the better knowledge of them and difference between them it was added The King of France holding his Mansion house or Royal Court at Paris at Orleans at Soissons or at Mets. And the Soveraignty of Basemain of these four Kingdoms was due only unto the King of Paris as unto the chief and principal King until in the year 618. all these kingdoms were united and incorporated into one So was England divided into many kingdoms as into the kingdom of Kent of Northumberland c. So the three sons of Brutus as Camber Locrinus and Albanactus divided the whole kingdom betwixt them after their fathers death And this division continued in France in England and in the Empire until their mortal wars or friendly marriages voluntary agreement or forceable violence greedy ambition or fatal destiny reduced them unto one Monarchy The Union of the twelve Kingdoms of Spain fell out in Ferdinando his time who being king of Aragon matched with Isabella Queen of Castile as heir unto her Brother Henry and in her right held himself and after his decease transferred unto his Daughter Ioan begotten upon her body all the Kingdoms of Spain which Daughter married with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begate upon her body Charls the fifth who was Emperour and unto him succeeded Philip which now reigneth And thus he came by the States within his own Country The States without the limits of Spain some of them are Kingdoms as of Naples of Navarra of both Sicilies and of Portugal together with the many Kingdoms of both the East and the West Indies some Earldoms and Dukedoms as of Milan Brabant and Flanders of Burgundy and briefly of the seventeen United Provinces How he came by all these it will be more tedious then wondrous to declare The Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been the butchery of most Nations of Europe For the Popes challenging to be Soveraign Lords thereof and by vertue of that Title to have full power and authority to dispose the same at their pleasure according to the variety of their humours their affections their quarrels and their factions they have somtimes bestowed them upon Frenchmen other times upon Italians somtimes upon Germans other times upon Swetians somtimes upon Spaniards other times upon Hungarians and once upon the Englishmen So that all these Nations either for the conqâ—est or for the deâ—ence thereof have lost their blood hazarded their lives and spent infinite treasure which is shortly proved by these examples following In the year 1381. Pope Clement crowned in Avignion Charls Prince of Tarento King of Sicily who had married the sister of Ioan Queen of Sicily and of Ierusalem the which Ioan for default of heirs adopted for her son and heir Lewis Duke of Anjou and made him king of Naples Sicily and Ierusalem and Duke of Cambria and Earl of Provence This gift and adoption was ratified by the Pope and furthered by the Frenchmen for these respects Clement the pope having a Corrival named Urban who was favoured by the king of Castile and of Hungary thought it convenient and necessary for him to procure the help and assistance of the Frenchmen for the better maintenance of his cause as divers of his Predecessors had done before him and therefore with his gift and donation so wrought and won unto him the said Lewis who was then Regent of France that although the Kings above-mentioned had sent their Ambassadors unto the French king to entreat his favour and furtherance for Pope Urban they could not prevail with him because the said Lewis who governed the king and all the Realm was wholly for Clement insomuch that through his favour Clement's Cardinals had all the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions of France without any respect being had to their lives to their learning to their qualities or to their Religion The Frenchmen aided the said Lewis in this quarrel and in his Wars for the obtaining of these Kingdoms most willingly because they were desirous to send him far from home who wearied them at home daylie with new Taxes and unaccustomed grievances Pope Urbane on the contrary side to gratifie his friends and to be assured of their help gave these Kingdoms unto Charls Nephew of the King of Hungary who willingly accepted the same as well for the benefit thereby likely to arise as for to revenge the death of his Brother cruelly and unjustly murthered by the said Ioan his Wife Wherein he had so good success as that he took the said Ioan Prisoner and caused her to be put to death Here you see Frenchmen and Hungarians at mortal Wars for this Kingdom And before these later Contentions you shall understand that the above mentioned Ioan being weary of her Husband Lewis and having divers ways so wronged him that he lived many years indurance Adopted for her Heir Alonso King of Aragon who drave Lewis out of his Kingdom Here you see Frenchmen and Spaniards at deadly feud for these Kingdoms Conradin Duke of Suavia and Son to Conrade the Emperour being disposed and purposed to retire himself after the death of his Father into his Kingdom of Naples obtained great help of divers German Princes and especially of Frederick Duke of Austria his very neer and dear Kinsman but being encountred by Charls brother of the King of France and betrayed unto him by Pope Clement the fourth both he and the aforesaid Frederick were taken Prisoners and by the advice of the Pope not long after beheaded So came the Kingdom of Naples from the Suavian unto the Frenchman and the Dukedom of Suavia ended and was utterly extinct by the Treason and wickedness of Pope Clement What Contentions have been betwixt divers Families of Italy and divers Houses of Naples it self for those Kingdoms the Chronicles of Italy report And I hasten from this Nation to our own Country because it may seem somewhat strange we had ever to do so far from home and what quarrel presence or title we could lay to a Kingdom so remote and far distant from England By that which hath been said you may easily perceive that the Popes have used these Kingdoms and their pretensive right unto them for the only means and instruments to furnish themselves with friends in time of need and necessity And when they began to be weary upon any occasion of the present King of Naples they incontinently set upon another displaced their enemy and called such a Prince as best pleased them or the time or the opportunity made fittest to hearken to their perswasions and to persecute their Adversaries into Italy and there continued and cherished him for a time until they likewise grew weary of him or he could no longer stand them in stead This is verified by many Armies that have been especially brought out of France and by sundry Kings and Princes of that Country who spent their time travel and treasure in those Wars But there is not one Example that
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
the siege to Rochel Insomuch that Mr. of Valence who was his Ambassador unto the Electors was faâ—n to publish a Book wherein he more cunningly then truly derived the fault and crime of that Mâ—ssacre from him unto the Duke of Guise who took the same in so evil part that after the king was estâ—blished in Poland the said Duke published an other book wherein he cleared himself and layed the chief blame upon the late French king Lastly whenas he had ruled a while in Poland and saw the diversities of Religions there he loathed the Country detested their opinions and could hardly be brought to take the Oath which bound him to permit and tolerate a plurality of Religions in that kingdom But it may be thought that as many Princes have shewed themselves honest vertuous and religious before they were kings to the end they might the better attain unto a kingdom so he being assured by his Mother and by a vain prophesie that she should live to see all her sons kings and knowing that he should hardly come to the kingdom unless he gave some manifest signes of his zeal in Religion during the time that he lived as a Subject under his Brother repressed his nature dissembled his manners and disguised his Religion that Heresie might not be a bar unto him for the kingdom In the refuting of this Objection I shall have occasion to confound many of his Actions together which will serve to confute some other crimes layed to his charge When his bother Charles the ninth died he was in Poland where hearing he news of his death he took such a course for his departure from thence as highly commendeth his wisdom and manifestly declareth his great and natural love and affection unto his native Country with which course it shall be very requisite and expedient to acquaint you throughly because his Adversaries draw from hence their principal Arguments to prove his Infidelity and the beginning of his evil Government for where as he was say they bound by faithfull promise and oath to contnue in Poland and to have an especial care of the Wealth and welfare of that Country he left and abandoned them when they had most need of him as may appear by the Letter that was sent unto him after his departure by the principle Peers Nobles and Senators of that Realm It is not unknown unto any that know the State of France and are conversant in the writers of the later Accidents thereof that he was very unwilling to go into Poland because that he saw that his brother was not likely to live long and that he dying in his absence the kingdom which was alwayes to be preferred before the Crown of Poland might be wrongfully tranferred unto his Brother or unto some other whom his Brothers young years or his absence might encourage to affect the same This consideration moved him not to give his consent unto that journey before that his Mother faithfully promised to revoke him with all possible diligence if his Brother should chance to die And some write that at his departure his mother whether it were to make him the more willing to goe or that she was resolved to take such order that Charles the ninth should not live long said unto him Take not his departure my son grievously for it shall not be long before thou shalt returne Let it be spoken either to comfort and encourage him or with her foreknowledg and prejudicate opinion he was scant setled in Poland when a Messenger came unto him to signifie his brothers death This Message being delivered he wisely and providently called together the Nobilitie of Poland imparted unto them his Brothers death required their Counsel in a case of such difficulty as greatly perplexed his Wits and not lightly troubled the wisest amongst them The first thing that was decreed was that the Nobles should mourne for him in the same manner and with the same solemnities that they usually observe in mourning for their own Kings whereby they signified their great love which they bore him The next matter that was resolved was to dispatch a present Messenger into France with Letters of Credit unto the Queen his mother requiring her for him to take upon her the Regency of France untill his returne And the third Conclusion of their consultation was to call a general Assembly of the States and therein to deliberate and consult what might be best for the King to do whether to returne into France or to continue and remaine in Poland In this interim he calling to minde the trubulent Estate of France the young years of his Brother and the Ambitious and aspiring minds of divers of the French Nobility And liâ—â—wise understanding that the Peers of Poland fearing his suddain departure were about to take some order for preventing the same determined with himself to depart thence before his going should be known aswell because he would not have the same hindred and crossed by the Nobilitie as for that he knew it would be very dangerous for him to pass homeward through the Countries of divers Princes that bore him no great good will if he should depart thence as that they might have any foreknowledg and intelligence of the time of his departure and of the way which he went in returning into France This resolution thus taken he writeth a letter with his owne hands unto those in whome he reposed greatest confidence and signified unto them that since the time of their last conference he had received such Intelligence out of France as gave him just occasion to hasten thither in Poste and not to attend the general Assembly of the States of Poland he promiseth to returne so soon as he could conveniently prayeth them to excuse his suddain departure unto the rest of the Nobilitie And for such matters as his leisure would not permitt him to committ unto his Letter he desireth them to give credit unto a faithfull Counsellor of his whom he left behinde him with further instructions for them The Nobilitie understanding by his owne Letter and these mens reports marke the love they bore him and the care which they have of him sent presently a Nobleman in Poste after him to beseech him to returne and wrote their Letter unâ—o the Emperor to certifie his Majestie that his hastie returne into France proceeded not of any offence given unto the King by them nor of any evil opinion conceived by the King against them but of some urgent occasion requiring his presence in France They rested not here but when they saw that he returned not in such time as they looked for him they wrote a large Letter unto him wherein they declared how lovingly they consented to choose him before a number of other Pâ—â—nces that were competitors with him how honorably they sent for him into France how royally they received him how dutifully they carried themselves towards him how carefully they provided for the safety of both
destroyed in a very short time and Ierusalem yeilded up again unto the enemies I might tell how Constantinople by the discord of the Graecians how Anatolia by the same cause and the subtilty of Ottamon how Caria Licaonia and Phrygia by the like occasion how Harly and Andrynopoly by the very self same means and how by reason of the debate and controversie betwixt Emanuel Paleologo Emperor of Constantinople and the King of Seruia and the Valachians all Albania Velona Salona Râ—manca and Thracia were subdued and taken by the Turk I might tell you how that the discord betwixt Alphonso King of Arragon and of Naples and the Venetians and betwixt Sextus the Pope Francis Sforza Duke of Milan and the Floentines enforced the poor Venetians who otherwise were not able to withstand their domestical Enemies to give the Turk Chalcedonia a principal City of Anatolia together with the Island of Stalemina otherwise called Lemnos and an hundred thousand Duckets in ready money and eight thousand of yearly Tribute I might tell you as Lewis Fuscarin Embassadour of Venice in an Oration that he made unto Pope Pius the second told him That the contentions betwixt Christian Princes have been so many and so obstinate that the Turk by reason of them possesseth two Empires which be Constantinople and Trapesonda Four principal Kingdomes of Persia Arabia Syria and Egypt Twenty great Provinces and two hundred fair Cities I might tell you how Barbarossa burnt Niza in Provence and carried above forty thousand Captives out of the Kingdom of Naples Pulia and Calabria taking only advantage of the sedition which then raigned in Italy I might tell you that the Island of Rhodes was lost because the Christians were not able to succour the same by reason of the Wars of Italy and the Insurrection of the commonalty of Spain I might tell you that the Kingdom of Hungary was lost by the like dissention And briefly that in late years the contentions betwixt the French Kings and Charles the Fifth and King Philip of Spain have greatly hindred the progress happy success and fortunate accomplishment of such enterprises as were valiantly attempted and might worthily have been executed against the aspiring pride of the insatiable Turk But to tell you all this and the circumstances thereof were somewhat too tedious And I hasten unto other points and I shall have occasion to handle that which is untouched and not sufficiently declared in this point in another place more aptly hereafter The second point whereat they wonder is that Princes hating Rebels as the Enemies of their estates the Impugners of their authority the Adversaries of their absolute power and the Subverters of their Kingdoms do in these dayes not only bear with Rebels but also harbour them not receive them alone but also aide and assist them So say they the Queen of England maintaineth the Rebels of the United Provinces commonly called the States of the United Provinces So say they the King of Spain supporteth yea and helpeth with money men and munition the Rebels of France commonly called Leaguers So say they the Popes holiness animateth the Catholicks of France and England to rebell against their Soveraigns Truly to nourish Rebels is an action in nature hateful and in policy dangerous for to aid the wicked is to participate with them in their wickedness and he that giveth countenance comfort or succour unto his Neighbours domestical Enemies is to look for the like measure if his Subjects at any time and upon any occasion chance to rebel against him But because many things in outward appearance seem good which indeed are naught and vitious not only in this Age but also in times past are and have been baptized by the names of vertues It is now and it hath always been usual to deem all things honest that are profitable honourable that are expedient and lawful that may be justified by examples Is there any thing that maintaineth States and upholdeth Kingdomes better then Justice And yet lived there not a man that inwardly professed and openly said Si violandum est jus regnandi causa Is there any thing more odious or unbeseeming a Prince then to say one thing and do another And yet lived there not a Prince that wrote for his Posie Qui nescit dissimulare nescit Regnare Is there any greater sign of an insatiable mind and of ambitious covetousness then having many Kingdomes to covet more Kingdomes and yet lived there not a King who having conquered most part of the world wept because he heard a Philosopher dispute of another world which he had not as yet subdued Is there any thing more cruel or barbarous then an Emperor being bound by duty and commanded by the Almighty to conserve and preserve his Subjects to wish and intend the death of all his Subjects And yet lived there not an Emperor who wished that all the people of Rome had but one head that he might cut it off at one blow And what moved these Princes Kings and Emperors to violate Justice to dissemble with all men to aspire and desire more Kingdomes and to covet and imagine the death of their Subjects but a colourable shew of honour or of profit The common Proverb saith give a man an Inch and he will take an Ell and who desireth to do be great regardeth no Parentage careth for no kindred nor esteemeth any Lawes The ancient Romans whose fame is notable through all the world and whose Actions are imitated by most of the world seemed outwardly to be just and true dealers never coveting more then their own but alwayes contented in common opinion with their own And yet in their inward thoughts they were never satisfied till all that belonged to others became their own They first conquered Italy then Spain next France afterwards Germany and after them Scotland and England their desires and covetousness rested not there but as men infected with the Dropsie the more they drink the more they desire to drink so they the more they had the more they desired and did spread the wings of their ambitious Avarice over all Africa and Asia making themselves of Lords of one Town Monarchs of the universal world In all which their conquests they carried an outward shew of manifest Equity pretending for all and every the wars which they undertook not one but many just causes which they used to declare unto their friends and confederates and not to conceal them from their very enemies unto whom they sent usually an Herald of Arms who should demand restitution of such things as they pretended to be unjustly taken from them or reparation of their supposed wrongs But if a man should now with the eyes of indifferency look upon the causes which moved them to undertake all or most part of their wars he should find that they were but colorable shews for what cause had they to war with Carthage but that they envied Carthages greatness What moved them to subdue
late French King and still continue their open Revolt and unlawful disobedience against his right Heir and lawful Successor Neither can any man deny that all they that took part with Lewis surnamed the Meek against Bernard King of Italy were also most famous and disloyal Traytors For Lewes being younger Brother unto Pipin who dyed before his Father Charlemain and left Bernard King of Italy his sole Heir had no right to the Crown of France so long as the said Bernard his eldest Brothers Son lived for that as well in the Succession of Crowns and Kingdoms as of private mens Lands and Inheritances the eldest Brothers Son and Heir is always to be preferred before his Uncle And for as much as Lewis having taken his Nephew Bernard in the field Prisoner did not only detain him and his chief Councellors in hard Prison but also in the end put him to an unlawful and unnatural death Those Subjects who followed and assisted him in those his unkind and unjust actions because it is a most wicked deed to participate with the wicked in their wickedness must needs be accounted as wicked as the present Subjects of France who consented unto the cruel Massacre of their late King Again all those French Subjects who bore Arms against Edward the Third in the behalf of Philip de Valoys were in as high degree of Rebellion as these latter Rebels And so likewise were those who stood with Charls the seventh against Henry the fifth and sixth of England For the only reason and cause which they alledged to debar these English Kings from the Succession as lawful Heirs to the Crown of France was the Law Salique which as they then pretended excluded not only women but also other Heirs males descending from the woman from the Inheritance of the Crown Which Law was no sufficient bar because it was undoubtedly a local Law made in Salem a Town about the River of Rhine in Germany at what time the French Kings were both Kings of France and Emperours of Germany and therefore as all other local Laws are was tyed to the Inheritance of that Town only and could not stretch her Forces to forrain Countries or to the succession of Kingdoms no more then the Law of Gavelkind being peculiar not to all but to some part of Kent is of full strength and full force in other places of England Besides it is confirmed that there was never any such Law in France by the Testimony of the Duke of Burgundy who when as Philip surnamed the Long was created King never left to cry out against his Creation and to profess openly That the Kingdom belonged of right unto Ioan Daughter unto Hutine sometimes King of France before that Philip stoppen his mouth with the gift of the Country of Burgundy in Dower with his eldest Daughter I could stand longer upon the proof that there was never any Salick Law in France were it not that Du Haillan a French Chronicler in the first Volumn of his History easeth me of that pain and cleareth that point so plainly that he being a Frenchman and refuting a Law suggested not only to be a Law but also one of the chief Pillars and Maintainers of the ancient Dignity of the Crown of France cannot be thought to write thereof either partially or untruly But although I let pass Ed. 3. his Title as the less valuable because it was impugned and weakned by the only Allegation of that Law yet I must enlarge somewhat more Henry the fifth his Right because the same in my simple conceit and opinion was far stronger then Edward the Thirds For Henry the fifth considering that because his Predecessors did always from the time of Edward the third lay continual claim unto the Crown of France and that therefore the Kings or rather Usurpers thereof had do right nor just title thereunto because they not having bonam fidem a point requisite in Prescription by reason that they knew the right to be in Kings of England rather then in themselves could not lawfully prescribe a right unto the said Crown demanded the same by force of Arms of Charls the sixth and drave him to such extremities that he being able no longer to make resistance against his invincible Forces was glad to capitulate and agree upon conditions of Peace with him The principal Articles of which Peace were That the said Charls the sixth should during his life continue King That he should dis-inherit his Son and Heir who was afterwards Charles the seventh That the King of England should take to Wife Isabel Daughter unto the French King and in regard of that Marriage he proclaimed Regent of that Kingdom during Charles his Father in laws life because he was sometimes Lunatique and Heir apparent to the Crown after his death And lastly that the Nobility and Peers of France should not only consent thereunto but also take a solemn Oath which was accordingly performed and executed to maintain every point of those Articles and uphold and assist Henry the fifth and his lawful Heirs and Successors against Charles Son unto the French King the rather because his Father had for very good and just occasions him moving thereunto dis-inherited the said Charles and by the last Will and Testament made when he was in perfect sence and memory ordained and constituted the said Henry his sole and lawful Heir of the Crown But the Frenchmen have their Objections to all that is said the which I cannot lightly pass over because I know you are desirous to hear their Exceptions and also what may be replied in Answer to their Allegations But I may not dwell long upon every particular Point because my leisure will not serve me and it is not pertinent to my first purpose They say first That their Kingdom goeth not by Dissent and Inheritance from the Father to the Son but by succession which is grounded not upon Law but upon a Custom by vertue whereof the next of the Blood Royal be he of the farthest degree that may be of Kindred succeedeth not as a lawful Heir but as a Successor by Custom not newly invented but of long continuance even from the time of the first King Pharamond Which objection I mean briefly to Answer before I will proceed to any others Guicciardine who wrote an Universal History of all things that hapned in his time not only in Italy but also in all other places of Europe although he was a very perfect and learned Lawyer yet when he had occasion to touch any Point of Law he handled not the same Lawyer-like but passed it over lightly setting down his opinion of the Case in as few words as he could possibly because if he had done otherwise he knew that he should not observe the Laws and Bounds whereunto Histographers are tyed and bound In like manner although these Questions are meerly civil and ought to be handled by me as a Civilian yet because I purpose
useth his wit imployeth his strength bendeth his power armeth his people directeth his Council and dedicateth all that he possesseth to the lawful or unlawful inlarging of his Territories It is he that taketh of his Father to be Ambitious that hath learned of his Ancestors to be troublesome that thinketh it a work beseeming a Prince and becoming a King to vex and molest all Kings It is he that dreameth by night studieth by day practiseth at all times how to let no time pass without a line as it was anciently said without a Stratagem a late invented policy an unknown practise and a rare and marvelous enterprise It is he that increaseth in ambition as well as in years in covetousness as well as in pride in rigour as well as in morosity Briefly it is he and I would to God that it were not he that troubleth the peaceable estate of Christendom that only vexeth the Realm of France that disquieteth Flanders and setteth friends at jarrs allies at variance and confederates at dissention insomuch that it may well be said of him Phi malus lippus totus malus ergo Philippus Now if a woman hath presumed to encounter with this man if a Queen of one Island hath undertaken to bridle a Prince of so many Nations if her sole Forces have tamed his invincible power her only counsel prevented his subtile practises her good will withstood his ill-will his mischievous practises and his ambitious desires if she alone hath hindred him to be Lord of France Ruler of Italy and Commander of all the rest of the world shall he not err that compareth Hercules with her Or can any man deem him wise that taketh her in any respect inferiour to Iulius Caesar mighty Pompey or Alexander the Great For two of these with the invincible power of the invincible Romans conquered some part of the rude and unwarlike people of the world and the third and fourth are famous not in true Histories but in old Fables for doing such exploits as are more pleasant then credible more praised then possible and much more admired then allowed for true and not miraculous But if any man shall deny her to be wise her peaceable Government giveth him the lie if her might and power shall be called in question her actions in Flanders and France testifie the fulness of her strength if her justice be not worthily commended her motherly care over the present King of Scotland while he was an infant her pitiful charity extended to as many as have had need of her help and her upright and just proceedings in as many matters forraign and domestical as have been referred to her discretion shall convince him of falshood or of malice that shall derogate ought from her innumerable multitudes of her everlasting praises I wonder when I hear the Romans boast of their Pompey the Grecians brag of their Constantine the French report wonders of their Charlemaigne and the Syrians set forth the praises of their Antiochus whom every one of these Nations baptized with the sirname of Great because their actions were somwhat extraordinary exceeding the common success of other Princes and the usual fortune of many and divers Kings for if a woman hath gone far beyond them all and that without the aid of any Allies without the help of Forrain powers and without the strength of such as should have employed their whole strength to the furtherance of her endeavours are not their praises eclipsed their honours blemished and their renown obscured They lived in an age of ignorance in a time of simplicity in a season of cowardly pusillanimity she ruleth in a world full of Machiavelists pestered with deceitful Hanibals plentiful of warlike Captains and rather over-burthened then not throughly furnished with sufficient Counsellors and yet neither the policy of the wisest nor the deceit of the craftiest not the labour of most warlike nor the wisdom of the best and most sufficient Counsellors hath ever drawn her into any small inconvenience but hitherto either wisely or happily providently or fortunately warily or worthily she hath not only prevented but escaped foreseen but overgone forecast but overcome the most secret the most subtile the most divelish and the most unnatural and inevitable practises devises attempts treasons and trecheries of her adversaries For many men and women learned and unlearned spiritual and temporal noble and ignoble courtiers and counsellors have sought her death and committed treasons against her Witness the late Queen of Scots Mrs Arding and her daughter witness Dr Storey Dr. Parrey and Dr Saunders Witness Campion Sherwin and their complices Witness the Earls of Northumberland Westmerland and Arundel Witness Babington Throgmorton Tilney and their confederates Witness the late Duke of Norfolk and Perrott both Privie Counsellors of great account wealth credit and honour both greatly loved trusted and honoured by her Majesty both bound unto her Highness for many favours dignities and advancements both briefly counselled animated encouraged and directed in their treasons by the wise Counsellors of the mightiest Prince and the greatest enemy that her Grace had in the world Their treason was plotted abroad and intended at home invented in Spain and should have been executed in England there it received a beginning here an approbation here were executioners and there counsellors here practisers and there patrons here the traytors were blinded with ambition there the abettors were transported with envie here reigned pride and there revenge briefly here the treasons ended but their malice continueth and sendeth forth daylie new Conspirators new devises and new practises Since therefore her Majesties death hath been so often intended the subversion of her State so many times purposed and the performance of both so desperately undertaken her Highness for her self and we for her Highness are greatly bound to pray to the Almighty who hath so many ways so many times and so miraculously preserved her Iulius Caesar was so fortunate that being in great danger of drowning and presuming that it was not his Creators pleasure that he should perish in the Sea when the Pilot durst not adventure to carry him for fear of the apparent and great danger which threatned his present death he boldly said to the Master of the ship Go thy ways thou carriest Caesar and Caesars Fortune and yet notwithstanding it was his fortune to be killed with Bodkins and that by his dearest friends yea in the Senate House where he thought himself as safe as in his own Palace as sure as in a Castle and as free from danger as a Prince invironed with a strong Guard Pompeius had many commendable qualities great store of friends infinite followers strange fortunes many signs of Gods blessings sundry tokens of more then ordinary and humane felicity and yet he was poysoned or done to death by his professed friends Alexander who for his Prowess was surnamed the Great for his fortune was one of the Wonders of the world and for his rare
him for a man of great wealth and of great care to maintain his credit been of greater worth upon the Bourse then the Kings their necessities had not been supplyed and therefore in the end of his Letter he beseecheth his Majesty to have an especial care of the payment of those small sums which were then taken up lest that Escovedo his credit failing for want of due payment they might fail of their purpose when they should have the like occasion to borrow at another time Besides his Father by reason of the great Charges which his continual Wars put him unto when he dyed left him greatly in debt and he himself ever since his Fathers death hath been at exceeding great charges either by building Castles and Citadels or by making houses of pleasure and Monastries or by maintaining continual Wars or by keeping many Garrisons or by buying and building Ships to withstand our Navy or by paying part of his Fathers debts or by entertaining our Fugitives or by upholding the Rebels of France Now as private men being left in debt by their Parents and living always at great charges cannot not possibly be rich and wealthy So Princes being not only charged with their Fathers debts but also overcharged with ordinary and extraordinary Expenses cannot have great store of wealth in their Treasure-houses And Alphonsus Duke of Ferrara as Paulus Iovius reporteth in his life held opinion that the Prince was not worthy the name of a Prince and was always likely to be contemned and wronged who had not in his Treasure great store of ready money laid up against he should have need thereof But to the end that all which I have said touching this last Point may carry the more likelyhood of truth and probability I take it not to be amiss to let you understand the proportion of some Princes expences in their Wars in their Buildings and in other occasions by which you may conjecture what the Spanish King hath expended of late years voluntarily and necessarily beyond his usual and ordinary charges The Bishop and Town of Colen in their Wars against Charls Duke of Burgundy spent every Month an hundred thousand Crowns as Philip de Comines avoucheth The Florentines in their Wars against the King of France undertaken by the Commandment of Pope Leo the tenth spent eight hundred thousand Ducates in the taking of the Dukedom of Urbin In their Wars against Caesar six hundred thousand and in other occasions depending upon the Wars against France after the said Pope Leo his death three hundred thousand Ducates And the same Pope spent in the said Wars against the Duke of Urbin eight hundred thousand Ducates as Guiccidine reporteth Clement the seventh spent in the Wars against Tuscany for the restoring of his Family ten hundred thousands Crowns as Paul Iovius reporteth Paulus tertius consumed in fifteen years in needless Wars above twenty Millions of gold as Illescas in his life affirmeth The Duke of Alva for the building of the Castle of Antwerp exacted of the Citizens thereof four hundred thousand Florins as Dinothus testifieth Cosmus de Medicis being first a private man and then Duke of Florence spent in private and publique buildings better then forty Millions of Crowns and ten Millions in Gifts and Rewards as Paulus Iovius averreth Edward the Third King of England spent in an idle Journey into France nine hundred thousand pounds as Thomas of Walsingham reporteth The Frenchmen in the time of Richard the second King of England spent a thousand Marks every day from Easter until Michlemas in maintaining but thirty seven Gallies and eight other Ships as the same Authour affirmeth Henry the third spent in a Journey which his Brother Richard made into Germany when he was chosen Emperour above seven hundred thousand pounds as Mathew Paris saith in his Chronicles But to come more neer to our purpose The King of Spain offered unto Don Iohn Duke of Austria three hundred thousand Crowns every Moneth to maintain his Wars in the Low Countties as Dinothus setteth down in his History The same King above sixteen years ago had spent better then fifty Millions of Crowns in his Wars of Flanders as Marco Antonio Arrayo testifieth And the States of the said Countries gave unto the Duke of Alencon yearly four and twenty Tuns of Gold to maintain their Wars both by Land and Sea against the King of Spain as David Chaytraeus reporteth Now if mean States in small and short Wars if petty Princes in private and publique buildings if the French king in the maintenance of a few Ships but for a few Moneths if our Kings in idle Journeys if the duke of Alva in building one Castle if the State of the Low Countries in their Wars and if the king of Spain himself so many years ago spent so much as is before mentioned What have his Citadels his Castles his Monasteries his Journeys his provisions by Sea his Ships and his Wars not in one place but in many not against one Prince but against divers not for short time but of long continuance cost him And as these wonderful Expences are Arguments that he had much so they be witnesses that he now wanteth And as his long and continual Wars in Flanders do shew that he is malicious prone to revenge and desireous to recover his own so they prove that his might his puissance and his power is not so great as it is taken to be For he that withal his strength cannot master one poor Nation that in many years cannot recover his own Patrimony shall any man take him to be able to bring to pass all that he attempteth Shall we deem him sufficient to subdue others Countries common sence and reason teacheth us that he which is not able to do little things is far unable to bring to pass matters of great weight Titus Livius divideth men into three sorts Some are so wise that they counsel themselves and others Others be not wise enough to advise themselves and yet to conceive and follow such advice as is given them And the third sort can neither take nor give good counsel So some Princes are able to help themselves and others Others can defend themselves but not assist their friends And there is a third kind that can neither defend their own States nor others I know not in which of these three sorts to place the king of Spain The last sort too base for him the second not high enough and the first in truth scant fit for him for he that cannot help himself how may we judg him sufficient to succour others and yet we see that there are no Wars where he hath not somewhat to do where he sendeth not some helps either of men or money or of both which argueth that he loveth to be always doing although he do nothing worthy his labour always troublesome although his troubles avail him little
mee best to bee followed For since mens consciences ought to be free and at libertie since no man may rightfully be deprived of the benefit and â—ommoditie of his Conntry without some offâ—nce committed worthy of banâ—shment since the life and wellfare of their Subjâ—cts is recommended unto Princes since the fault that is committed by their Sufferance cannot be well punished without great prejudice unto their honor and reputation and briefly since the life may be more beneficial then the death of such Subjects unto their Kings it should undoubtedly be great Tyranny to deprive them either of their lives or of their Country But we are commanded in the Scriptures to râ—ject him that is an Heretick after one or two admonitions Wee are told that he that will not be obedient unto the Church must be unto us as an Heathen man or a Publican And we are willed to take heed 〈◊〉 no man deceive us and that we keep not company with such men how then shall the religious converse with the Reprobate How shall the Papist live with the Protestant And how can a Prince maintain both in one Kingdome in one City in one Town in one house This is all that can be alleaged against us out of the word of God and by these words the Protestants are not commanded to shun the Papists nor the Papists to avoid the Protestanâ—s only we are all in general taught to beware of vain Philosophers of men delighting in many speeches of such as with vanity of words excuse sins and mock at at the Menaces and judgements of God we are forbidden to give any credit to their Philosophie and humane reasons to put any confidence in their Traditions in their Fables to be moved any thing at all with their Miracles to participate with them in their Doctrine and Ceremonies and to admit them to conference or communication with us this commandement stretcheth not unto men varying somwhat from us in Religion these words forbid not the true worshippers of God to converse with them that worship God truly but not in the â—â—me manner in all respects as they do For if this were a general commandement then all men not being well instructed or perswaded in Religion should not be admitted into the company of Christians The Church of God from the beginning hath withstood and infringed this commandement yea our Saviour Iesus Christ should seem to have given contrary commandements â—nto his Apostles unto his Disciples For when he willed them to go and preach his word unto all Nations as well unto the Iewes as unto the Gentiles unto the bâ—leivers as unto the unbeleiving Is not this Commandement contrary unto the former Or could they as they were commanded teach the Infidels or instruct the ignorant without conversing with them did not he whose word is a Lanthon unto our Feet whose life must be our guide whose Actions must be our imitation daily converse with Publicans with Pharises with Sadduces with all sorts of people never having respect of men nor careing of what profession they were because the end of his coming was to save the Sinner and to converâ— the Infidel And hath he not said that two shall be in one bed whereof the one shall be received and the other rejected And doth not this saying import that the true Christians shall converse with the Schismâ—ticks of the world Did not Abell live with Cain untill he was murthered by Cain Did not Seth and Enoch both beleiving in God dwell amongst the other Children of Adam who lived without Religion without any knowledge of God Abraham was commanded by God to leave his native Country and to go to seek a new Habitaâ—ion amongst men not knowing nor worshiping of God Isaack swore friendship and Alliance with Abimelech an Infidel and Iacob dwelt with Laban an Idolator â—ut these and the Prophets of God were men so well instructed in Gods word so affected thereunto so willing to observe every Precept thereof and so unwilling to give any occasion of offence in what Company soever they came that they lived in peace with all men they exhorted all men unto peace and there was no man so ungodly that could receive any loss detriment scandal or offence by their company Men are not so in these daies And therefore the like effects will not follow of their company And yet in these daiâ—s the unbeleiving may not onely but are also commanded to abide with the believers and the believers are enjoyned to dwell with the unbelieving for the woman that hath an husband that believeth not if he be content to dwell with her let her not saiâ—h the Scripture forsake him for the unbelieving husband is sanctâ—fied by his wife and the unbelieving wife is sanctified by the husband becauâ—e tâ—e Faith of the believer hath more power to sanctifie Mariage then the wâ—ckedness of the other to pollute it And the Scripture goeth further saying what knowest thou O wife whether thou shalt save thy husband Or what knowest thou O man whether thou shalt save thy wife Why then there cometh a benefit by suffering the Reprobate to converse with the Religious the Faith of the one may sanctifie the other and the bâ—lâ—ever may chance to save him that believeth not and were it not thâ—n impious wicked and irreligious to deprive the one of the societie and of the instructions of the otheâ— But they will not live together in pâ—ace and quietness How know you that or what shall cause variance betwixt them forsooth the varietie of their Religion But may not they be forbidden to argue of matters of Religion and take away all kinde of dispuâ—ation and argument and do you not therewithall remove all cause of contâ—ntion know you not that knowledg cometâ— partly by hearing and if they should heare one another with mildness and modestie would not the Faith of the believers be able to confound and confute the Infidelitie of them that beliâ—ve not the prayer of a righteous man availeth much as it was seen by Elias who being a man subject to the like Passions as we are prayed earnestly that it might not raine and it rained not on the Earth for three years and six months and he prayed againe and the Heaven gave Raine and the Eâ—â—th brought forth her Fruit. The prayer of Faiâ—h shall save the sick and the Lord shall raise him up and if he have committed any sin it shall be forgiven him If then by prayer raine is staied and raine may be procured if by prayer heâ—lth be restored and sin be forgiven shall not the prayer of the faithfull availe much or shall not the Infidel be benefited or saved by their prayer faith is the gâ—ound of things that are hoped for and â—he evidence of things that are not seen By faith Abell offered unto God a greater Sacrifice the Caine. By faith Enoch was taken away that he should not see death By faith Noah being warned of Goâ— of the things that
were as yet not seen moved with reverence prepared the Ark to the saving of his Household By faith Abraham obeyed God when he was called to go into a place which he should afterwards receive for an Inheritance By faith Sarah received strength to coâ—ceivâ— Seed and was delivered of a Child when she was past Age. By faith Moses forsook Egypt By faith he with his people passed through the red Sea as on dry Land By faith the Walls of Iericho fell downe after they weâ—e compast about seven dayes And by faith â—he Prophets subdued Kingdoms stopped the mouthes of Lyons quenched the violence of Fire escaped the Edge of the Sword of weak were mâ—de strong waxed valiant in Battaile and turned to Flight the Armies of the Aliens Then since faith is of this force and efficacy shall not the faithfull bee able to convert them by whose conversation they shall reape no small benefit for if any man hath erred from the truth saith St Iames and some men hath converted him know that he that hath called the sinner from going astray out of his way shall save a soul from death and shall hide a multitude of sins And is it not a thing commendable before men acceptable unto God and worth the lâ—bours of any good Christian to save a soul and to hide a great multitude of sins But to leave these Divine arguments and to come unto humane reasons because they are more pleasing and acceptable to children of this world whom mee thinketh it should suffice for proof that Papists and Protestants may live in peace and quietness together because that in Poland where there are many Religions professed you seldome heare of any civil contention and in Switzerland in many Townes thereof the Papists and Protestants eate together lye in bed one with another marry together and that which is most strange in one Church you shall have a Mass and a Sermon and at one Table upon Fish daiâ—s Fish and Flesh the one for Papists the other for Protestants And whosoever shall look upon the present State of Spaine or the present Government of Italy in this Age in which Countries there is but one Religion professed shall finde no greater peace no more assured Friendship no streighter League of Amiâ—ie amongst them then there is amongst the people of Poland Switzerland and other Nations which give Friendly entertainment unto pluralitie of Religions neither can any mâ—n say with reason that the Protestants of Flanders have been the occasion of the unnaturall variance and civill dissention which now troubleth their Country For there is no man that reverenceth the Magistrate obeyeth the Laws of God and man or fulfilleth the true sense and meaning of boâ—h Laws more willingly then they as their Supplications their Leâ—ters their Apologies do testifie It is not they but their Enemies not they but their evill Governors not the Inhabitants of their Country but the Strangers sent into the Country and delâ—ghted wiâ—h the pleasures and the profits thereof that have occasioned these Troubles Neither is it to be thought that so many Princes as the King of France the Queen of England the Archduke of Austria and the late Duke of Anjou being all strangers unto them would ever have undertaken their defence and pâ—otection if they had thought or seen that the principal câ—use of Sedition might justly be imputed unto them It was the Tyranny of Don Iohn de Austria the Crueltie of the Duke of Alva the intolerable Priâ—e of the Spaniards in general the unreasonable exaction of the Hundreth the Twentieth and the Tenth Penny of â—vâ—ry mans substance together with other Causes mentioned in the bâ—ginning of this discourse that caused the forcible distraction of them from the usuall and dutifull Obedience Devotion service and observance of their Prince Iâ— the time of Philip the Fairâ— King of France as now in the Raigne of Philip the second King of Spaine whereby it may appeare that the name of Philip hath been fatall unto this Country there were the like troubles is Flanders as there are now and as now there were some of the Country it selfe that favoured Spaine more then their owne libertie so then there were many Liliari that tendred the French Kings Factions more then the safetie of their owne Connâ—ry and as now so then those Liliari together with the King of â—â—ance imputed the cause of the Troubles and Wars unto the peevish willâ—ullness of the poor Flemings and not to the perverse obstinacy and obdurate malice and crueltie of the French King and his Councellors Moreover as now so then diverse flourishes and shâ—wes of peace were made unto the Flemings not because they that offered those conditions of peace meant to performe them but to make the world believe that they were desirous of Peace whereas indeed their tender of peace was but to save themselves from the hazard of a Battel when they saw there was no way but to take it either with some great disadvantage or to forsake it with great dishonour Such offers of peace were those that have been lately made unto the United Provinces and such were they that were tendered many years ago by which the Spaniards received alwaies some benefit sometimes he got a Town a Hold or a Castle sometimes he distracted some of the Nobility from the Prince of Oranges faction and at other times he avoided some eminent danger which could not otherwise be escaped This will appear most true and manifest unto as many as shall read divers Apologies set out by the Prince of Orange and the States of the Low-Countries And therefore I know not with what conscience or with what shew of truth the cause of this Civil Discord may be ascribed unto the Subjects of Flanders and not unto the king of Spain and his evil Officers The first and second Reasons are sufficiently refuted Now to the third He hath promised the Popes Holiness not to admit any other Religion but his in any part of his kingdoms or Dominions How is his promise proved What ground hath it Upon what Reasons standeth it He is in some manner subject unto the Pope Be it he holdeth all or most of his kingdoms and dominions of him Let it be so he beareth the title of the Catholick king as an especial gift from him or his Predecessors It shall not be denied Lastly it is he whose friendship and amity â—is father willed him to embrace and entertain this must also be granted But what of all this He may not break promise with his Holiness True if the promise be possible for no man is bound to things impossible And is this promise impossible It is or at least-wise like to a promise that standeth upon â—mpossibilities â—r whatsoever cannot be done by a Prince without offence â—o God without effusion of blood without ruin of his Estate and without manifest and great prejudice unto his honour and dignity that may in some respect be esteemed impossible and whosoever
and having gotten above 120000 Crowns by the spoiles of the Enemies returneth to Paris boasteth of his conquest preferreth himself before his idle loytering king as he termeth him discovereth his secret intentions more openly then he did before and seeketh how he either might make away the king or thrust him to a Monastery And when he heard that his secret practices were revealed unto the king by the Duke of Espernon he is sore troubled and laboureth to free himself from all manner of suspition What way taketh he to bring this to pass Submitteth he himself unto the king Cleareth he himself of the Accusations laid to his charge Craveth he pardon of his insolency He doth But how Forsooth in such manner that even a man with one eye might easily see that he dissembleth He cometh to Paris with a small Troop but so disposeth his Army that his intention to carry away the king by force could not be hidden He craveth conference with the king is admitted to his presence They spend three whole dayes together in conference he so playeth his part that the king leaveth to suspect him removeth the Duke of Espernon from the Court and his company who had revealed his secrets and is angry with the said Duke for accusing him wrongfully What followeth God who knoweth the inward thoughts of all men and hath an especial care of Princes â—afety by a sudden and unexpected accident layeth open his dissimulation and bewrayeth the Dukes Treachery The king seeing that armed men came into Paris in great Troopes by night and day setteth his Switzers to watch and ward in every street of Paris It â—ortuned that a Switzer by chance was striken by a Parisian with whom he had some private quarrel hereof followeth a great slaughter The Duke of Guise committeth the Switzers to prison besetteth the Lover with a Garison of Souldiers The king beginneth to be afraid he fleeth from Paris secretly taketh his mother thence with him commendeâ—h the Duke of Espernon his Faith and Loyalty and escapeth the danger of the Lion that lay in wait for his life for that time but is to die the death within a short time after not by the sharp and merciless sword of the proud and ambitious Duke which had been more Princelike but by a short and poysoned knife of a Jacobin Fryer which was too base a death for the greatest Monarch of the World But again to the Duke who hearing that the king began to sound the depth of his Treasons and to suspect all his proceedings to remove his many doubts and to recover his good opinion sendeth certain Ambassadors unto him if they may be termed Ambassadors that go from a Rebel unto a king of his own and of diverse Cities and Provinces which he had drawn to his own Faction and had alwayes ready at hand By the mouth of these Ministers sufficiently instructed what to say he protested that nothing was further from his thoughts then to seize upon the kings person For if he had had any such minde any such intention he might have wrought his pleasure upon him when he had him in Paris First therefore he desireth that the Duke of Espernons malice and untrue Accusations might carry no credit at the least-wise not breed any disgrace and discredit Next that whatsoever hath been heretofore done or said might be buried in oblivion Thirdly that the Duke of Espernon and his brother Mr. de Valetta might be banished the Court disturbers of the Common Peace Fourthly that the Government of Normandy might be given unto the holy League Fifthly that his Brother the Duke of Mayne might be created great Master of the kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Bourbon made Governor of all France Sixthly that two Armies might belevied and maintained at the kings charges against the Hugonets and one of them to be sent into Picardy under the kings or the Duke of Guise his conduct and the other into Dolphine of which the Duke of Mayne must be General Lastly that the king of Navarr with all his Adherents and all other Hereticks might be thrust out of the Court and utteâ—ly destroyed and a Parliament presently called wherein they might consult of matters of greater weight and consequence The king perceived by these unreasonable demands that their pleasure and purpose was to make him a king of Poland in France that is such a king as should carry the bare 〈◊〉 and Name of a king and others should rule thinking it high time to call his wits together to be in no longer subjection and to begin to dissemble with them who go about to deceive and subvert him by cunning and dissimulation he therefore yeeldeth to all that was demanded commandeth an Assembly of the three Estates to be held the next September at Bloys exhortethall his Subjects unto a general Peace and deviseâ—h all means possible to supplant the Duke of Guise To this Parliament came the most and best Peers of the Realm The Duke of Guise absenteth himself either for fear because his guilty conscience accuseth him or of set purpose and cunning because he seeketh to be intreated In his absence they began to consult of great matters in all which the king ruleâ—h not but is â—uled he signifieth unto the Nobility thâ—re assembled that he taketh himself greatly bound unto them for their good and wholesome counsel professeth himself to be unable to Govern so turbulenâ— a kingdom any longer desireth to be eased of sâ— great a charge and thinketh it expedient both for the Common-wealth and for himself to imitate the example of Charles the fifth and to shut himself up as a Penitentiary in some Monastery and therefore he prayeâ—h them to consider to whom he might best surrender his Crown But if his judgement might be of any foâ—ce and weight with them no man should contend for it For no man was equal much less to be preferred before the Duke of Guise He is valiant in Arms wise in Counsel zealous in Religion faithfull to hâ—s Country and wanteth nothing requisite in a king but the name of a king He is heard with great attention beleeved wiâ—hout any contradiction and the Duke is sent for with all speed possible It is no need to bid him come he flyeth he seemeth to be in Heaven but falleth as suddenly as Lucifer did down to hell The king calleth him into his private Chamber pretending to have some great occasion to confer with him before the rest of the Nobility he giveth him into his hands certain Letters of his own hand-writing sâ—nt unto the king of Spain but intercepted by which he is convinced to have â—ought the kings untimely death and the unlawfull possession of his Crown He â—alleth down upon his knees humbly besâ—echeth the kings pardon And whiles with frivolous Protestations and false Oaths he laboureth to clear himself he is not so cruelly as justly murthered in the king presence The Arch-Traytor being thus executed the Queen Mother allowed
taken an oath to keep the Statutes of his Country without breaking the same or without departing from the true sense and literal meaning of them may violate them if the iniquity of the time will not give him leave and leasure to confer with his superiour or to ask his opinion or if there be manifest dangers like to follow of the delay which he shall use Besides if a Judge be commanded yea sworn not to do any thing against the Lâ—wes of God or nature or of his Country yet if he be urged by some great occâ—sion or if necessitie enforce him thereunto or if some notable danger scandall or inconvenience is like to follow of the strict observance of those Laweâ— he may lawfully violate them And shall a Judge have Authority to break Lawes and shal not an absolute Prince have the like liberty A Provost Marshal taking a Theif in the fact of committing a robberie may hang him up presently with out any forme of Judgement and shall not a King cause a notorious Traytor to be murthered without a solemn Sentence The Governor of a City taking an Homicide an Adulterer a ravâ—shâ—r of Women upon the Fact may chastise and punish them according to the Rigor of the Law wâ—thout any forme of Law and a King taking a Traytor beâ—ng abouâ— to deprive him of his life of his Crown apd Scepter shall he not do him to death without asking the opinion of his Judges without imploring the helpe of his Magistrates and without imparting his Treason unto his Counsellors or unto the Friends and Allies of the Traytors especially when as he may escape whilst these things shall be doing when bee is so strong so backed with friends so guarded with Souldiers that if he be not executed upon a suddain the respiâ—e and leisure which shall be given him shall gâ—ve him time and meanes not only to escape the punishment which he hath deserved but also to put in great hazard the life of his Prince and the weale of his Country to be short when either the Prince or the Traytor must die presently It is written of Iehu the Judge and King of Israell that he fearing the great multitude of Baals Priests and doubting that if he should put them to death by the way of Justice there would follow some great Inconvenience or scandal to himself he feigned that hee himself wouâ—d do sacrifice unto God Baal and by that pretence and colour he caused them all to come together and when they were all assembled hee willed them all to be murthered Who hath heard the Historie of Ladislaus king of Bohemia commendeth him not for his wisdome and discretion in dissembling the grief which he took to see the Earle of Cilia his faithfull and assured Friend and Vncle killed almost in his presence so â—uningly that he not only seemed not to be grieved with his death but also to think that he was lawfully killed because hee presumed to come Armed into the Court where all others were unarmed The Bohemians seeing how lovingly hee entertained Ladislaus Humiades the Author of this Murther how kindly he used his Mother how wisely hee suffered Ladislaus and his Brother Matthias to bring him into Beuda and how resolutely when he had him where hee was stronger then hee he commanded him to be done to death for the murther committed on his Vncles person took it for a manifest Argument that he would prove as indâ—ed hee did a very wise just and valiant Prince siâ—ce in his youth he was so subtile and so resolute and gave them so notable an Example and President of his Justice Who hath read the policy which Darius king of Persia used in revenging the injury of Oretes who was grown to be so mightie so proud and so well backed with friends that hee neither could nor durst do him to death by the ordinary Course of Justice and prayseth him not for inventing a way to induce 30 of his Gentlemen to undertake his death And who commendeth not the Magâ—animitie and resolution of Bageus who when it fell out to his lott to be the first of the 30 that had vowed to hazaâ—d their live foe their king went no less hastily then cuningly about his enterprise and within a very short while murthered Oretes who had beaâ—ded and braved his King many years Briefly who readeth and alloweth not the History of David who when a man câ—me to him from Saul his Camp and told him that he had kilâ—ed Saul commanded his Sâ—rvant to kill him presently and said unto him Thy blood bee upon thine owâ— head for thine own mouth hath spoken against thee And yet every man knoweth that Saul killed himself and that this poor simple man thought to have had a reward of David for bringing him the first news of Sauls death These premissâ—s therefore being duly considered it must follow that the late king had great reason aâ—d just cause to command the Duke of Guise to be killed But his friends say nay They have caused it to be imprinted that he was one of the Peers of France one of the greatest of that Realme one of the best beloved Subjects of Europe and one that was allied unto great Kings and Princes And that therefore the King causing him to be murthered as he was migâ—t well think and justly feare that in doing him to death he should highly offend his best friends and give just occasion unto as many as suffered any loss or detriment by his death to revenge the same As therefore Iulius Caesar winked at the Treason committed by Dunorix and called him not into question for the same for feare to offend his Brother Divitiacus who was an assured and faithful Friend unto the people of Rome and a man of great credit and Authority in his Country even so the King should have spared the Duke of Guise and not have used such câ—ueltie towards him as he did for feare to displease and discontent his dearest and best friends and as Henry the 4 King of England deprived the Dukes of Anmarle of Exceter and Surrey of the Lands and possessions which Richard the second gave them and yet spared their lives so the king had done well if he had taken away the lands and livings and not the life of the Duke of Guise Truly if hâ—s kingdom should have received no greater loss or dammage by the Duke of Guise his life then the commonwealth of Rome received by Dunorix the king should not have greatly done amiss to have suffered him to live But since that the Duke did alwaies aspire unto the Crown and since he desired sought and laboured by all meanes possible to usurpe the same the King played as his Mother said the right part of a King whâ—â—â— as he resolved and exâ—cuted his death with all convenient speed For the same Caesar which had pitâ—y and compassion on Dunorix because his life could not greatly hinder or cross his dâ—signes and purposes first banished
and afterwards secretly caused his near kinsman Lucius Caesar to be murthered because he had both the mind and the meanes to withstand and prevent his intentions and Henry the 4 should have had good occasion to repent him of the clemency and mercy which he shewed unto the before named Dukes if the Eâ—rle of Rutland had not been constrained by his own folly to reveale unto the King their Treason and Conspiracy against him for which afterwards they were worthily executed Pitty therefore is commendable and best beseeming the Majesty of a Prince when as the same may be used without any danger unto his person or his State or his kingdom but when as he seeth manifestly that never a Province never a City never an house of his kingdom can or will long continue in good estate in dutifull obedience in naturall affection towards him and his Crown unles he do somâ—â—imes use to play the King to revenge wrongs and to punish Treasons hee must needs change his naâ—ure make a verâ—ue oâ— necesâ—iâ—ie and accommodate himself unto their manners and their merits with whom he hath occasion to deale France nâ—vâ—r had any King that was more gentle kinde and curteous then that Lewis who for his Curtesie and Clemency was â—irnamed The Meek And yet the same Lewis as you have already heard forgot that name and the qualities and conditions incident thereunto when it was in question whether he or his Nephew Bernard should rule and Reigne For then knowing that a Prince cannot live in any good assurance of his Estate and kingdom so long as another pretendeth Right and Title thereunto and having wrongfully been kept from the possession thereof he pluckt out his Eyes kept him in perpetuall prison and in thâ— end caused his head to be cut from his shoulders Who can then blame the late Kâ—ng of France if he chose rather to rule then to be ruled to kill then to be killed to murder the Duke of Guise then to endanger his whole Estate and Kingdom The Prince that 〈◊〉 not an Iniury that is done unto his Commonaltie or to a private person is in danger somtimes to lose his life or his kingdom â—as were the Romans and Philip King of Macedania he because he punished not Aâ—tilas at the request of Pau sanias and they because they sent not the French men those which in the battaile betwixt them and the Citizens of Chynsie forgeting the dutie of Ambassadors were found in the foremâ—st ranke of their Enemies fighting against the French men And is it necessary that a King shall punish or revenge a wrong done unto his Country or unto â— private man and shall it not be lawfull for him to take vengeance of the wrongs and Indignities which are done unto himself May he command a Juâ—g to proceed Defacto without taking full knowledg of the cause and every circumstance of the Subjects cause and shall it not be lawfull for him to use the like power and authoritie in his owne case The least and meanest Judg may he not sometimes give judgment hearing no other proof but very violent presumptions and shâ—ll it not be lawfull for the King from whom he same Judg receiveth such power and authoritie to do the like We say and confess that Theâ—e is manifest when the Theif is taken in the Fact and shall it not be lawfull for a Prince to take that Treason for notorious which the Traytâ—r hath Committed If a man finde a stolle â— thing about a Theef he is in danger of death and if a man finde a Traytor armed and all things else in a readiness to performe and execute his treacherous Attempts shall he not be reputed a Traytor The Law sayeth that whatsoever a King doth it seemeth to be done with great reason If he commeâ—deth any thing every one is bound to beleeve that he hath good occasion to commend the same His Actions are manifest but his thoughts are hidden and secret it is our dutie to tolerate the one and not to murmur against the other nor to enquire or demand the Causes Motives and Reasons of his Commandements his pleasure must be unto us as a Law and his Will hath the full force and strength of reason and when the cause of that punishment which it pleaseth him to inflict is notorious and manifest his Commandment although it be done in hast and without great advisement yet it carryeth no less force and moment then doth a sentence that was dulie examined wisely perused diligently considered and solemnly pronounced Why then shall the death of the Duke of Guise be thought unlawfull since the King commanded the same not for hatred to the Duke but for securitie of himself for love of the weal publique not without 〈◊〉 Justice but according to Law and Equitie because a Princes pleasure is held for Law not without example but with approbation and imitation of many who having had the like occasion have used the like punishment briefly not to revenge his particular quarrels and Jnjuryes but to preserve his Right and his Crowne upon which the wealth the life and the wellfare of all his good and loyall Subjâ—cts do depend He was Allied unto many great Princes which are displeased with his death and will not leave it unrevenged But if these Princes were the Kings friends before the Dukes death they will not take the same in evill part and if they were his Enemies he needs not to care for them or to feare their displeasure more then the universal ruine and destruction of his Subjects He was one of the Peers of France But honor may not be a Priviledg unâ—o any man to emboldeâ— him to offend the Laws but the more honor a Subject receiveth from his King the more he is bound to love and fâ—are him But grant that the King did evill in causing him to be murtherâ—d shall the Subjects be grieved therewith shall they seek Revenge thereof shall they bear Arms therefore against their Prince and their Country May the son arme himself to kill and murther his Mother And is he not held for an ungracious and wicked child which will be revenged of his Father although he have done him great wroâ—g And is not a King the Father of his Subjects and is not every Country the Mother of the naturall Inhabitants thereof Or may they war against their Prince wihout seeking the lamentable overthrow Ruine and destruction of their Country Are all alterations dangerous in every well governed State and can that alteration be without danger which transferreth the Crowne from the right heire unto an Usurper from the lawfull King to an ambitious Subjâ—ct But it is onely said and no way proved that the Duke of Guise had any such intâ—nâ—ion as to deprive his Sovereigne and to crown himself it may be suspected but it is not notorious This must appeare more manifestly then it doth or else all that is said will be to no purpose To manifest this therefore
sent presently Ambassadors unto Rome to pacifie the Pope by making his kingdom Tributary unto him and by promising to hold the same of him to take him for his Superior and to bee obedient unto all his commandements The good old man presently changeth his mind pacifieth his own wrath and of a deadly foe becometh the Kings great friend insomuch that he revoketh whatsoever was before decreed excommunicateth the King of France for robbing the Patrimony of the holy Church and commandeth the English Subjects to return presently unto the dutifull obedience which they owe unto their King Is there any Man so ignorant within this Realme that hath not oftentimes heard how many times the later Popes of Rome have sent not only secular Men but Seminary Priests into England to murther our gracious Soveraign There are some Widowes and Orphans within this Kingdom who lament even at this day the death of their husbands and of their Parents which have lost their lives because they would have deprived our mercifull Queen of her life at the Popes instance and instigation It were to be wished that poor France had not lately felt the great miseries which follow after the Popes heavie indignation It should not have lost within the space of 15 years 14 hundred thousâ—nd men not Strangers but naturall French men it should not have lost in so small a time above 142950. French Gentlemen it should not have lost in so unhapy a time their late King the first King that ever was murthered by his owne Subjects in France it should not complaine that the Father had killed the son the child hâ—s parent the brother the seed of his mothers Wombe and the kinsman the next of his owne kin briefly it should not be pestred and plagued with such unnatural Subjects as delight in the slaughter of their owne Country men as comment and approve of the wicked horrible and most odious and detestable Murther of their owne Leige Lord and Soverraigne Now seeing that either the Approbation of murther as in the Emperor Phocas or the Allowance of unlawfull usurpations as in Charles the great or the Toleration of wicked Rebellions as in Henry the son against the Emperor Henry the Father or the maintenance of wrong Titles as in King Pipin of France or the practise of subtile and devillish devices as in the before mentioned Popes hath caused the Advancement of Popes It must needs follow that they have not lawfully attained unto the Authoritie which they now challenge But to omit all that might here be conveniently spoken against the Succession of Popes against their Authoritie their Pride their abuses and the Iniuries offered unto all Nations that either voluntarily or forcibly have lived under their obedience To leave to tell you how many Catholick Princes they have excommunicated as Hereticks how many Seditions Tumults and Wars have been raised in the world by them and in the defence of their causes To leave to declare unro you how â—thany religious Princes and Kings have nothing esteemed their excommunications how many had good occasion to commend and bless them briefly to avoide that prolixitie which could not be avoided if I should enter into this discourse I will onely signifie unto you the great Wrongs losses and Indignities which our Realme alone hath received by receiving the Pope and his Authoritie for of a brief declaration hereof will follow this great benefit that when it shall appeare as it may appeare unto as many as will vouchsafe to reade the before named Marsilius Pativius that their Authoritie is usurped and that by receiving and acknowledging the same our Realm fele many inconveniences and many Miseries from which it is now freed no man should think her Majestie to be Lawfully excommunicated whome the Pope hath anathematized for not reverening him and his Authoritie whom her Predeâ—effors long since rejected There was a time when as our Kings blinded with the same zeale and affection which now possessâ—th the hearts of those Princes which are wholie devoted unto the Popes holiness honored him as those Princes now do then there was no Realme comparable to ours neither for number nor for beautie of religious houses There was no Country that yeilded greater Obedience unto the Sea of Rome no people that was more readie to receive and entertaine the Popes Legats to honor and reverence them and to fulfill and accomplish whatsoever they required at our hands This great zeale and obedience of ours whereas it should have purchased us especiall favors for he that loveth most ought to be required with most love procured us in time great hatred for no Nation had the like injuries offered unto them as were proffered unto us Whence this hatred proceeded I shall not need to relate our Hâ—storiâ—s ease me of that labour and paine and the manifold Abuses which are suffered will manifestly prove the same There is nothing that derogateth more from the Majesty of a King then to be ruled by Forrein Laws nor any thing that grieveth or offendeth Subjects so much as to be drawen from home into remote and far distint places to prosecute their Right and Suits in Law The first is odious because it disgraceth the Country whose Prince endureth that Jndignitie and the last is grievous because it is both troublesome and chargeable In the time of our Superstitions and foolish zeale unto the Sea of Rome Thomas Archbishop of Cant. was slaine in his Cathedrall Church by William Tracey Reynold Ursin Hugh Marvell and Richard Britton who thinking it noâ— convenient that a proud Prelate should prefer the Popes Commandment before our Kings Authoritie and being grievously offended with the great Indignities that were offered unto our King and his kingdom for his superstitious and contentious Bishops sake came out of Normandie of purpose to end by his death those troubles and vexations from which they thought that our Realme could not be freed so long as he lived The King whenâ—this Murther was committed in England was in Normandy where hearing the News thereof he greatly lamented his death Clothed himself in Sack-Cloth confessed himself unto Almighty God and protested before his divine Majestie that he neither was guilâ—ie or privie to the Archbishops death unless he might be held for guilâ—ie which had just occasion not to love him over well besides Henry the second for he was then King having for this Bishops sake tasted somewhat of the bitter fruits of the Popes Indignation and fearing that when his death should be known at Rome he should incurr his further displeasure sent presently certain Ambassadors unto Rome to excuse him and to signifie his Innocency unto the Pope but his Holiness would not admit them unto his sight untill that certaine of his Cardinals told him that they had express commission from their King to signifie unto his Holiness that he would stand to the Popes and his Cardinals Iudgment and undergo what Penance soever it should please him and them to
his own laws made the Earl of Pembroke whose name was Odomar Valentinian Governor of Scotland and to the end they should have no Memory no Monument nor Testimony of a Royal Majesty he transferred a Seate of Stone whereupon their Kings were wont to sit at their Coronation out of Scotland into England and the same remainth at thâ—s day at Westminster Now to leave these and the like Testimonies because they carry the lesse credit for that they are reported by our own Historiographers I will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own Histories First it cannot be denyed that God hath blessed us with many famous and notable Victories against the Scots Then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories Next it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantageâ— And who will think that when we were so often provoked so many times deceived so throughly informed of our Right that we would not claime our Right Againe at the very time of this notable competency betwixt Iohn Balioll and Robert Bruce it is written that Ericus King of Norway sent certain Ambassadors wiâ—h Letters of Commissiâ—n from him to demand the Kingdome of Scotland in the Right of his Daughter Margaret sometimes Wife unto the King of Scots in which Letter he acknowledgeth our King to be Lord and Soveraigne of Scotland And why should there be found Bulls of Excommunication against the Kings of Scotland for not obeying our Kings Or why should it be recorded that two Kâ—ngs of Scotland Carried at severall times the Sword before King Arthur and king Richard at their Coronations Or why is it not probable that Scotland should be as well Subject unto us as Bohemia and Hungaria were unto the Empire Naples and Sicilie unto Rome Burgondy and Navarr unto France the Duâ—edom of Moscovia aâ—d the Marquisate of Brandiburge unto Polâ—nâ—a Portugall unto Spaine and Austria unto Bohemia Or lâ—stly why may it not be thought that as these Kingdoms and Dominions remaine still in their old Subjection and acknowledg their Ancient Soveraigne so Scotland ought to do the like Our Fortune seldome failed us against them They never used us so kindly nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely that they Resigned their Right and Title unto Scotland as other Princes have done But now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority as a Frenchman contracting or bargaining with one of our Nation in England maketh himself by this contract and Bargaine a Subject unto our Laws so any man whatsoever offending within our Realm subjecteth himself by reason of his offence unto our Jurisdiction And this is so true that a very mean man being a Judge if a great personage remaining under his Jurisdiction who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his Authority shall commit an offence worthie of Punishment during his abode there the same mean and Inferior Judge may lawfully punish his Offence Example will make this matter more cleer For Example sake then grant that a Bishop abideth a while within an Archdeacons Jurisdiction and there offendeth in some Crime that deserveth Punishment the question may be whether the Archdacon may punish this delinquent For the Negative it may be said that Par in parem non habet protestatem much lesse an Inferior against his Superior and that an Archdeacon is Oculus Episcopi and Major post Episcopum and therefore can have no Authority over a Bishop yet it is resolved that if the Bishop be a stranger and not a Bishop of the Diocesse the Archdeacon hath sufficient Authority and the power to Chastise and Correct his offence but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own Bishop and the reason of the diversity is because his own Bâ—shop is as it were the Archdeacons spirituall Father and it is not Convenient that the Son should have any manner of Authority over the Father Now since it is certaine that where there is the like reason there the like Law shall be I may boldly infer by this Law that the Scottish Queâ—n offending within her Majesties Dominion may be punished by her Grace although she were her farr better I might here before I come unto her voluntary and forcible Resignation of the Crown tell you that she committed many things both before and after her Imprisonment that made a plaine forfeture of her Kingdome But although when I tâ—uched the duties of Vassals in some part I promised to touch the same in this plâ—ce more largely yet for brevitie sake I must omit this large discourse and only tell you that as the French King called our King Iohn in question for the murther commited by him at his Instigation on the person of his Nephew Arthur and forfeited his States in France for his not Apperance or insufficient Answer unto that Crime so if the Scottish Subjects had not deprived their Queen for the Parâ—icide laâ—d to her charge our Queens most excellent Majestie might not only have taken notice thereof but also have punished the same For albeit the Fact was committed without her Highness Realm and Dominion yet the person who was murthered being her Subject and Kinsman her grace might ex eo capite in my simple opinion lawfully have proceeded against the Malefactor And I remember that I saw a man executed at Venice because he killed his own Wife in Turky and the reason why they proceeded against him was the hainousness of the Fact and for that his Wife although she were not so was their naturall Subject And yet I confesse that our Common Laws regard not offences commited without our Realm wherein me thinketh they have small reason For sithence that for a Bargain made beyond the Seas I may have my reâ—edy here why shall not have the benefit of Law for my Child and Kinsman or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the Seas since the life of a Subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods And if in a Civill action of which the Cause and originall is given beyond the Seas they can 〈◊〉 the Bond and Obligation to be made at Lyons within some Shire in England when indeed the same Lyons which they meane and where the Bond was made is in France why may they not lawfully use the like Fiction in a Criminal Cause But now the third point that Argueth the late Scottish Queens Inferiority unto our Queen She was deposed and therefore no longer a Queen This point hath in it two very strange points It is strange to hear that a Man or a woman being borne a Prince should be deprived and that he which receiveth a Kingdom by his birth should lose the same before his death But because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate Queens Execution I will forbear to speak thereof untill
I come to that Objection Considering therefore all the premisses I may boldly conclude that notwithstanding our often repeated Maxime Par in Parem non habet potestatem Her Majesties proceeding against the Scotish Lady was most lawfull For although as there is but one Sun and one Moon in the Firmament so there should be but one king in a kingdome yet this king may receive another coming into his Dominion if he will gentlie for that is humanitie but let him neither admit him to be his Companion although he earnestly intreat him for that were folly nor to be affraid to punish him if he offend for that would argue foolish Pusillanimitie It is written of Lewis the Emperor that he having taken Frederick his Competitor Prisoner in the Wars took his Oath that he should never affect the Empire any more nor bear armes against him and so did set him at Libertie And he returned into Austria where he lived afâ—erwards quietly and never molested or troubâ—ed the Emperor more Againe it is reported of Cyrus that he having taken King Astiages Prisoner Caused him to be kept as a king and never did him more harmâ— And that he likewise shewed the like Clemency unto Croesus king of part of Asia Now as these kings were Commended as well by those who lived in their days as by their Posterity for their courtesie shewed unto these Capâ—ives So it had greatly rebounded say the Scotish Queens favourers unto her Majesties Commendation if it had pleased her to have preserved the unfortunate Queen The Spanish king would have thanked her France would have pâ—â—â—sed her the Guisards would have liked it and the Orphan her Sonne would have taken very it kindly Whereas now all these are or justly may be highly offended and displeased with her severily Truly Compassion and Mercy in a Queen towards a Queen is commendable and it becometh the Feminine Sex whose hearts are more tender then Mens to be kind unto their own kinde But if this kindness cannot be shewed without manifest danger unto him that shall shew it I hold it for crueltie rather then clemency to use it For there is quaedam credulis misericordia and sometimes to spare a sinner is as much as to kill a sinner and poor pity many times saith the Proverb overthroweth a whole city Cleâ—menes flying from king Antigonus his wrath and violence had recourse and refuge unto Ptolomy king of Egypt by whom he was courteously entertained and promised Aydâ— to help him unto his kingdomes This Ayde was deferred from day to day and the longer it was delayed the greater was Cleomenes desire to return into his country And therefore finding that his courteous host was so given unto Wine and Drunkennesse that there was small hope to have present helpe from him he entred into conspiracy with some of his Nobles against him and thought to have extorted by force what he could not obtaine by intreaty but he failed of his purpose And he that meant to have killed was killed But what if Ptolomy had understood his Treason before it was put in practise and he punished him according to his deserts who would or could have justly blamed him for repelling Force by Force who would have been grieved at so unthankfull a Guests death who would have sought revenge for so ungratefull a person who to be short would have reproved in an other that which he would have done himself if the like wrong had been offered unto himself I know that many Prince cannot abide him that giveth such counsell as liketh them not although it be never so good Some cannot endure that any man should presume to tell them of their faults and very few can finde in their hearts to pardon him that would take away their lives In which opinion the more stiffly they dwell the more reason I give them because such Lenity would encourage wicked and evil-minded men to intend and procure their final destruction For if Cleâ—menes had killed Ptolomy with impunity who would not have been animated by his Example to have made the like Attempt especially against him whose death might yeeld him any manner of benefit In regard whereof Ptolemy examined Cleomenes his Treason after his death and finding him guilty condemned his memory and caused his dead carcass to be hanged up to his great dishonour and perpetual infamy There lived many good and courteous Princes in that age but none of them reprehended Ptolomy his action because they saw that if they tolerated or allowed Cleomenes his Ingratitude and Treason being such as no man but a most wicked man ever adventured to attempt none except he had been a very simple fool would have made any conscience or difficulty to have done the like Since therefore the Scotish Queen not onely resembled but excâ—lled and exceeded Cleomenes for she conspired many times but he but once against his Host since she was so neer unto her as Astiages was to Cyrus nor could not serve her for so faithfull a Councellor as was Craesus nor in sparing her she was to regard any mans favour or friendship as Lewis the Emperor did the Love and Amity of Leopald the duke of Austria when he shewed mercy unto his Competitor Frederick why should her Majesty have spared so unthankfull a Guest so merciless a Queen Should she have feared the King of Spains displeasure It was he that set her on and animated her in her enterprises And therefore it had been as much to fear him as to be afraid to execute a Thief for fear of his Companion Should she have born respect unto the Guisards Why she knew their hatred was so great towards her that she needed not to fear to increase the same and she had so provided that they should not be able to annoy her Should she have been afraid of the French Kings displeasure Why she sent her Process her Examination her Arraignment unto him and found that he rested well and throughly satisfied therewith and he was to reap a great benefit by her death for he was discharged of the Dower which she had yearly out of France Lastly should she have stood in fear of her sons displeasure Why she saw that so long as she lived he could not live in peace in quiet in security and as for his Subjects they when they deposed her or rather when they caused her to resigne her Diadem shewed their minde and affection towards her The rest of the princes of Christendom some might perhaps marvail for a while at her death because it was a strange President others might pitty her because she was a woman and a Queen but none will fight for her because that they which were allied unto her were not able and they that had no alliance unto her had no cause to Revenge her death The second Objection is fully answered now followeth the third a dangerous Question to be handled by a Subject and yet too boldly discussed by some learned Subjects
for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture whereby we are commanded to obey Princes to be subject unto them to honour them to pray for them since they are called Fathers and we Children they Shepherds and we their Flocks they Heads and we their Feet it is an hard Resolution and in my opinion an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents a Flock to Rebel against their Shepherd or the Feet to presume to command and direct the Head This question notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult is largly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories of Princes that have been done to death Briefly you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion For Buchanan argueth in such manner as I may rather commend his subtilty then his conscience And he that writeth against the French king sheweth himself too partial too malicious too injurious to Princes And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects and the other too much power unto the Pope It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people It is likewise certain that this Authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him Shall either a rude multitude or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people And because Countries have flourished and may still flourish without a king shall therefore every Country reject their king when they dislike their king It â—eemeth that Buchanan is of this opinion because he approveth the death of king Iames the third and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king and the chief Authors of his death The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King were but two The one that he had made certain base money and called it not in again at their pleasure The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity if these two faults might be amended the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King The King yeelded not unto these motions Why The History giveth a good reason for the King They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat but inforce their King and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness who presumed to War against him at home when he and his Kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign Enemies There was amongst them namely the Duke of Albania who affected the kingdom who to further his Traiterous purposes had joyned with the King of England against his native Country and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel and had hanged them contrary to all Law and Equity they laid not down their Weapons but followed the poor King and so followed him that at length they flew him And why My Author giveth this reason Because they knew that they had so highly offended him that they feared that if they should have spared him as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done he would have been revenged of them This murther the States of Scotland saith Buchanan allowed and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same But what States are these Those saith my Author that had born Arms against him and for whose sake he was murthered And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me Shall Princes do what they list and no man censure them Are they not subject unto the Laws May they not be called to an accompt Shall the people from whence they derive their Authority have no manner of authority over them And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law I limit their Wills unto Reason I tie their commandments unto the Word of God I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature unto Equity and unto the Weal of the people And if these things be not regarded I take their Laws to be unlawful their Commandmenâ—s unjust their Decrees â—â—ique I know that good Princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their Laws that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws And if any of them by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance by malice or forgetfulness begin to contemn their Laws I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked but not utterly rejected be in a mannerly sort checked but not violently condemned be gently admonished but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished Is there no way but down with them depose them kill them Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews as they did against Christ Crucifige Crucifige and not rather learn by the Jews that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency as in France Theodorick and Chilperick others for their negligence as again in France Lewis sirnamed Do nothing some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown as Martina Empress of Constantinople others for perjury and not keeping promise with their Enemies as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth some for not tendring the Weal and publick Welfare of their Subjects as Richard King of England others for murthering them which reprehended their vices as Boleslaus King of Polonia some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia others for their extream rigor and cruelty as Sigismond King of Hungary some for their childrens Adultery as Tarquine King of Rome others for Tyranny as Archilaus Son to Herod some for unreasonable
purpose before the meeting in such manner that they may see and hear one another but not come so near together that the one may hurt the other But Ambassadors are safe in their enemies Countries why then should Princes be in danger in their Neighbors Dominions The Answer is very easie â—ecause Ambassadors are not spared either for their own sakâ—s or for their Masters but because that without them there would never be an end of Hostility nor any â—eace after Wars Neither is the name or person of an Ambassador so inviolable either in peace or in the time of War but that there may be both a convenient time and a good occasion to punâ—sh an Ambassador For to omit that Olaus and Euetus killed the Ambassador of Illalcolnius King of Scots as Hector Boetius recordeth that Teaca Queen of Selavonia slew a Roman Ambassador as Polybius reporteth that the Athenians caused King Darius his Ambassador to be thrown and drowned in a deep Well as Herodotus testifieth and that William King of Sicily plucked out the eyes of Henry Dandelo Ambassador unto him from the Venetians as Illescas writeth because these and the like examples are manifest Presidents of barbarous cruelty rather then of Justice and Equity I will shew you by a few examples that an Ambassador hath been and may as often as the like occasion happeneth be lawfully punished or sent out of the Realm wherein he remaineth as an Ambassador Titus Livius writeth that when Brennus had found Quintus Fabius Ambustus fighting in the Camp of the Clusians against him he sent presently as Herald of Arms unto Rome to demand him to be delivered into his hands as a Breaker of the Laws of Arms because that being sent from the Romans as Ambassador unto him he returned not home as soon as he had done his Ambassage but remained still in the Clusians Camp and because the Romans did not deliver unto his Messenger the said Ambustus he left the siege of Clusius and conveyed his invincible Army unto Rome and therewith spoiled and sackt the City Adrian the fourth Pope of Rome sent his Chancellor Rowland and Cardinal Bernard unto Fredrick the Fourth who used such unreverend speeches unto the Emperor that the County Palatine of Vitilispatch not brooking the indignity that was offered unto his Master drew his sword and had not the Emperor staid his hand he had slain the Ambassador in his presence and the Emperor was so moved with indignation to see his insolent carriage and behaviour that he presently commanded him to avoid out of his Court and not to stay so long as to dispatch his necessary business The Romans when Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Caâ—us Flaminius were Consuls delivered Lucius Martinus and Lucius Manlius into the hands of the Carthaginians to be used at their pleasure and discretion because they had beaten their Ambassadors Edward the Second King of England amongst others sent a French Gentleman Ambassador into France whom the French King had not the Queen purchased his pardon had excommunicated as a Traytor because he presumed to serve his enemy for an Ambassador unto him Francis the First King of France sent Caesar Fregosus and Antony Rincone Ambassadors unto the Great Turk Charls the Fifth his Soldiers took them upon the River of Poe in Italy and presently slew them both The French King complaineth that they were wrongfully murthered the Emperor justifieth their death because the one being a Genouis and the other a Milanois and both in some manner his Subjects they feared not to serve the French King his enemy Henry the Eighth King of England commanded a French Ambassador to depart presently out of his Realm for no other occasion but for that hâ— was the professed enemy of the Sea of Rome The Seigniory of Venice understanding that certain Traitors who had revealed their secrets to the Turk were fled to hide themselves to the French Ambassadors house at Venice sent certain Offices to search the Ambassadors house for them and when the Ambassador forbad and refused to suffer those Officers to enter into his house the Senate made no more ado but sent for certain peeces of great Ordnance out of their Arsenal whereby they would have beaten down the house had not the said Ambassador as soon as he saw the same Ordnance yeelded the Traytors to their mercy and discretion I might alledge many more Histories to this purpose but I should be over long and tedious And yet I may not omit these two following because they are worthy observation and make more for my purpose then all the rest In the year 1544 the French King sent certain Ambassadors unto Charls the Fifth to Spires sending an Herald of Arms before with Letters unto the Emperor and unto the Princes Electors in which he required a safe Conduct for his Ambassadors The Herald is staid by the Cardinal Gavilla and made to deliver him his Letters and to shew the cause of his coming further he is commanded to keep his lodging and that no man should be suffered to speak with him and within four days he is willed to depart and take heed that he presume not to come within the Emperors Dominions another time without his leave he was now pardoned rather of lenity then of desert because he had broken the Laws of Arms And as concerning his Letters it was told him that the King his Master had so deserved of the Emperor and all the whole state of Christendom that the Emperor neither could nor would receive them This answer was given unto him written in French and certain Soldiers appointed to bring him to the Borders of France The second example is of a Bishop who in the year 1302 being sent Ambassador unto the French King from the Pope practised certain Treasons in France against the King whereof he is accused arraigned in the Court of Parliament at Paris and being found guilty is committed unto prison But he is delivered out of prison at the Popes request and both he and the Popes Nuntio are commanded to avoid the Realm The Pope excommunicateth the King for proceeding thus against his Ambassador and the King to requite him with the like courtesie commanded that no more money should be carried out of his Realm to Rome By these examples I may boldly infer two necessary Consequents the one that if Ambassadors fail in their duty or fall into these follies which I have mentioned they are either punishable or may be sent away in disgrace The other that the Spanish King hath no just cause to be offended with our Queens Majesty for the sending away of Dâ—n Bernardine Mendoza his last Ambassador in England For although he fought not in any Camp against her Majesty as did Ambustus against Brennus yet he perswaded divers of her Subjects to bear Arms against her although he used no uncivil and unreverent speeches against her Majesty as the Cardinal Bernard did unto the Emperor Fredrick yet he did both backbite and
Marcellus before Iulius Caesar he being the onely Judge and Arbitrator of his own cause And it was the custom of the first kings of Rome to hear all causes themselves as well concerning their subjects as themselves until that Servius Tullius the sixth king reserved all publick causes for his own audience and referred his own private matters unto the Senate There was nothing so great or so small saith Suetonius Tranquillus but Tiberius when he began to be weary of managing of publick affairs referred the same unto his Senators And so did Marcus Antonius as Capitolinus testifieth But after that Princes began to grow absolute after that their States became hereditary and they had established a certain order in Judgement then began they to have their Judges who sat as their substitutues as well in other mens as in their own causes as Choppianus reporteth And although they appoint such Judges yet they wrong not their Subjects therein because both they themselves vouchsafe to swear to see their Laws maintained and their Judges are sworn to Judge according unto their Laws But our Queens Majesty was not Judge in the Scotish Queens cause It pleased her to make the high Court of Parliament judge thereof What wrong then was there offered unto her since she had the same Trial which many Kings of England have had As namely Richard the second and third and Henry the fourth and sixth She had not the favour which was shewed unto Subjects or Strangers She should have had a Jury of Twelve Peers to pass on her whereof the one half should have been Englishmen and the other Scots or other strangers This in truth is the usuall and ordinary manner of Tryal for strangers offending within the Queen Dominions But where should such strangers have been had but that they would have been partial on the one side or on the other what course might have been taken for their coming into England And when they were come if she had made as she might have done any manner of exception against them had it not been dangerous to stay the coming of others Had it not been costly to have defrayed their Charges And who should have born their charges The strangers themselves would not have been at the cost The Scotish Queen was not able to maintain them And there was no reason to put her Majesty to such charges It may be that the Spanish King would have been content to have paid their charges Let it be granted yea and those whom he would have sent would have saved her life because they durst not displease him and he must needs have gratified her because she had as she confessed sold unto him her pretensive Right unto the Crown of England Is it likely that six Peers of our Realm would have spared her when six and thirty of the chiefest of our Nobility and of the most discreet Judges and Lawyers of our Realm found her guilty and the whole Parliament condemned her In which Parliament by reason of the Priviledges and Liberties thereof any man might have spoken more freely in her defence then in any other place And was it not seen that before she had endeavoured by so many wayes and means as she did to take away our most gratious Soveraigns life and Scepter that very mean men presumed to speak for her in the Parliament House and were heard with all favour and indifferency And if she had been saved by the Spaniards benefit would he not have used her to our destruction And should not we have lived in continual servitude then which nothing is more grievous unto a good minde nothing more contrary and repugnant unto the nature and quality of a Prince May it be thought that that King who objected unto our Queen in a most disdainfull and dispightfull manner that he had saved her life and that her Majesty was bound unto him for the same when as indeed there was no cause why she should have ever have been in danger to lose her life May it be thought I say that he wouâ—d not have done the like unto the Scotish Queen if she had not been alwayes at his disposition But it was strange that a Prince should be put to death It was not strange in Scotland where more Kings have been slain and murthered then have died a natural death where Alphinus not onely King of Scots but also Heir unto the Kingdom of the Picts was openly beheaded It was not strange in Hungary where Queen Ioan was executed for the murther committed on the person of her Husband It was not strange in France where Bernard King of Italy and lawful King of France was adjudged and done to death It was not strange in Asia where Hercules slew Laomedon for his tyranny and cruelty It was not strange in Spain where Henry the Bastard executed Peter the lawful King It was not strange in the kingdom of Naples where Conrad rightful King thereof was beheaded Briefly it was not strange in the holy Scripâ—ures where we read that Ioshuah discomfited five Kings and hung them all upon trees that Saul was reprehended by Samuel for not kiling Agag King of the Amalakites whom Samuel took and hewed in peeces that Gideon slew the Kings of Midian and that Iehu slew Iehoram King of Israel and Ahaziah King of Iudah There is nothing then strange or without example in the execution of the Scotish Queen unless it be strange that our Queens Majesty was careless of her life when her Subject were careful of the same that she would not hear of her death when they desired nothing more then her death That when the Parliament had condemned her she could not be in treated to subscribe to their Judgment Briefly That when with great labour and many perswasions she was won by her privy Councel and others who were of opinion that Vita Mariae would be Mors Elizabethae as Vita Conradini was thought by the Pope to be Mors Caroli to deliver her Warrant to one of her Secretaries for her death she imprisoned and grievously fined that Secretaryfor sending that Warrant with such speed as he did whereby it seemed that had not the Warrant been obtained when it was she would hardly have yeeled to her execution and by punishing him that was so willing and ready to have her executed it appeareth that her Majesty not onely loved her whilst she lived but also after she was dead and her Highness grave and wise speeches delivered unto her loving Subjects in the Parliament House do testifie how sorrowful and unwilling her Majesty was to consent unto her death although it was there made most apparent unto her Grace that as long as that Queen lived she could not be without continual danger of losing her life This opinion being therefore confirmed to be most true since her death because there have no such Treasons been either intended or practised against her Majesty since as before that time It followeth that her execution gave
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
rage and fury to Bruges where the Earl lay with his Forces who with an Army of Forty Thousand at the least set presently upon them with a full resolution to kill every Mothers Son of them But God who saved the Children of Israel from the persecution of Pharaoh unto whom they had humbled themselves and drowned the Persecutors in the Red-Sea vouchsafed to be their Protector and gave them such Courage such Fortune and good success that they overthrew the Earl and made him hide himself in a poor Cottage under an old womans bed ransacked his Houses took Brugeâ— and most of the Cities and Towns of Flanders and sent their unfortunate and unmercifull Earl to beg aâ—d into France from whence he returneth with great help and findeth them more insolent rebellious and obstâ—nate then ever they were To be short the Earl is driven to offer conditions of peace A mean and base Citizen named Leo fearing that if a Peace were concluded he should be severly punished changed their mindes that were inclined to Peace This Leâ— died not of a natural death but of poâ—â—on given hâ—m as it was thought by the Earls means Then was there great hope to mitigate the rage of the common people and yet the war ceased not The cause of the continuance was that the Nobility favoured the Earl and began to malice and menace the Common People and the Magistrates of Bruges in a Tumult that was betwixt the Gentlemen and the Weavers of the Town shewed themselves more favourable unto the Gentlemen then unto the Weavers of this small Cause followed so great a War as continued above seven years and consumed above two hundred thousand Flemings In those Wars sometimes Iames Artevild other times Philip Artevild sometimes Basconius other times Francis Agricola all base men and of no accompt before they began to be Rebels so ruled the people that they led them whither they would and how they would Artevild imposed upon them what Tributes soever it pleased him Basconius hung up so many of them as but once spake of Peace Artevild was served in Plate of Silver and Gold like an Earl Feasted the Dames and Ladies as an Eâ—rl Swore his Subjects and was sworn unto them as an Earl Contracted Amity and Alliance with the King of England and used his help as an Earl Briefly lived with far greater Magnificence then an Earl Agricola wanted not his commendation He was adored like a god preferred before the Duke of Burgondy who for his valâ—ur was called Philip the audacious both for Valour and Wisdom promised to be made Duke and in all respects more honoured then the Duke Artevild had one named Carpenty to extol his Vertues to recommend him to the people And Agricola used Besconius for his Instrument who so delighted the peoples ears that they would willingly hear no sâ—und no voyce but his It was he that when Artevild was slain brought Agricola into favour and credit It was he that when the people was dismaid and out of courage because of Artevilds death put them in heart and made them more couragious then ever they were It was he that perswaded the relenting Commons that Artevild lost the field and his Army by indiscretion and rashness and that Agricola would easily overcome their enemies by valour and wisdom The like instruments unto these had the Duke of Mayn at Paris where he had never obtained so much as he did of the people nor contained them so much in their devotion had he not used the maliciâ—us help and furtherance of Marteau Campan Nally Rowland and Bassy the Clerk the Ministers of his fury and mislâ—aders of the ignorant rude and seditious Commonalty By this you may see how one mutinous Subject begets another By this you may observe and note that if Princes could be content to yeeld somewhat unto such mutinous Subjects and now and then wink at their follies pardon their boldness and pacifie their rage and anger they might live in quiet and save the lives of many of their loving Subjects And by this you may perceive that Princes by Civil Wars incur the hatred and malice of their loving Subjects which sometimes taketh such deep roo in their hearts that it is hard yea almost impossible to root it out And lastly By that which followeth you may understand that when a multitude of Subjects are discontented it is far better to pacifie and reconcile them with courtesie and gentleness then to provoke and punish them with rigor and cruelty For the Prince that either openly or secretly practiseth the death of his Subjects and delighteth to see them massacred and murthered very seldome or never escapeth himselfe unmassacred The Emperor Caligula caused many of his Subjects to be done to death some for his pleasure and others without any just occasion especially those that reprehended his actions or disliked his Government He thought by these murthers to dispatch all those that hated him and supposed that when they were dead he might reign and rule at his pleasure but he was greatly deceived for the more he caused to be killed the more he displeased and if he slew one Enemy that one begat him ten far worse Adversaries insomuch that seeing himself hated of all the people he wished as you have heard that all the Subjects of Rome had but one head that he might have cut it off at a blow and in the end when it was too late he perceived that the people multiplied daily and had infinite heads and he himself but one of which he was deprived sooner then he thought he should have been Maximinus the Emperor who was so strong of body that with the blow of his fist he could strike out the tooth of an Horse and with his hands break in sunder an horse-shoo presuming on his strength and the multitude of his Souldiers cared not whom he put to death wrongfully but after that he had murthered above Four thousand Gentlemen without any due observance of Justice and Equity he himself was murthered by his own Soldiers who hated his barbarous cruelty more then they honoured his Imperial Majesty I might trouble you with many examples like unto these as with the Emperors Nero Vitellius and Gallienus But I must proceed Briefly to my purpose As the people therefore live still and live to revenge the wrongs and injuries done into them so contrariwise Princes die and their Quarrels their Designs and their Purposes many times die with them for their Successors are not alwayes of their minds nor of their Humors but oftentimes govern themselves otherwise then they did and taking a quite contrary course unto theirs most commonly break the Laws they have made distress the persons whom they advance and exalt them whom they depress In regard whereof it is usual amongst wise Courtiers not onely to pleasure him that ruleth but also him that shall succeed the Ruler and as Pompey said unto Sylla More do adore the Sun rising then the Sun
States and to crosse his Counsels and Intentions in the use of those means For doth he continue in credit by the General reputation and conceit that is had of his wealth Let it be shewed that he is poor and needy Holdeth he his Subjects and Towns of Conquest in awe by keeping Garisons in them Seeke either to corrupt those Garrisons or to perswade those Towns to expel them Borrows he money in his need and necessity of the Genowaies and other Merchants of Italie Counsel them to call for their old Debts and to lend him no more money before they be paid Doth our Nation and others inrich his Country by resorting thither Let them repair no more then they needs must to those Countries Fetcheth he yearly great wealth from the Indies Let that be intercepted more then it hath been Placeth he wise Governors and Magistrates in his Dominions to Containe his Subjects in obedience and his Neighbours in fear Send Fire-brands and Authors of Sedition amongst his Subjects as he doth amongst ours and think it as lawfull and easie to estrange the affection of his wisest and most trusty Deputies and Lieutenants as it was and is for him to allienate the hearts of some of the Nobility of France from their King Hath he married the now Duke of Parma so meanly that he can not be able to recover his right to Portugal Or hath he so weakned Don Antonio that he shall never be able to returne into his Country Provoke the one to be his Enemy in putting him in mind of his Fathers untimely death and by remembring the great wrongs that he suffereth and let many Princes joyn in heart and in helpe to set up the other against him and to strengthen and succor both rather then the one or the other should not annoy him Is France unable to hurt him because France is divided Reconcile them that are dissevered and revive the quarrels and pretentions that France hath against him Presumeth he that the Germans will rather help then hurt him because he is ally'd to some in Conjunction of blood and to others in league of amity dissolve his alliances and debase the mightiest of his kindred To be short are the Pope the Venetians and the other Princes of Italy either for feare or affection his friends encourage the Timerous and fearfull and alter and remove the love and affection of them that beare him best good will But some man will say This is sooner said then done and therefore I have said nothing unless I shew you how all this may bee well and conveniently done There is a generall meanes and there are diverse special waies to effect all this I will acquaint you with both because you shall bee ignorant of neither and I will be as brief as I may because I take it high time not to trouble you any longer It is grown unto a general use of late yeares and undoubtedly it was usual in times past when Princes undertake any great actions or enterprises that may perhaps seem strange and somwhat unreasonable unto other Princes whose favor and friendship they desire to publish the causes and reasons which induce them to enter into those actions and in those Declarations to omit nothing that either may grace and credit them or discredit and disgrace their Adversaries The States of the Low Countries when necessity inforced them to renew Wars against the Spaniards published certain Books containing the causes which moved them thereunto and caused those Books to be imprinted in seven several Languages in Latine in French in their own Tongue in High Dutch in Italian in Spanish and in English to the end that all the Nations of the World hearing the Justice and Equity of their quarrel mâ—ght either as Friends help and assist them or as Neutrals neither aid nor hinder them as their Adversaries The late Duke of Alenson because it might seem strange unto some that he being a Catholick Prâ—nce would aid men of a contrary Religion and reprehensible unto others that being in some manner allied and a supposed friend unto the Spanish King he would accept the Title of the Duke of Brabant and undertake the defence of the Low Countries against the Spaniards made it appaâ—ent unto the world by the like means that it was not any ambitious mind or greedy desire of advancement but a Princely clemency and commiseration of the distressed state of that Country too much oppressed by the Spanish Tyranny that moved him to receive them into his Protection and Patronage The like did the County Palatine Cassimer when as he came into Flanders with his Forces And the like have many other Princes done not in just causes only but in matters that had far greater affinity with injustice and dishonesty then with justice and integrity That Duke of Burgondy which more wickedly then justly murthered the Duke of Orleance fearing that his murther might justly purchase him the Kings heavy displeasure and the general harted of all France suborned a learned and famous Divine named Iohn Petie not onely to excuse but also to commend and allow the execution thereof in many publick Sermons and writ divers Letters unto the best Towns of France to declare and justifie the cause that moved him thereunto Henry the Fourth of England whom many Hâ—storiographers hold rather for a wrongful Usurper then a lawful King to make it known by what Title he took upon him to be King of England sent divers Ambassadors into Spain Germany and Italy with such instructions and so forceable reasons that he made a bad cause seem just and equitable That Pope of Rome which as you have heardâ— betrayed Frederick the Emperor most leudly unto the Great Turk and was the onely cause of his long and chargeable imptisonment finding that his unchristian treachery being happily disclosed did greatly blemish his name and reputation to give some shew and colour of Justice to a bad cause caused to be published that two notable Murderers had been taken at Rome who voluntarily confessed that the Emperor Frederick had hired and sent them thither of purpose to kill the Pope How the Duke of Bnckingham and the more learned the conscionable Dean Richard Shaw justified in the Guild-hall of London and at Pauls Cross the unlawful and tyrannical Usurpation of Richard the Third our Histories make it so manifest that I need not to trouble you with the recital thereof Since therefore not mean and Lay-men onely but Noblemen and great Divines havâ— both defended and furthered wrongful causes and with their deâ—ence and furtherance have brought to pass their lend and wicked purpose why should not men sufficiently seen in matters of State and throughly furnished with all good qualities requisite in a good and worthy Writer of which sort this Realm had rather some want then any great store depinct the Spainard and his tyranny so lively and so truly that their reasons their perswasions and their admonitions may may shake the affections
is the force of ambition and unsatiabâ—e are the desires of covetous Princes who having subdued one Country seek presently after anoâ—her and when they have conquered that labour to attain unto new Conquests and never leave to inlarge their over large Territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies But it may be said the King of Spain is old but covetousness dieth not but increaseth in old age He is already Master and Lord of many Kingdoms and so many Countries But as I have said the more a man hath the more a man wanteth he being nigh unto deaths door thinks nothing of his death But every Prince before his death would be glad to make his name immortal his Dominions infinite He is a Catholick Prince therfore will hold his words and promises with Catholicks as he hath done hitherto But deceitful men keep touch in small matters to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence They may therefore justly fear that he who coveteth Kingdoms that are far from him is not without a great desire of States that joyn and border upon his Dominions and they may well think since he is descended as you shall hear anon of such Predecessors as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever just or unjust honest or dishonest commendable or reprehensible to enlarge their Dominions that he hath learned of them to have the like desires and use the like practises But grant they have no just occasion to distrust him what shall they gain by his friendship what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him He called them to help him But when forsooth when his ships were suâ—k bruised and broken some lost and never heard of and those which returned into Spain were so shaken and beaten with weather and Gun-shot that either they will be altogether unprofitable or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges and when his people were either drowned or so terrified that they will have a small desire and less courage to return in England But why implored he not their helps when he went for England with an assured hope and confidence of an happy Conquest of an honourable Victory He was loath to use their help because he thought himself able to aâ—tain his purpose without making them partakers of his glory and now that he hath failed of his purpose he calleth them unto a second voyage intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey and they must go to recover his credit and to revenge his quarrel who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit And how must they revenge his quarrel Forsooth by sending their best Soldiers into a strange Country by dis-furnishing themselves of Ships and Artillery and by lending him Munition and Mariners who might do well to spare his own people and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of Christendom Their Ancestors bought peace with unreasonable conditions and at a great price and they shall go to Wars where they have no cause of War Their Predecessors when any Nation dwelling beyond the Alps intended to pass the Alps endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage and to keep them at home and they having not felt the forces of such Nations these many years shall for his sake now go about to provoke them Their Forefathers lived quietly at home with their own and they shall disquiet themselves and other men and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage Their Parents never suffered their ships or their Souldiers to depart out of Italy for fear left the great Turk in their absence should invade their Country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the Heavens against the Windes against the Weather and the Sea for so they sight that fight against England Their hearts may tremble to think of it and that whâ—ch hath happened once may happen again If whilest their Forces shall be imployed in the Spanish kings service the Turk shall assail them at home shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of England Or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion For there is no other way to relieve them or to repel them But it may be said that the Spaniards credit and reputation will be their Buckler his greatness will restrain and repress their Adveâ—iaries Tell me you that think so Is he stronger then hâ—s Father was Hath he ever had better success in the Wars then he And yet in the prime and flower of his years and even when he thought himself free from all danger from all trouble and vexation of the Turks the Turks came to besiege Vienna which is the Emperors chief Seat and a City of as great strength as any other City of Europe They may consider that Armies that go far from home have as I have said seldom good success that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand seldom fall out well that men being once deceived of their expeâ—ation in any thing that they undertake proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action that to hang good Souldiers and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel is but to tempt God and lastly that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain All these being duly considered they may justly be afraid when they call to minde that their Navy which they shall send into England to help the king of Spain shall pass through many Seas Rocks with many contrary Winds in great Tempests and through manifest and dangerous parils and that their Souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst sometimes be Sea sick and in great danger of other diseases for where many be shut up close together there few can be in health long All this being duly considered they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the Spanish Fleet which went out of Spain with an assured hope of victory returned with great loss and ignommy And they may be discomforted when they enter into cogitation that the Spanish Navy returning to that place where they were once well beaten and remembring what small relief they had when they were in distress will not onely lose theâ—r courage themselves but also discourage their Italian Souldiers not being accustomed to sight so far from home or on so dangerous and troublesome Seas and with so valiant a Nation as the English Sea and Subjects are They may again be dismayed when they consider that although they should conquer England yet they cannot keep it long because they have no just cause to fight against England And lastly they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance that the small hope and confidence which they have
and death over their subjects yet he is to be accompted a Tyrant that causeth any of his Subjects to be done to death without having deserved to lose his life and this authority given them by Law and common consent of their subjects tendeth to no other purpose nor respecteth any other end then that sin may be punished and malefactors not permitted to live both to the scandal and detriment of well doers If therefore Escovedo committed no offence worthy of death the King had no power no warrant no authority to take away his life his offence therefore must be known the nature quality and circumstances thereof well examined and duly considered and according as his crime shall fall out and prove to be great or small pardonable or capital so shall the Kings actions seem punishable or excusable All that Antonio Peres his Book chargeth him withal is that he had secret intelligence with the Pope the King of France and the Duke of Guise wherein he was set on by his master Don Iohn de Austria who was the King's Lieutenant General and by vertue of this office represented the Kings own person and was armed with his authority if not in all things yet in as much as concerned the execution of his charge and commission The question then must be whether the Secretary unto such a Lieutenant performing that which is commanded by his master may be taken and condemned for a Traytor Treason hath many branches and is of divers kinds and it would be tedious and troublesome to make a recital of them all And it shall suffice to declare whether any of the actions specified in this accusation be within the compass of Treason He wrote Letters to whom To the Pope Why He was no enemy but a friend to the King of Spain What was the tenor and contents of this Letter Nothing else but that it might please his Holiness to recommend one Brother unto another Why That was an office of kindness and not of treason And for what purpose desireth he to have him recommended Forsooth for the employment in the service and enterprise that was to be made against England Why that service liked the King and proceeded first from him it tended to his benefit it was to be undertaken in revenge of his supposed wrongs against his enemy and all this is no treason And for whom wrote he For Don Iohn de Austria his Kings Brother the Pope's Darling and Turks scourge the Princes of Italies Favourite the Queen of Englands terror and the whole Worlds wonder But he wrote without the King's privity How shall he know that Had he not good cause to think that all that he did was done with the King's counsel and consent Had he not eyes to see and ears to hear and discretion to consider that whatsoever was done against England should be both grateful and acceptable unto the King I but he might think that the King would not be content to have his Brother made a King Why He was his Lieutenant already and so next to a King He had done him great service and was to do him more and so deserved no small recompence he had the Title of a Duke but no Living fit for a Duke the vertues and valour of a King but no possibility to be a King but by his Brothers favour and furtherance briefly he desired that honour and Escovedo perhaps thought the King meant to prefer him to that honour the rather because the King might be led to advance him to a Kingdom in his life time by his fathers example who prefers his Brother Ferdinando to the Empire before he died himself why then be it that he was either deceived in his cogitation or beguiled with the love of his Master or went further then he had warrant to go why lawful ignorance extenuateth the gravity of and as to annoy a Princes enemy so to pleasure his friend was never punishable or at any time accounted treason But when the enterprise against England failed he solicited the Pope for the Kingdom of Tunis but how Not to have it without the Kings good leave and liking And when made he that motion Even then when the Princes of Italy and the wisest Counsellors of Europe stood in fear of the common enemy doubted that Tunis might be recovered by the Turk and therefore thought it meet to have so valorous and victorious a Prince there as was Don Iohn de Austria who having the Kingdom in his own right would be the more willing and ready to defend it and was this desire an offence Or could this motion be counted treason He might have remembred that Don Iohn de Soto was removed from serving Don Iohn de Austria because he furthered him in the like enterprizes But he saw him preferred to a place of greater honour and commodity which gave him just occasion to think that the King rather liked then disallowed his actions Thus you see there is no desert of death in practising with the Pope Now it remaineth to consider how this dealing in France with the King or the Duke of Guise may be justly esteemed a crime capital It appeareth that the French King was then in League with the Spaniard whose Ambassador was then residing in his Court and Ambassadors are not permitted to remain but where there is a League of Amity betwixt Princes The Guisards affection hath been declared to have been always greater towards Spain then towards France And the enterprize of England might seem unto Don Iohn de Austria very difficult yea impossible without some favour without some help from France if then to favour this enterprize he had some secret intelligence with France is he therefore blame-worthy Or hath it ever been counted a fault in a servant or Lieutenant to seek all lawful and honourable ways to bring to pass his Masters desire and purpose Do Princes prescribe unto their Lieutenants or Ministers all that they can do to compass and effect their designs Do they not rather give them a few short Instructions and leave it to their discretion and wisdom to foresee and use other means to further their intentions Is not this the reason why they make choice of wise and discreet men for such employments Is not this the cause that when they send young Noblemen either to Wars or Ambassadors or to forraign Governments they are ever accompanyed with grave and wise Counsellors Briefly Is it not this that moveth them to command that their young Lieutenants Ambassadors or Governours shall do nothing without their Counsellors I know that it is very dangerous to be employed in Princes affairs Danger in conceiving a message and Danger in delivering the same and danger in reporting an answer thereunto And yet be it that a messenger conceiveth not a business rightly that he delivereth not his will and pleasure as he should do and that he faileth in report of his answer to whom he is sent yet he committeth not a
committing the fact with his wife or daughter is not punished with death by Law because the greatness of his sorrow excuseth the grievousness of his offence and a man that being provoked by another by word or deed killeth the provoker is not subject to extream rigour of justice because whatsoever is done in heat of choler is rather excusable in mercy then punishable with extremity The King of Spain's life stood in no danger as long as Escovedo lived he had offered no violence to his wife or daughter and if he gave him any occasion to be angry or displeased with him there was time enough betwixt the occasion given and the hour of his death to allay the heat and to asswage his wrath There is not therefore any one just cause to excuse this murther but many to aggravate the same For first A King commanded it to be committed and Kings ought to preserve not murther their subjects Next an innocent man was murthered and it is better to save many offenders then to condemn one innocent Then the murtherer was as it were a father to the murthered Kings are called fathers of their subjects Again Escovedo was no stranger but the Kings servant and it is much more grievous to kill an houshold servanâ— then a stranger Again Escovedo was no base person but of good worth and of divers good qualities and he offendeth more that killeth an adulterer of good sort then he that murthereth one of vile and base condition Again Escovedo had deserved well of the King and had done him many good services and ingratitude is a detestable vice a fault punishable by Law Again Escovedo was done to death against Law and to murther a man without Law is a double breach of Law a breach in the murther and a breach in not observance of Law Again Escovedo was poysoned and the murther that is done with poyson because it is trayterously done is much more grievous then that which is performed Therefore Lastly When poyson took no effect he was killed with a sword and the murther that is iterated is more hainous it argueth perseverance in wickedness it sheweth that the offender is obdurate in malice it betrayeth his cruelty and declareth that nothing but death will satisfie him so it is sin in a Prince to think on such a murther wickedness to command it to be done cruelty to thirst after innocent blood ingratitude to render evil for good treason to take away a mans life by poyson and of all treasons the greatest when poyson faileth to use the sword and when God hath miraculously preserved an innocent man to attempt his death again and never to desist until he was massacred For Princes are armed with authority but they are to use the sword only against the wicked they may be cruel but with a kind of mercy and compassion they may censure all mens actions but with remembrance of mans imbecility with grief for their fall with sorrow for their temptation with hope of their amendment and with a desire of their conversion They must think that ignorance may mislead them Satan seduce them sin get the upper hand of them Gods good grace abandon them and that being destitute of his favour they are no more able to make any resistance against the divel 's temptations and when they have thought upon all this they must look upon themselves and in themselves consider that they be angry but without fin they may be moved but not so much as to forget to do justice punish offenders without hatred to their persons and not before that reason hath mastered their own affections mercy hath mitigated their rigour and wisdom hath nullified all the extremity of their inordinate passions This murder being then in thought in action in continuance and in iteration impious and detestable it resteth therefore to shew whether Antonio Peres yeilding his consent and putting his helping hand thereunto be not guilty of Escovedo his death as well as the King For the affirmative it may be said that in cases of felony murther and treason the principals and accessaries are held to offend in one and the same measure because they are most commonly subject to one and the same manner of punishment That servants to private men and Counsellors to Princes must obey God rather then their Masters the almighty in heaven rather then the mighty on earth That Peres knew in conscience that Escovedo had not deserved death That no man should do any thing against his Conscience and that Counsellors attend upon Princes to be disswaders of their follies and not executioners of their furies It had therefore been the part of Antonio Peres when he saw his King resolute to have Escovedo murthered not to have reprehended his wicked intention presently but to have attended some convenient time when the Kings fury and anger had been past when he would have hearkned unto reason and given an attentive ear unto good counsel and then not to have spared his tongue or his pen his counsel or his cunning his wits or his credit with his master until he had changed his mind For wise and discreet officers unto Princes will not presently obey their hasty furious and unadvised commandments but give them time to allay and pacifie and to consider with themselves what they have commanded and what mischiefs and inconveniencies may follow of their commandments And the Prince that hath such may think himself happy and when of a servant to his passions he returneth happily to himself that is to be a right Prince then will he thank them heartily for their good counsel It is written of a Duke of Britany that when he had taken Clission an high Constable of France who had made the French his mortal enemy and caused him to work his Countries great harm and annoyance he delivered him into the hands of Iohn Bavilion his trusty and faithful servant and commanded him to be caused to be drowned secretly Bavilion considering what danger might follow of his rash and hasty commandment preserved the Constable and within a few days after when he saw the Duke his master very pensive and sorrowful he presumed to demand the cause of his grief The Duke not being able to conceal any thing from him although he thought not to have found such comfort as he did by him acquainteth Bavilion with the â—â—use of his heavines which was that he had caused the Constable so unadvisedly to be made away Bavilion seeing the time fit to declare what he had done let the Duke understand that Clisson lived and by way of advice told him that by restoring his prisoner in safety without a ransome unto the French King he should bind the Constable to do him all manner of good offices about the king of France purchase the Kings assured friendship and procure his own Countries safety and quiet For which good counsel the Duke thanked him as much as for saving the Constable and found that by following
it was not Religion but private quarrels that caused a division in his Kingdom and this division was as you have heard and shall hear maintained and nourished by the Spaniard For when the troubles began first in France the princes of Vendosme and Conde being displeased with the greatness of the House of Guise drew into their faction and side the Houses of Montmorency and Chastilian that they might be the better able with their help to prevent and withstand the encrease and advancement of the late Duke of Guise his Father and Uncle who had usurped and gotten into their hands all the authority credit and power of the Kingdom during the minority of Francis the second their Nephew afterwards the same Duke of Guise and the Constable fall into variance for no other cause but for that the first was jealour of the other both of them being in great favour and credit with Henry the third Four principal causes encreased and nourished the contention between these two princes The first was the office of great Master of France which the King gave unto the Duke of Guise when he made the Duke of Montmorency Constable of France who was great Master before and had a promise of the King that the office should have been reserved for his son The second occasion of their discontentment was the Earldom of Dampmartin which both of them had bought of sundry persons pretending right thereunto and when they had sued for the same a long time in Law the Constable obtained the suit The third cause of their discontentment was because the one of them seeking by all means possible to discredit and disgrace the other the Constable procured the Duke of Guise to be sent into Italy that he might in his absence possess the King wholly and alone and when he was there he could not do any thing worth his labour or worthy of commendation because the Constable either fore-slowed or hindred his business But the Duke of Guise being returned out of Italy and finding that the Constable was taken prisoner at St Laurence to be revenged of the indignities offered whilst he was in Italy procured that the Constable was held a long time in prison and used all the policies that he could devise to delay and defer his deliverance the which delays occasioned his Nephews of Chastilian to crave aid and assistance of the late King of Navarra and the Prince of Conde his brother who had married his Neece The fourth and last cause of their strife and difference was the competency between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Iamvile for the office and charge of Colonel of the light Horsemen of France This debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time in this manner it hapned that the first Author thereof being dead the Duke of Guise prevailed too much in the French Court the which the Lords of Chastilian perceiving to their great sorrow and discontentment left the Court and in returning from thence were it in earnest or in policy began to favour the Lutherans of France who at that time began to preach in cellars and in houses secretly and became their friends more to defend themselves from the House of Guise then to seek and procure any alteration or change of Religion until that the King himself at the instigation and instance of the Duke of Iamvile took Monsieur de Andeles at Cressy and sent him prisoner to Molin and imprisoned the Videan of Chatres and many others These imprisonments and years of further mischiefs caused the friends and followers of the Constables to prepare with great silence and secrecy a mighty Army in Germany with which he purposed to make an horrible execution of the House of Guise under a colour to free the King from that bondage wherein the late Dukes of Guise and Aumale held him of which followed the great execution of Amboise the rigorous commandment that was given to the King of Navarra and the imprisonment of the Prince of Conde at the assembly of States held at Orleans and many other accidents which had continued with far greater cruelty then was used against the Houses of the Constable and of Chastilian had not the sudden death of the young King prevented the bloody intentions of the House of Guise The unexpected death of the young King perplexed and dejected the House of Guise much and surely they had been reduced unto extream desperation had not the Spanish King revived their hope and put them in great comfort who until he saw them in great extremity stood in doubt which part to favour most and kindled the fire of dissention on both sides to the end it might at the length burn and consume France in such manner as it did of late years It was the Spanish King that when the King of Navarra was made Governour of Charls the ninth and the Constable restored to his ancient Honour and Dignity supported the Duke of Guise and gave him such counsel that he both won the King of Navarra and the Constable to favour him and his enterprises against their own Brothers and Nephews and took the young King and his Mother at Fountain-bleau and carried them to Melind The Queen-mother grieved with this captivity of the King and her self was sain to entreat the Prince of Conde and the Lords of Chastilian to help to set him and her at liberty And then the said Prince and Lords not being able to resist of themselves so mighty enemies as the Guisards were especially being aided with the power and authority Royal became protestants in good earnest and declaring themselves Protectors and Heads of the Huguenots craved their assistance wherewith they seized upon many Cities of France not making any mention of their Religion but pretending to free the King and his Mother from that captivity wherein the House of Guise held them It was the King of Spain who when the Duke of Guise was slain at Orleans by Poltrot practised with the Cardinal his Brother to entertain and maintain the divisions in France not to subvert the Lutherans but to weaken the Kingdom wherein the Cardinal proceeded so cunningly that he drew the Queen-mother from the Prince of Conde and the Chastilians by whom she was set at liberty by perswading that the Prince of Burbone the Constable and the Chastilians sought her utter ruine and subversion and would never leave until they had sent her into Italy unto her friends there for which she conceived so great displeasure and indignation against them that she caused the one brother to be killed at the Battel of Iarvack and the other at the Massacre of Paris it is thought that if the Montmorencies had been there at the same time they had drunk of the same cup. Thus you see that the troubles of France grew not for Religion but for competency and emulation that was betwixt the House of Guise