him the forementioned Instructions of assuming the Government when he was dead And now let the World think what it will of our Author for asserting that the House of Constantius or Constantine was extinct in Julian when so Famous a Man who makes so great a part of the History of his Time was then surviving of it and let all impartial men judge whether the Imperial Crown was entailed upon the Progeny of Constantius Chlorus when the Army of Constantius and Julian his Grandsons in eight Months time chose (†) Salustius who refused the Empire because of his Age and Weakness Jovian who accepted it and Valentinian his Successor Three Emperors without taking notice of Procopius his Great Grandson if he were Julians Nephew but his Grandson if they were Brothers Children or he of the Injustice of their Choice Furthermore if he was Nephew to Julian he must have been second Cousen to Constantius and Son to the Neece of Constantine the Great or if he were his Cousen by the Fathers side then he was likewise Cousen to Constantius and Nephew to Constantine the Great and besides all this he was a Man as well qualified and educated for the Government as any of the three mentioned before who if the Empire was Hereditary were all Usurpers and illegally chosen over his Head But although we had wanted the Instance of Procopius yet it would have been a bold and precarious Assertion to say that the House of Chlorus was extinct in Julian for there were many Branches of it of whose Posterity Histories are silent and say nothing but then it doth not follow from thence that they had none It doth not follow for Example that Constantinus eldest Son to Constantius Chlorus by Theodora or Nepotianus his Grandson by Eutropia had no Children because we do not read of them for as the Parents of Procopius so the Children of these and others Branches may not have been spoke of by Historians but men that will write against the Monarchy or the Succession or the Rights of Soveraignty may venture to say any thing they may be as bold as blind Bayard they may contradict themselves or common-sense and yet shall not want an Association to cry them up for Unanswerable be they never so much besides the Truth Having now shewed how the Succession stood in the Roman Empire and answered all the Impertinent Citations which our Author hath fallaciously brought to prove it to be Hereditary I hope by this time his Admirers will acknowledge that he is not Unanswerable but that the Foundation upon which he argued being destroy'd the Superstructure of his Conclusions must fall to the Ground For his Industrious Attempt to
the Lex Regia the People had surrendered unto him all their Authority and Power Whatsoever therefore the Emperor appointed by Letters or knowingly decreed or declared in his Interlocutories or commanded by an Edict was a Law and his Laws in distinction to the Senatus consulâ—â— c. were called Constitutions and they were either General or only (‖) Plane ex his quaedam sunt personales nec ad exemplum trahuntur c. ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theophe Personal which were not to be drawn into precedent or example as his Indulgences to his Favourites his Acts of Grace to Criminals or his (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theoph Punishing as he pleased those that were in his Displeasure all these were personal Constitutions for the (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theoph. Emperor was absolute Lord of his Subjects Lives and Estates It was by this Plenitude of Absolute Legal Power that Constantine the Great put to death his Father-in-Law Maximian his Wife Fausta his eldest Son Crispus and Licinius after he became his Subject and Prisonâ—â— By virtue of the same Power it was that Constantius put to death Dalmatius Caesar and Gallus Julians eldest Brother and therefore it is matter of Wonder to me that Mr. J. should lay down this groundless Assertion That Julian the Emperor persecuted the Christians and put Juventinus and Maximus to death contrary to Law He might have been better instructed by the Apostate in one of his (†) Orat. 1. ad Constant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theoph. l. 2. Orations cited by himself in which he tells Constantius That he lived more like a Subject than an Emperor who had Power over the Laws Methinks also his Superviser who should be well versed in the Fathers of our English Law might have taught him better out of Chancelor (‖) De Laud. Leg. Angl. c. 9. Fortescue who stating the Difference betwixt a purely Regal and Political Government explains the former from the Civil Law which saith The Prince his Pleasure hath the Force of Law Wherefore he was also much by the Cushion in his First Chapter where he asserts That all the Outrages which the Heathens committed against the Christians by the toleration and connivence of Julian were not only without but against Law for Julians Connivence or Approbation of things against Law or secret Direction to do them was a sufficient declaration of his Pleasure and had the Force of Law Therefore (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 7. p. 504. Philostorg saith that the Heathens in so doing fulfilled his Pleasure who as (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 5. c. 15. Zos observes however he did blame them in words which was very (*) Once the Alexandrians Soz. l. 3. c. 3. l. 5. c. 9. seldom yet underhand and indeed he exhorted them to do what they did and (†) Theod. l. 3. c. 6. made the most cruel and impious Heathens Officers both in the Army and over the Cities and Provinces whom he left to their own Discretion to treat the Christians as they pleased and when the Christians sent their Representatives to complain (‖) Soz. l. 5. c. 3. Vid. l. 5. c. 9. Naz. 1. Invect p. 92. he refused to admit them or if he admitted them he was only to tell them That (†) Socr. l. 3. c. 14. they were bound by their Religion to suffer Injuries (‖) L. 7. 503. Philostorgius saith He exceedingly rejoyced when he heard of the Christians Sufferings all which were sufficient significations of his Pleasure in this Particular that the Heathens should outrage the Christians any former Law or Edict whatsoever notwithstanding Accordingly (†) Invect l. p. 74. Gregory calls his Will in this particular 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Unwritten Law For saith he the Emperor dividing his Power into two Parts Perswasion and Force Perswasion which is the Gentler Method he took into his own Hands and Force as being the more Inhumane he left to the People (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ib. not by any Publick Edict but by Toleration and Connivence declaring his Pleasure which is an Vnwritten Law But our Author as indeed he hath an excellent Talent that way quite misrepresents the Case (‖) P. 12. The Heathens saith he did not stay for Laws and Edicts to warrant such Proceedings but as soon as they knew how Julian was affected they took that for their Cue to act these Tragedies upon the Christians They knew it would please the Emperor and that was an Vnwritten Law How then did they act against Law if the Pleasure of the Emperor so directing was an Unwritten Law They acted according to his Pleasure which as Gregory observes was published unto them by his Words and Actions as plainly as by any (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Invect l. p. 92. Edict and (‖) Ib. the Pleasure of the Emperor saith the Father upon the cruel Reprimand which Julian gave to the Governour of Gaza is an Vnwritten Law defended with Power and much stronger than Written Ones not supported by Authority Such sayings as these to his Governours (‖) Invect p. 92. What great matter is it if one Heathen kill ten Christians were sufficient Indications and Directions of his Royal Pleasure to make it have the force of Law and give it the nature of a Personal Constitution by virtue of the Lex Regia otherwise called (†) Lex Imperii solemnibus juris Imperatorem solvit l. Ex imperfecto C. de testamentis Lex Imperii which exempted the Emperor from Formalities of Law and Justice and gave him Authority above all written Laws I have now I hope sufficiently proved the falseness of our Authors Second Principle that his Julian persecuted contrary to Law And I have taken so much pains to confute it not that it is necessary to do so to defend the Doctrine of Passive Obedience which as I shall hereafter shew would be best defended upon this Assertion but to let the Admirers of Julian see how he hath imposed upon them in falsely representing the Christians like Barbarians in their Behaviour towards their Emperor and then in justifying of it by this Sham That Julian persecuted contrary to Law If any of them have taken the pains to read this Answer thus far I hope they will make a Pause to argue to this purpose from what I have written in this Chapter Either the Behaviour of the Christians was really as Barbarous and Exorbitant against Julian as Mr. J. hath represented it or it was not if it were then they must bear the Blame of it having no such Warrant for it as he told us they had but if it really were not then he hath done neither like a Scholar nor a Christian to exaggerate and misrepresent it with a design to deceive the World I am afraid The best Friends Mr. J. hath cannot keep him from being Obnoxious to one of these two Consequences and
them in Prison or lastly to give him the benefit of Theodoret such as they said to the Emperor himself That which they said at Table among other Souldiers by way of Discourse was this They bewailed the Sadness of the Times they lived in and blessed the former days They said it was not worth the while to live to see the Holy Laws trodden under foot the Lord of all put to open shame and to behold all places so full of the Nidor and Smoke of profane Sacrifices that a man could not breath in pure Air. When they were in Prison they exceedingly rejoyced and said They had no further need of Money or Fine Cloathes To the Tempters whom Julian sent to tempt them with hopes of greater Honours and the Example of other Officers who had lapsed they answered thus We are resolved for this Reason to stand out manfully that we may offer up our selves as it were Sacrifices to expiate for their Fall For if we do not dye now we shall dye we are certain shortly after and it is better to dye for the King of Angels than in the Service of such a Wicked Man it is better to lay down our Lives for an Heavenly Kingdom than for an Earthly one which we tread under foot for if a man dye in the Emperors Service he can receive no Reward for his Valour nay perhaps he may not get a Grave but be left to be devoured by Dogs but if we dye for the King of Angels we shall be sure to receive Glorious Bodies and to have Crowns and Rewards greater than our Sufferings can deserve Wherefore let us take up Spiritual Weapons we have no need of Darts and Arrows and other Bodily Armour our Tongues by which we are to confess Christ are sufficient Arms for us and out of our Mouths shall we shoot Arrows against the Devils Head These are the Sayings of these two Captains in St. Chrysost but they sounded so like the Speeches of Mauritius and Exuperius in the Thebaean Legion that our Author durst not recite them lest his Readers should find out such a Famous Instance of Passive Obedience among the Commanders of Julians own Army who were so willing to be put to death by him contrary to Law What they said to the Tyrants Face was this We have been educated in the True Religion we have always been Obedient to the Laws which were made by Constantine and his Sons and now we cannot but lament to see all things filled with Abominations and even Meat and Drink defiled with Impure Sacrifices This we have bewailed in private with Tears and now lament in your presence This is all they said to Julians Face and now all that our Author can get by it to use his own petulant Phrase he may put in his Eye (†) L. 3. c. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theodoret commends their Zeal and put this Confession wholly upon that Score As for the Souldiers who were trepanned to Sacrifice by Julian this is the short of the Story Julian on a certain day called his Army unto him to receive Donatives according to their Quality and places The Ceremony was ordered as in the time of the Pagan Emperors The Emperor sat in great State there was Gold set before him on one hand and Frankincense on the other and the Souldiers were told that according to Ancient Custom they were to cast a bit of this into the Fire Vid. Sozom lib. 5. c. 17. before they received any of that The (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nazianz. p. 85. whole Army were ensnared some it is likely through love of the Gold but many of them as it afterwards appeared through mere Ignorance and Simplicity and the specious pretence of Ancient Custom For when the Solemnity was done the Souldiers went to their Quarters where they eat together and as some of them (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ib. looking up to Heaven and signing themselves with the Sign of the Cross gave thanks unto Christ One among the rest asked them how they could call upon Christ after they had denyed him How replyed they half-dead with the Question how have we denyed Christ Insomuch replyed the other as you have Sacrificed Frankincense which is in effect to deny Christ Upon this immediately rising from the Table they became like distracted Men and being heated with Zeal and Indignation they ran about the Market-place crying out and saying We are Christians we are Christians in our Hearts we declare it to all men and before all men unto God to whom we live and for whom we will dye O Saviour Christ we have not betrayed thee we have not denyed the Faith for however we have offended thee with our Hands we are upright in our Hearts the Emperor deceived us and we are not tainted with his Gold we renounce this ungodly Act we will wash it off with our Blood And then running to the Emperor and throwing down their Gold cryed out Sir we have not received Gifts from you but our own Death and Damnation you called us not to Honour us by them but to mark us with Disgrace Now do us who are your Souldiers the Favour as to kill us for Christ to whom alone we are Subject as we are polluted so let us be purged by Fire reduce us into Ashes as we did the Frankincense cut off our Hands which we stretched out in offering of it and our Feet which carried us to the place and give our Gold to others who have not repented of that they have already received Christ is sufficient for us whom we prefer above all things in the World Having said this to the Emperor they informed others of the Cheat he had put upon them and exhorted them to make Satisfaction to their Saviours Honour with their Blood The Emperor was very mad at them but would no kill them because they should not be counted Martyrs but banished them If the Thebaean Legion was an Example of Passive Obedience much more were these Souldiers of Julian who behaved themselves with such Exemplary Modesty and Submission towards an Apostate Emperor who dealt so basely with his Army and persecuted the greater part of his Subjects as Mr. J. saith not only without but against Law One would think upon Mr. J's Principles that they should rather have mutined and formed themselves into a Posture of Resistance against such a Lawless Tyrant but instead of that they speak unto him like Apostles and desire to be killed for the Sake of Christ Mr. J. knew this very well which made him only refer unto the Story which he knew not one of an hundred among his Readers would nor one in ten could examine I am confident neither of his Supervisers neither he who is now with God nor he who is still among Men knew the Truth of these Stories if they did they were very ill-advised not to blot out the Reference which hath caused me to bring them upon the Stage
their Religion His R. H. is much obliged to him for his New Titles His Majesty for the Honour he hath done his only Brother and Viceroy in his other Kingdom and the other half of the Brittish Bishops for being represented as a Company of Fawning Spanels upon and Apostate and the utter Enemy of their Religion This is a Doubty Hero to attack a King and a Prince nay his own natural King and Prince with Fourteen Bishops at a time Every one knows he alludes to the Letter which the Bishops of Scotland sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury to let his Grace and their Brethren in England know how much they were beholden to his R. H. for his Protection of them against the Churches sworn Enemies and I can see no ground for the Justice of his foul Reflection upon them for this Action unless Justice and Gratitude be Crimes If a Visier should do very kind Offices for the Christian Bishops and Religion in any one of his Masters Provinces would it be Fawning upon him for them to write to the Patriarch of Constantinople to acquaint him with it and desire him to give him Thanks Or to make the Parallel more exact Suppose that in the Western Empire there had been of old a Bloody Aerian Faction who held Episcopacy to be an Antichristian Usurpation and who had bound themselves in a Solemn League and Covenant to Extirpate the Apostolical Function and in pursuance of that Design had Rebelled against Constantine and by the help of their Brethren in the Eastern Empire had conquered him and then put him to death That 12 years after it pleased God to Restore his Son Constantius after which the Aerian Faction began again to assemble in Armed Meetings which ended in a formed Rebellion that after this Rebellion Constantius was perswaded to give them an Indulgence by the Benefit of which they grew strong and insolent till at length they presumed to beat and murder the Orthodox Clergy wheresoever they met them and more especially sought opportunity to Murder the Bishops many of which for Fear of them durst not live in their Diocesses that they came to be so bold as to Face and Skirmish the Emperors Souldiers in Parties that they assaulted the Patriarch of Rome in the midst of the City and afterwards murdered him on the Road in a most Barbarous manner and within 6 Weeks after his Murder universally rebelled that after this Rebellion was over Constantius sent Julian a Prince who for his Excellencies had been the Darling of the People before he was suspected of Paganism to govern the Western Empire where he declared he would uphold the Church as it was established both against Paganism and Aerianism that accordingly he cheerfully procured a Law to prevent both the Pagans Aerians from having any share in the Government Civil Military or Ecclesiastical that besides all this he was most Exemplary Respectful to the Bishops and Episcopal Clergy and frequently renewed his Promises to them of upholding the Established Religion Last of all that all his Servants and Attendants were Orthodox Christians that he kept two or three Orthodox and learned Presbyters in his Family to Catechise Preach and and Administer the Holy Eucharist and do all other Spiritual Offices among them as occasion did require All this being supposed let Mr. J. tell me if it would have been Fawning or Justice Gratitude and Prudence in the Western Bishops to send an Account of this most Generous and perhaps Surprising Goodness of Julian to the Orthodox Church and Clergy notwithstanding the general suspitions that went abroad of his being a Pagan to the Patriarch of Constantinople to desire him when Caesar returned to the Court to give him Humble thanks Nay I would desire Mr. J. to tell me whether upon this Supposition it would not have been great Impudence and Malice in a Private Presbyter so to censure the Western Bishops and miscal the just Civility which they shew'd to Julian Fawning upon an Apostate although his Apostacy was never yet proved and a mortal Enemy to their Religion to which he had been so great a Friend CHAP. V. Of the Behaviour of the Christians towards Julian in their Devotions and first of their Psalms FRom the Behaviour of the Christians in their Actions towards Julian he proceeds to their Devotions and Prayers where from one or two Examples he still draws a General Conclusion endeavouring to make what was done but by one man or once upon some special Occasion so appear as if it had been the General Practise of the Christians of the Roman Empire i. e. of almost the whole Catholic Church These Passages saith he which we have hitherto related were in common Conversation where the Christians might chance not to have their Religion about them but when they go to Church and enter upon Holy Ground or whenever they make their Addresses to God in Prayers and Praises there one may expect to see the Flights of their Self-denying and Suffering Religion There one may justly expect they should lay aside all their Animosity against Julian though he were their Enemy and for that Reason pray the harder for him yes s◠they do the wrong way they cannot sing a Psalm but they make his Confusion the Burden of it One would think after such a General Charge he should have brought at least an Hundred Instances to prove it but in all his Search he hath found but Two and the First of them which he sets off with so much shew is nothing to his Purpose because the Original words in the (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hebrew and (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Greek which ours and all the Provincial Languages render by Confound from the vulgar Latine signifie Confusion as it is put for Shame as we say in our Language Such a man was much confounded that is much Abashed and Ashamed or as the French ordinarily say Vous me donnez de la Confusion you make me Ashamed So Psal 35.4 Let them be (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confounded and (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put to shame that seek after my Soul might be rendred let them be put to shame and blushing that seek after my Soul So Psal 40.14 Let them be ashamed and confounded together that seek after my Soul to destroy it might be rendred Let them be (†) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ashamed and (‖) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 blush c. The Words signifie that shame of Mind and confusion of Face with which a man is affected who is become sensible of his Error or Misdoing and so the Christians of Ant. in Praying after Davids Example and in the sense of his Words for the Confusion of the Pagans prayed not for their Destruction but for their Conversion especially upon that Solemn Occasion when the Bones of the Martyrs had silenced Apollo the God of Julian in the Praise of whose Divinity he had written an (‖) Orat.