1700000 men Their Lodgings are appointed by the Harbingers according to every mans office and usually the richest men quarter the greatest Courtiers and that neither the Lodger nor Landlord may have reason to complain the Court has appointed a rate or rule to be observed generally for all people and that is a sous or penny a day for their Chamber in which there is to be bed and chairs and stools and all things that are necessary There is an allowance likewise of two pence a day to every man for linen as towels and napkins and for vinegar and verjuice their linen is to be changed at least twice every week but there being great plenty in that Country they change oftner as Lodgers desire it besides which they are obliged to keep their beds made and their chambers swept and clean There is allowance likewise of two pence a day for the standing of every man's horse they are not bound to provide any thing for them only to keep their stalls clean and carry out the dung Some there are who pay less as their Landlords are good natured or they can make any shift but this is the ordinary rule of the Court. The English Title to the Crown of France upon my best inquiry I find to be thus Charles the sixth of France married his lawful Daughter Katharine to Henry the fifth Son and Heir to Henry the fourth King of England In the articles of Marriage no notice being taken of Charles the seventh who was afterwards King of France besides the Dower that was given with Katharine Charles the sixth Father to the said Katharine instituted Henry the fifth of England his Son in Law and to be married to the said Katharine Heir to that Kingdom of France and in case the said Henry should die before the said Charles and the said Henry leave Sons that were legitimate behind him that then the Sons of the said King Henry should succeed to the said Kingdom of France upon the death of the said Charles the sixth which was contrary to Law because Charles the seventh was prejudiced thereby and was afterwards of no validity or effect against which the English pretend that Charles the seventh was illegitimate The Arch-Bishopricks in England are two The Bishopwricks two and twenty and The Parishes 52000. THE STATE OF GERMANY IN An Abridgment written by Nicolo Machiavelli Secretary of FLORENCE OF the power of Germany no body can doubt because it a bounds so exceedingly in Men and Money and Arms. As to its wealth there is not a Free Town in the whole Country but has a publick stock aforehand of its own and some say Argentina Strasburg alone has a Million of Florens constantly in bank The reason of their opulence is because they have nothing to exhaust them but their Fortifications and furnishing their Magazines for reparations and recruits cost them but little In the latter they have a very good way for they have always in their publick Stores Meat and Drink and Firing for a Twelve-month Besides to entertain the industry of their people they have wherewithal to set the poor on work in case of any Siege a compleat year together so as they may subsist upon their own labour without being burthensom to the Town Their Souldiers are but little expence to them for they are always well arm'd and well exercised and on their Festival days instead of the Common recreations one takes his Musket another his Pike one one sort of Arms another another and practising among themselves they grow very ready and dexterous and after they are arrived at some degree of perfection they have certain Honours and Salaries conferred upon them which is the greatest part of their charge So that in every free Town the publick Treasury is rich The reason likewise why the private persons are rich is this because they live with great parsimony and indeed little better than if they were poor for they are at no expence in their Clothes their Buildings nor the furnishing of their Houses If they have bread and flesh and any thing to keep them from the cold they are well enough and he that wants them is contented and makes some shift or other without them Two Florens will serve them in Clothes ten years and according to his degree every man lives at this rate they do not trouble themselves for every thing they want but only for those things that are absolutely necessary and by that means their necessities are much fewer than ours The result of which Custom is this their Mony goes not out of their County they contenting themselves with their own Native productions whil'st in the mean time every man is permitted to bring in what Treasure he pleases into Germany to purchase their Commodities and Manufactures which in a manner supplies all Italy and their gain is so much the more by how much a small part of the profit of their labours recruits them with Materials for new Thus do they live at liberty and enjoy their own humors for which reason they will not be got to the Wars but upon extraordinary pay and that will not do it neither unless they be commanded by their own Magistrates Wherefore an Emperor has need of more Mony than another Prince because if men be in a good condition already they are not easily allured to the Wars As things stand now the free States must unite with the Princes before any great exploit can be undertaken by the Emperor or else they must enterprize it themselves which they would be able to do But neither the one nor the other desires the greatness of the Emperor for if ever he should get those Free States into his hands he should be strong enough to overpower the Princes and reduce them to such a degree of subjection that he would manage them as he pleased himself as the Kings of France have done formerly in that Country and particularly King Lewis who by force of Arms and the cutting off some few Persons brought them to their present obedience The same thing would happen to the States if the Princes should be cajoled they would lose their freedoms be wholly at the disposition of the Emperor and be forced to be satisfied with what he would vouchsafe to afford them The distance and division betwixt the free States and the Princes is supposed to proceed from the different humors in that Country which in general are two The Swissers are become Enemies to all Germany and the Princes to the Emperor It may seem strange perhaps that the Swissers and free States should be at variance and enmity seeing the preservation of their liberty and securing themselves against the Princes is the common interest of both But their discord is from this that the Swissers are not only Enemies to the Princes but to all Gentlemen whatever and in their Country they have neither the one nor the other but live without distinction of persons unless in their Magistrates in
they kept themselves upon the defensive part and expected their enemies at home were always victorious but when they began to make war at a distance and send Armies into Sicily they lost their liberty and everything else They produce also the Fable of Antius King of Lybia who being invaded by Hercules the Egyptian was invincible whilst he kept himself within his own borders but being inveigled out by the subtility of his enemy he lost both his Kingdom and Life upon which occasion that story was raised of Antius that being born of the earth as they pretended so oft as he touch'd it so oft he received new vigour from his Mother which Hercules perceiving got him up in his arms crush'd him to death They produce likewise more modern examples Every body knows that Ferrand King of Naples was esteemed a wise Prince in his time and hearing two years before his death that King Charles viii of France was preparing to invade him he let him alone but falling sick afterwards as he lay upon his death-bed he called his Son Alphonso to him and among other things charged him that he should expect the King of France upon his Frontiers and fight him there but that by no means he should be tempted beyond them and it had been better for Alphonso to have follow'd his Counsel for neglecting it afterwards and sending an Army into Romagna he lost both Army and Kingdom without striking a blow But besides these arguments on both sides it is urged in behalf of the Aggressor that he invades with more confidence and courage than his Adversary receives him which is a great advantage and enhancement to his Army That he brings many inconveniences upon the person whom he invades to which he would not be liable if he expected him at home For when the enemies Country is wasted and their Houses plunder'd his Subjects are not much to be trusted nor can any more Taxes be laid upon them without great difficulty by which means as Hanibal said their Magazines will be spent and their fountain dryed up that was to supply them with all Provisions for War Besides if your Army be in the Enemies Country it will be under a greater necessity of fighting and by consequence will fight more desperately than at home But to this it is answered on the other side That it is more for your advantage to attend your enemy in your own Country than to seek him abroad for thereby you may furnish your self with Victuals and Amunition and all other necessaries without any inconvenience and distress him by driving the Country You may likewise with much more ease incommode and frustrate his designs by your better knowledge of the Country and what places are more proper to attack him in as also you may attack him with your whole force at once or give him battel as you please which out of your own Confines is not to be done Moreover if Fortune should be adverse and it be your chance to be beaten more of your Men will escape where their refuge is so near and you will sooner rally them again In short if you fight at home you venture your whole force and not your whole fortune but if you fight abroad you venture your whole fortune with but part of your force Others there have been who with design to weaken the Enemy and fighting him afterwards with more ease and advantage have suffered him quietly to march several days Journey into their Country and possess himself of several Towns but whether they did well or not I will not determine only I think this distinction is to be considered whether my Country be strong in Fortresses and Men as the Romans were of old and as the Swizzers at this day or whether it be weak and unfortified as the Territory of the Carthaginians formerly and France and Italy now In this case the Enemy is by all means to be kept at a distance because your chief strength lying in your Mony and not in your Men whenever you are interrupted in raising or receiving of that your business is done and nothing interrupts you so fatally as an Enemy in your Country And of this the Carthaginians may be an example who whilst they were free at home were able by their Revenue and Taxes to wage War with the Romans themselves whereas afterwards when they were assaulted they were not able to contend with Agathocles The Florentines when Castruccio of Lucca brought his Arms into their Country could not support against him but were forced to put themselves under the Dominion of the King of Naples to procure his protection but Castruccio was no sooner dead but they were agog again and had the confidence to invade the Duke of Milan and to attempt the beating him out of that Province so couragious were they in their foreign War and so abject at home But when Countries are in a posture of defence and people Martial and well disciplin'd as the Romans of old and the Swizzers at this day 't is better to keep off for the nearer they are to their own Country they are the harder to overcome because they can raise more force to defend themselves than to invade another people Nor does the opinion of Hanibal affect me at all for though he persuaded Antiochus to pass into Italy he did it as a thing that would have been more for his own and the Carthaginian than for Antiochus his advantage for had the Romans received those three great defeats which they received of Hanibal in Italy in the same space of time in France or any where else they had been ruined irrecoverably for they could neither have rallyed nor recruited so soon I do not remember any foreign Expedition by the Romans for the Conquest of any Province in which their Army exceeded the number of 50000. But upon the invasion of the Gauls after the first Punick war they brought 118000 Men into the Field for their defence Nor could they beat them afterwards in Lombardy as they did at first in Tuscany because it was more remote and they could not fight them with so much convenience nor with so many men The Cimbri repulsed the Romans in Germany but following them into Italy they were defeated and driven out again themselves and the reason was because the Romans could bring more forces against them The Swizzers may without much difficulty be over-powered abroad because they seldom march above 30 or 40000 strong but to attack and beat them at home is much more difficult where they can bring into the field 100000 and more I conclude therefore that that Prince whose people are in a posture and provided for War does wisely if he expects a Potent and dangerous Enemy at home rather than to invade him in his own Country But that Prince whose Country is ill provided and whose Subjects are ill disciplined does better if he keeps the War as far off as he can and by so doing each of
sometimes more of their Senators with the same power The League continued all the while into which the Cities of Lombardy had entred against Frederick Barbarossa and the Cities were these Milan Brescia Mantua with the greater part of the Cities in Romagna besides Verona Vicenza Padua and Trevigi The Cities on the Emperours side were Cremona Bergamo Parma Reggio Modena and Trenta The rest of the Cities of Lombardy Romagna and the Marquisate of Trevizan took part according to their interest sometimes with this sometimes with the other party In the time of Otto III one Ezelino came into Italy of whose Loyns there remaining a Son call'd also Ezelino being powerful and rich he joyn'd himself with Frederick II who as was said before was become an Enemy to the Pope By the incouragement and assistance of this Ezelino Frederick came into Italy took Verona and Mantua demolish'd Vicenza seiz'd upon Padoua defeated the united Forces of those parts and when he had done advanc'd towards Toscany whilst in the mean time Ezelino made himself Master of the Marquisate of Trevizan Ferrara they could not take being defended by Azone da Esti and some Regiments of the Popes in Lombardy Whereupon when the Siege was drawn off his Holiness gave that City in Fee to Azone da Esti from whom those who are Lords of it at this day are descended Frederick stop'd and fix'd himself at Pisa being desirous to make himself Master of Tuscany and by the distinctions he made betwixt his Friends and his Foes in that Province rais'd such ammosites as proved afterwards the destruction of all Italy For both Guelfs and Gibilins increas'd every day the first siding with the Church the other with the Emperour and were call'd first by those Names in the City of Pistoia Frederick being at length remov'd from Pisa made great devastations and several inroads into the Territories of the Church in so much that the Pope having no other remedy proclaim'd the Croifada against him as his Predecessors had done against the Saracens Frederick left he should be left in the lurch by his own people as Frederick Barbarossa and others of his Ancestors had been before entertain'd into his Pay great numbers of the Saracens and to oblige them to him and strengthen his opposition to the Pope by a party that should not be afraid of his Cursâ—s he gave them Nocera in that Kingdom to the end that having a Râ—treat in their own hands they might serve him with more confidence and security At this time Innocent IV. was Pope who being apprehensive of Frederick remov'd to Genoa and thence into France where he call'd a Counsel at Lyons and Frederick design'd to have been there had he not been retain'd by the Rebellion of Parma Having had ill Fortune in the suppressing of that he march'd away into Tuscany and from thence into Sicily where he died not long after leaving his Son Currado in Sâ—evia and in Puglia his natural Son Manfredi whom he had made Duke of Benevento Currado went to take possession of the Kingdom died at Naples and left only one lâ—â—tle Son behind him in Germany who was call'd Currado by his own Name By which means Manfred first as Tutor to Currado got into the Government and afterwards giving out that his Pupil was dead he made himself King and forc'd the Pope and Neapolitans who oppos'd it to consent Whilst Affairs in that Kingdom were in that posture many Commotions happen'd in Lombardy betwixt the Guelfs and the Gibilins The Guelfs were headed by a Legate from the Pope the Gibilins by Ezelino who at that time had in his possession all that part of Lombardy on this side the Poe. And because while he was entertain'd in this War the City of Padoua rebell'd he caus'd 12000 of them to be slain and not long after before the War was ended died himself in the thirtieth year of his age Upon his death all those Countreys which had been in his hands became free Manfredi King of Naples continued his malevolence to the Church as his Ancestors had done before him holding Pope Urban IV. in perpetual anxiety so that at length he was constrain'd to convoke the Crociata against him and to retire into Perugiâ— till he could get his Forces together but finding them come in slowly and thin conceiving that to the overcoming of Manfred greater supplies would be necessary he address'd himself to the King of France making his Brother Charles Duke of Angio King of Sicily and Naples and excited him to come into Italy and take possession of those Kingdoms Before Charles could get to Rome the Pope died and Clement V. succeeded in his place In the said Clements time Charles with 30 Galleys arriv'd at Ostia having Ordered the rest of his Forces to meet him by Land During his residence at Rome as a Complement to him the Romans made him a Senator and the Pope invested him in that Kingdom with condition that he should pay 50 thousand Florins yearly to the Church and published a Decree that for the future neither Charles nor any that should succeed him in that Kingdom should be capable of being Emperours After which Charles advancing against Manfred fought with him beat him and kill'd him near Benâ—vento thereby making himself King of Sicily and that Kingdom Corradino to whom that State devolv'd by his Fathers Testament gathering what Forces together he could in Germany march'd into Italy against Charles and ingaging him at Tagliacozza was presently defeated and being afterwards discover'd in his flight taken and slain Italy continued quiet till the Papacy of Adrian V. who not enduring that Charles should continue in Rome and govern all 〈◊〉 he did by vertue of his Senatorship he remov'd to Vitâ—rbo and solicited Ridolfus the Emperour to come into Italy against him In this manner the Popes sometimes for defence of Religion sometimes out of their own private ambition call'd in new Men and by consequence new Wars into Italy And no sooner had they advanc'd any of them but they repented of what they had done and sought immediately to remove him nor would they suffer any Province which by reason of their weakness they were unable themselves to subdue to be injoy'd quietly by any body else The Princes were all afraid of them for whether by fighting or flying they commonly overcame unless circumvented by some Stratagem as Boniface VIII and some others were by the Emperours under pretence of Friendship and Amity Ridolfus being retain'd by his War with the King of Bohemia was not at leisure to visit Italy before Adrian was dead He which succeeded him was Nicolas the III. of the House of Ursin a daring ambitious man who resolving to take down the Authority of Charles contriv'd that Ridolfus the Emperour should complain of Charles his Governour in Tuscany of his siding with the Guelfs who after the death of Manfred had been receiv'd and protected in that Province To comply with the
better than they he forsook them likewise and all the misdemeanors and impieties which were committed after that were done without his approbation or consent so that the same reasons which inclined him to the people at first the same reasons impelled him now to desert them Having brought Benedetto and the heads of the Arts to their Lure in this manner and furnished themselves with Arms they seized upon Giorgio but Tomaso escaped The next day after he was apprehended Giorgio was beheaded with so great terror and consternation to his party that they were so far from endeavouring his rescue that all of them crowded in to behold his execution Being brought to die before those people who had so lately adored him he complained of the iniquity of his fortune and the malignity of those Citizens who by their injury and justice had constrained him to side with a multitude which was not capable either of gratitude or fidelity and discovering Benedetto in the midst of the Guards he said And can you Benedetto consent that this wrong should be done to me Were you in my place I assure you I would not suffer it but let me tell you this day is the last of my misfortunes and the first of yours After which lamenting his unhappiness in having committed his fortunes and life to the constancy of the people which is shaken by every rumor or accident or conceit he laid down his head and it was cut off in the midst of his armed and insulting enemies after him several of his confederates were executed and their bodies dragged about the streets by the people His death put the whole City into commotion for at his execution many Citizens had put themselves into Arms in favour of the Senators and the Captain of the people and some upon the dictates of their own private ambition and revenge The City being full of various humors every one had his private design which all desired to compass before they laid down their arms The ancient Nobility called Grandi could not brook that they were deprived of publick imployments and therefore set all their wits upon the tenters to recover what they had lost and arm'd upon pretence of re-investing the Captains of the Arts with their original authority The popular Nobility and the greater Arts were disgusted that the Government should be communicated to the inferior Arts and the lowest sort of the people On the other side the inferior Arts were disposed to augment not detract from their authority and the meaner sort of people were as tender and jealous of loosing their Colledges which distractions caused the City to tumultuate several times in one year sometimes the Nobility sometimes the better Trades sometimes the lesser sometimes the common people and sometimes altogether betaking to their Arms in several parts of the Town upon which many skirmishes and rencounters happened betwixt them and the Guards of the Palace the Senators contending sometimes and sometimes complying as they judged most likely to remedy those inconveniences so that after two Treaties and several Balia's created for the reformation of the City after many mischiefs and troubles and dangers they came to an agreement That all who had been imprisoned after Salvestro de Medici was made Gonfaloniere should be discharged That all dignities and pensions conferred by the Balia LXXVIII should be taken away That their honours should be restored to the Guelfs That the two new Arts should be deprived of their Incorporation and Governors and all their members and dependents disposed into the old Companies as formerly That the Gonfaloniere di Giustitia should not be elected by the lesser Arts and whereas before they had the disposition of half they should hereafter be capable but of a third part of the Offices of the City and the best of them too to be put out of their power so that the popular Nobility and the Guelfs reassumed the whole Gâ—vernment and the Commons were absolutely dispossessed after they had held it from the year 1378 to 1381. Nor was this Magistracy less injurious towards the Citizens nor less grievous in its principles than the Government of the people many of the popular Nobility who had been eminent defenders of the people interest being clap'd in prison with great numbers of the chief of the Plebeians Among which Michaele Lando was one nor could the many good Offices which he had done in the time of his authority protect him from the rage of that parry when the licentious and unrestrained multitude ruined the City so little was his Country thankful for all his great actions Into which error because many Princes and Common-wealths do frequently fall it happens that men terrified by such examples before they can be made sensible of their Princes ingratitude do fall into their displeasure These slaughters and these exilements had always and did then displease Benedetto Alberti and he both publickly and privately condemn'd them Whereupon the Government were fearful of him as believing him one of the Plebeians principal friends and one who had consented to the death of Giorgio Scali not out of any disapprobation of his conduct but that he might remain alone in authority after him By degrees his words and demeanor came to be suspicious and the party that was uppermost watch'd him very narrowly to find out some occasion to send him after Giorgio Things being in this posture at home no great action happened abroad that little which did happen was occasioned more by fear of what they might than from any prejudice that was actually sustain'd Lodovico d' Angio coming into Italy about that time to drive Carlo Durazzo out of the Kingdom of Naples and repossess the Queen Giovanna The passage of this Prince put the Florentines into no little distraction Carlo upon the old score of amity desired their assistance Lodovico like those who seek new friendships demanded their neutrality The Florentines that they might please both parties if possible to comply with Lodovico and supply Carlo discharged Aguto from their service and recommended him to Pope Urban who was a professed enemy to Carlo which artifice was easily discovered by Lodovico and he thought himself much injured thereby While the War continued in Puglia betwixt Lodovic and Charles supplies were sent out of France to reinforce Lodovico which Forces being arrived in Tuscany were conducted to Arezzo by those who were banished out of that Town where they removed all those who were of Charles his party and just as they design'd the same measures against Florence as they had taken against Arezzo Lodovic died and the affairs of Puglia and Tuscany followed his fate for Charles secur'd himself of his Kingdom which he thought he had lost and the Florentines who were not sure to defend their own bought Arezzo of those who had kept it for Lodovic Charles having secured himself of Puglia departed for Hungaria which Kingdom was by inheritance descended to him leaving his Wife behind him
him Yet every great Town upon the Frontiers have Artillery and Ammunition of their own and within these two years several more have been cast in several places of the said Kingdom at the charge of the Town where they were made and to re-imburse themselves the are allowed a Toll of a penny an head for all Cattel and as much for every bushel of Corn whilst the Kingdoms is under no danger of invasion The standing Force is divided into four Bodies which are disposed into four several Posts for the security of the Country that is to say into Guienna Piccardy Burgundy and Provence but not precise number is observed in any for they are lessened or encreased and removed from one place to another as they have occasion to suspect I have with some diligence inquired what moneys were assigned every year for the charges of the King's Houshold and his privy Purse and I find it is what he pleases himself His Archers are four hundred design'd for the Guard of his Person among which there are two Scotch Their Salary is three hundred Franks a man every year and a Coat of the King's Livery But there are 24 constantly at the King's elbow and their Salary is 400 Franks per an His German Foot-Guards consisted formerly of three hundred men with each of them a Pension of ten Franks a month and two Suits of Apparel a year that is Coats and Shooes one for Summer and the other for Winter but of these Foot there were 100 particularly near the King their Salary being 12 Franks per mens and their Coats of Silk which was begun in the time of King Charles The Harbingers are those who are sent before to take up Lodgings for the Court they are 32 in number and each of them has a Salary of three hundred Franks every year and a Coat of the King's Livery Their Marshals or chief Officers are four and have each of them 600 Franks per an In taking up their Lodgings their method is this they divide themselves into four parties one Marshal or his Lieutenant in case he cannot wait himself stays where the Court departed to see all things rectified betwixt the followers of the Court and the Masters of the Houses another of them goes along with the Court a third where the King lies that night and the fourth where he lies the next by which means they keep so exact an order that they are no sooner arrived but every man knows his Lodging and is furnished with every thing got ready to his hand The Provost del Hostel is a person who follows always the person of the King and his office is judiciary where-ever the Court goes his Bench is the first and in all Towns where he comes the people may appeal to him as to their Lieutenant His ordinary Salary is 6000 Franks He has under him two Judges in Civil Causes paid by the King each of them 600 Franks per an he has likewise under him a Lieutenant Criminal and 30 Archers paid as abovesaid Those who are taken by this Provost upon any criminal account cannot appeal to the Parliament He dispatches all both in Civil and Criminal affairs and if the Plaintiff and Defendant appear once before him it is enough their business is determined The Masters of the King's Houshold are eight but there is no certain rule for their Salary for some have 1000 Franks per an some more some less at it pleases the King over whom there is a Grand Master with a Salary of 11000 Franks per an and his authority is only over the rest The jurisdiction of the Admiral of France is over all the Fleet and Ships and Ports belonging to that Kingdom He can seize and make what Ships he pleases and dispose of them as he thinks good when he has done His Salary is 10000 Franks The Knights of the King's Order have no certain number depending wholly upon the King's pleasure When they are created they swear to defend the Crown and never upon on any terms to be engaged against it they can never be degraded or deprived of their Dignity but by death The highest of their Pensions is 4000 Franks per an some have less for all are not equal The Chamberlains office is to wait upon the King to see to his Chamber and to advise him and indeed his Chamberlains are persons of the principal reputation in his Kingdom their Pensions are six eight and ten thousand Franks per an and sometimes nothing for the King does often confer those Places upon some great and rich stranger whom he has a mind to oblige but though they have no Pensions they are exempted from all Gabels and have their diet in Court at the next Table to the King 's The Master of the Horse is to be always about the King his authority is over the 12 Quieries and the same that the Grand Seneschal the Grand Master and the Grand Chamberlains is over those who are under them He has the care of the King's Horses and Harness helps him up and down and carries the Sword before him The Lords of the King's Council have Pensions of betwixt six and eight thousand Franks Per an at the pleasure of his Majesty their names at present are Monseigneur di Parigi Mons. di Buonaglia the Baylif of Amiens Mons. du Russi and the Grand Chancellor but Rubertet and Mons. di Parigi govern all There is no Table kept for them since the death of the Cardinal of Roan for when the Grand Chancellor is absent Parigi does that office for him and takes them with him The Title which the King of France pretends to the State of Milan is thus His Grand-father married a Daughter of the Duke of Milan who died without Heir males Duke Giovanni Galeazzo had two Daughters women grown and I know not how many Sons Of the Ladies one was called Madona Valentina and was married to Lewis Duke of Orleans Grand-father to this present King descended lincally from King Pipen Duke Iohn Galeazzo being dead his Son Philip succeeded him who died without legitimate issue leaving only one natural Daughter behind him Afterwards that State was usurped illegally by the Sforzeschi as is reported because they pretend it fell to the Heirs of the said Madona Valentina and that from the very day in which the Duke of Orleans married with the House of Milan he added to the three Lillies in his Coat of Arms the Snake which is to be seen at this day In every Parish in France there is a person called a Frank Archer who is paid by the Parish and is obliged to be always ready with a good Horse and Arms to wait upon the King when ever they are required whether abroad in time of War or at home upon any other occasion they are bound likewise to ride up and down for the security of such places as are liable to in-roads or any ways suspected and according to the number of the Parishes they are
the Church the Gibilins with the Emperor Innocent 4th Pope Clement 5th Pope Adrian 5th Pope Nicholas 3d. of the House of 〈◊〉 The first introduction of Popes Nephews Martin 10th Pope Pope Celestine resigns to Boniface 8th The first Jubilees ordain'd by Boniface every 100 years Benedict chosen dies and is succeeded by Clement 5th who remov'd his residence â—nto France 1306. 〈…〉 The 〈◊〉 a great Famiâ—y in Milan made Princes of that City by the extirpation of the Torri The 〈…〉 Milan The Dukedom of Milan falls to the Sforzâ—s The Original of the Venetiaâ—s Candia given to the Venetians by the French Benedict 12th Pope Clement 6th Pope The Jubilee reduc'd to 50 years Avignon given to the Pope by the Queen of Naples Innocent 6th Pope Urban 5th Pope Gregory 12th Pope The Pope returns to Rome after 71 years absence in France Urban 6th Pope Clement 7th Anti-Pope Guns first us'd betwixt the Genoveses and Venetians Urban and Clementn succeeded by Boniface 9th Benedict 13th Boniface dies Innocent 7th succeeds him and Gregory the 12th Innocent Alexander 5th elected and succeeded by Iohn 23d Three Popes at once Martin 5th The Queen of Naples calls in the K. of Arragon to her assistance adopts him and makes Braccio da Montone her General The State of Ittaly The Convenience of Colonies The Original of Florence The Denomination of Florence The first Division of Florence The Guelfs and Ghibilin Faction in Florence The Union Government of the City of Florence The Antiani The Captain of the People and Podesta Their Militia A generous Custome Manfredi King of Naples a great Patron of the Ghibilines Ferinata Uberti Carlo d' Anio call'd into Italy by the Pope A new Model in Florence New Commotion A second Model by the Guelfs The 12 Buoni Huomini La Credenza Gregory X. Florence under Excommunication Innocent 5. The Jealousie of the Popes Nicolas 3. The Ghibilines return Martinus Pope The Government reformed by the Citizens The three Priori to goxern two Months to be chosen out of the City indifferently The Segnori Discord betwixt the Nobility and people The Priori The Gonfaloniere Perswasion to the Nobility to be quiet The 〈◊〉 to the people New reformation in Florence 1298. The differen â—ein the family of the Cancellieri the occasion and consequence The Biaâ—chi and Nerâ—â— Charles of Valoâ—s made Governor of Florence New troubles occasioned by Corso Donati The Medici and Giugni Florence burned 1304. Corso Donati Condemned His death 1308. New divisions Laudo de Agobbio Castruccio Castracani The Council of the Signori to â—it forty Months whereas before it was occasional Election of Magistrats by Imborsation Ramondo da Cardona General of the Florentines The Duke of Athens Governor of Florence Lod the Emperour called into Italy The Death of Castruccio and the Duke of Calabria New reformation The Florentines quiet at Home Their Buildings A Captain of the Guards Maffeo da Muradi Lucca sold to the Florentines Taken from them by the Pisans The Duke of Athens The Speech of one of the Senators to the Duke of Athens The Dukes Answer 1342. The Dukes of Athens chosen Prince by the People The Duke of Athens his practice in Florence 〈◊〉 Morrozzâ— Three Conspiracies aganist the Duke at one time Commotion in Florence The Duke expell'd His Character New Reformation The Nobilty depos'd The Nobility attempt to recover their Authority The People Arm against them The Nobility utterly depress'd Emulation betwixt the â—iddle and the meaner sort of people The Ammoniti The Citizens Oration to the Senate New Reformation Gregory XI holds his Residence at Avignon New Commission for the management of the War 1377. A Conspiracy of the Guelfs The Conspiracy defeated The Speech of Salvestro de Medici The Balia Reformation again Luigi Guicciardini's Oration New troubles The Speech of a Plebeian The people rise again The demands of the people Michaele di Lando Michaele overcomes the multitude The popular Faction distinguished from the plebean Reformation The Commons expell'd from the Government 1381. Michaele Lando imprisoned Lodovic's death Carlo d' Angio ' s death Magnificencâ— envied Benedetto's Speech Benedetto dies at Rhodes 1381. Veri de Medici's Speech to the Senate Donato Acciaivoli confin'd 1397. A new Conspiracy defeated The Duke of Milan practises against the City Several Families banished 1400. The King of Naples dies Uzano advices against the Medici Philippo Visconti Lord of Lombardi Peace betwixt Elorence and Milan Imola taken by the Duke Philip. The Florentines overthrown Albizi's exhortation to be quiet Rinaldo de gli Albizi Nicolo Urano Giovanni de Medici 's reply to Rinaldo The sactions of Uzano and the Medici The great courage of Biagio del Milano The Cowardize of Zenobi del Pino Picinino revolts Carmignuola General of the League Catasto Peace betwixt the league and the Duke 1428. Giovanni de Medici's Speech to his Sons at his Death Cosino heir his Father Giusto Volterra revolts Giusto slain Rinaldo persâ—ades the War Uzano opposes it The Cruelty of Astro. The Seravezzesi complain Rinaldo acâ—us'd His Speech to the Ten. Pagolo Lord of Lucca depos'd The Florentines defeated 1433. Peace betwixt the Florentines and Lucchesi Nicolo da Uzano's answer to Barbadori Federigâ—'s speech to Cosimo his Prisoner Cosimo banished 1433. Rinaldo's speech to his Friends Eugenius the Pope labours a peace Cosimo recall'd Rinaldo's answer to the Popâ— 1433. The Souldiers in Italy distinguished into two parties The Duke of Milan promises his Daughter to Conte Fran. Sforza The Pope invaded makes peace with Fran. Sforza Wars in Romagna Fran Sforza General of the Pope's Leagâ—e Peace betwixt the League and the Duke New Ordinances in Florence Alphonso brought prisoner to Duke Philip. The Dogs and his authority in Cenoa Francisco Spinola Genoa recovers its liberty Rinaldo's Oration to the Duke of Milan 1437. The Speech of a Citizen of Lucca to the people Jealousie betwixt the Venetian and the Coun. The Venetians untractable Conte di Poppi Controversies betwixt the Greek and Roman Churches Determined at Florence by the submission of the Greek The Pope deluded and his Country invaded by Piccininâ— The Conte earnestly persuaded not to desert the Venetians 1438. Neri 's speech to the Venetian Senate Nicolo Piccino defeated by the Count. Escapes to Tenna and from thence very strangely to his Army Verona surprized by Nicolo Recovered by the Count. The Duke encouraged in his expedition into Tuscany by Nicolo and the Florentine exiles The Patriarch of Alexandria General for the Pope The Patriarch a friend to Rinaldo The Pope discovers intelligence betwixt the Patriarch and Nicolo and resolves to secure him the Patriarch secured and dies Commissioners to the Count from the Venetians The Count desirous to follow Nicolo Dissuaded by the Duke of Venice They 〈◊〉 to a resolution The Count Poppi revolts from the Floâ—rentine Nicolo illâ—advised by Count Poppi Nicolo practises to surprize Crotona Brescia reliâ—ved The Battle of Anghiari Piccinino defeated Poppi besieged Poppi's speech to the
to the truth to please all people and it may so fall out I have pleased no body If it should I should not wondder seeing in my judgment it is impossible to write any thing of our own times without offence to several Yet I come forth cheerfully into to the field hoping that as I am honoured and employed by your holiness goodness I shall be defended by your holiness judgment and then with the same confidence courage as I have writ now I shall pursue my engagements if my life lasts your holiness continues amongst us The Author's INTRODUCTION WHen I first took upon me to write the History of Florence and its transactions both at home and abroad I thought to have begun at the year 1434 at which time the Family of the Medici exalted by the merits of Cosimo his father Giovanni was in greater authority that any other in that City believing that Messer Leonardo d' Arezzo and Messer Poggio two excellent Historians had given particular description of all the passages before But upon diligent perusal of their writings to inform my self of their orders and methods that thereby my own might have better approbation I found that in their narratives of the Florentine Wars and foreign negotiations they had been accurate enough but in their civil dissentions their intrinsick animosities and in the effects which followed them they were either totally silent or where any thing was mentioned it was with such brevity and abruptness as could yield neither profit nor recreation to the reader Which I conceive they did either out of an opinion that they were inconsiderable and unworthy to be transmitted to Posterity or else they apprehended a necessity of reflecting upon some great persons whose family would be disobliged thereby both which arguments if I may speak it without offence are beneath the grandeur and magnanimity of a great person For if any thing in History be delightfull or profitable it is those particular descriptions if any thing be usefull to such Citizens as have the Government in their hands it is such as represents the feuds and dissentions in the Cities that thereby they mâ—â—be enabled to maintain their own unity at other peoples expence if the example of any Common-wealth moves a man certainly that which is written of ones own makes a much stronger impression and if the factions of any State were ever considerable the factions in Florence were not to be pretermitted the greatest part of other States have not had above one which sometimes has advanced aud sometimes ruined the Government but Florence has had many divisions Everybody knows how in Rome after the expulsion of their King there arose division betwixt the Nobles and the people which continued till one of them was oppressed So it was in Athens and all the Commonwealths which flourished in those times but in Florence the first dissention was betwixt the Nobles the next betwixt the Nobles and Citizens and then betwixt the Citizens and the Plebs in all which one was no sooner superior but it divided again and the effects of those divisions were Murders and Banishments and dispersion of families such as never occurr'd in any City that can be remembred And truly in my judgment nothing demonstrates the power of our City so much as the consequences of those divisions which were enough to have subverted and destroyed any other in the world But ours grew still greater thereby so remarkable was the courage of the Citizens and so efficacious their industry for the advancement of their Country that those few which surviv'd the miseries of their Predecessors did more by their constancy courage towards the advancement of their interest than the malignity of those accidents could do to depress it And doubtless had Florence been so happy after it had freed it self from the Empire to have assum'd such a form of Government as would have preserv'd it in unity I know not any commonwealth either ancient or modern that would have exceeded it or have been comparable to it either in riches or power For it is observable after the Ghibilins were driven out of the Town in such numbers as all Tuscany and Lombardy were full of those exiles the Guelfs and such as were left behind in the expedition against Arezzo which was the year before the battle of Campaldino were able to drawout of their own Citizens 1200 Horse and 12000 Foot And afterwards in the war against Philippo Visconti Duke of Milan being to try their fortune rather withtheir riches than their arms which at that time were very much weakened in five years space which was the length of that war the Florentines expended five millions and 500000 Florens and when that War was composed to ostentate and publish the power of that Commonwealth they marched out with an army and besieged Lucca I do not see therefore for what reason these divisions should not be worthy of relation and if those Noble Authors were restrained by fear of offending the memory of such as they were to speak of they were mightily out and seem not to have understood the ambition of mankind and their desire to have the names of themselves and ancestors transmitted to Posterity nor did they remember that many people not having opportunity to make themselves eminent by good and laudable acts have endeavoured to compass it by any way how scandalous and ignominious soever Neither did they consider that the actions which carry greatness along with them as those of Governments and States what ends soever they have and which way soâ—ever they are described do still leave more honour than infamy to their Family the consideration of which things prevailed with me to alter my design and to begin my History from the very foundation of the City and because it is not my intention to transcribe what has been done before by other people I shall relate such things only as occurr'd within the City to the year 14â—4 mentioning the accidents abroad only so far as will be necessary for the intelligence of the other after which year I shall give a particular description both of the one and the other Besides for the better and more lasting understanding of this History before I treat of Florence I shall discourse of the means by which Italy fell under the dominion of those Potentates which govern'd it at that time all which shall be comprehended in my four first Books the first shall give a short recital of all transactions in Italy from the dissolution of the Roman Empire to the year 1434. The second shall give an account of all affairs from the foundation of the City of Florence to the end of the War against the Pope which commenc'd upon the expulsion of the Duke of Athens the third shall conclude with the death of Ladislaus King of Naples and in the fourth we shall end with the year 1434 from whence afterwards to our present times we shall give a particular
Narrative of all proceedings both within the City and without THE TABLE OF THE Florentine History Book I. THe Northern Nations healthful and prolifick pag. 1 Their Method of evacuation upon their excessive encrease ibid. Their excessive encrease the ruine of the Roman Empire ib. The Western Gothes the first invaders of that Empire ib. Rome sack'd by them under the command of Alaricus 2 Boniface Governor of Africk for the Emperor ib. Gallia over-run by the Franks and from them called France ib. The Hâ—nni conquer and denominate Hungaria ib. Britain called Anglia from the Angli ib. The Hanni invade Italy under Attila ib. Attila besieges and takes Aquilegia ib. He advances to Rome but retires at the request of the Pope 3 The Hanni driven back over the Danube return home ib. The first residence of the Roman Emperors at Ravenna ib. New Emperors elected by the Romans upon the non-residence of their old ib. The Lombards invade Italy ib. Odoacres call'd King of Rome and the first of the Barbarians which thought of fixing in Italy ib. The old Empire divided into Cantons ib. Theodorick invades Italy slays Odoacres calls himself King of Rome and held his residence at Ravenna ib. Theodorick dies 4 Ballasarius General for Justinian the Emperor ib. Totila takes sacks and burns Rome ib. Narsâ—tes a new General for Juskinian ib. Longinus alters the Government in Italy ib. Alboâ—ns kill'd by the conspiracy of his Wife ib. The authority of the Bishops of Rome began to encrease ib. Bishops of Rome employed as Ministers by the Emperors and Kings and sometimes executed by them 7 The Eastern Empire destroyed in the times of Heracleus the Emperor ib. The King of France exempts the Pope from all humane jurisdiction 8 Pascal created Pope ib. The original of Cardinals ib. Eugenius the second Pope ib. Ospurcus made Pope changes his name ib. The original of Pisa ib. The Government of Italy anno 931 ib. Agabito Pope 9 Gregory the fifth Pope expelled and restored devests the Romans of their power of creating Emperors and confers it upon six Princes of Germany ib. Clement the second Pope ib. Nicholas the second Pope excludes the Romans and renounces the Papal Elections to the suffrage of Cardinals only ib. Schism and anti-Popes in the Church ib. The difference between Henricus and the Pope the ground of the Guelf and Ghibilin factions ib. The original of the Kingdom of Sicily ib. Urbin the second Pope ib. The first Croissade ib. Pascal the second Pope 11 Alexander the third Pope ib. A new anti-Pope ib. The Pope's penance to King Henry of England upon the complaints about Thomas Becket ib. Celestin the third Pope 12 Honorius the third Pope ib. The Orders of St. Dominick and St. Francis instituted 1218. ib. The Titles of King of Naples and Jerusalem annexed ib. The house of the Esti made Lords of Ferrara 13 The Guelfs side with the Church the Ghibilins with the Emperor ib. Innocent the fourth Pope ib. Clement the fifth Pope ib. Adrian the fifth Pope ib. Nicholas the third of the house of Ursin 14. The first introduction of Popes Nephews ib. Martin the tenth Pope ib. Pope Celestine resigns to Boniface the eighth ib. The first Iubilees ordained by Boniface every 100 years 15 Benedictus chosen dies and is succeeded by Clement the fifth who removed his residence into France 1036. ib. John the 22th Pope ib. The Visconti a great Family in Milan made Princes of that City by the extirpation of the Torri ib. The first Duke of Milan ib. The Dukedom of Milan falls to the Flora's 16 The original of the Venetians ib. Candia given to the Venetians by the French 17 Benedict the twelfth Pope ib. Clement the sixth Pope ib. The Iubilee reduced to 50 years 18 Avignon given to the Pope by the Queen of Naples ib. Innocent the sixth Pope ib. Urban the fifth Pope ib. Gregory the twelfth Pope ib. The Pope returns to Rome after 71 years residence in France ib. Urban the sixth Pope ib. Clement the seventh anti-Pope ib. Guns first used between the Genoeses and Venetians ib. Urban and Clement succeeded by Boniface the 9th and Benedict the 13th ib. Boniface dies Innocent succeeds him and Gregory the 12th Innocent 19 Alexander the fifth elected and succeeded by John the 23d ib. Three Popes at once ib. Martin the fifth ib. The Queen of Naples calls in the King of Arragon to her assistance adopts him and makes Braccio de Montone her General 20 The state of Italy ib. Book II. THe convenience of Colonies 22 The Original of Florence 23 The denomination of Florence ib. The first division of Florence 24 The Guelf and Ghibilin Faction in Florence ib. The Union and Government of the City of Florence 25 The Antlani ib. The Captain of the People and Podesta ib. Their Militia ib. A generous Custom ib. Manfredi King of Naples a great Patron of the Ghibilins ib. Carlo d' Angio call'd into Italy by the Pope 26 A new model of Government in Florence ib. New commotions in Florence ib. A second model by the Guelfs 27 Gregory the tenth Pope ib. Florence under excommunication ib. Innocent the 5th ib. The jealousie of the Pope ib. Nicholas the third Pope ib. The Ghibilins return ib. Martinus Pope 28 The Government of Florence reformed by the Citizens ib. The three Priors to govern two months to be chosen out of the City indifferently ib. The Signori ib. Discord between the Nobility and People ib. The Priory and Gonfalonier ib. Persuasions to the Nobility to be quiet 29 The same to the People ib. New reformation in Florence 1298 30 The difference in the Family of the Cancellieri the occasion and consequence ib. The Bianchi and Neri ib. Charles of Valois made Governor of Florence 31 New troubles occasioned by Corso Donati 32 The Medici and Giugni 33 Florence burned 1304. ib. Corso Donati condemned 34 His Death ib. New divisions in Florence 35 Castruccio Castracani 36 The Council of the Signori to sit forty months whereas before it was occasional 37 Election of Magistrates by Imborsation ib. Romondo da Cordona General of the Florentines ib. The Duke of Athens Governor of Florence ib. Lodowic the Emperor called into Italy 38 The death of Castruccio and the Duke of Calabria ib. New reformation in Florence ib. The Florentines quiet at home ib. Their Buildings ib. A Captain of the Guards 39 Maffeo da Marradi ib. Lucca sold to the Florentines 40 Taken from them by the Pisans ib. The Duke of Athens ib. The Speech of one of the Senators to the Duke of Athens 41 The Duke's Answer 42 The Duke of Athens chosen Prince by the People ib. His practices in Florence ib. Three conspiracies against the Duke at one time 43 Commotion in France 44 The Duke expell'd 45 His character ib. New reformation 46 The Nobility deposed ib. The Nobility attempt to recover their authority 47 The people arm against them ib. The Nobility utterly depressed 48 Book III.
Camp ib. Chap. 5. Of Military Iustice and the method used by the Ancients in the punishment of offenders ib. Chap. 6. The Ancients had neither Women nor Gaming in their Armies and of the manner how they discamp'd 502 Chap. 7. The safety and health of a Camp is to be regarded and it is by no means to be besieged 503 Chap. 8. Directions as to Provisions ib. Chap. 9. How to lodge more or less than four Battalions and what number of men is sufficient to make Head against an enemy be he as numerous as he may 504 Chap. 10. Certain Artifices and Advertisements of War ib. Chap. 11. How to rid ones self of an Army that is pressing upon ones hâ—els 505 Chap. 12. How a man may make a Princes Favourite suspected and divide his Forces 506 Chap. 13. In what manner seditions and mutinies in an Army are to be appeased 507 Chap. 14. How the Ancientâ—s relyed much upon their auguries and other accidents ib. Chap. 15. That we are not to fight with an enemy reduced to despair and several arts that may be used to surprize him 508 Chap. 16. How a suspected Town or Country is to be secured and how the peoples hearts are to be gained 509 Chap. 17. War is not to be continued in the Winter ib. Book VII CHap. 1. How Towns or Castles are to be fortified 510 Chap. 2. What order is to be observed by him who shuts himself up in a Town with resolution to defend it 513 Chap. 3. Advertisements for such as are distressed for provisions within a Town and for such as besiege them and would reduce them to that necessity 514 Chap. 4. Other advertisements both for the Besiegers and the Besieged ib. Chap. 5. A man is not to depend upon the countenance of the enemy but is rather to suspect what even he sees with his eyes 515 Chap. 6. How to disfurnish a Garison of its men and to bring a terror upon a Town ib. Chap. 7. To corrupt a Garison and take it by treachery 516 Chap. 8. Good Guard is to be kept in all places and times ib. Chap. 9. Ways to write privately to ones friends 517 Chap. 10. How to repair a breach and the way to defend it ib. Chap. 11. Of Mines 518 Chap. 12. Good Guards are always to be kept and your Souldiers not to be divided ib. Chap. 13. That when one sees himself block'd up on every side it is good to expose ones self now and then and of the advantages which have ensued ib. Chap. 14. General Rules to be observed in Military Discipline 519 Chap. 15. The way to have many Horse in your Country 520 Chap. 16. A General is to invent of himself and not follow altogether the practises of his Predecessors 521 Chap. 17. The Author returns and with a short Discourse concludes his Book ib. The Marriage of Belphegor 524 The First Book OF THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE By NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL To His Holiness CLEMENT the VII THE people which live North-ward beyond the Rhine and the Danube being born in a healthful and prolifick Clime do many times increase to such insustainable numbers that part of them are constrained to abandon their Native in quest of new Countries to inhabit When any of those Provinces are overcharged and disposed to disgorge the Order they observe is to divide into three parts so equally that each of the three consists of a just proportion of Noble and Ignoble Rich and Poor After which they cast Lots and that part to whose fortune it falls marches off to new Quarters where they can be found while the other two disburden'd of their supernumeraries remain behind and injoy their own Patrimonies in peace These inundations and redundancies of people were the destruction of the Roman Empire to which the Emperours themselves gave great opportunity for having forsaken Rome the ancient Seat of the Empire and remov'd their Residence to Constantinople they left the Western Empire more weak as being more remote from their inspection and by consequence more obnoxious both to their Governours and Enemies And indeed for the destruction of an Empire founded upon the bloud of so many brave men there could not be less carelesness in the Princes less treachery in the Ministers nor less force and impetuosity in those who invaded for one inundation being unable several conspir'd and at last effected its ruine The first from those Northern Countries who invaded that Empire after the Cimbri which were vanquish'd by Marius a Citizen of Rome were the Visi Goti or Western Goths who after some Skirmishes and Conflicts upon the Consines of the Empire were by concession of the Emperours assigned and for a long time permitted quietly to possess a part of the Countrey along the Danube And although upon several occasions and at sundry times they invaded the Roman Provinces yet by the vigilance and power of the Emperours they were always repell'd The last that overcame them so gloriously was Theodosius who having subdu'd them to his obedience they did not as formerly create themselves a King but contented themselves with his Government and Pay they submitted to both and serv'd him faithfully in his Wars But Theodosius being dead and his two Sons Arcadius and Honorius succeeding not inheriting his Virtue and Fortune as well as his Crown the Empire began to decline and the times as their Emperour to grow worse and worse To the three parts of the Empire Theodosius in his life-time had preferred three Governours Ruffinus to the East Stilico to the West and Gildo to the South who all of them after the death of Theodosius despising the Title of Governours resolv'd to make themselves Kings Gildo and Ruffinus miscarried in their first Enterprise and were ruin'd But Stilico being better at Hypocrisie than his Brethren endeavoured to insinuate and work himself into a confidence with the Emperours yet with design so to perplex and disturb their Affairs that he himself might afterwards with more ease leap up into the Saddle To incense the Visigots and provoke them to mutiny he counsel'd the Emperours to abate and retrench their former allowance and least they should not be sufficient for the molestation of the Empire he contrived that the Burgundi Franchi Vandali and Alani Northern people like the other and in motion for new Quarters should fall likewise upon the Roman Provinces The Visigoti as soon as they found themselves retrench'd that they might be in better order to revenge it created Alaricus their King under whose conduct they assayl'd the Empire and after several Rencounters and accidents they over-ran all Italy and sack'd Rome Not long after Alaricus died and was succeeded by Ataulfus who marrying Placidia the Emperours Sister Articled upon the Match to assist in the Relief of France and Spain which Provinces were at that time much infested by the Vandali Burgundi Alani and Franchi upon the aforesaid occasion Ataulfus undertook only the Vandali
who having possest themselves of that part of Spain call'd Betica being press'd hard by the Visigoti and distressed beyond all remedy they were call'd over by Boniface who at that time Govern'd Africk for the Emperours to come and plant there for those Provinces being then in rebellion he was afraid his ill Administration might be discovered This invitation and their own Exigence concurring the Vandals embrac'd that Enterprize and performed many memorable and brave things in Africk under Gensericus their King In the mean time Theodosius the Son of Arcadius succeeded to the Empire who regarding but litle the Affairs of the West gave those Nations the first thoughts of fixing in their New Conquests Accordingly the Vandali in Africk the Alani and Visigoti in Spain began to set up for themselves and Lord it over the Natives The Franchi and the Burgundi not only over-run and possess'd themselves of France but according to the parts they possest they gave it their Names one of them being call'd Francia and the other Burgundia The success of their Camrades inviting new multitudes to the subversion of the Empire the Hunni fell upon Pannonia which is a Province upon the banks of the Danube and giving it their Name have denominated it Hungaria to this very day Then as an addition to the disorders the Emperour finding himself attacked in so many places to contract the number of his Enemies he began first to treat and capitulate with the Vandals then with the Franks which Treaty increas'd the Authority of the Barbarians and diminish'd his own Nor was the Island of great Britain call'd England at this day exempt from its troubles For the Britains grown apprehensive of the people which had Conquered France and not discerning which way the Emperour would be able to defend them call'd in the Angli a Nation in Germany to their assistance The Angli under the Conduct of Vortiger their King undertook their defence and at first behav'd themselves faithfully afterwards their Opportunity increasing with their Power they drove the Natives out of the Island possess'd themselves of it and gave it their Name in commutation for its liberty Being robb'd of their Countrey and made Valiant by Necessity though they were not able to recover their own the Britains began to think of invading some other and planting themselves there In this Resolution they cross'd the Seas with their whole Families and possess'd themselves of those parts which lie upon the Coasts of France and are call'd Britain to this day The Hunns who as was said before had over-run Pannonia being streightned and disturb'd in their Quarters by other Nations viz. the Zepidi Eruli Turingi and Ostrogoti or Eastern Goths they rose again and put themselves once more in motion for New Habitations Not being able to force their way into France which was at that time defended by the Barbarians they fell into Italy under Attila their King who not long before to rid himself of a Partner in the Government had slain Bleda his own Brother and by that means made himself absolute Andaricus King of the Zepidi and Velamir King of the Ostrogoti remained as his Subjects Attila having in this manner made his inroad into Italy he besieg'd Aquilegia lay without interruption two years before it wasted the Countrey round about it and dispersed the Inhabitants which as we shall afterwards declare was the occasion of building the City of Venice After he had taken sack'd and demolish'd Aquilegia and several other Towns he advanc'd towards Rome but forbore the destruction of it upon the intercession of the Pope for whom Attila had so great a Reverence and Veneration that upon his single persuasion he withdrew out of Italy into Austria where he died After Attila's death Velamir King of the Ostrogoti with the Commanders of other Nations took up Arms against Tenricus and Eurius Attila's Sons One of them they kill'd and forc'd the other with the Hunni back again over the Danube into their own Countrey Upon which the Ostrogoti and Zepidi plac'd themselves in Pannonia and the Eruli and Turingi remain'd upon the Bank of the Danube Attila being departed out of Italy Valentinianus at that time Emperour of the West had a design to repair that Empire and for his Capacity of defending it with more Ease and Convenience against the irruptions of the Barbarians he quitted Rome and setled his Residence at Ravenna The Calamities wherewith the Western Empire had been oppressed were the occasion that the Emperour residing at Constantinople had many times transfer'd the possession of it to other people as a thing of great danger and expence many times without the Emperour's permission the Romans seeing themselves deserted had created new Emperours in order to their defence and sometimes other persons taking advantage of their own Interest and Authority Usurp'd as it happen'd when Maximus a Citizen of Rome got possession of it after the death of Valentinianus and forc'd his Widow Eudoxa to take him for her Husband who desirous of revenge and disdaining being of Imperial extraction the Embraces of so inferiour a person she invited privately Gensericus King of the Vandals into Italy remonstrating the Easiness and Utility of the Conquest who allured by the Prize was without much difficulty perswaded He entred Italy with his Army march'd up to Rome found it abandon'd sack'd it and continued in it fourteen days after which he took and plundr'd several other Towns and having laden both himself and his Army with the Spoyl he return'd into Africk The Romans returning upon his departure Maximus being dead they made Avicus a Roman Emperour After many occurrences both within Italy and without and the death of several Emperours the Empire of Constantinople fell into the hands of Zeno and the Empire of Româ— by Stratagem and Artifice to Orestes and Augustulus his Son who preparing to defend it by force were invaded by the Eruli and Turingi plac'd as we said before upon the Banks of the Danube Confederate for that Expedition under the Command of Odoacres their General Of such places as they had thought good to baulk and leave empty the Lombards possessed themselves a Northen Nation like the rest and Commanded by Godoglio their King which were the last People that plagued Italy as shall be shown in its place Odoacres having made his way into Italy he encountred vanquish'd and slew Orestes near Pavia but Augustulus got off After this Victory that the Title might change with the Government Odoacres caus'd himself to be call'd King of Rome and was the first Chieftain of those Nations which at that time over-ran the whole World that thought of fixing in Italy for either suspecting their abilities to keep it by reason of the easiness and facility wherewith it might be reliev'd by the Emperour of the East or for some other secret cause the rest had ravag'd and plunder'd it but they always
had Conquer'd Africa driven out the Vandals and reduc'd it under that Empire again Having first possessed himself of Sicily and from thence passed his Army into Italy Bellisarius recovered Naples and Rome The Goths foreseeing their destruction kill'd Theodate their King as the occasion of all and elected Vitegetes in his place who after several Skirmishes was at length besieged and taken in Ravenna by Bellisarius who not prosecuting his Victory as was expected was call'd back by Iustinian and his Command given to Iohannes and Vitalis who were much short of him both in Virtue and Conversation so that the Goths took heart and created Ildovado their King who was at that time Governour of Verona and being kill'd shortly after the Kingship fell to Totila who beat the Emperours forces recover'd Tuscany and subdu'd the Governours of all those Provinces which Bellisarius had reduc'd Upon which misfortune Iustinianus thought it necessary to send him again into Italy but returning with small Force he rather lost what he had gained before than acquir'd any new Reputation For Totila whilst Bellisarius lay incamped with his Army at Hostia besieg'd Rome and took it as it were under his Nose and then upon consideration that he could neither well keep nor relinquish it he demolish'd the greatest part of it forcing away the people and carrying the Senators as Prisoners along with him and taking no notice of Bellisarius he advanc'd with his Army into Calabria to encounter and cut off certain supplies which were sent out of Greece to reinforce him Bellisarius seeing Rome abandon'd in this manner addressed himself to a very honourable Enterprise and entring the City repair'd the Walls withall possible Celerity and re-invited the Inhabitants when he had done But Fortune concurr'd not to the nobleness of his design for Iustinianus being at that time invaded by the Parthi Bellisarius was call'd back to repell the Invasion In obedience to his Master he marched his Army out of Italy and left that Province to the discretion of the Enemy who seized again upon Rome but us'd it not so barbarously as before being wrought upon by the prayers of Saint Benedict a person very eminent in those times for his Sanctity he apply'd himself rather to repair than destroy it In the mean time Iustinian had made a Peace with the Parthi and resolving to send new Supplies into Italy he was diverted by a new Alarm from the Sclavi another Northern people who had pass'd the Danube and fallen upon Illyria and Thrace So that Totila had his full swing and was in a manner in possession of all Italy As soon as Iustinian had Conquer'd the Sclavi and setled the Countreys which they had invaded he sent a new Army into Italy under the Conduct of Narsetes an Eunuch a brave Captain and of great experience in the Wars Being arrived in Italy he fought beat and kill'd Totila after whose death the remainder of the Goths retir'd into Pavia and made Teia their King On the other side Narsetes after his Victory took Rome and than marching against Teia he ingaged him about Nocera defeated his Army and slew him among the rest By which disaster the very Name of the Goths was well near extinguish'd in Italy where they had reigned from the time of Theodorick to this Teia full seventy years But Italy was scarce warm in its Liberty when Iustinianus dy'd and left his Son Iustinus to succeed who by the Counsel of his Wife Sophia recall'd Narsetes out of Italy and sent Longinus in his place Longinus according to the Example of his Predecessors kept his Residence at Ravenna in other things he digress'd and particularly by introducing a new form of Government in Italy not constituting Governours in every Province as the Goths had done before but deputing a Captain in every City or other Town of importance with the Title of Duke Nor in this distribution did he show any greater favour to Rome than to the rest for removing the Consuls and Senate Names which to that time had been sacred among them he constituted a Duke which he sent every year from Ravenna and his Government was call'd the Dukedom of Rome But lie that more immediately represented the Emperour at Ravenna and had the Universal Government of Italy was call'd Esarco This division not only facilitated the ruine of Italy but hasten'd it exceedingly by giving the Lombards opportunity to possess it Narsetes was much disgusted with the Emperour for calling him off from the Command of those Provinces which by his own Vertue and effusion of his bloud he had acquir'd And Sophia not thinking it injury sufficient to get him recall'd had given out contumelious words as if she would make him Spin among the rest of the Eunuchs Whereupon in great disdain Narsetes incourag'd Alboino King of the Lombards who at that time Govern'd in Pannonia to invade Italy and possess it As was shown before the Lombards were enter'd and had taken possession of such places upon the Danube as had been deserted by the Eruli and Turingi when Odoacres their King conducted them into Italy They had continued there some time till their Kingdom fell to Alboino for a daring and couragious man under whom passing the Danube they encounter'd with Commodus King of the Zepidi a People planted in Pannonia and overcame him Among the rest Rosmunda one of Commodus Daughters was taken Prisoner whom Alboinus took for his Wife made himself Lord of her Countrey and mov'd by the barbarousness of his nature he caus'd a Cup to be made of her Father's Skull and in memory of that Victory drank out of it very often But being call'd into Italy by Narsetes with whom he had retain'd a Friendship in his Wars with the Goths he left Pannonia to the Hunni who as we said before return'd into their own Countrey after the death of Attila march'd into Italy and finding it so strangly Cantoniz'd and divided he possessed or rather surpriz'd Pavia Milan Verona Vicenza all Tuscany and the great part of Flaminia call'd now Romagnia So that presuming from the greatness and suddenness of his Conquests all Italy was his own he made a solemn Feast at Verona where much drinking having exalted his Spirits and Commodus his Skull being full of Wine he caus'd it to be presented to Rosmunda the Queen who sat over against him at the Table declaring and that so loud she could not but hear that at a time of such hearty and extraordinary Mirth it was fit she should drink one Cup with her Father Which expression touching the Lady to the quick she resolv'd to be reveng'd and knowing that Almachilde a young and valiant Lombard had an intrigue with one of her Maids she prevail'd that she might personate her one night and lie with him her self Accordingly Almachilde being introduc'd upon a time into a very dark place he injoy'd Rosmunda instead of her Maid The Business being done Rosmunda discover'd her self
neighbouring places which had been anciently their Subjects And because the Tuscans refus'd to submit they march'd confusedly against them but they being re-inforced by Frederick gave the Roman Army such a blow that since that time Rome could never recover its old Condition either for Populousness or Wealth Upon these Events Pope Alexander was return'd to Rome presuming he might be safe there by reason of the Animosity the Romans retain'd against the Emperour and the Employment his Enemies gave him in Lombardy But Frederick postponing all other respects march'd with his Army to besiege Rome Alexander thought it not convenient to attend him but withdrew into Puglia to William who upon the death of Roger being next Heir was made King Frederick being much molested and weaken'd by a Contagion in his Army rais'd his Siege and went back into Germany The Lombards which were in League against him to restrain their Excursions and streighten the Towns of Pavia and Tortona caus'd a City to be built which they intended for the Seat of the War and call'd it Alexandria in honour to Pope Alexander and defiance to the Emperour Guido the new Anti-Pope died likewise and Iohn of Fermo was chosen in his room who by the favour of the Imperial party was permitted to keep his Residence in Monte Fiascone whilst Alexander was gone into Tuscany invited by that people that by his Authority they might be the better defended against the Romans Being there Embassadors came to him from Henry King of England to clear their Masters innocence in the death of Thomas Becket Arch-Bishop of Canterbury with which he was publickly and most infamously aspersed To inquire into the truth the Pope sent two Cardinals into England who notwithstanding they found not his Majesty in any manifest guilt yet for the scandal of the Fact and that he had not honour'd the said Arch-Bishop with the respect he deserved they prescribed as a Penance That he should call all the Barons of his Kingdom together swear his Innocence before them send 200 Soldiers to Ierusalem to be paid by him for a twelve-month and himself follow in person with as great a Power as he could raise before three years were expir'd that he should disanul all things pass'd in his Kingdom in prejudice to the Ecclesiastick liberty and consent that any of his Subjects whatever should appeal to Rome when and as often as they thought it convenient all which Conditions were readily accepted and that great Prince submitted to a Sentence there is scarce a private person but would scorn at this day But though his Holiness was so formidable to the Princes abroad he was not so terrible in Rome the people in that City would not be â—oaksed nor persuaded to let him live there though he protested he would meddle no farther than Ecclesiastical matters by which it appears things at a distance are more dreadful than near at hand In the mean time Frederick was return'd into Italy with resolution to make a new War upon the Pope but whilst he was busie about his preparations his Barons and Clergy gave him advertisement that they would all forsake him unless he reconcil'd himself to the Church so that changing his design he was forc'd to go and make his submission at Venice and pacification being made the Pope in the Agreement devested the Emperor of all the Authority he pretended over Rome and named William King of Sicily and Puglia his Confederate Frederick being an active Prince and unable to lie still embarqu'd himself in the Enterprize into Asia to spend his Ambition against the Turk which he could not do so effectually against the Pope But being got as far as the River Cidvo allur'd by the clearness and excellence of the Waters he would needs wash himself in it and that washing gave him his death Those Waters being more beneficial to the Turks than all Excommunications to the Christians for whereas these only cool'd and asswag'd his Ambition they wash'd it away and extinguish'd it quite Frederick being dead nothing remain'd now to be suppres'd but the contumacy of the Romans After much argument and dispute about their Creation of Consuls it was concluded the Romans according to ancient Custom should have liberty to choose them but they should not execute their Office till they had sworn fealty to the Church Upon this accord Iohn the Anti-Pope fled to Monte Albano and died presently after In the mean time William King of Naples died also and having left no Sons but Tanacred a Bastard the Pope design'd to have possess'd himself of his Kingdom but by the opposition of the Barons Tanacred was made King Afterwards Celestin III. coming to the Papacy and being desirous to wrest that Kingdom from Tanacred he contriv'd to make Enrico Fredericks Son King promising him the Kingdom of Naples upon Condition he would restore such Lands as belong'd to the Church and to facilitate the business he took Costanza an ancient Maid daughter to King William out of a Monastery and gave her him for his Wife by which means the Kingdom of Naples pass'd from the Normans who had founded it and fell under the dominion of the Germans Henricus the Emperor having first setled his affairs in Germany came into Italy with his Wife Costanza and one of his Sons call'd Frederick about four years of age and without much difficulty possess'd himself of that Kingdom Tanacred being dead and only one Child remaining of his Issue call'd Roger Not long after Enricus died in Sicily he was succeeded in that Kingdom by Frederick and Otto Duke of Saxony chosen Emperour by the assistance of Pope Innocent III. But no sooner had he got the Crown upon his Head but contrary to the opinion of all men he became Enemy to the Pope seiz'd upon Romania and gave out Orders for the assaulting that Kingdom Upon which being Excommunicated by the Pope and deserted by his Friends Frederick King of Naples was chosen Emperour in his place The said Frederick coming to Rome to be Crown'd the Pope scrupl'd it being jealous of his power and endeavoured to persuade him out of Italy as he had done Otto before which Frederick disdaining retir'd into Germany and making War upon Otto overcame him at last In the mean time Innocent died who besides other magnificent Works built the Hospital di Santo Spirito at Rome Honorius III. succeeded him in whose Papacy were instituted the Orders of S. Dominick and S. Francis in the year MCCXVIII Honorius Crown'd Frederick to whom Iohn descended from Baldwin King of Ierusalem who commanded the remainder of the Christians in Asia and retain'd that Title gave one of his Daughters in marriage and the Title of that Kingdom in Dower with her and from that time whoever is King of Naples has that Title annex'd In Italy at that time they liv'd in this manner The Romans had no more the Creation of Consuls but in lieu of it they invested sometimes one
as the readiest way to suppress him was glad to discharge Nicholas of his imprisonment and sent him to Rome to resume his old Office whereupon Nicholas undertook the Government once more and caus'd Francesco to be executed But the Colonnesi becoming his Enemies by degrees he himself was put to death by them and the Senate restor'd to the Exercise of its former Authority In the mean time of the King of Hungary having depos'd Queen Giovanna return'd to his own Kingdom But the Pope desir'd to have the Queen his Neighbour rather than that King and order'd things so that the Kingdom was restor'd upon Condition her Husband Lewis renouncing the Title of King should content himself with that of Taranto The Year MCCCL. being come his Holiness thought fit that the Jubilee appointed by Pope Boniface VIII to be kept every hundred years should be reduc'd to fifty and having pass'd a Decree to that purpose in gratitude for so great a Benefit the Romans were contented he should send four Cardinals to Rome to reform their City and create what Senators he pleas'd After which the Pope declar'd Lodovic of Taranto King of Naples again and Giovanna highly oblig'd by that favour gave the Church Avignon which was part of her Patrimony By this time Luchïno Visconti being dead Iohn Arch-Bishop of Milan remain'd sole Lord and making several Wars upon Tuscany and his Neighbours became very considerable After his death the Government fell to his two Nephews Bernardo and Galeazzo but Galeazzo dying a while after he left his Son Iohn Galeazzo to share with his Unkle in the State In these dayes Charles King of Bohemia was created Emperour and Innocent VI. Pope who having sent Cardinal Giles a Spaniard into Italy by his Virtue and the excellence of his Conduct he recover'd the reputation of the Church not only in Rome and Romagna but all Italy over He recover'd Bologna that had been usurp'd by the Arch-Bishop of Milan He constrain'd the Romans to admit a forreign Senator every year of the Popes nomination He made an honourable Agreement with the Visconti He fought and took Prisoner Iohn Aguto an English-man who with four thousand English was entertain'd in Tuscany upon the Ghibilin accompt After these Successes Urban V. being Pope he resolv'd to visit both Italy and Rome where Charles the Emperour came to meet him and having continued together several Months Charles return'd into his Kingdom and the Pope to Avignon Urban died and Gregory XII suceeded and because Cardinal Egidio was dead Italy relaps'd into its former distractions occasion'd by the Caballing of the people against the Visconti Whereupon the Pope at first sent a Legat into Italy with six thousand Britans after whom he follow'd in Person and re-establish'd his Residence at Rome in the year MCCCLXXVI after it had been kept in France LXXI years After the death of this Pope Urban VI. was created Not long after at Fondi ten Cardinals quarrelling with his Election and pretending it was not fair created Clement VII The Genoveses in the mean time who for several years had lived quietly under the Government of the Visconti rebell'd Betwixt them and the Venetian there happen'd great Wars about the Island of Tenedos in which War by Degrees all Italy became concern'd and there it was that great Guns were first us'd they being a German Invention Though for a while the Genoveses were predominant and held Venice blockt up for several Months together yet in the conclusion the Venetian had the better and made an advantagious Peace by the assistance of the Pope In the year 1381 as we have said before there was a Schism in the Church and Giovanna the Queen favour'd the Anti-Pope Whereupon Pope Urban practis'd against her and sent Carlo Durazzo who was of the Royal House of Naples with an Army into her Kingdom who possest himself of her Countrey and drove her away into France The King of France undertaking her quarrel sent Lodovic d' Angio to repossess the Queen and force Urban out of Rome and set up the Anti-Pope But Lodovic dying in the middle of the Enterprize his Army broke up and return'd into France Urban thereupon goes over to Naples and claps nine Cardinals in Prison for having sided with France and the Anti-Pope After that he took it ill of the King that he refus'd to make one of his Nephews Prince of Capua but concealing his disgust he desir'd Nocera of him for his Habitation which as soon as he was possess'd of he fortified and began to cast about which way to deprive him of his Kingdom The King taking the Alarm advanc'd against Nocera and besieg'd it but the Pope escap'd to Genoua where he put the Cardinals which were his Prisoners to death From thence he went to Rome and created 28 new Cardinals In the mean time Charles King of Naples went into Hungary was proclaim'd King there and not long after kill'd He left the Kingdom of Naples to his Wife and two Children he had by her one call'd Ladislao and the other Giovanna Iohn Galeazzo Visconti in the mean time had kill'd his Unkle Bernardo and possess'd himself of Milan and not content to have made himself Duke of Milan he attempted upon Tuscany but when he was in a fair way to have conquer'd it and to have made himself King of all Italy he died Urban VI. died also and was succeeded by Boniface IX Clâ—ment VII the Anti-Pope died likewise at Avignon and Benedict XIII was created in his room Italy all this while was full of Soldiers of Fortune English Dutch and Britans some of them Commanded by Princes which upon several occasions had been invited thither and some of them which had been sent by the Popes when their residence was at Avignon With this medly of Nations the Princes of Italy maintain'd their Wars many times till at length Lodovico da Conio Romagnuolo having train'd up a Party of Italians call'd the Soldiers of Saint George by his Valour and Discipline lessen'd the Reputation of the Forreigners and made them afterwards more useful and considerable in the Italian Wars The Pope upon certain differences which arose betwixt him and the Romans remov'd to Scesi where he remain'd till the Jubilee in the year 1400. at which time to invite him back again for the benâ—fit of their City the Romans condescended that he should have the annual nomination of a forreign Senator and be permitted to fortifie the Castle of St. Angelo upon which Conditions being return'd to inrich the Church he ordain'd That in every Vacancy each Benefice should pay an Annat into the Chamber Ecclesiastical After the death of Iohn Galeazzo Duke of Milan though he left two Sons Giovan-Mari-Angelo and Philip the State was divided into many Factions In the troubles which followed Giovan-Mari-Angelo was slain and Philip for some time kept Prisoner in the Castle of Pavia but by the Valour and Allegiance of the Governour
he escap'd Among the rest who had seiz'd the Cities which belong'd formerly to Iohn Galeazzo William della Scala was one who having been banish'd and retiring to Francesco de Carrara Lord of Padua by his means he recover'd the State of Verona but he enjoy'd it a short time for Francesco caus'd him to be poison'd and assum'd the Government himself The Vicentini hereupon having till then liv'd quietly under the protection of the Visconti growing jealous of the greatness of the Lord of Padua submitted themselves to the Venetians who at their instigation made War upon him and beat him first out of Verona and at length out of Padua By this time Pope Boniface died and Innocent VII was elected in his place The people of Rome made a solemn Address to him for the Restitution of their Liberty and Forts and being deny'd they call'd in Ladislans King of Naples to their Assistance but their differences being afterwards compos'd the Pope return'd to Rome from whence for fear of the people he fled to Viterbo where he had made his Nephew Lodovic Conte della Marca after which he died and Gregory XII succeeded upon Condition he should resign when ever the Anti-Pope should be persuaded to do the same At the intercession of the Cardinals to try whether it was possible to accommodate their differences and reunite the Church Benedict the Anti-Pope came to Porto Veneri and Gregory to Lucca where many Expedients were propos'd but nothing concluded whereupon the Cardinals forsook them both of one side and the other Benedict retired into Spain and Gregory to Rimini The Cardinals by the favour of Baldassare Cossa Cardinal and Legat of Bologna call'd a Counsel at Pisa in which they created Alexander V. who immediately excommunicated King Ladislaus invested Luigid ' Augio with his Kingdom and by the assistance of the Florentines Genoueses Venetians and Baldassare Cossa the Legat they assaulted Ladislaus and drove him out of Rome But in the heat of the War Alexander died and Baldassare Cossa was created Pope with the name of Iohn XXIII Iohn was created at Bologna but remov'd to Rome where he found Luigi d' Angio with the Forces of Provence having joyn'd himself with him they march'd out against King Ladislaus fought with him and routed his Army but for want of good Conduct not persuing their Victory King Ladislaus rally'd recover'd Rome and forc'd the Pope away to Bologna and Luigi to Provence The Pope casting about with himself which way he might restrain and lessen the power of King Ladislaus caus'd Sigismund King of Hungary to be chosen Emperour invited him into Italy to which purpose they had a Conference at Mantua where it was concluded a General Council should be call'd for uniting the Church upon the accomplishment of which it was presum'd they should be better able to defend themselves against the incroachments of their Enemies At this time there were three Popes in being at once Gregory Benedict and Iohn which kept the Church very low both in force and reputation The place appointed for their Convention was Constance a City in Germany contrary to the intention of Pope Iohn and though by the death of King Ladislaus the great Reason was taken away that mov'd the Pope to that proposition nevertheless things being gone so far and he under an obligation he could not handsomly come off but was forc'd to go to it Being arriv'd at Constance it was not many months before he found his Error and endeavoured to have escap'd but being discovered and taken he was put in Prison and compell'd to renounce Gregory one of the Anti-Popes renounced by Proxy but Benedict the other Anti-Pope refus'd and was condemned for a Heretick at last finding himself abandon'd by all the Cardinals he renounc'd likewise and the Counsel created a new Pope Viz. Oddo of the House of Coloâ—ma who took the name of Martin V. upon which the Schisms were compos'd and the Church united after it had been divided fourty years and several Popes living at one and the same time As we said before Philip Visconti was at this time in the Castle of Pavâ—a But upon the death of Fantino Care who in the troubles of Lombardy had made himself Lord of Vercelli Alexandria Novara and Tortona and contracted great wealth having no Sons he bequeath'd his Dominions to his Wife Beatrix injoyning his Friends to use their utmost endeavour to Marry her to Philip by which Marriage Philip being much strengthen'd he recover'd Milan and all the whole Province of Lombardy after which to recompense her great Benefits according to the example of other Princes he accus'd his Wife Beatrix of Adultery and put her to death Being arriv'd at that height both of Power and Grandeur he began to contrive against Toscany and pursue the designs of his Father Iohn Galeazzo Ladislaus King of Naples at his death had left to his Sister Giovanna besides his Kingdom a formidable Army Commanded by the chief Captains in Italy and among the rest by Sforza da Contignuolo a person of particular repute for his Valour in those Wars The Queen to clear her self of an aspersion of too much intimacy with one Panâ—olfello which she advanc'd took to her Husband Giacopa della Marcia a Frenchman of Royal Extraction but upon condition he should content himself to be call'd Prince of Taranâ—o and leave the Title and Government of the Kingdom to her But the Soldiers as soon as he was arrived in Naples called him King which occasioned great differences betwixt him and the Queen sometimes one prevailing and sometimes the other But at length the Government rested in the Queen and she became a severe Enemy to the Pope Whereupon Sforza to drive her into a necessity and force her to his own terms laid down his Commission and refused to serve her against him by which means being as it were disarmed in a moment having no other remedy she applyed her self to Alphonso King of Arragon and Sicily adopted him her Son and to Command her Army she entertained Braccio da Montone as Eminent a Soldier as Sforza and an Adversary of the Popes upon accompt of certain Towns as Perugia and others which he had usurped from the Church After this a Peace was concluded betwixt her and the Pope but Alphonso suspecting least she should serve him as she had done her Husband began privately to contrive how he might possess himself of the Forts But the Queen was cunning and prevented him by fortifying her self in the Castle of Naples Jealousies increasing in this manner and no-body interposing they came to an Ingagement and the Queen by the help of Sforza who was returned to her Service overcame Alphonso drove him out of Naples abdicated him and adopted Lodovic d' Angio in his place Hereupon new Wars ensued betwixt Braccio who was of Alphonso's party and Sforza who was for the Queen In the process of the War Sforza passing the River Pescara was by
one of them consisting of three hundred of the Commons the other of two hundred both Commons and Gentlemen the first was call'd the Council of the People and the second the Common Council The Emperour being arriv'd at Rome he created an Anti-Pope decreed many things to the prejudice of the Church and attempted more which he was not able to carry so that at length he removed with no little disgrace from Rome to Pisa where either disdaining his Conduct or for want of their Pay eight hundred German Horse mutiny'd fortifi'd themselves at Monte Ariaro and as he was departed from Pisa towards Lombardy posses'd themselves of Lucca and drave out Francisco Castracani whom the Emperour had left Governour of the Town Being Masters of that City and their intentions to make what profit of it they could they offered it to the Florentines for twenty thousand Florins but by the advice of Simon della Tosa it was refus'd this resolution would have been much to the advantage of our City had the Florentines persever'd but changing it afterwards it prov'd much to their detriment for refusing it at that time when they might have had it so cheap they bad much more for it afterwards and were denied it which was the occasion that Florence chang'd its Government often to its great inconvenience Lucca being refus'd in this manner by the Florentines was purchased for 30000 Florins by Gherardino Spinoli a Genovese and because People are more slow and indifferent in accepting what is offer'd than in conceiving what is not as soon as it was known to be bought by Gherardini and at how cheap a rate the Florentines were much troubled they had it not themselves and blam'd all those who had any way discouraged them To buy it being too late they sought to gain it by force and to that end sent their Army to over-run and spoil the Country about it About this time the Emperour was return'd out of Italy and the Pope by Order of the Pisani sent Prisoner into France The Florentines upon the Death of Castruccio which follow'd in the year 1328 till the year 1340 continued quiet at Home Intent only upon their Wars abroad In Lombardy upon the coming of Iohn King of Bohemia and in Tuscany upon the account of Lucca they adorn'd their City likewise with many new Buildings and particularly the Tower of St. Reparata according to the directions of Giolto the most Famous Painter in his time Moreover upon an inundation of the River Arnus in the year 1333 in which the Water swelling twelve fathoms high in some places of Florence carried away several Bridges and many Houses were ruin'd they repair'd all with great care and expence But in the year 1340 this tranquillity was disturb'd and they had new occasion of alteration The Grandees of the City had two ways to maintain and increase their Authority One was by ordering the Imborsations so as the Magistracy should fall always either to them or their Friends The other was by making themselves chief in the Elections of the Rettori and thereby obliging them to be favourable to them afterwards in all their determinations And of this second way they were so fond and conceited that not content with two Rettori as they had forformerly A while after they set up a third with the Title of the Captain of the Guards in which Office they plac'd Iacomo Gabrieli d' Agobbio with absolute Power over the Citizens Iacomo in the sight of the Government committed daily many Injuries but more especially to Piero de Baldi and Bardo Frescobaldi Being Nobly descended and by consequence proud they could not endure to have a stranger do them wrong in defiance of their other Magistrates To revenge themselves of him and the Government they enter'd into a Conspiracy with several Noble and Popular Families in the City who were disgusted with their Tyranny The manner concluded upon was that every one should get as many Arm'd Men into his House as he could and that on All-Saints Day in the Morning when all the People were at Mass they should take Arms kill the Captain and the chief of their Governours and afterwards make new Magistrates and new Laws for the State But because dangerous enterprizes the more considered are always the less willingly undertaken it happens that Plots which allow too much time for their Execution are generally discover'd There being among the Conspirators a Gentleman call'd Andrea di Bardi whose fear of Punishment prevailing upon him beyond his desire of Revenge he betray'd all to Iacomo Alberti his Kinsman Iacomo imparted it immediatly to the Priori and the Priori to the Governors And because the design was so near Execution All-Saints day being at hand many of the Citizens assembled in the Palace and judging it unsafe to defer they would needs persuade the Signori to cause the great Bell to be rung and the People commanded to their Arms. Taldo Valori was at that time Gonfaloniere and Francisco Salviati one of the Signori Being Relations of the Bardi they dissuaded the sounding of the Bell alledging it was not secure to Arm the People upon trivial Occasions because Authority given to them without some power reserv'd to restrain them was never known to produce any good and that it was much easier to raise a Tumult than to suppress it They judg'd it better therefore to inquire farther into the verity of the thing and punish it rather Civilly if it appear'd to be true than in a furious and tumultuous manner to corrected it perhaps with the destruction of the whole City But these Arguments serv'd not the turn but with Vilanous language and Insolent behaviour the Signori were constrain'd to cause the Bell to be rung upon which the People immediately took Arms and away to the Piazza The Bardi and Frescobaldi perceiving they were discover'd and resolving to overcome with Honour or die without Shame betook themselves to their Arms hoping they would be able to defend that part of the City beyond the Bridge where their Houses were whereupon they broke down the Bridges and fortifi'd themselves till they should be reliev'd by the Nobility of the Country and other Persons their Friends But that design was frustrated by the People which lived among them in the same part of the City who took up Arms for the Signori finding themselves entermixt and that design not like to succeed they abandon'd the Bridges and retreated to the Street where the Bardi dwelt as stronger than the rest where they made a most valient defence Iacomo d' Agobbio knew well enough that all this Conspiracy was against him and having no great inclination to be kill'd in a terrible fright with his hair standing right up he ran to the Palace of the Signori and secur'd himself among the thickest of the Arm'd Men. The other of the Rettori though not so conscious were much more couragious especially the Podesta call'd Maffeo da Maradi
in Puglia with Ladislao and Giovanna two of his children as shall be shewn more fully Carlo possessed himself of Hungary but died shortly after hower his Conquest of that Country was so grateful an exploit to the Florentines that never greater expressions of joy were made for any victory of their own as appeared as well by publick as private magnificence many Families keeping open houses and feasting exceedingly but none with that pomp and extravagance as the Family of the Alberti the provision and ostentation of whose entertainments were fitter for the condition of a Prince than for a private person Which extravagance gained him much envy and that being seconded by a jealousie in the Government that Benedetto had designs against it was the occasion of its destruction for they could not be safe whilst they thought it might fall out every day that he reconciling himself with the people might turn them out of the City as he pleased Things being at this uncertainty it happened that he being Gonfaloniere delle Compagnie his Son in Law Philippo Magalotti was made Gonfaloniere di Giustitia which accident redoubled the apprehension of the Governors as thinking Benedetto grew upon them so fast their authority must of necessity decline but desirous to remedy it what they could and if possible without a tumult they encouraged Bese Magalotte his enemy and competitor to acquaint the Senate that Philippo not being of age for the execution of that Office he could not nor ought not enjoy it and the cause being heard in the Senate Philippo was adjudged incapable of that Dignity and Bardo Mancini succeeded in his place a person fiercely against the faction of the people and a perfect enemy to Benedetto Having entred upon his Office he called a Balia for reformation of the State which Balia inprisoned Benedetto Alberti and banished all the rest of his Family only Antonio was excepted Before he was carried away Benedetto called all his friends together to take his leave of them and finding them sad and the tears in their eyes he spake to them as follows You see Gentlemen in what manner fortune has ruin'd me and threatned you I do not wonder at it nor indeed ought it to be strange to you seeing it so happens always to them who among ill men are studious of being good or sollicitous of sustaining that which all people are desirous to pull down The love to my Country associated me first with Salvestro de Medici and the same love divided me afterwards from Giorgio Scali it is nothing but that and the injustice of their proceedings which have made me hate those who are now at the Stern who as they have had no-body that could punish them so they are desirous to leave no-body to reprehend them I am content with my banishment to free them of the fear they have conceived not only of me but of all that are sensible of their Tyranny and injustice For my self I am not so much concern'd the honours conferred upon me when my Country was free I can quietly relinquish whilst it is in servitude and bondage and the memory of my past condition will give me more pleasure than the infelicity of my present can give me regret My greatest affliction will be to consider my Country is become a prey to particular men and exposed to their insolence and rapine it troubles me likewise for you lest those evils which this day are consummated in me and but commencing in you should prove greater detriment to you than they have done to me however comfort your selves bear up against any misfortune and carry your selves so that if things happen adversly as doubtless they will it may appear to all people that you were innocent and that they succeeded without the least fault or contribution of yours Afterwards to give as great testimony of his virtue abroad as he had done at home he went to the Sepulchre of our Saviour and in his return back died at Rhodes His bones were brought back to Florence and buried with great solemnity by those very people who pursued him whilst he was living with all the calumny and injustice imaginable nor were the Alberti the only sufferers in these distractions many Families beside that were admonished and imprisoned Among the rest there were Piero Benini Matteo Alderotti Giovanni e Francesco del Bene Giovanni Benchi Andrea Adimari and with them several of the lesser Artificers Among them which were admonished were the Covoni the Benini the Rinucoi the Formiconi the Corbizi the Manelli and the Alderotti The Balia was by custom created for a precise time and being now in the execution of these Citizens who were fairly elected having done what they could for the satisfaction of the State they desired to lay down though their time was not critically expir'd which the people understanding many of them ran with their Arms to the Palace crying out there were several more to be admonished and several more to be imprisoned before they renounced The Senate was much displeased but entertained them with fair promises till they had fortified themselves so as they were able to make them lay by those Arms for fear which in their rage they had taken up nevertheless to comply in some proportion with the fierceness of the humour and lessen the Authority of the Plebeian Artificers it was ordered that whereas the third part of the Offices of the City were in their hands before they should now be reduced to a fourth part only and that there might always be two of the most trusty and faithful persons to the State in the Senate authority was given to the Gonfaloniere di Giustitia and four other Citizens to put a certain number of select mens names into a purse out of which at every meeting of the Senate two were to be drawn Affairs thus setled in the year 1381 the City continued quiet within till 1393 in which year Giovan Galeazzo Visconti called the Comte di Vertu took his Uncle Barnabo prisoner and made himself by that Master of all Lombardy This Comte di Vertu had an opinion he could make himself King of Italy by force as easily as he had made himself Duke of Milan by fraud so that in the year 1390 he began a War upon the Florentines which though prosecuted with variety of fortune on both sides yet the Duke was many times in danger to have ruined Florence and doubtless had ruined it had not it been prevented by his death However their defence was couragious as might be expected from a Republick and the end of the War less unhappy than the course of it had been dreadful for when the Duke had taken Bologna Pisa Perugia and Siena and prepared a Crown to be crowned King of Italy in Florence he died in the nick and his death permitted him not to taste the pleasures of his past Victories nor the Florentines to feel the calamities which would have followed
They admonished besides the whole Family of the Alberti Ricci and Medici for ten years except only some few Among those of the Alberti which were not admonished Antonio was one being esteemed a quiet and a peaceable man their jealousie of this plot being not yet out oâ—t their heads a Monk happened to be apprehended who had been observed whilst the conspiracy was on foot to have passed many times betwixt Bologna and Florence and he confessed he had frequently brought Letters to Antonio Antonio being taken into custody denied it obstinately at first but being confronted by the Monk and the charge justified against him he was fined in a sum of mony and banished three hundred miles distance from the City and that they might not always be in danger of the Alberti they decreed that none of that Family above 15 years of age should be suffered to continue in the Town These things happened in the year 1400 two years after Giovan Galezo Duke of Milan died whose death as we have said before put an end to a War that had been prosecuted for twelve years After which the Government having extended its authority and all things at quiet both abroad and at home they undertook the enterprize of Pisa which succeeded so well they took the Town very honourably and enjoyed that and the rest very peaceably till the year 1433. Only in the year 1412 the Alberti having transgress'd against the terms of their banishment a new Balia was erected new provisions made for the security of the State and new impositions inflicted upon that Family About this time the Florentines had War likewise against Ladislaus King of Naples which ended in the year 1416 upon the death of that King During the time of the War finding himself too weak he had given the City of Cortona to the Florentines of which he was Lord but afterwards recovering more strength he renewed his War with them and managed it so that it was much more dangerous than the former and had not his death determined it as the other was by the death of the Duke of Milan doubtless he had brought Florence into as great exigence as the Duke of Milan would have done and endangered if not ruined its liberty Nor did their War with this King conclude with less good fortune than the other for when he had taken Rome Sienna la Marka and Romagna and nothing remained but Florence to hinder his passage with his whole force into Lombardy he died so that death was always a true friend to the Florentines and did more to preserve them than all their own conduct or courage could do From the death of this King this City remained at peace both abroad and at home eight years at the end of that term their Wars with Philip Duke of Milan reviv'd their factions which could never be suppressed but with the subversion of the State which had governed from the year 1371 to 1434 with much honour and maintained many Wars with much advantage having added to their Dominion Arezzo Pisa Cortona Livorno and Monte Pulciano and doubtless would have extended it farther had the City been unanimous and the old humours not been rubb'd up and reviv'd as in the next book shall be more particularly related THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE Book IV. ALL Cities especially such as are not well constituted under the Titles of Common Wealths do sometime or other alter their Government yet not as many think by means of Liberty and Subjection but by occasion of servitude and licentiousness for only the name of Liberty is pretended by popular Persons such as are the instrument of licentiousness and servitude is sought for by those that are Noble neither of them both desiring to be restrain'd either by Laws or any thing else Nevertheless when it does happen as it happens but seldom that a City has the good fortune to produce and advance some Wise Honest and Potent Citizen by whom the Laws may be so order'd that the humors and emulations betwixt the Nobility and the People if not perfectly compos'd may be yet so well circumscrib'd and corrected that they may be check'd from breaking forth to its prejudice Then it is That City may be call'd free and that State pronounce it self durable for being founded upon good Laws and Orders at first it has not that necessity of good Men to maintain it Of such Laws and Principles many Common Wealths were antiently constituted and continued a long time Others have wanted and do still want them which has frequently occasion'd the variation of the Government from Tyranny to licentiousness and from licentiousness to Tyranny for by reason of the powerful animosities in all of them it is not nor can be possible they should be of any duâ—ation one disgusting the Good and the other the Wise. One doing mischief with ease and the other good with difficulty in this the insolent have too much Authority in another the sots and therefore it is convenient that both one and the other be supported and maintained by the fortune and Valour of some Eminent Man though he may be taken from them by Death or made unserviceable by misfortune I say therefore that Government which flourished in Florence from the death of Giorgio Scali which fell out in the year 1381 was supported first by the conduct of Muso di gli Albizi and afterwards by Nicolo Uzano This City from the year 1414 till the end of the 22 remain'd quiet King Ladisâ—ans being dead and Lombardy divided into several Cantons so that neither abroad nor at home had they the least cause of apprehension The next Citizens in Authority to Nicolo Uzano were Bartolmeo Valori Nerone de Nigi Rinaldo de gli Albizi Neri di Gino and Lapo Nicolini The factions which sprung from the animosity betwixt the Albizi and the Ricci which were with so much mischief reviv'd afterward by Salvestro de Medici could never be extinguish'd and although that which was most generally succour'd prevailed but three years and was afterwards depress'd yet the greatest part of the City had imbib'd so much of their humor as could never be wrought out True it is the frequent exprobrations and constant persecutions of the heads of that party from the year 1381 to 1400 had almost brought them to nothing The first Families which were persecuted as the chief of that faction were the Alberti Ricci and Medici who were rob'd of their Men as well as their Money and if any of them continued in the City their imployments and dignities were most certainly taken from them which usage had indeed debas'd that party and almost consum'd it However the memory of the injuries receiv'd and a secret desire of being reveng'd lay close in the Hearts of many of them and having no opportunity to show it they kept it private to themselves Those of the Popular Nobility who govern'd the City so quietly committed two errours which were the ruine of their Government
would attempt reinforc'd it as much as in so short a time they were able got what forces they could together with all imaginable diligence and sent to the Florentines to desire their assistance by vertue of their League who being freed from their War with Alfonso supplied them with a 1000 foot and 2000 Horse with which forces having got an Army together the Venetians began to think they were in a condition to treat and for a long time it had been the custom and fate of the Venetians to recover twice as much by peace as they lost by the War They understood very well the Milanesi were jealous of the Count whose design was not so much to be their General as their Prince they knew it was in their own power to make peace with which of them they pleased for both of them desired it one out of ambition the other for fear They concluded at last to compose with the Count and to proffer him their assistance for the subduction of Milan presuming that the Milanesi finding themselves betraid by the Count in their fury would submit to any dominion but his and then they being most capable of defending them were the most likely to be the Persons they would chuse for their protection Upon this resolution they sent to try the Count and found him very inclinable to a peace as desiring the victory at Caravaggio might be appropriated to him and not to the Milaneses A peace therefore was struck up and the Venetians obliged themselves to pay to the Count till Milan should be taken 13000 Florens a month and maintain in his service 4000 Horse and 2000 Foot during the War Thâ— Count on the other side engaged to restore to them all the Towns Prisoners and what ever else had been taken in that War by him reserving to himself only such Towns as were in Duke Philips possession when he died The news of this agreement disquieted the Milanesi much more than their Victory had rejoyced them The Magistrates storm'd the People complain'd the Women and Children lamented all of them in one chorus pronouncing the Count a Traitor and an infidel And though they did not expect to reclaim him from his ingratitude by any prayers or promises they could make him nevertheless they thought fit to send Embassadors to him to see with what confidence and expressions he could receive them after such barbarous disloyalty and being brought into his presence one of them spake to him to this Effect Those who desire to obtain any thing of other People are wont to accost them with prayers or promises or threats that either their compassion or profit or poverty might move them to condescend but in Men that are cruel and covetous and prepossest with their own greatness and authority there being no room for either of the three 't is in vain for any Man to think to mitigate them with prayers to oblige them with promises or to fright them with threats We therefore understanding though too late you cruelty your ambition and your insolence are come hither not to beg any thing of you for if we did we are sensible it would not be granted but to commemorate and charge you with the benefits you have received from the People of Milan and to remonstrate with what ingratitude you have requited them that among the many miseries which you have brought upon us we may have at least the pleasure to reprehend you for them You ought to remember your condition after the death of the Duke you were at hostility with the Pope and King Alfonso you were discarded by the Venetians and the Florentines who upon some just and late provocation or else finding you useless were become as it were your Enemies you were tried and weary of the War you had maintained against the Church you were left without Men without mony without friends desperate of preserving your own much more of gaining from others under which exigencies of necessity you must have sunk had not our innocence and plain-heartedness supported you We we were they who received you into our Arms moved by the reverence we retained for the memory of our Duke with whom you had enter'd into so near and so late an allyance presuming and as we thought with reason that the love you profest to him would have been extended to his People and that our rewards being added to his the amity betwixt us would not only have been firm but indissolvable and for that cause to your old articles with the Duke we threw in Verona and Brescia What could we give or promise you more and you what could you have or indeed ask more of us or any Body else at that time You received from us a kindness you could not look for and we in recompence have received a mischief we never deserved nor was this the first instance of your falshood for no sooner were you in possession of the command of our Army but against all justice and obligation you received Pavia into your hands which indeed gave us the first hint of what was to be expected from your friendship however he swallowed that injury in hopes such an acquest as that might have satiated your ambition But alas those who must have all will not be satisfied with a part You promised that all your conquests afterwards should be ours because you knew what you should give us at several times you could take from us at once this is verified since your victory at Caravaggio which though won with the expence of our treasure and blood is by your baseness perverted to our ruine Oh! unhappy are those Cities who are constrained to defend their liberty against such as invade them but much more unhappy are they who in their defence are inforced to imploy such mercenary and such treacherous instruments as you May we be example to posterity though Thebes and the King of Macedon could be no warning to us who having beaten their Enemies was made their General by them and their Prince afterwards by himself We are not therefore to be condemned for any thing but our confidence in you whose passed life and insatiable appetite of dominion ought to have taught us better than to have trusted a person which betraid the Prince of Lucca squeez'd the Florentines and the Venetians disrespected the Duke despised a King and committed several injuries above all both against God and the Church And indeed we had no reason to believe that so many Princes and Potentates should be of less authority with Francesco Sforza that the Milanesi or that he would be just in his engagements to us when he had broke them with every body else But our indescretion cannot excuse your treachery nor clear you of that infamy which our just and deplorable complaints will fix upon you all the World over Nor can any thing secure you against the stings and compunctions of your own Conscience for inverting those Arms which we had
it a reputation the first thing they did was to ratifie the peace which Lorenzo had made with the King and they appointed Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi Embassadors to the Pope Notwithstanding this Peace the Duke of Calabria departed from the Country of Siena with his Army pretending he was retained by the dissentions of that City which were so great that being quartered not far off he was invited into the Town and their defferences referred to his arbitration The Duke accepted the overture fin'd several of the Citizens imprisoned several banished some and some he put to death so that he became suspicious not only to the Sienesi but to the Florentines also that his design was to make himself Prince of that City nor could they devise any remedy seeing they had entred into a League with the King and thereby made both Pope and Venetians their Enemies And this suspicion was not only got into the brains of the multitude in Florence a subtile interpreter of affairs but into the minds also of the Governors so that it was generally concluded the liberty of that City was never in more danger but God who has always had a particular care of it in all its extremities averted that evil and by an unexpected accident gave the King the Pope and the Venetians a diversion which imported them more than their advantages in Tuscany Mahomet the great Turk was with a great Army encamped before Rhodes and had lien before it several months though his forces were numerous and his diligence great yet the valour of the besieged was not to be mastered for they defended themselves so bravely he was forced to draw off and quit the siege with a great deal of dishonor Having left Rhodes he sent part of his Fleet under the command of Giacometto Bascia towards Velona and either upon consideration of the easiness of the enterprize or express command from the Grand Signore to that purpose coasting about Italy on a sudden he landed 6000 Men assaulted the City of Otranto took it plundered it killed all the Inhabitants and when he had done fortified both the Town and the harbour as much as possibly he could and with a good party of Horse scowred the whole Country about it The King being much alarmed at this invasion as knowing how great a Monarch he had to deal with sent his Embassadors about to every Body to let them know his condition and to beg their assistance against the common Enemy besides which he pressed the Duke of Calabria with all imaginable importunity to leave his designs at Siena and come back with all his forces this invasion though it was very dreadful to the Duke and all the rest of Italy yet it was welcome to Florence and Siena the one thinking its liberty most miraculously preserved and the other themselves as strangely delivered from those dangers which would of necessity have destroyed them Which opinion was much encreased by the unwillingness wherewith the Duke departed from Siena complaining and cursing his fortune which by so unreasonable and an unexpected accident had defeated him of the Dominion of Tuscany The same thing changed the Counsels of the Pope and whereas before he would never admit any Embassador from Florence he was grown now so meek he would hear any body speak of a general Peace and word was sent to the Florentines that when ever they found themselves enclined ask pardon of the Pope they would be sure to have it The Florentines thought not fit to slip so fair an occasion and therefore sent 12 Embassadors to the Pope who entertained them with diverse practices after they were arrived at Rome before he admitted them to audience yet at length it was adjusted how all Parties should comport for the future and what every one should contribute in time of Peace as well as in War after which the Embassadors were admitted to the feet of the Pope who was placed in great Pomp with his Cardinals about him The Embassadors to extenuate what had passed laid the fault sometimes upon their own necessities sometimes upon the malignity of other People sometimes upon the popular fury sometimes upon their own just indignation as being so unhappy to be forced either to fight or to die and because death is the most terrible of all things and all things will be tried before that will be embraced they had endured the War the excommunications and all the ill consequences which followed rather than suffer their liberty which is the life of a Commonwealth to be taken from them and extinguished nevertheless if their necessity had run them upon the rocks and forced them to do any thing which was displeasing to him they were ready to make him satisfaction and did hope according to the example of their gracious Redeemer he would be as ready to receive them into his most merciful Arms. To which excuses his Holiness replyed with great heat and indignation reproaching them by all the mischiefs which they had done to the Church nevertheless to preserve the Commandments of God he was contented to grant them their pardon as they desired but intimated withal that they were to be more obedient for the future and if again they transgressed that liberty which now they were only like to have lost should be then taken wholly and that justly away because they who deserved to be free were such as practised good things and not bad and liberty abused was destructive both to themselves and other People for to neglect their duty either to God or his Church was not the office of good Men but of such as were dissolute and lewd the correction of which belongeth not only to Princes but to all that are Christians so that for what was to be passed they were to lay the fault upon themselves who by their ill deeds had given occasion of the War and continued it by their worse but now that was at an end yet it was attributed more to the goodness of other People than any merit in them after which he gave them his benediction and the form of the agreement to which he had added besides what had been debated and concluded on in Counsel that if the Florentines expected any fruit from his blessing they should furnish out fifteen Gallies and keep them in their pay till the Turk was beaten out of Italy The Embassadors complained grievously to have an article of that weight superadded to what was concluded in the Treaty but by all the friends they could make and all the arts they could use they could not prevail to have it expunged whereupon returning to Florence that Senate to perfect the Peace sent Guid Antonio Vespucci who not long before was returned from France their Embassador to his Holiness and by his prudence he brought the terms to be tolerable and as a greater sign of his reconciliation received several other marks of his Holiness favour The Florentines having put an end to all
miles of him The Duke finding the Enemy upon his back quite contrary to his expectation perceived there was no remedy but he must fight or run away so that forced and constrained lest otherwise he should do a thing unworthy of a King's Son he resolved to fight turned upon the Enemy and each of them having put their Army into order according to the discipline of those times they fell to it and the battle continued from morning to noon and was fought with more courage than any in Italy for fifty years before there dying on the one side and the other above a thousand Men the end of which fight was very honorable for the Church for their infantry being numerous so galled the Dukes Horse that they were forced to turn tail and the Duke had been taken had he not been rescued by some Turks which upon the delivery of Otronto took pay under him Roberto having gained so absolute a Victory returned triumphantly to Rome but he enjoyed the pleasure of it but little for in the heat of the battle having drunk a great quantity of cold water he put himself into a flux and died not many days after his body being interred by his Holiness with all imaginable ceremony The Pope having gained this Victory he sent the Count towards Castello to try if he could recover it for Lorenzo and what he could do upon Rimina for after the death of Robert there being only one Child left in the tuition of his Lady he thought it might be no hard matter to get into that Town and doubtless he had succeeded had not that Lady been assisted by the Florentines who opposed him so happily that he could do nothing against Rimino nor Castello Whilst these things were in agitation in Romagna and Rome the Venetians had taken Figarolo and passed the Po with their Army the Duke of Milan's and the Marquess his Army being in no small disorder upon the death of the Count d' Urbino who falling ill was removed to Bologna and died there so that the Marquesses affairs began to decline and the Venetians had great hopes of becoming Masters of Ferrara On the other side the Florentines and King of Naples used all possible art to bring the Pope over to their party but not being able to do it by force they threatned him with a Counsel which the Emperour had pronounced already should be held at Basil. Whereupon by persuasion of his Embassadors at Rome and the chief of the Cardinals who were very desirous of peace the Pope was constrained and began to hearken to the peace and tranquillity of Italy and for fear the Grandeur of the Venetians should be the ruine of that Country he became inclinable to the League and sent his Nuncii to Naples where a peace was concluded for five years betwixt the Pope King of Naples and Florentines reserving a certain time for the Venetians if they pleased to come in Which being done the Pope sent to the Venetians to desist in their War against Ferrara but the Venetians were so far from complying they reinforced their Army and pursued it with more cagerness than before for having defeated the Dukes forces and the Marquesses at Argenta they had advanced in such manner against the City that their Army was encamped in the Marquesses Park So that the League thinking it no dallying any longer resolved to assault them with all the forces they could make and accordingly the Duke of Calabria had orders to march thither with their Army The Florentines likewise sent what Men they could spare and for the better administration of the War a Diet was appointed to be held at Cremona where there met the Popes Legat Count Girolamo the Duke of Calabria the Signore Lodovico and Lorenzo de Medici with many other Princes of Italy in which Council the Method of the future War was debated and having concluded that Ferrara could not any way be relieved more effectually than by a brisk diversion they desired Lodovico's permission to attack the Venetians thorow the Country of Milan but Lodovico would not be persuaded as fearing to pull a War upon his back which he could not be rid off when he pleased whereupon it was determined that they should march with their whole strength for Ferrara and having mustered 4000 Horse and 8000 Foot they advanced against the Venetians who were 2200 Horse and 6000 Foot But the first thing the League thought fit to attempt was a Fleet which the Venetians had upon the Po and they assaulted it so smartly that they broke it at Rondino destroyed 200 of their Vessels and took Antonio Iustiniano the Proveditor of their Navy Prisoner The Venetians seeing all Italy combined against them to give themselves greater reputation they entertained the Duke of Reno into their pay with 200 good Horse and upon news of the defeat of their Fleet they sent him with part of the Army to face the enemy whilst Roberto da San Severino passed the Adda with the rest and approaching to Milan proclaimed the Duke and Madam Bona his Mother hoping that Lodovico and his Government had been so odious in that City that the very name of the other would have begot some commotion This inroad at first produced some kind of terror but the conclusion was quite contrary to what the Venetians had designed for this compelled Lodovico to do what he could not be brought to before and therefore leaving the Marquess of Ferrara to the defence of his own Country with 4000 Horse and 2000 Foot the Duke of Calabria with 12000 Horse and 5000 Foot marched into the Countries of Bergona Brescia and Verona plundering and spoiling all about them before the Venetians could send them any relief for Roberto and his Army had much ado to secure that City on the other side the Marquess of Ferrara had recovered a great part of his losses for the Duke of Reno who was sent to confront him having but 2000 Horse and 1000 Foot was not able to oppose him so that all that year 1483 things went on prosperously for the League The next Spring the Winter having passed without any considerable action both Armies took the field The League for greater expedition in their designs against the Venetians had drawn their whole Army together and had the War been managed as wisely as the year before had easily carried what ever the Venetians were possess'd of in Lombardy for they were reduced to 6000 Horse and 5000 Foot whilst the Enemy consisted of 13000 Horse and 6000 Foot for the Duke of Reno being entertained only for a year when his time was out was retired But as it many times happens where many are in equal authority diffention among the Grandees gives the Victory to the Enemy for Federigo Gonzagua Marquess of Mantona being dead who whilst he was living kept the Duke of Calabria and Signore Lodovico in good correspondence there grew exceptions betwixt them and jealousies by degrees for Giovan
several great Barons who were able not only to expostulate but to contend with the King as the Dukes of Guienn and Burbon did formerly the said Barons are now most obsequious and dutiful A third reason is because formerly all the neighbouring Princes were ready upon every occasion to invade the Kingdom of France the Dukes of Burgundy Britannie Guienne or Flanders being always tempting them thereunto and giving them access passage and reception as it hapned when the English had Wars with France by their Confederacy with the Duke of Britagne they got admission into that Country and gave the King of France his hands full and in like manner the Duke of Burgundy was as troublesom by means of the Duke of Bourbon But now Britagne Guienne the Bourbonois and greatest part of Burgundy being united to that Crown and very loyal and faithful Those neighbouring Princes do not only want their old Confederates to invite and assist them but they have them for their Enemies so that the King of France is more strong and his Adversaries more weak Another reason may be That at this day the richest and most potent of the Barons are of the Blood Royal so that upon defect of those who are before them the Crown may come to them upon which score they are firm to it hoping that some time or other it may fall either to them or their posterity whereas to mutiny or oppose it might prejudice their succession as it hapned to this King Lewis when he was taken in the Battel of Britagne where in favour of the said Duke of Britagne he was personally in Service against the French Upon the death of King Charles the Crown being legally in Lewis it was disputed whether that fault and defection of his should not be a bar to his succession and had it not been that he was very rich by means of his frugality and able to bear the Port of that Dignity at his own expence and the next Heir Monsigneur d' Angolisme an Infant he had lost it but for these reasons and some favour which he had besides Lewis was created King The last reason is because the States of the Barons in France are not divided among the Heirs as in Germany and several parts of Italy but descend still to the Eldest Son who are the right Heirs and the younger Sons are left by some little assistance from their Elder Brothers to shift for themselves whereupon they betake themselves generally to the Wars endeavouring to advance themselves that way and raise themselves fortunes and hence it is the Frenchmen at Arms are better at this day and stand fair for preferment The French Infantry cannot be good for it being long since they had any War they must needs want experience Besides in the Country the Towns are full of Tradesmen and Mechanicks all of them so curb'd and cow'd by the Nobless that they are grown pusillanimous and base and therefore the King of France having found them unfit makes no use of them in his Wars unless it be of his Gascoigns who are something better than the rest and the reason is because bordering upon the Spaniards they are constantly upon duty or communicate something of their Nature But for some years since they have shown themselves better Theives than Soldiers nevertheless in defending and assaulting of Towns they do well enough but in the field they are but indifferent quite contrary to the Germans and Swizzers who are not to be dealt with in the field but in storming or defending a Town they are good for nothing and I suppose it proceeds from hence that they cannot in both cases keep the same order which they observe in the field Wherefore the King of France makes use of Switzers and Lanzknights because his men at Arms dare not rely upon his Gascoignes in time of Service And if his Foot were as good as his Men at Arms no doubt but the King of France would be able to defend himself against all the Princes in Europe The French are naturally more fierce and hot than dexterous or strong and if resisted handsomly in their first charge they slacken and cool and grow as timerous as Women They are likewise impatient of distress or incommodity and grow so careless by degrees that 't is no hard matter finding them in disorder to master and overcome them And of this Experience has been many times had in the Kingdom of Naples and last of all at Farigliano where they were twice as many as the Spaniards and it was expected every hour when they should have swallowed them up Nevertheless because winter came on and the weather grew bad they began to straggle into the Neighbouring Towns where they might be at more ease and thereby leaving their Camp weak and out of order the Spaniards fell upon them and beat them beyond all expectation And it would have been the same with the Venetians who had never lost the Battel of Vaila had they forborn following the French example but for ten days But the fury of Bartolmeo d' Alviano was too hot for them The same hapned again to the Spaniards at Ravenna who might have certainly ruined the French in respect of their ill Government and want of provisions which were intercepted on that side towards Ferrara by the Venatians and towards Bologna by the Spaniards themselves but by the rashness of some and the indiscretion of others the French got the Victory and though as it was it was bloody enough yet it had been much more had the strength of either Army consisted in the same kind of men but the French force lying in his Men at Arms and the Spaniards force in their Foot the slaughter was the less He therefore who would conquer the French must be sure to preserve himself against their first impetus and attack and in so doing he shall be sure to prevail for Caesar's character of them is true At first they are more than Men at last less than Women France in respect of its greatness and the convenience of its Rivers is opulent and rich for their Commodities and labour are worth little or nothing by reason of the scarcity of Money among the people which is so great it is with difficulty that they are able to raise so much as will pay the impositions of their Lords though they are generally but small the reason is because every body gathers to sell as he has occasion and no body can stay to finish his harvest as it should be So that if there should be any body which is seldom seen so rich as to be a bushel of Corn beforehand every body having of their own there would be no body to buy it and the Gentlemen of what they receive of their Tenants except it be for cloths spend little or nothing For Cattle and Poultry and Fish and Venison they have enough of their own so that all the Mony comes into the hands of the Lords and
by innumerable Laws which comprehend the security of the Subject for by the first institution of that Monarchy the Kings have the disposition of their Revenue and the management of their Armies but in every thing else they are circumscribed by the Laws That Prince therefore or Commonwealth which at its first erection secures not it self is obliged to do it at the first opportunity as the Romans did when they murdered the Sons of Brutus and he that slips it will repent when 't is too late for the people of Rome not yet entirely corrupted having recovered their liberty it was sufficient to maintain it that they made away the Bruti and extinguished the Tarquins which otherwise was not to have been done had the whole mass and body of the people been debauched as I shall shew in the following Chapter CHAP. XVII A people wholly corrupted in their manners may possibly recover their liberty but they will find insuperable difficulty to maintain it HAd not Kings been expelled as they were in Rome that City in my opinion must of necessity have declined and its ancient virtue the authority been lost for if the corruption of those Kings be considered had it been propagated but to the third succession it would easily have diffused it self among the people and that being infected nothing could have preserved the City much less have restored it to its former vigour and reputation but the trunk being entire and the distemper only in the head by taking off that the members were capable of being preserved and their liberty recovered And this may be laid down as a positive truth that a City accustomed to the dominion of a Prince if the manners of the people be corrupted can never make it self free though the Prince and his whole race be extinguished for some new Lord or other will always spring up unless by accident the courage and fortune of some good Citizen concurs to its preservation and even then its liberty will be continued no longer than the life of that person as it hapned in Syracuse which remained free during the lives of Dion and Timoleon though in different times but when they were dead it relapsed and fell under the same tyranny as before but the most evident example of all was in Rome which City having turned out the Tarquins found out a way of setting up and maintaining their liberty a long time yet when Coesar was slain and Caligula Nero and the whole race of the Caesars extirpated the Romans were so far from maintaining it that they could not so much as introduce the least form or appearance of liberty and the reason of that diversity in the same City was no other but because in the time of the Tarquins the people were not generally so vitious as afterwards in the reign of Caligula and Nero for at the expulsion of the Tarquins to possess the people then against tyranny it was sufficient to tender them an oath by which they engaged never to admit single person again in Rome whereas afterwards upon the death of Caesar and the rest neither the authority nor rigour of Brutus with all his Legions in the East was able to dispose the people to the assertion of that liberty which so happily had been set up by the first of Brutus his name So strangely had the Faction of Marius diffused their poison among the Commons of which Caesar being head he had opportunity of blinding the people and coaxing them into servitude so slily they could not perceive the yoke into which they were thrusting their necks Though this example of the Romans be pregnant enough yet it is not brought in for any want in our own times For in Naples and Milan the manners of the people being totally debauched nothing could do no opportunity could restore them to a condition of liberty 'T is true upon the death of Philip Viscâ—nti the Milaneses attempted but they could never effect it For which reason it was very happy for the Romans that their Kings discovered their depravity so soon for by that means they were driven out before their wickedness could dilate and spread it self among the people which if it had done the troubles and tumults which succeeded thereupon had never had so good end as to make rather for the advantage than prejudice of the City from whence it may be infer'd that where the multitude is not corrupt tumults and disorders do no very great mischief where it is corrupt Laws may be well constituted and provided and ye do no good unless executed by some person so severely that the people are compelled to observe them and by strict observation to become good which is a thing I can neither say has hapned hitherto or promise it ever will For it is clear as I said before that a City declining upon the corruption of the Mass can never recover unless it be by the virtue and magnanimity of some active Citizen who takes the administration of Justice into his own hands and sees every thing faithfully performed and even then that good man is no sooner in his grave but the people are in their old servitude again Thus it fell out with the Thebans Epaminondas by his virtue and conduct enabled them to keep up a form of a Common wealth whilst he was alive but alas at his death it was quickly dissolved the reason is because no man is sufficiently long lived to reclaim a City that has been long accustomed to licentiousness and to reduce it to be good So that though it happens to have such a good man among them and he lives a long time nay though there be two successions of good men if the third as I said before be defective all goes to wrack it must necessarily be ruined unless by many dangers and great effusion of blood it happens to be preserved because that corruption which renders it so unapt and indisposed to a free life proceeds from the great inequality in that City and to reduce things to an equality extraordinary ways must be used which few people know and fewer will take as shall be shewn more particularly in another place CHAP. XVIII A corrupt City having made it self free how its liberty may be maintained and not having made it self how its liberty may be procured I Think I shall not be extravagant if to what has been said already I add another quaery Whether in a corrupt City a free State may be maintained if by any accident it be set up or if there be no such thing already how it is to be obtained I answer both of them are hard and though a certain rule cannot be prescribed unless we knew the degrees of its corruption nevertheless it being good that every thing be fairly discust this question shall not be suffered to pass I shall presuppose that the City of which I speak is corrupt in extremity and in that case the difficulty encreases with proportion for no Laws nor
refuse to defend them they should discourage all others that had an inclination to do the like which would have been contrary to the great design of the Romans to propagate their Glory and Empire The same accidental cause gave occasion to their first War with the Carthaginians upon the Romans protecting the Massinenses in Sicily But their second war with the Carthaginians was designed for Hanibal the Carthaginian General fell upon the Saguntins in Spain who were in alliance with the Romans not so much out of malice to the Saguntins but that the Romans being provoked to their defence should give the Carthaginians occasion to transport the war into Italy This way of provoking and hedging in a War has been always practised among Potentates especially where they had any faith or respect for other people for that the peace which has been a long time betwixt them upon articles of alliance may seem firm and inviolate they will not meddle with him against whom they do principally design but turn their arms upon some of his friends and confederates that he is most particularly obliged to receive into his protection knowing that if he appears in their defence they must have occasion to fight him if he does not but disowns his allies they publish his weakness and infidelity to the World and by either of those ways they do their business This example of the Campani is of singular importance as well to those who would make war upon any body as those that are in distress for when you are unable to defend your self and unwilling to fall into their hands that invade you the best and most safe way is to put your self in subjection to some neighbouring Prince as the Campani did then and the Florentines afterward when they found themselves too weak to support against the power of Castruccio of Lucca for finding that Robert King of Naples would not protect them as friends they threw themselves into his arms to be defended as his subjects CHAP. X. That according to the common opinion mony is not the sinews of War BEcause it is easie to begin war as a man pleases but harder to end it every Prince before he undertakes an enterprize is obliged to consider his own strength well and to regulate by it But then he must be so wise too as not to make a wrong judgment and that he will certainly do as oft as he computes it by his Bags by the situation of his Towns or the affection of his Friends rather than by his own proper Power and Arms. Mony and Towns and Friends are all good when in conjunction with a strong Army of your own but without it they do nothing without Men to what purpose is either Mony or Towns and the affection of your subjects will hold no longer than you are able to defend them There is no mountain no lake no streight inaccessible where there is no force to defend it Vast sums of mony are not only incapable of protecting you but they expose you to more danger nor can any thing be more false than that old and common saying That mony is the sinews of the war Quintus Curtius was the first author of it in the war betwixt Antipater of Macedon and the King of Sparta where he tells us that for want of monies the Spartans were forced to fight and were beaten whereas could they have protracted but some few days they had had the news of Alexander's death and got the victory without fighting a blow but wanting mony and apprehending their Army would moulder they were constrained to come to a Battel and were defeated which was the occasion of that Apophthegm That mony is the sinews of war which saying is now a-days in every Princes mouth but improperly in my judgment for relying wholly upon that Maxim they think their treasure is sufficient to defend them not considering that if that would have done it Darius would have conquered Alexander the Grecians the Romans Duke Charles the Swizzers and of late the Pope and Florentines united would not have found it so hard to have mastered Francesco Maria Nephew to Iulius 2d at the Battel of Urbin But these whom I have mentioned presuming more upon the multitude of their bags than the goodness of their men were all beaten and overcome Craesus the King of Lydia carrying Solon into his Treasury and shewing him an immense quantity of riches ask'd him what he thought of his power to which Solon replyed I think it never the greater for this for War is carried on and Battels are fought more with iron than gold and it might happen for ought he knew that some body might come with his iron and take it all from him Again when after the death of Alexander the Great a great Army of Gauls transplanted into Greece from whence they passed afterwards into Asia before they began their march the Gauls sent Embassadors to the King of Macedon to treat an accord which being almost concluded to make the Embassadors more plyable the said King shews them his treasure which consisted of a vast quantity of silver and gold which the Embassadors had no sooner seen but longing impatiently to be at it they broke of the treaty and brought their Army into his Country so that that very thing in which he had reposed his great confidence and security proved his ruine and destruction The Venetians not long since had their Coffers well stor'd yet they lost all and their wealth was not able to defend them So that I do affirm 't is not mony as the common opinion will have it but good Souldiers that is the sinews of war for mony cannot find good Souldiers but good Souldiers will be sure to find mony had not the Romans done more in their wars with their iron than their gold the treasure of the whole World would not have been sufficient for them considering their great enterprizes abroad and their no less difficulties at home but fighting with iron they had no want of gold for those who were afraid of their Armies supplyed them And if the King of Sparta was forced to run the hazard of a Battel and was beaten for want of monies it was no more than what has hapned to others and might have hapned to him upon other occasions for it falls out of many times that for want of provisions an Army is forc'd either to fight or to starve in which case there is no General so weak but he will choose that which is most honourable where fortune has some power to befriend him Again a General having news of supplies that are coming to the enemy considers with himself whether he had not better engage them as they are than attend till their recruits come up and then fight them with more disadvantage sometimes likewise it falls out as it did to Asdrubal in the Country of the Piseni when he was surprized by Claudius Nero and the other Roman Consul that a
way of preserving a Commonwealth Kingdom or Sect than by reforming and reducing them to their primitive reputation which is to be done rather by good Laws and examples at home than foreign force for though that way be effectual sometimes as it was in Rome yet it is so uncertain and dangerous it is not to be desired And to demonstrate how much particular examples have conduced to the grandeur of Rome and what great effect they have wrought I shall make them the subject of my discourse in this third Book and although among them some great examples might be produced which have been exhibited by Kings yet History having spoken of them so largely I shall pass them by without speaking any thing of them but what belongs to their own private advantage And begin with Brutus the Father of the liberty of the Romans CHAP. II. 'T is the part of a wise man sometimes to pretend himself a fool NO man was ever so commendable for his wisdom and prudence as Iunius Brutus for counterfeiting the fool For though Livy gives us but one reason why he did so and that is that under that contempt he might live quietly and enjoy his patrimony in peace yet it is probable by his ways of proceeding that he did it that thereby he might be less under the observation of the Kings and have fairer advantage of expelling them and delivering his Country when occasion should be offered And that this was in his thoughts may be presumed from his interpretation of the Oracle of Apollo to which when the Tarquins repair'd to understand which of them should succeed in the Government it being answered that the Government should come to him who first kissed his Mother the Tarquins thought it not to be accomplished till they came to Rome but Brutus pretending to slip fell down upon the ground and kissed it as the common Mother of us all And afterwards upon the death of Lucretia in the presence of her Father and Husband and Kindred he was the first that drew the dagger out of the wound and conjured all the slanders by that for the future they should never suffer a King in Rome This example may be followed by those who are disguisted with their Prince but so as first to consider their own power exactly and if they find it sufficient they may profess themselves publickly and declare open War and it is the most safe and most honourable way but if their force be but small and they find themselves that way too weak they are with all industry to endeavour to insinuate with the Tyrant serving him in his pleasures applauding him in all his actions and words and imitating him in every thing he does By this means you shall be secure from danger enjoy all the pleasures and delights of the Court and be ready for any occasion of effecting your designs Others are of opinion that you keep such a distance with the Prince as that you be neither so near him as to be covered with his ruines nor so remote but that you may take the advantage of his destruction to advance yourself and this middle way was certainly the best if it were easie to be kept but because I think it impossible it is necessary to take to one of the other two and either to remove your self quite or get in as near him as you can he who does otherwise is in a great deal of danger especially if he be a man of any Eminence and Estate for it is not enough to say I expect nothing I desire neither honour nor preferment I had rather live at ease without any controversie or trouble for those sayings are oftner heard than believed nor can great men if they did really desire it continue in that condition because no body believes them and no body will suffer them A man is therefore rather to play the fool like Brutus and he does it abundantly that flatters and applauds every thing his Prince sees or speaks or does how contrary soever it be to his own judgment and mind And as Brutus was wise in pretending that folly till occasion was offered for the deliverance of his Country so he was a severe assertor of its liberty when obtained of which severity we shall speak in the next Chapter CHAP. III. The liberty newly acquired could not have been preserved but by the execution of Brutus his Sons THe severity of Brutus in maintaining that liberty which he had procur'd in Rome was no less necessary than profitable 'T is an example well worthy to be transmitted to posterity to see a Father sitting in judgment upon his Sons and not only sentence them to death but be present and a spectator of their execution But so it is decreed and it will be found so by all that are conversant in Antiquity that upon any alteration of Government whether from better to worse or worse to better it is the same thing it is necessary severe example should be made of somebody that opposed it if you desire the new form would be preserved In short this I affirm that whoever sets up a Tyranny cannot hope to maintain it but by cutting off Brutus and whoever sets up a free State is as unlike to continue it but by taking off Brutus his Sons and of this we have discoursed so largely before there is no need of enlarging here I shall add only one example which hapned in our Country and times Piero Soderini having restored the liberty of Florence believed that by his patience and moderation he could have mollified their minds who like the Sons of Brutus were impatient of reviving the old tyranny again But he was highly mistaken and so much the more to blame by how much he was a wise man and knew well enough that there was a necessity of removing such persons as by their ambition opposed themselves against him yet though there was a necessity to do it and he had so fair an occasion he let it pass and never made use of it for besides that he believed his patience and good nature would have wrought upon some and his munificence and bounty upon others as he often declared among his friends he had an opinion that to make a stout and vigorous opposition against his Enemies it would be necessary for him to take upon him an extraordinary authority which would not only be a breach of the Laws but of the civil equality of the City and if he should assume such a power and perhaps exercise it well himself yet the people would be so terrified thereby that after his death they would never agree to the making their Gonfaloniere for life which office he thought fit to have augmented and maintained this consideration though wise and good in it self was not prudent at that time because we are never to entertain a present mischief in hopes of a future good especially when for ought we know that good may be opprest by that mischief he
ought rather to have had a care that the end of his intentions might have appeared for the good and benefit of his Country and not out of any particular ambition and to have provided that whoever succeeded him afterwards in his dignity should not be able to employ that authority to the ruine of the State which he was forc'd to take upon him to preserve it But the good man was mistaken in his first opinion as not understanding that the malice of mankind is not to be extinguished with time nor appeased with presents for could he have imitated the severity of Brutus he had preserved his own dignity and the liberty of the State But as it is a difficult thing to preserve the liberty of a State so it is no less difficult to preserve the authority of a King as shall be shewn in the next Chapter CHAP. IV. A Prince is never safe in his new Conquests whilst they are in being whom he dispossessed THe death of Tarquinius Priscus by the Sons of Ancus and the death of Servins Tullius by Tarquinius Superbus shews how dangerous it is to disposses any man of a Kingdom and suffer him to live though you endeavour by all means possible to cares him Tarquinius Priscus thought his Title unquestionable being made King by the People and confirmed by the Senate nor could it enter into his thoughts that the malice and indignation of the Sons of Ancus should be so great as to keep them from submitting to that wherewith the whole City of Rome was contented Servius Tullius was mistaken in the same manner in thinking with new favours and obligations to have pacified the Sons of Tarquin So that from the first example a Prince may take warning and not delude himself with an opinion he is safe whilst any of them are living whom he dispossessed and from the second he may inform himself that old injuries are never cancelled by new favours especially if the favours be not equivalent to the injury And without doubt Servius Tullius was ill advised to believe that the Sons of Tarquin would be content to be his Sons-in-Law when it was their due to be his King And this ambition and impatience to govern is so great and insatiable in mankind that it not only affects those persons who have some right and expectation to govern but those likewise who in reason can have no such expectancy as in the example of Tullia the Daughter of Servius but married to one of the Tarquins which Tullia was so enflamed with a desire of governing that not contented with being a King's Daughter transported with rage contrary to all silial duty and affection she incited her Husband against her Father and forc'd him into a conspiracy not only against his Kingdom but Life Whereas if Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius had known how to have secured themselves against those they had supplanted they had neither lost their Kingdoms nor Lives But Tarquinius Superbus was expell'd for not observing the Laws and Practices of the ancient Kings his Predecessors as shall appear in the next Chapter CHAP. V. How a King may lose his Kingdom though he comes to it by inheritance TArquinius Superbus seemed to have secure possession of the Kingdom upon the death of Servius Tullius who dying without heirs left him nothing of that trouble and vexation which his Predecessors encountred For although the way by which he came to the Government was irregular and abominable nevertheless had he followed the steps of his Predecessors and observed their old rules he would not have run himself so fatally in to the displeasure of the Senate and People nor have provoked them to have been so diligent in his expulsion Nor is it to be believed that his Son Sextus his deflowring of Lucretia was the chief cause that he lost his Kingdom but his infraction of the Laws his tyranny his usurpation upon the Senate and his ingrossing all authority to himself for he had brought things to that pass that those affairs which were formerly debated publickly by the Senate and according to their sentiment and order were put in execution were now transacted and determined privately in his own Palace with great dissatisfaction and offence so that in a short time Rome was deprived of the liberty which it injoyed under other Kings nor was it enough for him to disoblige the Senate but he run himself into the odium of the people harassing them out by mechanick and servile imployments to which they had never been used in the days of his Predecessors by which cruel and insolent actions he had so incensed and inflamed the minds of the Romans against him that they were ready for rebellion the first opportunity that offered it self and if that accident had not hapned to Lucretia as soon as any other had fallen out it would have had the same effect And if Tarquin had governed and lived according to the example of his Ancestors and his Son Sextus had committed that error Brutus and Collatinus would have addressed themselves to Tarquin and not to the people of Rome for justice against his Son Let Princes therefore observe that they begin to ruine their own dignity and power when they first go about to transgress and violate the old Laws and Customs of their Ancestors and if after they are removed and dispossessed of their authority they should grow so wise as to understand the felicity of governing a Kingdom with good Counsel their loss would be more insupportable and they would condemn themselves to a greater punishment than any body else would condemn them for 't is easier to be beloved by good people than bad and to obey Laws than to command them and to understand the way by which this is to be done they have no more to do but to observe the lives of good Princes as Timoleon the Corinthian Aratus Sicionius and others in which they will find so much ease and security to him that governs and them that are governed that they will be tempted to imitate them if for nothing but the easiness of it For when men are governed well they desire no other liberty as it hapned to the people who were governed by the two persons above named whom they compelled to continue their Princes whilst they lived though they endeavoured several times to have laid down and betaken themselves to a private condition And because in this and the two precedent Chapters we have discoursed of the hatred contracted against Princes and the Conspiracy of the Sons of Brutus against the State and others against Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius I think it not amiss to speak of Conspiracies more largely in my next Chapter as being a subject well worth the observation both of Princes and private Persons CHAP. VI. Of Conspiracies I Did not think it inconvenient in this place to discourse something of Conspiracies seeing they are things of such consequence and danger both to Princes private Persons for
the Emperor insomuch that many of them were put to death by the fury and insolence of those Soldiers who created and disposed their Emperors as they pleased and sometimes it fell out that at the same time several Emperors were created by the several Armies which occasioned the division first and by degrees the destruction of the Empire Those Kings therefore who are desirous to live in safety and peace ought to have their Armies composed of such persons as when there is a necessity of War will take up Arms freely for the defence of their Country and when Peace is concluded will as readily acquiesce and return to their old habitations and callings which may easily be done if they make their Levies of such men as have professions before A King is likewise upon the publication of Peace to command his Generals and great Officers to their respective charges and governments elsewhere the Reformades and Gentlemen to their own Houses and Estates and the common Soldiers to their Original Trades and Occupations And by the election of such men they will fight stoutly to procure Peace but never disturb Peace to create a War Cosimo I must confess your discourse to me seems very considerable yet being so contrary to what I fancied before my mind is not so well satisfied but there remains some doubt behind which is still to be cleer'd for I observe several Lords and Gentlemen who in time of Peace maintain themselves wholly by the profession of Arms as several great Commanders of your acquaintance and quality who are in pay under several Princes and States besides most of the men at Arms are continued in pay for the guard and security of such Cities and Castles as are requisite to be kept so that in my judgment there is employment enough for them all in time of Peace Fabritio I do not believe that you can think that in time of Peace there is entertainment for them all for if no other reason was to be alledged the smallness of the numbers requir'd to the furnishing the Garrisons would be sufficient to refute it What proportion is there betwixt the Bodies of foot which are to be raised for carrying on a War and those which are required for supplying the Garrisons in time of Peace for those Cities and Castles which in time of Peace are kept with a few men are reinforced with great numbers in time of War besides which great Levies are made for the Field Armies which upon the conclusion of Peace are constantly disbanded And as to such as are retained in the nature of Guards to the State Pope Iulius and you have demonstrated how much those are to be apprehended who will not entertain any other vocation but War having turned them out of your Guards for their insolence and entertained Swizzers in their places as people born and brought up under Laws and chosen by the Communalty by a more regular election so that tell me no more there is employment for them all in times of Peace As to the men at Arms and their being continued in pay in times of peace the answer I confess is more difficult yet upon closer examination it will not be found impossible because this custom of keeping men at Arms in pay is corrupt and inconvenient the reason is for that they are people who having no other Vocations are occasions of daily disorders in the State especially where their numbers are great but where they are not so numerous as to make an Army of themselves the danger of them is so much the less Yet many times they have done mischief enough as I have said before in the cases of Francis Sforza his Father and Braccio da Perugâ—a So that I cannot approve this Custom of keeping men at Arms in constant pay having seen so much experience of their corruptions and the inconvenience which has followed thereupon Cosimo Would you have no such Forces in pay at all or if you would have them how would you have them entertained Fabritio Not as the men at Arms in France for they are as dangerous and insolent as ours but rather according to the method of the ancients who raised their Cavalry out of their own Subjects whom they sent home again to their houses when Peace was concluded to follow their old Callings as shall be shown more largely before we end our discourse so that if these kind of Soldiers do now even in times of Peace receive pay and live under that profession it proceeds from corruption in their customs And as to the Pensions which I and my fellow Officers receive I say that that also is a corrupt custom for a wise and well ordered Government ought not to entertain any such Pensioners but is rather to employ their own Citizens for Generals in time of War and when that is done dismiss them to their own private affairs And with a wise King it is the same he is either to give no such Pensions at all or if he does it ought to be in recompence of some signal exploit or to oblige some excellent person in time of Peace as well as War And because you have instanced in me I am content to stand for an example and therefore I say I never made War my profession My business is to govern my subjects to defend them to prefer Peace but yet to know how to manage my self in War and if I have received honour or reward from the King it is not for my understanding of experience in War so much as for my integrity and counsel in times of Peace A wise Prince ought not therefore to have any about him but such as are so constituted for if they be too zealous either for Peace or for War they will draw him into inconvenience This according to my proposition at first I could not but say as to the first point if it be insufficient you must apply your self elsewhere for farther satisfaction But by what is said you may perceive the difficulty of reviving the customs of the Ancients in our present Wars What preparations are requisite to be made by any man that is wise and what opportunities are to be expected to bring them to perfection But you will understand them â—etter if your patience will give me leave to discourse them from point to point and compare all the customs of the ancients with the particular practices of our times Cosimo If we desired at first to hear you discourse of these things certainly what you have discoursed already has much encreased our desire wherefore as we give you thanks for what you have done so we do earnestly beg of you that you would proceed to the remainder CHAP. V. In what Countries the best Soldiers are to be raised Fabritio SEeing you are hitherto so well pleased I will deduce my discourse of this matter from the fountain that thereby you may comprehend it the better and I be enabled to demonstrate it more copiously When War
Cities live happily in liberty for they are so careful and studious of their Laws that that very one thing keeps them from servitude and being over-run by their enemies and if any instance be desired of this more than ordinary probity in the Germans I shall produce one not unlike that before betwixt the Senate and the people of Rome It is the custom in those States when they have occasion for mony upon the publick account for the councils and Magistrates in authority to lay a tax of one or two per cent upon all the inhabitants under their jurisdiction according to their respective Estates at the day and place appointed for payment every man appears with his mony and having taken his oath first that the sum he pays is according to the full of his Estate he throws it into a chest provided for that purpose and no notice taken what it is he throws in from whence we may conclude that there is still some sparks left in that people of their old ingenuity and religion nor is it to be doubted but every man pays his due for otherwise the sum would not amount to the imposition nor to what they formerly paid whereby the fraud would be discovered and they become liable to a new tax which integrity and justice is the more admirable in our days because it is to be found no where but in Germany and the reason as I conceive is twofold one because they have had little or no commerce with their neighbours neither trading into foreign parts nor admitting foreigners into theirs contenting themselves with their own diet and clothes and commodities and thereby preventing all occasion of evil conversation which is the corruption of good manners especially among the French the Spaniards and Italians which are wicked enough to debauch the whole World The other reason is because those Commonwealths who have preserved their liberties and kept themselves incorrupt do not suffer any of their Citizens to live high and at the rate of a Gentleman but they live all in an equality and parity as those few Noblemen or Gentlemen who are there are very odious to the people and when-ever any of them fall by accident into their hands they die without mercy as those who are the fountain of all their luxury and the occasion of their scandal I call those Gentlemen who live idly and plentifully upon their Estates without any care or employment and they are very pernicious where-ever they are but above all they are most dangerous who besides their great revenues have their Castellanies their Jurisdictions and their Vassels which pay them fealty and homage of these two sorts the Kingdom of Naples the Territories of Rome Romagna and Lombardy are full for which reason there is no such thing as a free State in all those Countries because the Gentry are mortal enemies to those constitutions and it would be impossible to erect a Republick where they had the dominion if any alteration be to be wrought it is by reducing them into a Monarchy for the matter being so corrupt that the Laws are become ineffectual to restrain them there is a necessity that force be applyed and that by a regal power the licentiousness and ambition of the Grandees be reduced into order this may be illustrated by the example of Tuscany which is a small Territory and yet has three considerable Commonwealths in it as Florence Siena and Lucca and the rest of the Cities of that Province though they depend upon them yet their minds and their laws shew a strange propensity to freedom all which proceeds from the scarcity of Gentry in those parts especially with such power and jurisdiction as aforesaid On the contrary there is so great an equality among them that if a prudent and publick man should happen among them who had any knowledg of that kind of Government he might easily form them into a solid Commonwealth but hitherto it has been their misfortune to have no such man I conclude therefore that he who would establish a Commonwealth where the Country consists most of Gentlemen will find it impossible unless he ruines them first and on the other side he who would set up a Monarchy or Principality where the equality is great must select the most considerable and unquiet amongst them give them Castles and Lands and Preferments and any thing that may oblige them to his side by which means they shall not only maintain the power of their Prince but their own insolence and ambition and the people be forced to submit to a yoke to which nothing else could compel them for whilst there is a due proportion betwixt the Prince and the Subject all things go well and every man enjoys his Estate but to settle a Republick in a Country disposed to Monarchy or to erect a Monarchy where the condition of the people have a tendency to a Commonwealth requires a person of more than ordinary authority and brain Many have tried it but very few have succeeded the greatness and difficulty of the enterprize confounding them so at first that they know not where they are and give over as soon as they have begun But it may be objected that the constitution of the Venetian Government confutes my position That no Commonwealth can be established where the Gentry are considerable for under that State no man is admitted to any office but those who are Gentlemen I answer that the Venetian Gentry are nothing but name for their Lands and Possessions are very few the principal part of their Estates lying in their merchandize and goods besides none of them have any Seigneuries or Jurisdiction over the people so that a Gentleman among them is but a title of honour and preheminence founded upon none of those things which in other places make them so considerable For as in other Commonwealths the Citizens are distinguished into several Orders so Venice is entirely divided into two the Populace and the Gentry the Gentry having or being capable of all honours and employments from which the Populace are utterly excluded which for the reasons abovesaid it has produced no disturbance in that State These things being considered let him who desires to erect a Government settle a Commonwealth where there is a parity among the inhabitants and a Monarchy where there are many great men and the Gentry numerous Otherwise his Government will be incongruous and of little duration CHAP. LVI Great accidents before they happen to any City or Province are commonly prognosticated by some sign or predicted by some men HOw it comes to pass I know not but by ancient and modern example it is evident that no great accident befalls a City or Province but it is presaged by Divination or Prodigy or Astrology or some way or other and that I may not go far for my proof every one knows what was foretold by Frier Girolamo Savonarola before the Expedition of Charles viii into Italy besides which it was
reported all over Tuscany that there were arm'd men seen fighting in the air over the Town of Arezzo and that the clashing of their arms in the conflict was heard by the people It is generally known in Florence that before the death of the old Laurence de Medici the Duomo or chief Church in that City was struck with lightning and the people destroyed and before Piero Sodermi who was made Gonfaloniere for his life by the people was banished and degraded the Palace was burn'd by lightning likewise many other instances might be produced which I omit for brevity sake I shall only add one which is mentioned by Livy before the coming of the French to Rome Marcus Ceditius a Plebeian acquainted the Senate that passing one night about twelve a clock thorow the Via-nova he heard a voice bigger than a mans which advised him to let the Senate know the French were upon their march to Rome How these things could be it is to be discoursed by persons well versed in the causes of natural and supernatural events for my part I will not pretend to understand them unless according to the opinion of some Philosophers we may believe that the air being full of intelligences and spirits who foreseeing future events and commiserating the condition of mankind gives them warning by these kind of intimations that they may the more timely provide and defend themselves against their calamities But what-ever is the cause experience assures us that after such denuntiations some extraordinary thing or other does constantly happen CHAP. LVII The multitude united is formidable and strong but separated is weak and inconsiderable THe Romans being overthrown and their Country much wasted upon the coming of the French many of them contrary to an express Order and Edict of the Senate transplanted to Veii and left Rome Whereupon by a new Proclamation the Senate commanded that by a precise day and upon a certain penalty they should return to their old habitations when the news of this Proclamation was first brought to Veii it was despised and laugh'd at by every body but when the day appointed for their return arrived there was not a man but pack'd up his goods and came back as was required and as Livy says in the case Ex ferocibus universis singuli metu suo obedientes Not one of them who were so contumacious together but apart began to fear and that fear made him obedient And certainly nothing can give us a more lively description of the nature of a multitude than this case They are bold and will speak liberally against the decrees of their Prince and afterwards when they see their punishment before their faces every one grows fearful of his neighbour slips his neck out of the coller and returns to his obedience So that it is not much to be considered what the people say either of their Princes good management or bad so they be strong enough to keep them in their good humour when they are well disposed and provide which they are ill that they do them no hurt But this ill disposition of the people I mean all ill dispositions but what arise either from the loss of their liberty or the loss of some excellent Prince still living upon whom they had setled their affections For the evil dispositions proceeding from these causes are transcendently dreadful and strong remedies are to be applyed to restrain them In other cases their anger is nothing especially having no body to head them for as there is nothing so terrible as their fury in one case so there is nothing so vain and inconsiderable in the other because though they have betaken themselves to their Arms they are easily reduced if you can but avoid the first heat of their fury for by degrees they will cool and every man considering it is his duty to return will begin to suspect himself and think of his security either by making his peace or escape Whenever therefore the multitude is in a mutiny their best way is immediately to choose themselves a Head who may correct keep them united and contrive for their defence as the Romans did when leaving Rome upon the death of Virginia for their protection and security They created twenty Tribunes from among themselves and if this course be neglected it happens to them as Livy presaged in the foregoing Sentence That as nothing is more couragious than the multitude united so nothing is more abject when they are separate and divided CHAP. LVIII That the multitude is wiser and more constant than a Prince THat nothing is more vain and inconstant than the multitude Titus Livius and all other Historians do agree You shall many times find them condemning a man to death and lamenting him when he is dead and wishing for him again This hapned in the case of Manlius Capitolinus who being suspected to design against their liberty was by the people thrown headlong down the rock and in a short time exceedingly regretted The words of our Author are these Populum brevi posteaquam ab eo periculum nullum erat desiderium ejus tenuit When their fear of him was over their affection revived And in another place where he shows the accidents which hapned in Syracuse after the death of Girolamo Nephew to Hierone he says Haec natura multitudinis est aut humiliter servit aut superbe dominatur The nature of the Multitude is to be servilly obedient or insolently Tyrannical Things being thus I know not whether I shall not seem too bold to undertake the defence of a thing which all the world opposes and run my self upon a necessity of either quitting it with disgrace or pursuing it with scandal yet methinks being to maintain it with arguments not force it should not be so criminal I say then in behalf of the multitude that what they are charged withal by most Authors may be charged upon all private persons in the world and especially upon Princes for whoever lives irregularly and is not restrained by the Law is subject to the same exorbitancies and will commit as bad faults as the most dissolute multitude in the world And this may be easily known if it be considered how many Princes there have been and how few of them good I mean of such Princes as have despised and broke thorow those Laws which were intended to restrain them The Kings in Egypt were not anciently of this sort for they were govern'd by Laws in those Provinces from the very beginning and the Kings of Sparta were the same Nor need we look back so far for examples we have the Kings of France in our own days whose Kingdom in my judgment is at this time the most regular and best govern'd in the world Those Princes therefore who are born under such Laws and Constitutions and obliged to live by them are not to be reckoned or compared with the dissolute and mutinous multitude but they are to be considered with a multitude