defend themselves to take upon them the protections of others which the Tarentines also did who when the Roman army was going to joyne battell with that of the Samnites sent their Ambassadours to the Roman Consul to let him understand that they will'd there should be peace betweene those two people and how that otherwise they should make warre against the party that should refuâ—e it So that the Consul scoffing at this proposition caus'd the triumphs to sound in presence of their ten Ambassadours and so made his army march towards the enemy shewing the Tarentins by his deeds and not by words what answer they deserv'd And having now discours'd in this Chapter against some courses Princes take amisse for others defence I will in that that followes speake touching those they take for their owne defence CHAP. XII Whether it be better for a Prince fearing to be assail'd by his enemy himselfe first to begin the warre with him or to expect while it comes home to him I Have heard it disputed sometimes by men well practis'd in military discipline if there be two Princes neare of equal force and the one that is the more resolute have proclaim'd warre against the other which were the best course for that other either to attend quietly in his owne confines whiles his enemy come upon him or else to goe finde him at home and there assaile him And I have heard them alledge arguments on both sides and those that argue for this going to assaile him produce the counsell that Croesus gave Cyrus when being arriv'd upon the borders of the Messagetes to make warre against them their Queene Thomyris sent him word that he should take his choice either to enter into her kingdom where she would awaite him or if he would rather that she should come and siâ—nde him in his owne And when the matter came to dispute Croesus advis'd against the opinion of the rest to goe seeke her in her owne country urging that otherwise if he overcame her farre from her owne confines he could not take her kingdome from her because she would have time to repaire her losses but if he conqur'd her within her owne territories he might pursue her just upon her slight so giving her no time of recovery take the state from her Moreover they alledge the advice that Hanniball gave Antiochus when that King had a purpose to make warie against the Romans where he shewes how the Romans could not be overcome but in Italy for there another might availe himselfe of their armes their wealth and their friends also But whosoever fought with them out of Italy leaving Italy free to them left them that strength that never would want life to give them fresh supplies at all occasions And concluded that it was easier to take Rome from them then the Empire and Italy rather than their other provinces Agathocles also is alleadg'd who not being able to support the war at home assail'd the Carthaginians who then had made warre against him and brought them to aske peace The example of Scipio is likewise urg'd who to take the warre out of Italy assail'd Affricke They that maintaine the contrary say that he that would bring his enemy to destruction should withdraw him from home The Athenians are brought for example who while they made a convenient warre at their owne homes remain'd victors but when they departed out of their country and transported their army into Sâ—cily they quite lost their liberty They alledge the poeticall sables withall where it is shew'd how that Anteus King of Lybia assail'd by Egyptian Hercules was insuperable whiles he staid for him within the confines of his owne Kingdome but when by Hercules subtilty he was trained out of it he lost both state and life Whereby occasion was given to the fable of Anteus that while he was upon the ground he recovered forces from his Mother which was the ground which Hercules perceiving took him up in his armes and held him from the earth Moderne advices also are alledged every one knowes that Ferdinand King of Naples was in his dayes held a very wise Prince and some two years before his death fame flying that Charles the eight then King of France had a determination to come and assail him after he had made much preparation fell sick when on his death-bed among other memorials he left his sonne Alphonsus was this also that he should attend his enemies comming within his Countrey and upon no case should drâ—w any of his forces out of his state but should await them within his own confines with his strength entire Which was not followed by him but there was an army sent into Romania which without any combat lost both it self and the state The arguments which besides the things abovesaid are brought on each side are these that he that assailes comes on with more courage then he that attends which gives the army more confidence Besides this it takes away from the enemy divers conveniencies of being able to make use of what is his own for he cannot help himself upon those subjects whose houses have first bin sackt and their goods pillaged and for having the enemy in the house the Prince is constrained to take more care how he wrings money from them and vexes them so that he comes to dry that fountain as Hannibal sayes which furnishes him with means to sustain the war To this may be added that the souldiers being in a forrain countrey are forced to fight and of that necessity makes a vertue as we have often said on the other side they say when one awaits his enemy he does it with much advantage for without any discommodity to thy self thou art able to give thine enemy much trouble to come by his provisions and other necessaries belonging to an army Thou canst also better hinder his designs because thou knowest the countrey better then he Thou canst also incounter him with more forces because there they may easily be united which thou canst not draw all from home Thou canst also being routed recover thy self with more ease because many of thy army will save themselves in that they have their places of refuge near as well because the supplies are not to come from far thou bringst to the hazzard all thy forces and not all thy fortune whereas parting thence thou hazzardst all thy fortune with but a part of thy forces And some there have bin who the better to weaken their enemie suffer him to enter many dayes journies into their countrey and take divers townes to the end that leaving gatrisons in all of them he may weaken his army and so they may afterwards fight with him at more ods But to give my opinion herein what I think I beleeve this distinction is to be made Either my countrey is armed as was that of the Romans or that of the Switzers is or it is disarmed as that of the Carthaginians was or else that of the
them for their execution maugre the power of those that break them The executions whereof before the sacking of Rome by the French were notable the death of Brutus his sons the death of those of the Decemvirate that of Melius touching the laying down the price of their corne after the taking of Rome was the death of Manlius Capitolinus the death of the son of Manlius Torquatus the execution which Papirius Cursor did upon the Commander of his Cavallerie the accusation of the Scipios which things being they were extraordinary remarkable whenosever any of them did chance caused men more strictly to conforme themselves to the exact rule and when these began to fall out seldom then began they to give men more leisure to grow naught and become more dangerous and tumultuous for from one to another of such like executions there should not pass more than ten years time for after such a time men begin again to change their manners and trespass against the lawes and unless something chance which anew calls the punishment to memory and puts them in fear thereof there meer together so many delinquents that without danger they cannot be punished To this purpose they who govern'd the State of Florence from 1434. to 1494. said it was necessary every fift year to reforme the State otherwise it was hard to maintain it and they call'd reforming of the State to put that terror and fear in men which they caus'd in them at the first founding of the lawes having then severely punish'd those that had offended against their manner of living But when the memory of that punishment is once extinguished men again take the boldness to attempt some innovations and speak ill of the present State and therefore it is necessary to take order for it by reducing it to the first grounds Also this bringing back of Republiques to their beginnings arises sometimes from the plain vertue of some one man without dependance on any law inciting thee to any execution yet are they of so great reputation and of such remarke that the good men desire to follow them and the bad are asham'd to live contrarily to them Those that in Rome particularly worked these good effects were Horatius Cocles Scevola Fabritius the two Decij Regulus Attilius and some others who by their rare and worthy examples in Rome wrought the same effect that good lawes and good orders could And if the forenamed executions of lawes together with these particulars examples had succeeded every ten years in this City it had been of necessary consequence that it could never be corrupted but as the one and the other of these two things began to fall out seldome the corruptions multiplied for after Marcus Regulus the like example was never more seen And though in Rome there arose the two Catoes yet such was the distance between him and them and between them from th' one to th' other and they remained so alone that with their good examples they could effectuate no good thing and especially the last Cato who finding a great part of the City corrupted could not prevaile so by his example as to better his Citizens And this may suffice for Republicks But touching Religions wee see also these reformations are necessary by example of our Religion which had it not been reduc'd again to its principles by Saint Francis and Saint Dominique it would have been quite defac'd for these by their poverty and their imitation of Christs life made a new impression thereof in mens minds which was quite blotted our thence and their new rules were so powerfull and now are the cause that the dishonesty of the Prelates and the heads of the Religion do not ruine it partly by their living in poverty and partly by the great credit they have in confessing the people and preaching to them whereby they give them to understand that it is evill to speak evil against him that is evill and that it is good rather to live in obedience to them and if they are faulty to leave them to the chastisement of God And so they offend the most they can for they feare not the punishment they see not and beleeve not This reformation then hath and does maintain this Religion Kingdomes also have need of reforming and restoring their laws to their first beginnings And wee see how much good this does in the Kingdom of France Which Kingdom is governed more by its lawes and customes than any other Kingdom else Of which lawes and customes the Parliaments are the principal maintainers and especially that of Paris which restores them again to life whensoever it makes any execution against a Prince of the Realm and that they condemn the King in their sentences and till this present it hath maintained it self by being an obstinate executioner against that Nobility but whensoever it should suffer any of their faults to escape unpunished and they chance to multiply without doubt it would come to pass that either they were to be corrected with great disorder or that Kingdom come to a dissolution Therefore we conclude that there is nothing more necessary in a politick government Sect Kingdom or Commonwealth that it be than to restore it to that reputation which in its first beginning it had and take a care that either the customes be good or the men good that they may rather work this effect that it be not left to some forraign force to do it For however that sometimes it be an excellent remedy as it prov'd to Rome yet is it so dangerous that it is in no case to be desir'd And to make it appear to any man how much the actions of particular men served to advance Romes greatness and wrought many good effects in that City I will come to the narration and discourse of them within the bounds whereof wee will conclude this third Book and last part of this first decade And howbeit the Kings actions were great and remarkable being the History sets them down at large we shall omit them nor speak of them otherwise unless it be touching some thing they did belonging to their private advantage and here we will begin with Brutus Father of the Roman liberty CHAP. II. It is a very great part of wisdome sometime to seem a fool NO man was ever reputed so sage or wise for any thing that ever he did as Junius Brutus deserves to be accounted for taking upon him the person of a fool and though Titus Livius expresses no other but one reason to induce him thereto which was to live in security and preserve his patrimony yet if we consider his manner of proceeding we may beleeve that he thus dissembled to the end he might be less observed have the more conveniency to suppress the Kings and free his Country upon any occasion offered And that he thought upon this it appears first in the interpretation he made of Apolloes Oracle when he fained to fall down that he might kiss
the ground deeming thereby that the Gods favour'd his designes and afterwards when at the occasion where Lucretia was slain among the Father husband and other of her kindred he was the first that drew the knife out of the wound and made those that were present sweare they would never more endure in time to come a King in Rome From his example are those to learn that are discontented with any Prince and firct they should measure and weigh their own forces and if they are so powerfull that they are able to discover themselves as enemies and openly make war against him then ought they plainly go that way as least dangerous and the morehonorable But if they be of such condition that they are not able to enter into termes of open hostilitie against him then ought they to use al industry in seeking to gain his favour and to this effect enter into him by all those waies that are fit following him in his sports and taking pleasure in all those things they see he delights in This familiarity first causes thee to live secure and without running any hazard gives thee means to enjoy that Princes good fortune with him and layes the way open to thee to satisfie thy own mind It is true that some say they would not stand so near the Princes as to be oppressed with their ruines nor so far off but that when their ruine comes they may be able time enough to rise upon some part of their ruines Which middle way would be the truest were it rightly kept But because I think it is impossible it is meet to reduce it to the two waies above mentioned which is either to be at large from them or cleave close to them Hee that does otherwise if he be a man of eminent qualities lives in continuall danger Nor sufficeth it to say I care not for any thing I desire neither honors nor wealth I will live quietly and without entring into any faction for these excuses are heard but pass not as current Neither can men of quality chuse this standing quiet however that heartily they make choyce of it and without any ambition because they are not beleeved in it in so much as though they themselves would yet others will not let them live so They must then play the fool as Brutus did and he plaies the fool a great deal that prayses and prates to them is present at and bears a part in those things that are against his own mind to comply with his Princes delights And seeing we have spoken of this mans wisedome in recovering of the State we will now speak of his severity in maintaining it CHAP. III. That it was necessary for preservation of the new gotten liberty to put Brutus his sons to death B Butus his severity was no less necessary than usefull to maintain Rome in the liberty she had gotten which was of rare example in all memorials of things happen'd to see the Father sit on his Tribunal and not only condemn his sons to death but be present and assistant at it And this is alwaies well known to those that read ancient stories how that after the change of a State either from a Republick into a Tyranny or from a Tyranny into a Republick some memorable execution upon the enemies of the present condition is needfull And hee that sets up a Tyranny and flaies not Brutus and hee that brings in liberty and slayes not Brutus his sons can hardly subsist And because for merly wee have discoursed hereof at large I referr my self to what was then spoken hereof I shall alledge here only one example which was in our times and in our Country that of Peter Soderini who thought with his patience and goodness to overcome that passionate desire which was in the sons of Brutus to return under another government but deceived himself therein And albeit hee by his wisdome perceived well this necessity and that the way and ambition of those that shov'd against him gave him occasion to extinguish them yet hee never bent his mind to it for besides his opinion that he was able by patience and goodness to worke out all ill humors and by liberality towards them to weare out any enmity was borne against him hee was of advice as many times by discourse hee shewed some of his friends that if hee would strongly incounter the oppositions were made against him and master his adversaries he had need take upon him extraordinary authority whereby he should break the civil equality among them Which thing however that hee should never afterwards act tyrannically would so much affright the multitude that they would never agree after his death to create a new standard-bearer for life which dignity he held fit to put forward and maintain This respect was wise and good yet must we never suffer any evill to continue in regard of a good being that good may easily be supprest by that evill And he should beleeve being his actions and his intentions were to bee judged by their end in case that good fortune and life should have accompanied him that he could have assured every one how that what he had done was for the safety of his Country not for his own ambition whereby he might have been able to regulate things in such a manner that no successor of his could do that for evill which hee had done for good But the first opinion deceived him not knowing that malice is not abated by time nor appeased by any good turne So that because he was ignorant how to imitate Brutus he lost together with his Country the State and his own reputation And as it is a hard thing to save a free State so is it not easie to preserve a Monarchy as in the Chapter following it shall be shewed CHAP. IV. No Prince lives secure in his Principality while those are living who were despoyld of it THe death of Tarquinus Priscus causd by the sons of Ancus and the death of Servius Tullus causd by Tarquinius the proud shew how hard and dangerous it is to despoyle any one of a Kingdome and suffer him to live though he indevour by many favours to gaine him And we see how Tarquinius Prisons was deceived in thinking legally to possess that Kingdom in that it was given him by the people and confirm'd by the Senate Neither did he beleeve that disdain could so much prevaile with Ancus his sons that they would not be satisfied with what all Rome was contented And Servius Tullus deluded himself in thinking he could with new obligations gain the good will of Tarquins sons So that touching the first every Prince may well be advisd that he cannot live sure of his Principality while they live who were bereavd of it Touching the second every one that is of power may well remember that never were old injuries cancelld with new favours especially when the new favours are less of value than the wrongs done And without all doubt
means to win them But Master Francis Guinigi now chancing to dye and having left behind him a son named Paul of 13 years of age appointed Castruccio his Tutor and the Governor of his estate having first caused him to be called to him before his death and intreated him that he would take upon him the eare to bring up his son with that faithfulness he had found himself and that what kindnesses he could not return to the father he would requite to the son And now at length Master Francis Guinigi being dead Castruccio left Tutor and Governor to Paul grew in such credit and power that the favor he was wont to find in Lucca in some part was turned into envy and he was calumniated by many as who they doubted had some projects upon a tyranny Among whom the Principal was M. George Opizi head of the Guelfes faction This man hoping by the death of Mr Francis to remain without competitor in Lucca thought that Castruccio being left with that trust by the grace favor of his discreet carriage gaind him had bereav'd him of all means to attain thereto and hereupon sowed many seeds of scandal against him whereby to choak his well grown credit Which at first Castruccio disdained but afterwards grew jealous of it for he thought that Master George would never rest till he had so far disgrac'd him with King Robert of Naples his Lieuftenant as to cause him to chase him out of Lucca At that time there was one Vguccion of Fagginolo of Arezo then Lord of Pisa who by the Pisans was first chosen for their commander and afterwards made himself their Lord. Divers out-lawed Luccheses of the Gibellin faction abode with Vguccion whom Castruccio practised to restore again with Vguccions aid and this design he communicated also with his friends at home who could no way endure the Opizies authority Having therefore given order as was requisite to this purpose Castruccio fortified the tower of the Honesti and furnished it with munition and store of victuals whereby upon occasion he might be able to defend himself therein for some time and the night being come which was agreed of with Vguccion he gave the signe to him who was gone down into the plain with much people between the mountains and Lucca and having seen the signal he came close to Saint Peters gate and fired the antiport Castruccio on the other side raised a great cry calling the people to armes and forced the gate on the other side within so that Vguccion entring with his men forced the town and slew Master George with all those of his family and many others his friends and partisans and chased out the governor and changed the State of the City as Vguccion liked best to the great dammage thereof for it appeard then that there were above a hundred families chased out of Lucca Those that fled part went to Florence and part to Pistoya which Cities were then governed by the Guelfes faction and hereupon they became enemies to Vguccion and the Lucheses And upon this the Florentines and the rest of the Guelfes thinking the Gibellines faction grown too mighty in Tuscany accorded together to restore again these exiled Luccheses and having Levyed a huge army they came to the vale of Nievole and seizing upon Mount Catino from hence they went to incampe at Mount Carlo whereby to have the passage open to Lucca Whereupon Vguccion having gathered a good army of Pisans and Luccheses besides many Dutch horse which he drew out of Lombardy went to find the Florentines camp which perceiving the enemies approach was removed from Mount Carlo and setled between Mount Catino and Pescia and Vguccion sat down under Mount Carlo about some two miles of the enemy where for some daies between the horse of the two armies there passed some slight skirmishes for Vguccion being faln sick the Pisans and Luccheses refused to come to battel with the enemy But Vguccions malady augmenting he retired to mount Carlo for his recovery and committed the charge of the army to Castruccio which was the Guelfes destruction for hereupon they took courage esteeming the enemies armies as left without a head which Castruccio understood and lay still some few dayes the more to confirm this their opinion making shew of feare and not suffering any one to goe out of the trenches and on the other side the Guelfes the more they saw this feare the more insolent they became and every day being orderd for fight they presented themselves before Castruccios army who thinking he had now enough emboldned them and having had full notice of what order they kept resolved to come to the tryall of a day and first with his speeches he confirmd his soldiers courage and shewd them the victory certaine if they would follow his directious Castruccio had seene how the enemy had plac'd all his strength in the body of the army the weakâ—r sort in the wings thereof whereupon he did the cleane contrary for he put his best soldiers in his wings and his slightest people in the body and issuing out of his trenches with this order so soone as ever he came within view of the enemy which solently as before they had wont came to find them out he commanded that those squadrons in the middle should goe on leisurely but that the rest should move with speed insomuch that when they came to ioyne battell with the enemy onely the wings of each army fought and the troops in the middle stood unimployd because the middle part of Castruccio's army had lagguerd so much behind that the enemyes body had not yet reach'd to them and thus the ablest of Castruccio's army came to fight with the weakest of the enemies and the enemies strength lay idle not able to endammage those they were to encounter with nor could they ayd any of their owne party so that without much difficulty the enemies two wings were both put to flight and they in the middle seeing themselves left naked on each flanke without having whereupon to shew their valour fled likewise The rout and the slaughter were great for there were slaine above ten thousand men with many Officers and great Cavaliers of the Guelfes faction throughout all Tuscany and many Princes who came thither in favour of them to wit Peter King Roberts Brother and Charles his nephew and Philip Lord of Taranto but of Castruccio's side they came not to above three hundred among which Francis Vguccions sonne was slaine who being young and over-venturous was killd at the first onset This overthrow much augmented Castruccio's credit so that Vguccion grew so jealous and suspitious of his owne State that he continually busied his brains how to bring him to destruction thinking with himselfe that that victory had rather taken his power from him than setled it and being in this thought while he awaited some fair colour to effect his designes it happned that Pieragnolo Michaeli was slaine in Lucca
a man of good worth and esteeme and the Assassine fled into Castruccio's house where the Captaines and Serjeants going to apprehend him were affronted and hindred by Castruccio so that the murtherer by his ayd escaped which thing Vguccion who was then at Pisa hearing and deeming then he had just occasion to punish him calld unto his owne sonne Neri to whom he had now given the command of Lucca and chargd him that under colour of inviting Castruccio he should lay hold on him and put him to death Whereupon Castruccio going familiarly into the commanders pallaces not fearing any injury was first by Neri entertaind at supper and afterwards seised on And Neri doubting lest by putting him to death without any publick justification the people might bee inraged kept him alive till he were better informd by Vguccion what was farther to be done in that case who blaming his sonnes slownesse and cowardise for the dispatching hereof went out of Pisa with four hundred Horse towards Lucca and hardly yet was he arriv'd at the Baths but the Pisans took armes and slew Vguccions Lieutenant and the rest of his family that remaind at Pisa and made Count Gaddo of Gerardesca their Lord Vguccion before he came to Lucca had notice of this accident befalne in Pisa yet thought he it not fit to turne back left the Luccheses like as the Pisans should also shot their gates against him But the Luccheses understanding the chance at Pisa notwithstanding that Vguccion was enterd Lucca taking this occasion to free Castruccio first began at their meetings in the Piazze to speake slightly of him afterwards to make some hub-bub and from thence came to armes demanding Castruccio to be set free insomuch that Vguccion for feare of worse drew him out of prison Whereupon Castruccio suddenly rallying his friends with the peoples favour made an assault upon Vguccion who finding no other remedy fled thence with his friends and so went into Lombardy to the Lords of Scala where afterwards he dy'd poorly But Castruccio being of a prisoner become as Prince of Lucca prevaild so by his friends and with this fresh gale of the peoples favour that he was made Generall of their Forces for a yeare which being compassed to gaine himselfe further credit in armes he purposd to recover for the Luccheses severall towne which rebelld after Vguccions departue and went also by the Pisans favour with whom he had enterd into league at the campe to Serezana and to winne that he had built over it a fort which being afterwards changed by the Florentines is now calld Serezanello and in two monthes space tooke the towne and afterwards in strength of this credit he wonne Massa Carrara and Lavenza and in short time all Lunigiana and to stop the passage that comes from Lombarby into Luginiana he tooke Pontremoli and drew out thence Mr. Anastasia Palivicini who was Lord thereof Returning then to Lucca with this victory he was met by the whole people whereupon Castruccio resolving not to deferre longer to make himselfe Prince by meanes of Pazzino of Poggio Puccinello of Porcico Francisco Boccansecehi and Cecco Guinigi at that time of great repute in Lucca but corrupted by him made himself Lord thereof and so solemnely and by resolution of the people was elected their Prince At this time Frederck of Baviere King of the Romans came into Italy to take the Imperiall crown whom Castruccio made his friend and went to him with five hundred Horse having left for his Lieutenant at Lucca Paulo Guinigi whom in remembrance of his father he made account of as his owne child Castruccio was entertaind very honourably by Frederick who gave him many priviledges and made him his Deputy in Tuseany and because the Pisans had expelld Gaddo of Gerardesca and for feare of him askd succours of Frederick he made Castruccio their Lord whom the Pisans accepted for feare of the Guelfes faction and in particular because of the Florentines Frederick then being returned into Germany and having left at Rome a governour for his affairs in Italy all the Gibellins as well Tuscans as Lomdarbs that followd the Imperial faction had their recourse to Castruccio and each promisd him the Principality of their native country provided that by his meanes they might be restord among whom was Mattheo Guidi Nardo Scolare Lapo Vberti Gerozzi Nardi and Piero Buonacorsi all Gibellins and outlawd Florentines and Castruccio plotting by helpe of these and with his owne forces to become Lord of all Tuscany to gaine himselfe credit the more entred into amity with Mr. Metthem Viscoti Prince of Milan and traind up all the men ofhis owne city and country to armes and because Lucca had five gates he divided the country into five parts armd them and distributed them under Captaines and colours so that on a sudden he was able to bring together above twenty thousand men into the field besides the help he might have from Pisa He then being environd with these forces and freinds it fortun'd that Mr. Mattheo Visconti was assayled by the Guelfes of Piacuza who had driven out the Gibellins in whose behalfe the Florentines and King Robert had sent their troopes Whereupon Mr. Mattheo intreated Castruccio to affaile the Florentines that they being constraind to defend their owne homes should call back their men out of Londarby So Castruccio with a good army entred the Vale Arno took Fucachio and St. Miniato with great dammage of the country and upon this occasion the Florentines were forc'd to call back their troopes who were hardly returnd into Tuscany but Castruccio was compeld upon another necessity to haste back to Lucca And in that City the Family of Poggio being of such power and authority as that it had made Castruccio not only great but Prince also and not taking themselves to have been requited as they had deservd agreed with other Families of Lucca to move the city to rebellion and to chace Castruccio thence whereupon taking occasion one morning they came armd upon the Deputy whom Castruccio had there ordaind over Justice and slew him and further purposing to raise the people to commotion Steven of Poggio an arcient and peaceable man who had no hand at all in this conspiracy came before them constrain'd his friends by his autority amongst them to lay aside their arms offering himselfe to mediate with Castruccio for them that he should satisfie their desires Thus they layd down their armes but not with greater discretion than they had taken them up for Castruccio having had notice of these novelties befalne in Lucca without making any delay with part of his troops leaving Paul Guinigi Commander of the residue came thence to Lucca where having found the tumult appeasd beyond his expectation deeming he might with the more ease secure himselfe disposed those of his party in severall places as best was for his turne Steven of Poggio thinking with himselfe that Castruccio was beholding to him went to him and intreated not for
make their Foot pass on that part beneath the river to fight with the flank of Castruccio's troops But the channel being deep and all above already possest by his men all this prov'd vain Whereupon the whole army was put to rout to Castruccio's great glory and honor and of so great a multitude there escap'd not a third Many Chieftains were taken and Charles son of King Robert together with Michaelangelo Falconi and Taddeo of the Albizi Florentine Commissaries fled thence to Empoli The spoyl taken was great the slaughter exceeding great as a man may imagine in such and so great a conflict for of the Florentine army 20231 of Castruccio's part 1570 were left dead upon the place But Fortune being enemy to his glory when as she should have given him life took it from him and interrupted those designes which he a long time before had purposed to put in effect neither could any thing but death hinder him Castruccio had toyld himself all that day in the battel when at the end thereof all weary and sweaty he stayd about the port of Fucchio to attend the soldiers as they should return from the victory and in person receive and thank them and partly if peradventure any thing should arise from the enemies that they had made head in any place he might be ready to give order thereto judgeing it the office of a good Commander to be the first to get a horse-back and the last to light off Whereupon he standing exposed to a wind which ordinarily about mid-day rise upon the Arno and uses to be pestiferous he was all over chil'd Which thing not being made account of by him was the occasion of his death for the night following he was taken with a dangerous feaver which continually augmenting and the sickness being judged mortal by all the Physitians and Castruccio perceiving of it called Paul Guinigi and spake to him these words Had I beleeved my son that Fortune would have cut of my course in the midst of the way to arrive unto that glory which I by my so many good suce cesses had promis'd my self I should have less wearied my self and to thee as I should have left a smaller estate so also fewer enemies and less envy for I would have been content with the dominion of Lucca Pisa and never subdu'd the Pistoyeses nor with so many injuries provoked the Florentines but by making the one and the other of these people my friends I should have led a life though not longer yet surely more quiet and to thee should I have left an estate though less without doubt more secure and firm but Fortune who will dispose of all human affairs gave me not so much judgement that I was able first to know it or so much time that I was able to overcome it Thou hast heard for many have told thee and I never denyed it to thee how I came into thy fathers house being yet a young lad and voyd of all those hopes which every generous spirit ought to conceive and how I was by him brought up and beloved by him as much as if I had been of his own blood whereupon under his government I became valorous and grew capable of that fortune in which thou hast and dost see mee and because at his death he committed thee and all this fortunes to my fidelity I have brought thee up with that affection and increased them with that fidelity that I was and am bound to And because not only whether that alone which was left thee by thy father but that also which my fortune and valor got were thine I never would marry to the end that the love of children should never take me off from shewing in any part that thankfulness towards thy fathers blood which I thought I was obliged to shew I leave thee therefore a very fair State whereat I am much pleased but for that I leave it thee weak and unsetled I am exceedingly grieved there remains to thee the City of Lucca wich will never be content to live under thy government Pisa is also thine wherein there ere men naturally inconstant and full of treachery which however it be divers times accustomed to serve yet will it alwaies disdain to have a Lucchese for its Lord. Pistoya likewise is left to thee very little faithfull to thee because it is divided and by fresh injuries provok'd against our Family Thou hast the Florentines for thy neighbors and those offended and divers waies injuryed by us and not extinguisht to whom the news of my death would be more welcome than the Conquest of all Tuscany Thou canst not rely upon the Princes of Milan nor upon the Emperor because they are far hence lazy and very slow with their succors wherefore thou oughtst not to hope in any thing but in thy own industry and the remembrance of my valor and in the reputation which this present victory gains thee which if thou shalt know with discretion how to make use of will ayd thee to make an accord with the Florentines who being affrighted at this present defeat ought with desire to condiscend thereto whom though I sought to make them mine enemies and thought it would procure me both power and glory yet thou art by all means to seek to gain for thy friends for their friendship will prove thy security and advantage It is a thing of very much importance in this world for a man to understand his own self and to know how to measure the forces of his own courage and State and he that finds himself unfit for war should endeavor to settle his government by the rules of peace whereunto thou shalt do well if by my advice thou address thy self and strive by this way to enjoy my pains and dangers which shall easily prove successful to thee when thou shalt account these my advertisements true and herewithall thou shalt be doubly oblig'd to me first that I have left thee this State and secondly that I have taught thee how to keep it Afterwards having caused those Citizens to come to him who of Lucca Pisa and Pistoya served in the wars under him and having recommended Paul Guinigi to them and made them swear obedience to him he died leaving to all those that ever knew him a happy remembrance of him and to those that had been his friends so great a desire of him that never any Prince that died at any time left more His funerals were most honorably solemnized and he was buried at St. Francesco in Lucca But neither valor norfortune were so favorable to Paul Gninigi as to Castruccio for not long after he lost Pistoya and after Pisa and with much adoe held he the government of Lucca which continued in his family till Paul the grand-child Castruccio then was by what is here shewed a man of rare note not only for those times he lived in but for many ages that had past long before He was of a