unto us Quintus Pleminius Lieutenant to the General Scipio was sent with a strong garrison power of men to recover Locri out of the hands of the Carthaginians and with the very same garrison was he left there but this Lieutenant of yours for the extremitie of miseries and aflictions whereinto wee are driven maketh us bold and putteth courage in us to speake our minds freely hath nothing at all in him of a man my Lords but the bare shape and outward forme nor of a Romane cittizen unlesse it bee the habite of apparrell which hee weareth and the sound of the Latine tongue which hee speaketh A verie plague hee is and no better a monstrous and ouglie beast like unto that which sometimes if old tales and fables bee true haunted the narrow seas betweene us and Sicilie for to destroy all passengers that sailed by Who if he could have been content himselfe alone to have practised and wrought upon us your Allies all mischeivous acts and pranckes of wickednesse of filthie lust and greedie covetousnesse we would peradventure in all patience and long sufferance have filled upthat one gulfe and pit were it never so deepe and satisfied one gorge never so unsatiable But now so great a delight and pleasure hath he taken that all lewd and licentious parts all shamefull acts and villanies should be commonly practised and in every place committed that hee hath made all your Centineirs very Pleminy yea and your souldiours as bad as himselfe All of them can skill now of robbing rifling spoiling beating wounding and killing they are all good at forcing of dames and ladies of honor at ravishing and deflouring of young virgins at abusing against kind of yonglings free borne and well descended whom they pull perforce from between the armes and out of the very bosomes of their parents Daily is our cittie assaulted and taken daily is it sacked and pilled night and day there is no place free but ringeth againe with the pitteous shrikes and lamentable plaints and cries of women and children harried and carried away in every place He that were a stranger to these things and knew nothing might wonder well ynough how either we can possibly hold out in suffering such outrages or they which are the doers not yet be satisfied and full of committing so great wrongs and injuries For neither will my tongue utterance serve to deliver nor needfull is it and expedient for you to heare every thing in particular what we have sustained But in generall I will comprise and knit up altogether I will abide by it that there is not one house throughout al Locri I dare avouch there is no person either one or other exempt from the wrongs that he hath done I say and stand to it that there is no kind of wickednesse no manner of silthie lust and uncleannesse no unsatiable avarice besides that hee hath not assaied to practice upon as many as were capable thereof and fit subjects to worke upon Hardly can a man devise and thinke whether of these two mischeefes incident to a cittie bee more detestable either when the enemies force it by assault in time of warre or when a pestilent and cruell tyrant oppresseth it by force and armes during peace All calamities we endured before that townes woon and lost are put unto And now at this houre more than ever my LL. Pleminius hath perpetrated upon us our children and our wives all those excessive villanies that the most inhumane cruell and outrageous tyrants can devise to exercise upon those subjects whom they keepe downe with oppression and tread under foot Yet one thing there is right Honourable whereof both sense of religion imprinted and engraffed naturally in our minds constraineth us to make particular complaint by specialtie and also our desire is that yee should have the hearing yea and to assoile and discharge your Commonweale of the scruple of conscience in case ye thinke it so meet and requisite For we have observed and seen with our eies with what devotion and ceremoniall reverence you not onely honour and worship the gods of your owne but also receive and entertaine those of straungers and forrainers We have in our cittie a chappell of Proserpina concerning the holinesse of which house I suppose verily that ye have heard some report and same during the warre of king Pyrrhus who in his return out of Sicilie passing along the sea side with his fleet by Locri among other shameful villanies and outrages which he committed against our citie in despight of us and for our fidelitie shewed toward you pilled also and robbed the treasure of this Proserpina which to that day had never ben touched by any man whatsoever And when he had so done he embarked the monie sent it away by water but journeied himselfe by land But see what happened my LL. hereupon His whole navie the morrow after was all to tossed split and torn a peeces in a most hideous ghust and horrible tempest save only those ships wherein that sacred treasure was bestowed which were cast upon our coast driven ashore Wherupon this king as prowd and fierce a prince as he was being taught by so great harmes and losses to beleeve that there were gods in heaven that ruled all made diligent search for all the said monies and caused the same to bee brought backe againe and laid up in the treasurie of Proserpina And yet for all that never sped he well in anything that hee went about from that day forward Hunted hee was and chased cleane out of Italie and comming by chaunce on a night and entering unadvisedly the citie of Argos he died an obscure base and dishonourable death And notwithstanding your Lieutenant your Colonels and knight Marshals heard of this and a thousand more such instances and examples which were recounted unto them not for to amplisie and set out with the highest the great religion and holinesse of the place but as we and our auncestours have had right evident proofe and that full oftentimes to shew the manifest power and puissance of that goddesse yet were they so hardie as to lay their theevish and sacrilegious hands upon those treasures that were inviolate and not to be touched so by that cursed prize and bootie have polluted themselves their houses and your souldiors Whose service take heed my LL. as ye tender your selves and your credite how yee employ either in Italie or in Affricke in any of your affaires and warres there before ye purge and expiate this soule heinous fact for feare least they make amends and pay for this detestable forfeit not onely which their owne bloud but also with some publicke losse and calamitie of the whole State And even alreadie my LL. they re and displeasure of the goddesse hath ben well seen upon your captains soldiors both and at this present day continueth still Sundrie times they have ben together by the ears and skuffled one against another with
land went into Macedonie with a great part of his souldiors disarmed and spoiled The Romane fleet wintered at Oricum with M. Valerius The same yeere in Spaine the affairs went variably on both sides For before that the Romans passed over the river Iberus Mago Asdruball defeited a mightie host of Spaniards so as all the farther part of Spaine had fallen from the Romanes but that P. Cornelius made hast to transport his armie over Iberus and came in good time to settle the wavering and doubtfull minds of the allies At the first the Romans encamped at Castrum Altum a place memorable for the death of great Amilear The castle was well fortified and thither afore they had conveied corne But because all those quarters thereabout were full of enemies and sundrie times their Cavallerie had charged the Romane footmen and gone cleere away without any harme whereby there had ben slain at times upon a 2000 of them which either made small hast away staied behind or straggled loosely over the fields the Romans departed from thence neerer unto places of more securitie peace and fortified themselves in campe upon the mount of Victoria Thither earne Cn. Scipio with all his forces and likewise Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo the third captaine of the Carthaginians with a full armie And they all encamped beyond the water over against the for◠of the Romanes abovesaid P. Scipio accompanied with certaine light armed souldiors was gone out closely to discover and take view of the places thereabout howbeit nor so covertly but hee was espied by the enemies and no doubt they had put him to a shrewd foile in the open plaine champion but that hee tooke a little hill thereby for his vantage Where hee was environned and beset round about but by the comming of his brother Cneus he was delivered out of that daunger Castulo a famous and strong citie in Spaine and so neere linked in affinitie to the Carthaginians that Anniball from thence maried his wife raunged to the Romanes The Carthaginians came against Illiturgum and began to assault it because a garison of the Romanes lay there and like they were to be maisters of the towne by occasion especially of a great dearth and scarcitie of victuals within But Cn. Scipio for to relieve his friends and the garison went out with a legion lightly appointed without cariages and marching betweene the two camps of the enemies skirmished with them slew many of them and entred the citie The morrow after he sallied out joyned in fight with the enemie and sped as well so as in both battailes there were slaine of them above twelve thousand in the place more than ten thousand taken prisoners and 36 militarie ensignes caried away Thus the siege brake up at Illiturgum After this the Carthaginians began to lay siege unto Bigerra a citie also confederate with the Romanes But Cn. Scipio at his comming raised that siege without any conflict Then the Carthaginians from thence went forward against Munda and the Romanes followed them thither streight after There they encountred together and fought a set battaile with banners displayed for the space welneere of foure houres And as the Romanes bare themselves bravely and had gotten the better and were at point of the victorie the retreat was sounded by occasion that Cn. Scipio was hurt fore in his thigh with a barbed javelin and the souldiers about him were greatly afraid that the wound was deadly But no doubt if it had not bene for that stay and hinderance the very camp of the Carthaginians might that day have bene forced For not only the souldiers but the Elephants also were driven already so farre as the trench and even there upon the very banke 39 of them were sticked with darts and pikes In this battaile like wise were killed by report twelve thousand men almost three thousand taken prisoners and 57 militarie ensignes woon Then the Carthaginians retyred back to the citie Aurinx and the Romanes followed upon them because they would give them no time to rest and breath themselves after their fright Where Scipio being brought into the field in a litter gave them battaile the second time and got the victorie cleere but sewer of the enemies were slaine by the one halfe than afore because there were not so many in number left to fight But as they are a nation given naturally to renew warre and to be ever fighting and can not give over they soone repaired and made up all their forces For Asdruball 〈◊〉 sent his brother Mago to levie and gather new souldiours whereupon they tooke fresh hart againe to try another field These being for the most part other souldiours new come fought as it were in revenge and to uphold that side which in few dayes space had so often taken the foyle and demeaned themselves as couragiously as they before and sped as untowardly For there were slaine of them above eight thousand not many under one thousand taken captives with militarie ensignes 58. In rifling of them there was found very much spoile of the Gaules as rings of gould carkanets colars and bracelets great store Over and besides two great lords or princes of the Gaules whose names were Moenicaptus and Civismarus were slaine outright in that conflict Eight Elephants taken alive and three killed Now when as the affaires in Spaine went thus fortunately with the Romanes they began at length for very shame to thinke of Saguntum a towne that was the cause of all these warres and had now five yeares already bene in the hands and possession of the enemie Whereupon by force of armes they recovered it drave out of the towne the garison of the Carthaginians and restored it againe to the auncient inhabitants as many as remained alive and had escaped these broiles of warre As for the Turdetanes who were the occasion of the warres betweene the Saguntines and the Carthaginians they subdued them and brought them under their subjection sold them in port sale and destroyed their citie utterly These were the atchievances in Spaine during the time that Q. Fabius and M. Claudius were Consuls At Rome when the new Tribunes of the commons were once entred into their office presently L. Metellus one of the Tribunes aforesaid arrested the Censors P. Furius and M. Attilius peremptorily to make their apparance and answere before the people These Censors had taken from him being Treasurer the year before his horse of service allowed him by the citie cassed displaced him out of his Tribe deprived him of libertle to give his voice made him Aerarius and all for being a partie with them at Cannae who complotted to abandon Italie But by the meanes and mediation of the other nine Tribunes they were discharged for they would not suffer that the Censors should come to their answere whiles they were in office And the death of one of them namely P. Furius was the cause that they could not accomplish the sessing numbring of
at length upon surrender got it Maylene also the onely cittie in Asia which after that Mithridates was subdued mainteined war was fired and rased downe to the ground Of the XC booke SYlla departed this life and this honour was done unto him by the Senate that he was enterred in Mars field M. Lepidus going about to cancile and abolish the acts of Sylla raised new warre and by Q. Catulus his companion in government was driven out of Italie and when he prepared to wage warre but to no effect in Sardinia there he perished and came to his death M. Brutus who held Lumbardie was by Cn. Pompeius slaine Q. Sertorius another proscript outlaw levied a great war in the netherlands of Spaine Lucius Manlius the Pro-consul and M. Domitius a lieutenant were in fight overcome by Herculeius the treasurer Moreover this booke conteineth the acts performed by P. Servilius the Pro-consull against the Cilicians Of the XCI booke CNeus Pompeius being as yet but a gentleman of Rome was sent with full commission of Consular commaund against Sertorius Certain cities had Sertorius woon by assault brought under many States to be at his devotion Ap. Claudius the Proconsull overcame the Thracians in divers and sundry battels Q. Metellus the Proconsull defeated and slew L. Hirculeius the treasurer of Sertorius with all his armie Of the XCII booke CNeus Pompeius hither to fought with Sertorius in doubtfull event so as of both parts one of the wings and points of the battell had the better hand Q. Sertorius overthrew in fight Metellus Perpenna with their two armies Pompeius desirous to carie away his part in that victorie entred into the field but made no saving game of it Afterwards Sertorius was besieged within Caligurium but by daily and continuall sallies forth gave the enemies that lay in siege within as good as they brought Over and besides herein are contained the deeds atchieved by Curio the Pro-consull in Thrace against those Dardanians together with sundry cruel and bloudie parts plaied by Q. Sertorius even with those of his owne side For many of his owne friends and such as were with him outlawed upon imputations of treason pretended against them he put to death Of the XCIII booke PVblius Servilius the Proconsull in Cilicia subdued the Isaurians and wan certaine townes of the pirates Nicomedes king of Bithynia at his death made the people of Rome his full heire his kingdome was reduced into the forme of a province Mithridates contracted a league with Sertorius and waged warre against the people of Rome Herein is shewed the great preparation of warre that the king made as well by land as sea and how he seized upon Bithynia M. Aurelius Cotta the Consul was in battell vanquished by the king at Chalcedon Moreover this book containeth the exploits of Pompeius and Metellus against Sertorius who in all warlike feats and martiall prowesse was equall unto them whom also he raised from the siege before the towne Calagurium and compelled to goe into divers countries Pompeius into the farther province of Spaine and Pompeius into Gallia Of the XCIIII booke LVcius Lucullus the Consull fought against Mithridates and in horse-service had the better hand of him Certaine rodes he made with good successe and when his souldiors called hard upon him for battell he staied them from mutinie Deiotarus a tetrarch of Gallogrecia defeated the captaines of king Mithridates who levied warre in Phrygia Moreover this book containeth the fortunat atchievements of Pompeius against Sertorius in Spaine Of the XCV booke CAius Curio the Pro-consull vanquished and subdued the Dardanians in Thrace Threescore and foureteene sword-plaiers of Capua fled out of the fenseschoole of Lentulus at Capua who having gathered together a number of slaves and hired hines raised warre under the leading of Chrysus Spartacus and vanquished in plaine field Cl. Pulcher a lieutenant and P. Varinius the Pretour L. Lucullus the Proconsull with the famine and the sword together tamed and subdued the hoast of Mithridates at the citie Cizicus and when they had chased him out of Bithynia after many overthrowes in warre and misfortunes of shipwracke at sea wherewith his heart was quailed he compelled him to flie into Pontus Of the XCVI booke OVintus Arrius the Pretour defeated and slew Chrysus the captaine of the fugitives and with him twentie thousand men Caius Lentulus the Consull received a foile and overthrow at the hands of Spartacus Hee also overcame in fight Lu. Gellius the Consull and Quintus Arrius Sertorius was at a banket slaine by Manius Antonius and M. Perpenna with other conspirators in the eight yeer of his dukedome A captain and brave warrior he was He fought with Pompeius and Metellus two famous Generals and commaunders Many a time he saved his owne but more oftener hee went away winner howbeit in the end he was abandoned and betraied The soveraigne commaund of that side was made over to Marcus Perpenna whom Cn. Pompeius vanquished tooke prisoner and slew so about the tenth yeere after the warre began he recovered Spaine C. Cassius the Proconsull and Cneus Manlius the Pretor were foiled by Spartacus in the field and that war was committed over to the managing and conduct of M. Crassus the Pretour Of the XCVII booke Marcus Crassus the Pretour first fought with a power of the fugitives aforesaid consisting of Frenchmen and Germanes and woon the better for he slew 35000 enemies and their cheefetain Granicus After that he warred against Spartacus killed him also and 40000 with him Manius Antonius the Pretour maintained war unfortunately against the Cretensians and by his death it tooke an end M. Lucullus the Proconsull brought the Thracians under subiection L. Lucullus had the upper hand in a battell of Mithridates in Pontus and slew above sixtie thousand enemies M. Crassus and Cn. Pompeius were created Coss. and as Crassus immediately by out of his Pretorship stepped to that dignitie so Pompey was of a gentleman of Rome and no better advanced thereunto even before he had borne the office of Treasurer They restored againe the Tribunes power and authoritie By the meanes of Aurelius Cotta the preheminence of iudges also was translated unto the gentlemen of Rome Mithridates seeing his owne estate lying in despaire fled unto Tigrantes king of Armenia for succour Of the XCVIII booke MAchares the son of Mithridates king of Bosphorus was by L. Lucullus received into amitie Cn. Lentulus and L. Gellius the Censors administred their office with great severitie and rigor and deposed three score from Senators dignitie they also held a review and purged the citie Enrolled there were 450000 citizens of Rome L. Metellus lord Pretor in Sicilie fought fortunatly against the pyrates and rovers The temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll which by fire had ben consumed was reedified by Qu. Catulus and dedicated anew L. Lucullus in Armenia discomfited in many battels Mithridates Tigranes with a mightie power of both kings Q. Metellus the
of the wound of Lucretia and holding it out afore him all embrewed and dropping with bloud Now I swear quoth he by this bloud by this most chast and pure bloud before the vilanie wrought by the kings sonne and here before the gods I protest whom I cal to witnesse that I wil by fire and sword and with all my might and maine persecute and drive the country of L. Tarquinius the prowd and his ingracious wife and the whole brood of his children and suffer neither him nor any els for his fake to raigne as king at Rome Then gave he the knife to Collatinus and so to Lucretius and Valerius who greatly amased at this so strange occurrent and wondering how it came to passe that Brutus should of a suddaine be so changed and become so stout of stomacke and courageous tooke the same forme of oath that he sware afore and so leaving their wailing and lamentation and wholly set upon anger and revenge they followed Brutus as their captaine and leader to put downe and overthrow the government of kings and utterly to root our their race The dead corpes of Lucretia was had out of dores brought into the market place and there shewed And thither what with wondring as the manner is at so strange a sight and what with the indignation of so unworthie a fact they raised much people together Everie man for his part was readie ynough to complaine of the wickednesse and violence done by the kings bloud The sorrow of Lucretius the father on the one side the resolution of Brutus on the other side who rebuked and blamed all vaine weeping and foolish moning mooved and persuaded all that were present that like men of valour like true hearted Romanes they would take armes against them that demeaned themselves no better nay worse than ordinarie enemies And presently the bravest and tallest yong men shewed themselves forward readie in armour and voluntarie The rest of the youths followed streight after And having left at Collatia the one halfe of their forces in garrison toward the gates and set certaine watches that no man brought tidings or newes unto the king and his sons of this rising and commotion all the other were appointed in warlike maner followed their leader Brutus from thence directly to Rome At the suddaine comming thither of this armed multitude no marvell if all the way where as they passed and marched there arose a feare and trouble among the people But when they perceived the most substantiall and principall cittizens in the forefront they judged whatsoever the matter meant it was not for naught And verily this hainous fact disquieted the minds of men no lesse at Rome than it had before at Collatia Therefore from all parts of the citie there was flocking and running into the market place And being thither come the Bedell or common Crier summoned the people to appeare before the tribune of the Celeres or Captaine of the guard which office haply Brutus bare at that time Where he made an oration not proceeding from that spirit nor resembling that qualitie of nature which unto that day he had pretended and made shew of unto the world for he inveyed against the violence and filthie lust of Sextus Tarquinius the shamefull vilanie and not to be named done upon the bodie of Lucretia he discoursed of her lamentable end and piteous death and the desolate case of Tricipitinus berest now of all his children who accounted the occasion of his daughters death a greater indignitie and more pitifull than her verie death Moreover he laid abroad the pride of the king himselfe the miseries the infinite toyle and pains of the commons buried as it were under the ground with cleansing and casting of ditches voiding and ferming of the sinkes Saying that the men of Rome which were the conquerers of all nations about them were now of warriers become quarriers hewers of stone and day labourers He reckoned vp also and put them in mind of the unworthie death and cruell murder of Servius Tullius and how his daughter oh abhominable act rode over the corps of her father in her cursed chariot And herewith he calleth on the gods that are revengers of outrages and wrongs done to parents Thus rehearsing these and other matters much more grievous and horrible I verily belleeue according as the present indignitie at the verie time doth minister and giue utterance for not so easie penned and set downe by writers that come after he so mightily inflamen the multitude that he caused them to depose the king to deprive him of his royall state and dignitie yea and to decree and enact that L. Tarquinius with his wife and children should be banished for ever Himselfe hauing selected armed the yonger gallants who offered their service and willingly entered their names set forward in person to the campe lying before Ardea for to excite the armie there against the king leauing the government of the Citie unto Lucretius who had before bene appointed deputie and lieutenant there by the king In this time of garboile Tullia left the pallace and fled and all the way as she went both men and women cursed and cried out upon her and be sought the ghostly spirits and furies of parents to be avenged When newes here of was brought into the camp and that the king upon these strange tidings made hast towards Rome to stay and suppresse these broyles Brutus hauing intelligence of his comming turned another way because the would not meete with him And so at one instance in a manner by contrarie journies came Brutus to Ardea and Tarquinius to Rome But the gates were shut against Tarquinius and in steed of entrance warned he was commanded into exile The whole campe receiued with joy Brutus the redeemer of their Citie From thence also were the kings sonnes driven two of them followed after their father and departed into banishment unto Caere a towne of the Tuskanes as for Sextus Tarquinius he retired himselfe to Gabes as it were into his owne kingdome where he was murdered in revenge of old quarrels upon mallice and hatred of the people which he had brought upon himselfe in times past L. Tarquinius Superbus raigned 25 yeares Thus continued the kings regiment at Rome from the foundation of the Citie unto the freedome and redemption the thereof 244 yeares Then in a solemne assemblie and election by the Centuries held by the Provost of the citie according to the ordinance of Servius Tullius in his commentaries two Consuls were created L. Iunius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the second Booke BRutus tooke an oath of the people that they should not suffer any to vaigne king at Rome Hee compelled his fellow Consul Tarquinius Collatinus a suspected man to take part with the Tarquines by reason of the affinitie
Senatours supposing verilie that the multitude was furious and outrageous enough and too much of themselves without anie hire and reward stood in great dread and horrour of these largesses as the verie allurements and provocations of rash and headie attempts and the stoutest champions of their side to withstand the lawe were the Consuls That part therefore and State of the citie had the better hand nor onelie this present yeare but for the next ensuing For they chose M. Fabius Caeso his brother for the one Consull and L. Valerius for the other a man of the twaine more odious in the eies of the Commons in regard of his late accusation of Sp. Cassius In which yeare also there was strifeand much adoe with the Tribunes But both law and lawmakers with their glorious bragging and vaunting of their goodlie donative which they could not effect proved vaine and came to nothing Vpon this the name of Fabij who after three Consulships together one after another by them born continuallie without intermission were inured and tried in the broiles and contentions of Tribunes was in great request and reputation and in their house and familie remained still for a good while after that dignitie as an honour well and worthelie bestowed upon them Then began the Veientian warre and the Volscians likewise rebelled But for anie warres abroad whatsoever they had strength enough and to spare is by jarres at home among their owne selues they had not abused the same Besides this disquienes and affliction of all mens minds occasioned by these dissensions there hapned to amend the matter well prodigious and strange tokens from heaven daily in a manner threatning both in citie countrie the heavie hand of God And when as the forhsaiers and wizards were sent out unto to search forth the cause of Gods wrath and indignation both in publike and private as well by inspect of the inwards of sacrificed beasts as by aspect of birds and foules they could assigne it to nothing else but this that there was some errour committed in their sacrifices and divine liturgie Those fearefull and prodigious signes proceeded still so farre that one Oppia a vestale Nun convicted and condemned of incest suffered death After this followed Q. Fabius and C. Tullius Consuls In which yeare the discord at home was nothing lesse and the warre abroad farre greater For the Aequians rose up in armes the Veientians also entered the consines and made much spoile And whiles they were more and more careful about these warres what order to take Caeso Fabius and Sp. Furius were made Consuls By this time the Aequians assaulted Artona a citie in Latium And the Veientians having sped themselues with prises and booties made great cracks that they would give an assault upon the verie citie of Rome These fearefull newes which ought to have abated and taken downe the stomacks of the Commons made them much more fierce fel and they returned of themselves unto their old biace of refusing warfare but Sp. Licinius their Tribune thinking now the time was come to enforce upon the Senatours the law Agraria upon this exigent and extreame point of-necessitie had taken upon him to stop the levying and setting out of an armie But he drew upon his owne head the whole hatred and displeasure of the Tribunes themselves and their auctoritie For the Consuls opposed themselves against him no more bitterlie than his owne companions in office by whose assistance the Consuls went through with the muster And for two warres at once there were enrolled two armies The one under the leading of Fabius against the Aequians the other against the Veientians commaunded by Furius Against whom there was nothing done worthie of remembrance As for Fabius he had somewhat more to doe with his owne men than with his enemies That man himselfe alone was he that being Consull upheld the Common-weale which his armie for hatred of their Consull had as much as in them lay utterly betraied For when as he above many other warlike feats and parts of a right worthie Generall whereof he shewed singular proofe both in preparation and also in managing of the warre had so marshalled and raunged his battaile that with sending out the horsemen onelie he disordred and brake the rankes of his enemies host behold the footmen would not follow on after that disaray neither when the exhortation of their leader whom they hated prevailed not could their owne shame at leastwise and the publicke dishonour for the present no nor yet the imminent danger like to ensue in case the enemie had taken heart againe and made head force them to amend their pace one jot and make more speed Neither could he possiblie make them if to doe nothing else so much as to march still in battaile aray but full against his commaundement they retire with their ensignes and as men sorie in their hearts and ill appaid he that had seene them would have said they had lost the field cursing their Generall one while and the valiant service of the horsemen another while they returne to their Tents Neither wist the Generall what way to remedie this so pestilent an example and dangerous precedent Thus we may see that brave men of singular and excellent wits have beene more to seeke and faile in their skill how to governe a subject than to vanquish an enemie The Consull returneth to Rome having purchased more hatred of his forward and stubbourne soldiors than won honour by his martiall prowesse Neverthelesse the Senatours prevailed so much that the Consultship kept residence still in the name of the Fabij So they created M. Fabius Consull and joine with him Cn. Manlius for his collegue This yeare likewise had one patrone and maintainer of the law Agraria to wit Tiberius Pontificius a Tribune He taking the same course and following the steps of Sp. Licinius hindered the musters for a while And when the Senatours were herewith disquieted againe then Ap. Claudius arose up and said That the yeare before the Tribunes power was overmatched and the neck of it broken in proofe only for that present but in example for ever hereafter for as much as it was well seen then by experience that of it selfe even among their own selves it fell a peeces and never will there want at any time one good Tribune or other that would be glad to get the start and victorie of his fellow yea and the favour also of the better part for to purchase the good of the weale-publike And that there would be more Tribunes if more were needfull readie to assist the Consuls and if there were but one even that one were sufficient to stand against all the rest So that the Consuls and LL. of the Counsell would but do their indevour to win unto the State and Senate some certaine of the Tribunes if they might not compasse all The Senatours being thus schooled and taught their lessons by Appius both all in generall would
according as they had any hope to find issue to escape and had made sundrie offers attempts in vain behold one troupe oftal fellowes in a plumpe made no more ado but knowing the Consul who by reason of brave goodly armor was a faire mark charged upon his own person The first voley of their shot was receiued by those that stood about him but their violence afterwards could not be endured The Consull himselfe was wounded to death and fell down in the place al the rest were discomfited Whereupon the Tuskanes tooke more hart unto them but the Romanes were so maskared that they ran all about the campe in great feare And in extreame jeopardie had they been but that the Lieâ—enants caught up the Consull his bodie and made passage at one gate for the enemie Through which they rushed forth and dismarched disorderly untill they light vpon the other Consull presently after his victorie where they either fell againe upon the edge of the sword or were scattered and put to flight This brave victorie thus atchieved was heavie yet and sorrowfull for the death of two sonoble personages And therefore when the Senate had decreed a triumph the Consull returned this answere That willingly he could allow thereof in regard of the passing good seruice performed in that warre in case an armie might triumph without a Generall But as for himselfe seeing that his house grieued and mourned for the death of his brother Q. Fabius and that the commonwealth was halfe fatherlesse as it were for the losse of a Consull he would not accept the lawrell so deformed and foully blemished both with publike and private sorrow This triumph thus by him refused was more honourable than all the triumph in the world By which wee may see that glorie despised in due time returneth otherwhiles in greater measure Then solemnized he with great honour the obsequies one after another first of his fellow Consull and then of his owne brother And he himselfe made the funerall orations for them both But so as in yeelding unto them their due commendations he went himselfe away with the greater part And not unmindfull of that rule which he had learned in the beginning of the Consulship namely to win again the harts love of the Commons he diuided the cure of his hurt and wounded souldiours among the Senators With most of them the Fabij were charged and of none were they better tended and looked unto than of them Wherupon the Fabij now waxed popular and that for no other pollicie and intent but onely to do the common-wealth good and therefore with the favour and good will of the commons as well as of the Nobles Caeso Fabius was created Consull with T. Virginius Whose principall care above all was this even before war before musters before all things els that seeing now in some measure there was good hope of concord begun alreadie the hearts of the Commons might be perfectly linked and united togither with the Nobles and that with all speed possible In the beginning therefore of this yeare before that any Tribune of the Commons should prefer the law Agraria he thought good and gave his advise that the Nobles should prevent all go in hand first themselves to perform their part and shew their bountie namely in parting the lands gotten by conquest and freely bestowing the same as equally as might be among the Commons For it was meet requisite that they should be possessed therof whose swet of brows nay whose bloud had paied for the purchase But the Senators could not heare of that care but misliked of the motion yea and some of them complained said that the lively spirit corageous disposition of Caeso which sometimes he had was now by reason of excessive glorie growen to be toyish full of vanities And there an end of civile factions for a time But the Latines were much troubled with the reises and rodes of the Acquians Thither was Caeso with an armie sent who invaded and overran the verie countrey of the Aequians â—orraying and spoyling as he went The Aequians thereupon retired and put themselves into their townes and kept close within the walles whereby there was no memorable field fought But at their enemies the Veientians hand they received an overthrow and that through the rashnesse of the other Consull and had not Caeso Fabius come to the rescue in good time the whole armie had beene utterly lost From that time there was neither war nor peace with the Veientians but their dealing was much what after the manner of robbing For when the Romane legions were abroad they would leave the field take to their cities when they perceived the legions were remooved and gone they would make excursions and waste the countrey Thus plaied they mockholiday and dalied with them shifting off war with quietnesse and quietnes againe with war by turnes So as the Romane could neither all wholly rest carelesse and secure for them nor yet go through stitch and make an end once for all with them Besides other wars were either presently at hand to with from the Aequians and the Volscians who could no longer sit still than untill their fresh griefe and paine of the last defeature was ouerpast or else the Sabines never other but enemies yea and all Hetruria were like shortly to rise and take armes But the Veientian a continuall enemie rather than dangerous provoked them to anger with reprochfull taunts oftener than with any great perill or hurt And yet as little as it was it might no time be neglected nor gave them leave to be employed in the meanewhile otherwhere Then came the whole house and kinred of the Fabij unto the Senat and in the name of them all spake the Consul in this wife My Lords of the Senate the Veientian warre had neede rather of a resident garrison as ye know well inough to keepe the fronties than great forces for expedition As for you see ye to other warres Let the Fabij alone to deale as private enemies with the Veientians We dare undertake and warrant that the State of Rome shall receive no dishonour nor danger there We are fully minded and resolved at our owne proper cost and charges to maintaine and mannage that war as appropriate and peculiar to our name and familie the citie shal be charged neither with men nor money there Great thanks were giuen them for this their forwardnesse The Consul being come out of the Senat house was attended home with the whole generation of the Fabij who stood at the porch of the Counsell Court expecting the Senates decree And being commanded to be readie in armour well appointed the next day and to give attendance at the Consuls doore they departed from thence home to their owne houses The bruit hereof spread all over the cittie All men extoll the Fabij up to the skie saying That one familie had taken upon them the whole
much adoe saved by those that were about him hee both disquieted and daunted the hearts of his owne men and made his enemies more fierce lustie and courageous Who were so animated and set on fire both with the hurt of the Consull and â—lso with the death of his Lieutenant that nothing afterwards could stand in their way no force was able to stay them but that they beat the Romanes againe into their campe where they were besieged a fresh being nowe both in hope and also for strength worse than they were before So that their maine State thus lying a bleeding had vtterly perisht but that T. Quintius with a supplie of strangers namely a power of Latines and Hernikes came to the rescue in time who charging the Aequians behind whiles they were wholly busied in assailing the camp shewing them within the Lieutenants head in a great braverie and pride at the same instant caused a sallie out of the campe by a signall that he gave them a far off so inclosed round about a great number of the enemies Smal was the slaughter but great was the flight scattering of the Aequians in the territorie of Rome upon whom stragling here there and driving their booties afore them Posthumius who in divers convenient places had bestowed certaine companies and bands of soldiors ran violentlie And as they fled everie way in disaray they lighted upon Quintius as he with the hurt Consull returned with victorie Then the Consuls armie bravelie did their devoir and had a goodly day of them and was revenged both for their Consuls wound and also for the death of the lieutenant and the squadrons with him Many losses and overthrowes were given and taken on each side for certaine daies But in so ancient a matter as this was hard it is for a man vpon his credit to set downe precisely the certaine number either how many fought or how many were slaine Howbeit Valerius Antias boldly reckoneth the exact numbers namelie that there died of the Romans in the Hernicks countrie 5300 and of the Aequian robbers who went up and downe spoyling and pilling in the territorie of Rome there killed by A. Posthumius the Cos. 2400. The rest of the multitude which loden with spoile fell into the hands of Quintius were not so quit nor escaped with the losse of so few mens lives for of them the sword devoured 4000 and to account the number exactlie 200 quoth he and 30 just Then returned they on all hands to Rome and the foresaid vacation or law-steed ended The skie was seene much on a light fire and other strange wonders either appeared indeed or presented to the fearfull people vaine apparitions and fantasticall illusions How ever it was for to avert the dangers by these prodigious and terrible tokens presaged there were proclaimed festivall holydates for three daies together During which time all the Churches were replenished with men and women making supplications and praiers for the favour and mercie of the gods The bands and squadrons of the Latines and Herniks after great thanks given them by the Senate for their good service in this warre were discharged and sent home But the Antiate soldiors 1000 in number who after the battaile was fought came tardie and too late for tosuccour were dismissed in manner with ignominie and shame Then was the great Liete or assemblie held for the election of Magiftrates wherein L. Ebutius and P. Servilius were created Consuls and on the Calends of Sexâ—lis for on that day began the year then they entred their Consulship A grievous heavie time it was and as it fortuned a yeare of plague and great mortalitie both in the citie and countrie as well among brute beasts as men And the receiving of the countrie peazants with their cattell into the cittie for feare of robbing and spoiling encreased the contagiousnesse of the sicknesse so much the more For that confused medlie of all sorts of beasts both anoied and empoisoned the citizens with the uncouth and unusuall stinke and also stifled with sultrie heat and overmuch watching the rusticall people lying pestered together and thrust up into close rowmes and straight lodgings Then mutuall recourse one to helpe and minister unto another and the verie catching of the disease set it all abroad Thus whiles they had much ado to endure these present calamities behold to mend the matter all of a suddaine the Hernicke Embassadours bring word that the Aequians and Volscians hauing levied a power jointly together were encamped within their limits and from thence with a mightie armie wasted harried their territorie Now besides that the small assemblie in the Senate house was to these their allies an evident token that the cittie was fore visited with the pestilence they received also an heavie answere from them namely That the Herniks themselves together with the helpe of the Latines should defend their owne as for the citie of Rome it was with the heavie hand and visitation of the gods dispeopled by the plague but in case the sicknesse decreased in some measure and tooke up in any time they would willingly aid their confederates as they did the yeare before and as they had done at all times besides Thus departed these allies and for their ill news they brought thither they caried with them home again a worse answere and message to wit That they should by themselves sustaine that war alone which hardly they were able to support if they had the power of the Romans to assist them Long staied not the enemie in the Hernikes countrey but went forward from thence into the territorie of Rome desolate alreadie God wot without the injurie of war and little need there was of calamitie that waies where meeting with no man at all no not so much as any one unarmed passing over all the countrie disfurnished not only of garrisons to resist but also of people for husbandrie tillage at length they came to the third stone i. within three miles of Rome to the broad port high way called Gabina leading to Gabes The Romane Cos. Ebutius was now departed this life and his brother Cos. Servilius lay lingering on at the point of death in small hope of recoverie Most of the peeres and principall ancients were infected and sick in bed so was the greater part of the Nobles welneere all the serviceable men of war so as they were not able to set forth an expedition or voiage abroad as meet was in so great a tumult no norscarse to keep any ordinarie set guard at home for the defence of the cittie The Senators such as age sicknes would permit tooke the charge in proper persons of watch and ward The Aediles of the Commons went the round and had the charge to see all well in good order so that upon them now rested the whole government of the state and the majestie of the Consuls regiment Thus when all was forlorne no head to direct no
knight dealt corne amongst the people freely at his owne proper charges by which deed he won the favor of the Commons and thereby aspiring to be king was at the commandement of Quintius Cincinnatus the Dictator slaine by the hands of C. Servilius Hala Generall of the Horsemen L. Minutius who disclosed the treason had a bullocke with guilt hornes given him for a reward The Embassadours of the Romanes which were murdered by the Fidenates had their Statues or Images erected at the Rostra or the common Crosse of the cittie because they died in the service of the Commonwealth Cornelius Cossus a Colonell having slaine with his owne hand Tolumnius the king of the Veientians wan and bare away the second royall spoiles Mamercus Aemylius the Dictator limited the government of the Censureship within the compasse of one year and sixe months which before that time continued five yeares and for that act was shamefully disgraced by the Censors Fidene was conquered and subdued and thither were Coloners sent to dwell Whom the men of Fidene slew and revolted from the people of Rome and by Mamercus Aemylius the Dictator were subdued and the cittie forced The conspiracie of the bondslaves was suppressed Posthumius a Tribune militarie was for his crueltie slaine by his owne souldiors The souldiors then first and never before had their pay out of the common treasurie Moreover this booke containeth the warres against the Volscians and Veientians the Fidenates and Falisci THERE succeeded Consuls after these M. Genutius and P. Curiatius A yeare full of broiles both at home and abroad For in the beginning of the yeare both Canuleius a Tribune of the Commons proposed a law concerning alliance of the Patritians with Commons by way of mariage Wherby the Nobles supposed their bloud to be desteined and the rightes and priviledges of families and houses confounded Also wheras at first the Tribunes by little and little had moved That one of the Consuls might bee created out of the Commons now the matter proceeded so far that of ten Tribunes that then were the other nine propounded this in plaine termes for a law That it might be in the peoples power to chuse both the Coss. if they would either out of Commons or Nobilitie Mary if that should come to passe the Nobles thought indeed that the soveraigne rule and authoritie was not only made common with the basest sort but also translated altogether from the great men andbest of the cittie to the comminaltie Glad were the Senatours therfore to heare say that the people of Ardea for the wrongfull awarding away of their lands from them were revolted and that the Veientians had wasted the frontiers of the Romanes and that the Volscians and Aequians grudged and muttered for the fortifying of Verrugo So much preferred they any warre miserable though it were and dangerous before a shamefull and dishonourable peace Having heard therefore these newes and taken them in the worst manner to the end that amidst the rumour and bruite of so many warres the Tribunitian troublesome suites might staie and bee dead for the time they command musters to be taken souldiors to be levied all furniture of war and all manner of force to be prepared and if it might be with more indevor than it had been when T. Quintius was Consull Then C. Canuleius after some hoat words which he spake alowd in the Senate namely that the Consuls by frighting the Commons went about but in vaine to avert them from the regard of their new lawes and that so long as he had any breath in his bodie they should never go through with muster unlesse the Commons had first ratified those things which by him and his brethren had been propounded forthwith assembled the people together Thus at one instant the Consuls animated the Senate against the Tribune and the Tribune incited the people against the Consuls The Consuls gave it out plainly and said that no longer now might these furious courses of the Tribunes be endured Now were they come to the very height extremitie and raised more war in effect at home than the enemies abroad Which thing no doubt happened not so much through the fault of the Commons as of the Nobles nor of the Tribunes more than of the Consuls For looke what thing was best rewarded in a cittie the same alwaies most increased thus men in peace we see prove excellent thus in warre they come to bee singular In Rome say they seditions sped ever best and have been reputed both to each one in particular and to all in general most honourable But let the Senat call to mind the dignitie which they themselves had received from their fathers compare it with that which they were like to leave to their children and see whether they may boast as the cominaltie doth how that their condition is much bettered and more glorious than before Well neither is there any end now nor ever will be so long as the authours of seditions be as highly advanced asthe seditions themselves are prosperous and fortunate See what matters and how great hath Canuletus attempted He would bring in a minglemangle and conconfusion of kindreds and houles a perturbation in the managing both of publike and private affaires that nothing might be sincere and intire nothing pure and undefiled that all difference and distinction being taken away no man might know either himselfe or his For what thing 〈◊〉 doe these mixtures of states and degrees by marriages draw after them without all order and discretion but that like bruit beasts in a manner Commons and Nobles may go and couple together so that the children betweene them borne shall not be able to tell of what bloud he is descended and to what religion he doth belong being a mungrell as it were the one halfe a Noble the other a Commoner and not well suiting and according with himselfe They thought it not enough belike that all divine and humane lawes were confused and shuffled together for now these mutinous persons these busie heads and troublers of the common people addresse themselves to shoot at the Consulship At first they sounded in privat speeches and secret 〈◊〉 only how to compasse That one of the Consuls might be created out of the bodie of the Commons but now they go roundly to worke and carrie it before them they are so bold to prefer laws forsooth that the people might make them both either Nobles or Commons at their good pleasure Wherby no doubt they would make choise from out of the Commons of the most seditious persons of all other We shall have then the Canuleians and Icilians to bee our Coss. But Iupiter that great good god forbid that ever the royal imperial majestie should come to that loweb or desperat passe die they would a thousand deaths rather than suffer so great a shame indignitie knowing this assuredly that their ancitours also if they had once suspected or foreseene that by
as therefore they openly muttered thereat and the Questor or Treasurer P. Sestius thought that the mutinie might be restrained with the same violence by which it was first raised â—he sent an Officer to one clamorous souldior that kept a yauling above the rest Whereupon arose an outcrie and a brawle and he got himselfe a good rap with a stone for his labour that he was faine to goe out of the prease And he that smote him spake alowd besides and bad the Questor take now that for his paines in a mischeefe which the Generall had threatened his souldiours Posthumius in this hurliburlie was sent for and he when he wascome made all worse and worse with his sharpe examinations tortures and cruell punishments At the last when he could not see â—o make an end nor bridle his choler they all ran on heapes together at the lamentable crie of those whom he commaunded to be choked in the mire and killed under the hurdle and he halfe besides himselfe full foolishly stept downe in more hast than good specd from the Tribunall seat to chastise one that contested with him and made a great brawling Now when as the Lictors and Centurions every where laid about them to make way and ill intreated the multitude in the throng they mooved their patience so much that in that furious fit of the souldiours the Militarie Tribune was by his owne armie stoned to death Which horrible act after it was noised at Rome and the Militarie Tribunes by the Senats authoritie were about to fit in commission for the examination of the death of their colleague by way of rigour and torture the Tribunes of the Communaltie opposed themselves and resisted them But that contention depended upon another quarrell For the Senate doubting least that the Commons for feare of those examinations intended would in their anger create Tribunes militarie from out of their owne bodie and degree were very carefull and studied all they could that Consuls might bee chosen againe But when as the Tribunes of the Commons would not suffer an act of the Senate to passe and hindered also the election of the Consuls the matter came to an Interreigne But in the end the Nobles had the upper hand For when as Q. Fabius Vibulanus the Interregent held a Court for the said Election there were created Consuls A. Cornelius Cossus and L. Furius Medullinus In the beginning of these Consuls yeare the Senate made a decree that the Tribunes with all speed possible should propose unto the Commons concerning the inquisition of Posthumius his death and that they should make cheefe Commissioner and Iudge whom they would The Commons by the consent of the whole people gave the Consuls commission to see it done and performed accordingly Who notwithstanding that with exceeding moderation and lenitie they dispatched and ended the matter by punishing a few who as it was crediblie thought made themselves away yet could they not for all that bring about but the Communaltie tooke it very hainously and in the highest degree saying That the Acts Ordinances which had ben propounded concerning their weale commodities those lay a long time asleepe in the deck and nothing done but an order graunted for their bloudshead and death that was presently put in execution Of so great force and importance was it Now this had been the fittest time that after these mutinous souldiours were chastised the division of the Volane territorie should have been offered unto them for to comfort their poore hearts again By which deed no doubt their hote desire and longing after the law Agraria had been abated which tended to dispossesse at length the Nobles of the common grounds which they injuriously were seized of But this indignitie stucke in their stomackes and was taken neerer to the heart when they saw the Nobilitie so stiffely bent not only to keepe the common grounds in their hands which they held by force but also unwilling to devide among the people so much as the wast and voide ground lately gotten by conquest from the enemies but that it was like within a while as all the rest to bee a bootie and dividend to be shared among a few The same yeare were the legions led by Furius the Consull against the Volscians who harried the borders of the Hernicks But finding not the enemie there they wan Ferentinum whether a great number of the Volscians had retired themselves The bootie there was lesse than they hoped for by reason that the Volscians seeing small hope of keeping the towne trussed up and carried away both bag and baggage in the night and quit the towne which was won the morrow after being left well neare destitute and emptie All the lands were given freely to the Hernicks When this year now was passed in good quiet by the modestie peaceable carriage of the Tribunes then in place there succeeded another Tribune of the Commons L. Icilius when Q. Fabius Ambuslus and C. Furius Pacilius were Consuls Whiles this man in the very beginning of his yeare was busie in stirring new seditions as if it had been a taske imposed upon his name and linage by proposing of the Agrarian laws behold there arose a pestilence more fearefull than hurtfull which turned away mens mindes from their publicke assemblies and accustomed contentions to tend their houses and to care for the cherishing of their bodies And as men verily thinke the sicknesse was lesse dangerous than the seditions were like to have been When as the cittie was now excused as it were well escaped with the sicknes only of many and death of very few presently after this pestilent yeare followed as it is commonly seene a great death of corne by reason of the neglect of tillage M. Papyrius Atratinus and C. Nautius Rutilius being Consuls This famine would have been more grievovs than the plague had they not provided well for come by sending forth their Embassadours to the neighbour nations all about inhabiting along the Tuscane Sea the Tyber for to buy graine Proudly were the Embassadors prohibited all commerce and traffique with the Samnits who held at that time Capua and Cumes but contrariwise bountifully were they releeved by the tyrants or potentates of Sicilie And such was the willing endevour of Hetruria that great store of victuals came down the Tyber In what desolation the cittie was during this affliction the Cos. tried by this that when they could not furnish an Embassage but with one Senator they were compelled to adjoine two Knights unto them And setting a side the sicknes dearth there was no trouble either at home or abroad for those two years But when these storms were once overblown that care past then began again the old troubles wherwith the citie had usually bin disquieted dissention at home war abroad When M. Aemylius and C. Valerius Potitus were Consuls the Aequians made preparation for wars and banded with the Volscians Who albeit they
they had gone mâ—st cost them deare and full sweetly would the Romanes be paid therfore Such as were remaining of the Latines after the battaile and were scattered a sunder in many and divers waies when they were rallied together shrowded themselves for safetie in the cittie Vescia Where in their Councels and assemblies Numisius their Generall averred and assured them that Mars in deede was common and the hazard indifferent to both parties as having made an equall massaker in the one armie and the other that the bare name only of Victorie went with the Romans for otherwise they carried away with them the fortune of men vanquished and sped no better than they For faith he The two roiall pavilions of their Coss. are polluted defiled the one with the paricide of his own son the other for the death of the Cos. who had devowed himselfe to die all their forces in manner slaine their Iaveliniers principals killed a bloudie slaughter committed both before and behind the Standerds and onely the Triarij at the last upshot renued the medly and set all upright And albeit quoth he the power of the Latines also be shrewdly abated yet for a fresh supplie either Latium or Volsciare nearer than Rome And therfore if they so thought good he would with all speede raise the lustie floure and chosen manhood both out of the Latins and the Volscians and returne againe with a fresh armie to Capua and with his sodaine comming unlooked for surprise and defeate the Romanes expecting as then for nothing lesse than a second battaile So by dispatching his cautelous and deceitfull letters into all parts of Latium and the Volscian nation by reason that they who had not been present at the battaile were sooner induced to give rash credit there was a tumultuarie armie in great hast levied enrolled and assembled together out of all quarters This host as it marched Torquatus the Consull met at Tifanum a place betweene Sinuessa Mintuâ—nâ— And before they could chuse out a plot of ground to encampe in they bestowed their cariages and baggage on heaps of either side fell to a battaile presently and made a finall end and conclusion of all the war For the enemies were brought so lowe that as the Consull led his victorious armie to wast their countrie all the Latines yelded themselves to him and this their rendring the Campaines likewise followed Thus Latium and Capua forfeited and lost part of their territories The lands of the Latines with the Privernates laied thereto and the territorie of Falerij which belonged to the people of Capua even as farre as the river Vulturinus was devided amongst the Commons of Rome Two acres in the Latine countrie with a supplement of three foure parts out of the Privernates land to make up the whole and three acres in the territorie of Falerij with addition of a fourth part to boote for amends because it was so farre off were assigned for a man The Laurentines only of all Latium and the horsemen of the Campains escaped this punishment and were exempted from the rest because they had not revolted And a decree passed that the league with the Laurentes should bee renued and from that time usually every yeare is it renued after the tenth daie of the Latine holidaies Those Campaine horsmen were made free denizens of Rome and for a monument and memoriall thereof they set up and fastned a brasen table at Rome in the temple of Castor The people of Capua were enjoyned to pay yearly to every one of them and they were a thousand and vj. hundred in all 45. Deniers Thus after the warfully determined and both rewards dealt and punishment inflicted according to each mans desert T. Manlius returned home whom the elders onely for certaine went forth to meete on the way the youth not onely then but ever after during his life abhorred and with curses detested him The Antiates made certaine rodes into the territories of Hostia Ardea and Solonae And for that Manlius the Consull was not able himselfe in person to intend and manage that warre by reason of sickenesse he nominated for Dictatour L. Papyrius Crassus who as it hapned was at that time Pretor by whom was named for Generall of the horsmen men L. Papyrius Cursor This Dictatour albeit he kept the field and lay enÌ„camped certaine moneths within the consines yet atchieved no worthie and memorable exploit After this yeare thus renowned for the victorie of so many and so puissant nations and withall for the noble and famous death of the one Consull and for the government of the other albeit sterne and rigorous yet notable and renowmed there succeeded Consuls T. Aemylius Mamercus and Q. Publius Philo who met not with the like subject and matter of great affaires and they themselves were more mindtull either of their owne private busines and studious to maintaine a side and faction in the Commonweale than to advance the State of their countrie Howbeit the Latins who rebelled for anger that they lost their lands they discomfited in the plain of Fenecta drave them out of their camp forced them to leave the field Where whiles Publius by whose governance and conduct that victorie was atthieved received surrender of the Latines the floure of whose youth was there all slaine and killed up Aemylius lead his armie against Pedum As for the Pedanes they had maintenance from Tybur Preneste and Veliterne who tooke their parts there came also aid from Lanuvium and Antium Where the Romane Consull albeit he had the better hand in skirmish yet for that there remained behind a new peece of service about the cittie it selfe Pedum and the campe of their confederates which was adjoined close to the towne all of a suddaine he gave over the warre unfinished because he heard that triumph was decreed unto his brother Consull He also himselfe returned to Rome and called earnestly for triumph before victorie At which untimely and covetous desire of his the Nobles being offended denied flatly that unlesse he either forced Pedum by assault or wan it by composition he should not triumph Herupon Aemylius being discontented and ahenated from the Senat bare his Consulship afterward like to the seditious Tribunes For so long as he was Consull he ceassed not to charge and accuse the Nobles before the people and his Colleague no whit gainsaid him as being himselfe one of the Commoners He tooke occasion of these accusations upon this that the lands in the Latine and Falern countries were devided in pinching and skant measure among the Commons And after that the Senat desirous to abridge the time of the Consuls government had decreed that a Dictatour should be declared against the Latine rebels Aemylius whose turne it was at that time to governe nominated his owne companion in office to be Dictatour by whom Iunius Brutus was named Generall of the horse This Dictatorship was popular and altogether framed to the humour of
water and upon the banke he arranged fortie Elephants afront them There were of the Carpetanes counting the aides and succours of the Olcades and Vaccej 100000 strong an armie invincible if they had fought on even indifferent ground Who being both by nature fierce and courageous and for multitude confident presumptuous besides upon their imagination that the enemie was retired for feare supposed that the onely stay of their victorie was because the river ran between and setting up a shour and outcrie without direction of any leader in all disorder they ran into the river here and there everie man what way was next him Now from the other side of the banke a great troupe of horsemen were entred into the river encountred them in the mids of the chanell and fought with great advantage For whereas the footmen unsteadie and not able to keepe fast footing and hardly trusting the fourd might easely be cast aside overturned even by naked horsemen if they did but put forth and pricke forward their horses it skilled not how the horsemen on the other side having their bodies at libertie and able to weld their weapon with their horses under them standing sure even in the mids of the streame and whirlepooles might with case either fight close hand to hand or assaile the enemies aloose Many of them besides perished in the water some by the whirling waves of the river were driven upon the enemies and by the Elephants troded under foot and crushed to death The hinmost who might with more safety recover their owne banke after they were rallied together into one from divers places as feare had scattered them before they could upon so great a fright take heart and come againe to themselves Anniball who with a soure square battaillon had entred the river forced to slie from the banke and when he had wasted the countrie within few daies brought the Carpetanes also under his obedience And now all beyond Iberus was subject to the Carthaginians the Saguntines onely excepted With whom as yet he would not seeme to warre howbeit to minister some cause and occasion thereof quarrels were picked and feeds of dissentions sowne between them and their neighbours namely the Turdetanes Vnto whose aid when he was come that was himselfe the sower of all the variance and had set them together by the eares and when it appeared plainly that it was not a matter of right to be tried by law but an occasion rather sought of fight and open war then the Saguntines sent their embassadors to Rome for to crave aid against that warre which doubtlesse was at hand The Consuls at that time of Rome were P. Cornelius Scipio and Titus Sempronius Longus who having brought the embassadors into the Counsell house and proposed matters unto the L.L. there concerning the weale publick and decreed to send their embassadors into Spaine to take survey and looke into the state of their allies who also if they thought it meere should give Anniball warning not to meddle with their consederates and molest the Saguntines and withall to sayle over to Carthage into Affrick and there make relation of the complaints and greevances of the allies of the people of Rome when I say this embassage was decreed but yet not sent newes came sooner than all men looked for that Saguntum was alreadie besieged Then was the matter propounded new again before the Senat. Some were of mind to dispatch the Consuls unto the provinces of Spaine and Africke with commission to make warre both by sea and land Others thought better to bend all their forces wholie into Spaine against Anniball There were againe of opinion that so great and weightie an enterprise was not hand over head and rashly to be attempted but rather that they should attend the returne of the embassadors out of Spaine and this advise that seemed most safe was held for the better and tooke place And therefore so much the sooner were these embassadors P. Valerius Flaccus and Q. Rebius Pamphibar addressed unto Anniball before Saguntum with direction from thence to go forward to Carthage in case he would not desist and give over war and for to demaund the captaine himselfe for amends and satisfaction of breaking the league But whiles the Romanes were amused about these consultations and decrees Saguntum was by this time with all forcible meanes assalted This citie of all other most wealthie and rich stood beyond Iberus situate almost a mile from the sea The inhabitants are sayd to have had their beginning out of they land Zacynthus and some among them were descended from Ardea a citie of the Rutilians but they grew within short time to this puissance wealth of theirs partly by the fruits revenewes of their lands and partly by the traffick and gaine of their merchandise and commodities transported by sea as also by the great affluence and increase of people and lastly by their streight rule of discipline whereby they observed their troth and loyaltie with their allies even to their owne ruine and finall destruction Anniball after he had invaded their confines as an enemie and by way of hostilitie with his armie overrun and wasted their countrie besieged and assailed the citie three waies There was one canton or angle of the wall shooting out into a more plaine and open valley than any other place all about against which he meant to raise certaine mantlets or fabricks under which he might approch with the Ram to batter the wall But as the place farre from the wall was even enough and handsome for such engins of batterie to be driven upon so after that they came to the proofe and execution indeed the successe answered nothing to the enterprise begun For besides that there was a mightie towre overlooked and commaunded them the wall it selfe as in a place doubted and suspected was more fortified and raysed higher there than elsewhere and also the chosen youth and ablest men were bestowed there to make more forcible resistance where there was like to be most trouble and danger And first with shot of darts and quarels and such like they put the enemie back and would not suffer the pioners and labourers in any place to entrench or rayse rampiers in saffetie In processe also they shot not from the wall only and that towre and shewed themselves there in armes for defense but also their harts served them to sallic forth and to breake into the gards of the enemies yea and to enter upon their trenches and fabricks In which skirmishes there dyed not many more Saguntines than Carthaginians But so soone as Anniball himselfe approching unadvisedly under the wall fortuned to be wounded greevously in the forepart of his thigh with a dart or light javelin and therewith fell to the ground they all about him fled so fast and were so skared that they had like to have geven over quite abandoned their mantilets other fabricks aforesayd After
stood and might heare onely the outcries of men the ratling rustling sound of their armor but how the battel went or sped neither could they know not yet discerne for the thicknesse of the darke mist. But now when they were come to some ods and one side went down and had the worse by which time the heat of the sunne had broken and dispatched the mist and the bright day appeared then through the clear light the hils and dales shewed evidently the havocke and overthrow that was made and how the Romane armie was fouliediscomfited and defeated For feare therefore that the enemie having descried and seene them a farre off should send out against them the Cavallerie up they went with their ensignes in all hast and got them away with all speed possiblie they could The morrow after when over and besides all other calamities they were in daunger of extreame famine and that Maharball who with all his power of horse pursued them by night and overtook them had given his faithfull word and promise that if they delivered up their armour he would suffer them to depart in their single garments they yeelded themselves Which promise Anniball sawe performed as truly as all Carthaginians use to doe and false Carthaginian as he was he clapt them all into prison and hung yrons upon them This is that noble and famous battell fought at the Lake Thrasymenus and of those few overthrowes that the Romanes had the most memorable of all others 15000 Romanes were there slaine in fight 10000 were scattered and flying through sundrie parts of Tuscane gat to Rome 1500 of the enemies lost their lives in the field But many more of both sides afterwards died of their wounds Others there be that report much murder and carnage on both sides For mine owne part besides that I love not to write vaine untruths nor any thing without good warrant and yet the humour of writers for the most part is too much given that way I have followed for mine authour Fabius especially who lived about the time of this warre Anniball having enlarged without raunsome as many of his prisoners as were Latines and put the Romanes in streight ward culled out from among the heapes of his enemies that lay one upon another the dead bodies of his own men commanded they should be buried having with great care and diligence made search also for the dead corps of Flaminius to interre it he could never find it At the first newes in Rome of this overthrow the people ran together in exceeding fear and trouble into the common place of Assemblies The wives and Dames of the citie went up and downe to and fro in the streets and enquired of whomsoever they met what suddaine calamitie this was whereof the bruit went and what was become of the armie And when as the multitude assembled thicke as it were to a publicke audience turning to the Comitium the Senat house and called upon the Magistrats at lenght somewhat before the sun-set Marcus Pomponius the Pretor came forth and said A great battell hath ben fought we have lost the field And albeit they heard of him no more than this of certaintie yet they filled one anothers ears with rumors and caried home with them these newes to wit that the Consull was killed and a great part of his armie with him slaine that there were but a few left alive and those either fled and scattered up and downe in Tuscane or else taken prisoners by the enemie And looke how many casualties and misfortunes follow the overthrow of an armie into so many cares and perplexities were the spirits minds of all those plunged who had any kinsfolke that served under Flaminius the Cos. all the whiles they were ignorant what was the fortune of their friends And no man knew for certaine what he was to hope for or to feare The morrow and certaine daies following there stood at the gates a sort of people and those were women more than men waiting to see their friends themselves or those that could tell tidings of them and ever as they met-with any they would flocke about them and bee very inquisitive neither could they bee plucked away from them of their acquaintance and knowledge before they had questioned every particular circumstance from point to point in order There might a man have seene an alphabet of faces in those that departed from the messengers according as the tidings was joifull or wofull there might a man have seen a number comming about them to accompany them as they returned to their houses either rejoicing for their good hap or comforting them for their misfortune and calamitie The women especially as well in joy as also in sorrow were in their extremities One above the rest as it is reported standing at the gate upon the suddain fight of her sonne alive and safe fell downe dead at his very feete Another who had received an untrue report of her sonnes death as shee sat mourning at home within her house in great sorrow of hart so soon as ever she saw him comming into the house for exceeding joy yeelded her last breath died And for certaine daies the Pretors kept the Senators together in counsel from the sun rising to the setting consulting under whose conduct with what forces they might be able to withstand the puissance of these victorious Carthaginians But before they wer throughly resolved of any determinat purpose course to be taken suddainly there arrived other news of a second losse namely that 4000 horsemen under the leading of C. Centronius the Propretor sent from C. Servilius the Cos. unto his Collegue were inclosed by Anniball in Vmbria For thither they had taken their way upon the newes they heard of the battaile at Thrasymenus The brute and rumor hereof hammered diversly in mens heads Some whose minds were possessed alreadie with greese of a greater calamitie thought the losse of that Cavallerie but small in comparison of the former defeature Others esteemed that which happened not according to the importance of the thing it selfe but like as it falleth out in the naturall bodie of man that if it be crasie and weake every occasion be it never so small and light is more offensive unto it and sooner felt than a greater cause and object in a found and strong constitution even so when any crosse or adversitie happeneth unto the politicke bodie of a cittie or C.W. diseased as it were and sickly wee are not to measure and weigh the same by the greatnesse of the accidents but according to the seeble and decaied estate thereof able to endure and abide no new matter that may surcharge and greeve it whatsoever And therefore the cittie of Rome toke her selfe to the soveraigne salve and approved remedie which shee had long desired and yet not applied and used of late namely to the nomination of a Dictator And because the Consull himselfe was absent by whom alone
horsemen and so by the guidance of his owne host in whose house he lodged was plunged headlong within the daunger of the ambush of his enemies Who suddainly arose and Flavâ—us because he would put it out of doubt that hee was a traitour went to their side and joyned with them Then they let flie arrowes shot darts against Gracchus and his horsemen on every side Whereupon Gracchus alight from horseback commanded the rest to do the same exhorting them that the only thing which fortune now had left unto them they would grace and honour with vertue For what remaineth else for us a small handfull unto them environned as we are with a multitude of them within a valley compassed about with hills and woods but present death This onely we are to resolve upon Whither in this present amazednesse and hartlesse feare we will as beasts suffer our throats to be cut without revenge againe or turning wholly our timorous expectation and suffering of death into choller and courage fight adventurously and manfully and bathing our hands in the bloud of our enemies loose our lives and fall down dead upon the weapons and bodies of them lying gasping themselves under us Ah that Lucane that fugitive rogue and rebell that treacherons and falle traitor see ye all lay at him Whose hap it will be ere he die to bee his priest to sacrifice and send him to the devill hee shall win an honouraâ—le price and find no small solace and comfort in his owne death With these words he wrapped his rich coate of armes about his left arme for they had not brought forth with them so much as their shields charged with exceeding force upon the enemies The fight was farre greater on their part than for the proportion and number of the men The bodies of the Romanes lay open most unto the shot And thus overcharged on all sides from the higher places as being in the valey subject to the voley of their darts they were soone perced through When Gracchus was left naked alone and his guard dead at his feete the Carthaginians did what they could to take him alive but he having espied among the enemies his good host and friend that Lucane ran among the thickest prease where he was so fully bent to mischiefe him that they could not will nor choose but kill him outright without they would have lost the lives of many other He was not so soone dead but Mago sent him streightwayes unto Anniball and commaunded that his bodie together with the knitches of rods belonging to his Magistracie should be presented and shewed before the Tribunall feate of the Generall And this is the true report of the end of Gracchus to wit that he let his life in the Lucane land about the plaines which are called Veteres Campi There bee some that tell it otherwise how he being accompanied with his Serjeants and three serving men his bondslaves went out from the campe within the territorie of Beneventum neere unto the river Calor for to wash himselfe where there chaunced his enemies to lurke and lye in wait among the willowes and falowes that grew by the banke side and so being unarmed and naked too he was assaulted where he defended himself as well as he could with flinging at them pible stones such as the river afforded and caried downe with the streame and so was slaine Others write that by advise of the Bowell-priers he went out of the camp halfe a mile off for to purge and expiate in some pure and cleane place those prodigious tokens above rehersed and there was beset and environed round about with two troupes of Numidian horsemen who hapned there to lye in ambush See how variable and uncertaine the fame goeth both in what place and after what manner this so noble and famous person came by his death Nay the very funerall and sepulture also of Gracchus is diversly delivered Some say he was enterred by his owne souldiours within the Romane camp Others give out and say and that is the more common report that by the appointment of Anniball he was buried in the very entrance of the Carthaginian leaguer that there was a funerall fire made in solemne wise to burne his corps that the whole armie justed and ran at tilt and tornement in their complet armor that the Spanyards leaped and daunced Morrice and each nation according to their guise and manner performed sundry motions and exercises as well of their weapons as of their bodies yea and that Anniball himselfe in proper person with all honor of funerall pompe that might be devised both in word and deed solemnized the obsequies in the best manner This say they that affirme the thing to have hapned in the Lucanes countrey But if a man should beleeve them who record how hee was slaine at the river Calor then the enemies gat nothing of him but only his head Which being presented unto Anniball he sent Carthalo immediatly with it into the Romane campe unto Cn. Cornelius the Treasurer or Questor who there within the very camp performed the funerals of the Generall and both armie and citizens of Beneventum together solemnized the same right honourably The Consuls being entred into the territorie of Campane as they forraied all abroad straggling one from another were by the townesmen of Capua which salied out and by the horsemen of Mago put in feare whereupon in great fright and hast they rallied the souldiours to their colours that were raunged over the countrie but before they could well embattaile them and set them in array they were discomfited and lost above a thousand and five hundred men Vpon which good successe the enemies as they are a nation by nature prowd began to be very lustie and exceeding audacious insomuch as they offered to skirmish sundrie times with the Romanes and ever challenged them to fight But that one battaile so unadvisedly and inconsiderately atchieved made the Consuls more circumspect warie afterward Howbeit one small occurrence happened which as it encouraged and animated them againe so it abated the hearts and daunted the boldnesse of the other For in warre there is nothing bee it never so little but one time or other it is the occasion of some great consequence and importance There was in the campe one T. Quintius Crispinus lincked in special friendship and familiaritie with Badius a citizen of Capua Their acquaintance grew and encreased upon this occasion This Badius upon a time before the revolt of Capua fell sicke at Rome and lying in Crispinus his house was liberally and kindly used yea and tenderly seene unto by him during his sicknesse This Badius having put himselfe forward before the standing guards that warded at the gate of the Romane campe willed that Crispinus should be called out unto him Which being told unto Crispinus he supposed no otherwise of it but that he would talke friendly and familiarly with him For albeit both nations generally were at enmitie
charge given of eight thousand where of the one halfe were citizens the other allies and confederates and besides them he himselfe also gathered together out of the country as he marched a good companie of voluntaries in so much as his power was doubled by that time he came into the Lucanes country where Anniball abode after that he had followed Claudius in vaine and to no effect But a man that had but halfe an eye might see what the sequele and event would be of the conflict betweene Generall Anniball and Centinerâ— Centenius betweene both armies also the one of old beaten souldiours used ever to victories the other of raw novices and young beginners yea many of them taken up sodainly in hast and slenderly armed by the halfes For so soone as both hoasts had confronted one another and that on neither side they dallied and shifted off but minded presently to go to it and fight soone were they on both parts arranged in order of battaile And albeit the Romanes had many disadvantages yet they mainteined skirmish more than two houres and that so hotely and couragiously that they shrunke not one jote so long as their leader stood on foote But after that he once was strucken downe and slaine who not only in regard and remembrance of the former name that he had woon of valour and prowesse but also for feare of future shame and dishonor in case he should remaine alive after the defeature of his forces whereof he was the onely cause through his foole-hardie rashnesse presented himselfe desperately upon the pikes of his enemies where he might be sure of nothing but present death incontinently the Romane battailon was discomfited put to flight And so hard bested they were in seeking waies and meanes to escape all the avenues were so laid and beset with the horsemen that of so great a multitude there were hardly one thousand saved all the rest miscaried here and there and came by their death one way or other In this meane time Capua was streightly beleaguered by the Consuls and they began to assault it in most forcible manner great preparation there was of all things needfull unto such an exploit and with great diligence every thing provided and brought accordingly Coâ—e was conveighed to Casilinum and laid up there for store at the mouth of the river Vulturnus where now the citie standeth was the skonce and castle fortified which Fabius before had built and a strong garison therein planted to the end that both the sea so neere and the whole river also might be at their commaund Into these two fortresses standing on the sea side as well the corne which lately was sent out of Sardinia as also that which Mâ—tius the Pretor had bought out of Hetruria was transported from the port of Ostia whereby the army might be served plentifully all winter season Over and besides that losse received in the Lucanes country the armie likewise of the Volones i. voluntary souldiours which during the life of Crassus had served truly and faithfully now abandoned their colours as if by the death of their Captaine they had taken themselves fully discharged from warfare Anniball made no small account of Capua for willing enough he was that his allies friends there should not be forsaken left in so great perill wherein they stood and yet upon that fortunate successe which hapned unto him through the rashnesse of one Romane captaine his fingers itched to be doing with another of them and hoped to find some good opportunitie and advantage to surprise and overthrow both captaine and armie Whereas therefore certaine Apulian Embassadors advertised him that Cn. Fulvius the Pretour who at the first in assaulting of certaine citties in Apulia which had revolted unto Anniball bare himselfe like a wise prudent captaine now afterwards upon his good fortune and happie speed in those affairs wherby himselfe and his souldiours had made up their mouthes and filled their hands well with booties and pillage both himselfe and his men were growen so idle and so dissolute that no good gouernment nor militarie discipline remained among them hereupon Anniball having good experience as often heretofore so in this late instance but few daies past in how small steed an armie serveth when it is directed by an unskilfull leader removed his forces into Apulia Now lay the Romane legions and Fâ—lvius the Pretour encamped about Herdonia And when the newes came thither that the enemies were on their journey comming toward them hardly might the souldiours be reclaimed and staied but they would in all hast plucke up standards and ensignes and straightwaies go into the field and bid them battaile without commission and commaundement of their Pretour And no one thing more held them backe than the assured hope they had to doo it at their pleasure whensoever they would Anniball the night following having certeine intelligence that there was a tumult in the campe that most of the souldiours mightily importuned their Generall to put forth unto them the signall of battaile and called earnestly unto him for to lead them out into the field made full account to meet with good opportunitie and occasion to have a faire day of his enemies and therefore he bestowed three thousand men lightly appointed in divers villages thereabout among the thicke groves and bushes and within the woods who at a signe given them should all at once upon a suddaine start up leap forth of their lurking corners and withall he gave order to Mago with two thousand horsemen or therabout to keep all the waies wheras he supposed they were most like to flee make escape Having thus ordred all things beforehand in the night time at the breake of day he entred the field with his armie embattailed himself in warlike maner Fulvius for his part was not behind not induced so much upon any hope or conceit he had of good speed as drawne haled thereto through the rash enforcement and compulsion of his souldiours And therfore as they came forth to battaile upon a head and heat incosiderately so they were set in array as disorderly even at the pleasure of the souldiours according as they came forth and tooke up their rankes and files as they list themselves then againe as the toy tooke them in the head left the same either upon wilâ—ulnessâ— or fear The first legion togither with the left wing or cornet of horsemen were first marshalled and the squadrons drawne and stretched ouâ— in a great length noâ—withstanding the Knight-marshals and Coronels cried out that withinforâ—h there was no sâ—rength noâ— poweâ— at all and that the enemies wheresoever they should happen to charge would breake in upon them and go through But no holesome counsell for their owne good might be taken and considered upon nay they would not so much as lend their eaâ—e give them the hearing And by this time Anniball was in place with another manner of armie you may
Then were two Senatours sent into the capitoll to the Consull to request him to repaire againe unto the assembly of the Senate and after the Sicilians also were admitted into the place their act and decree aforesaid was openly read The Embassadours had good words given them and were dismissed whereupon they fell downe prostrate at the feet of Marcellus the Consull beseeching him to pardon that which they had spoken either to bewaile or to ease their calamitie and to receive both them in particular and the citie of Saracose in generall unto his mercifull protection After this the Consull with gracious words licenced them to depart When the Sicilians had their dispatch the Campanes had audience given them in the Senate and as their speech was more lamentable so the cause was heavier and harder to be digested for neither could they themselves denie but that they deserved condign punishment nor Tyrants had they any upon whom they might lay the blame But they thought they had suffred enough for their sinnes already in that so many of their Senatours died by poison and so many lost their heads Some few of their nobilitie and but a few remained yet alive who as they were not touched in conscience nor so faultie as to lay violent hands upon themselves so the Conquerour in his furious wrath adjudged them not worthy of death they therefore made humble suite for themselves their wives and children to obteine freedome and to enjoy some part of their owne goods being as they were meere citizens of Rome and most of them by affinitie and neere kinred upon mutuall and crosse mariages linked in alliance and bloud to the Romanes After that they also were willed to void out of the Senat house for a while there grew some question and doubt whether Q. Fulvius should be sent for from Capua for presently upon the taking of the citie Claudius the Consull died that this matter might be argued and discussed in presence of the Generall himselfe like as the other had bene reasoned of and debated betweene Marcellus and the Sicilians But afterwards when they saw in the Senate house M. Attilius and C. Fulvius the brother of Flaccus both his Lieutenants likewise Q. Minutius and L. Veturius Philo Lieutenants unto Claudius who had bene present in all actions and were eye-witnesses of everything and besides were unwilling that either Fulvius should be called away from Capua or the Campanes longer delaied M. Attilius Regulus who of all them that had beene at the service of Capua was of greatest authoritie and reputation being demaunded his opinion spake in this wise I take it quoth hee when Capua was newly woon I was one of counsell with the Consuls there when question was asked and enquirie made Whether any one Campane had deserved well of us and our Commonweale And found it was that two women onely to wit Vesta Oppia borne in Atellae but dwelling then at Capua Faucula Cluvia sometime a common strumpet and curtizane were well willers unto us The former of these twain daily sacrificed for the welfare life and victorie of the Romanes the other secretly sustained the poore and needie Romane captives with food and victuals As for all other Campanes from the highest to the lowest they wee no better affected unto us than the Carthaginians And even those who were beheaded by Quintus Fulvius suffered death not because they were more faultie than others but for that they were of greater marke and calling than the rest Now that the Senate should decide the cause of any Campanes who are enfranchised denisons of Rome without a graunt from the people I see not how it can bee For in our forefathers time the like case was of the Satricanes that rebelled and then M. Antistius a Tribune of the Commons first put up a bill the Commons afterwards passed it namely That the Senate might have power and and auctoritie to give their opinion and determine of the Satricanes Therefore I am of mind that we deale with the Tribunes of the Commons that one or more of them preferre a bill unto the Commons by vertue whereof wee may bee authorised to set downe some order for the Campanes Then L. Attilius a Tribune of the Commons by leave and advise of the Senate proposed unto the Commons a bill in this forme and manner WHEREAS THE CAMPANES ATELLANES CALATINES AND SABATINES VVHO HAVE YEELDED THEMSELVES UNTO FULVIUS THE PRO-CONSULL TO BE AT THE PLEASURE AND DEVOTION OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME ALL THAT ALSO VVHICH THEY HAVE SURRENDRED TOGETHER WITH THEMSELVES AS VVELL THEIR TERRITORIE AS THEIR CITIE AS ALL UTENSILLS BOTH SACRED AND PROPHANE THEIR NECESSARIE IMPLEMENTS AND AL OTHER THINGS VVHATSOEVER I DEMAUND YOUR VVIL AND PLEASURE ô QUIRITES VVHAT SHAL BE DONE VVITH THE PREMISSES The Commons after deliberation gave their voyces to the said bill in this forme OUR VVIL AND PLEASURE IS THAT VVHATSOEVER YE THE SENATOURS VVHO NOVV ARE SET IN COUNSELL OR THE MOST PART OF YOU THINKE GOOD AND DETERMINE SHAL STAND FOR IUST AND LAVVFULL Vpon this graunt or Act of the Commons the Senate by a decree awarded unto Oppia and Cluvia first their owne goods and libertie and moreover if they were desirous to crave farther reward at the Senates hand they were best to repaire unto Rome For every familie and severall house of the Campanes there were speciall acts and decrees made all which to repeate and rehearse would not quit the labour Some had their goods confiscate themselves their children and wives were to be sold excepting those their daughters which were wedded before that they came under the subjection of the people of Rome Others were to be clapt up in prison untill farther order were taken for them hereafter Moreover of some Campanes they made distinction by valuation of their wealth whether their goods were to be confiscate or no. All their beasts and cattaile which were taken save horses all their bondslaves but males fourteene yeares of age and upward all moveable goods also which were not annexed and fastned to the soyle they awarded for to be restored to the true owners All Campanes Arellanes Calatines Sabellanes excepting those who either themselves or whose parents tooke part and sided with the enemies they judged to be free provided alwayes that none of them were either Free-denizens of Rome or of Latium Item it was enacted that none of all them who had bene at Capua whiles the gates were shut should remaine either in the citie or territorie of Capua within a certaine day prefixed but should have a place set out unto them for to dwell in on the farther side of Tyberis so it were not upon the very banke close unto Tyber As for those that during the time of warre had bene neither at Capua nor in any other citie of Campane which revolted from the people of Rome they should be removed to inhabit on this side the river Lyris betweene it and Rome but such as were turned and
to every housholder a peece All other gold silver and brasen money besides let us foorthwith bring abroad and present unto the Triumvirs or publicke bankers before that we make or enact any decree of Senate to the end that our good example in this voluntarie benevolence and contribution and our earnest endevour to helpe the Common-weale may stirre up and provoke the hearts and affections first of those that are by calling gentlemen and knights of Rome and then forward the rest of the commons to imitate and follow us with some emulation This is the onely meanes which we that are Consuls have thought upon and divised after much talke and conference togither Set to therefore my masters in the name of God and lead the way God will blesse your good beginnings So long as the cittie standeth on foot and holdeth up the head no man need to feare his private state but it shall do well enough Go the weale publike to wrecke once and decay let no man ever thinke to save his owne All the whole house liked so well of these motions that not onely they gave their accord and consent thereto but over and besides yeelded heartie thankes unto the Consuls for their good advise and counsell When the Senate was dismissed every man for himself brought forth his gold his silver and brasse money and laid all togither in commune that with such speed striving a vie who could go before another and have his name entred first in the publike rolles and registers as neither the foresaid Triumvirs were able to receive it fast enough as it was tendred unto them nor the ordinarie Clerkes and Notaries to set it downe in writing take note there of accordingly This consent and agreement of the Senatours the knights gentlemen of Rome in their place and calling seconded and the commons for their parts were not behind So without any constraint of law without edict without any exhortation made by the magistrate the common-weale wanted neither rowers for to furnish the armadaes nor mony to pay the rowers And thus when all things were provided necessarie for the warres the Consuls went forth to their severall provinces Never was there any time of this warre wherein Carthaginians and Romanes togither had more triall of the alternative variable change of fortune never hung they more in equall ballance betweene faire hope and fearefull daunger The Romanes in their provinces tasted both of sweet and soure In Spaine on the one side they sped ill and lost in Sicilie on the other side they sped well and woon so as their sorrow was interlaced still and medled with joy Also in Italie the loste of Tarentum turned to their woe and damage but the keeping of the castle there with the garrison beyond all their hope and expectation brought them meed and comfort for their sorrow Also their suddaine fright and feare for the siege and assault of the cittie of Rome was salved and cured againe within a few daies after by the forcing and winning of Capua and all that heavinesse and mourning turned into mirth and gladnesse The affaires also beyond sea were checked with interchaungeable turnes and courses Philip became their enemie in an ill time and when they had little need thereof Contrariwise the Aetolians and Attalus the king of Asia the lesse proved to be their new friends and loving allies whereby even then fortune seemed to smile on the Romanes and by that overture promised as it were unto them the Empire of the East Semblably the Carthaginians as they lost Capua so they woon Tarentum and made a saving game of it In like manner as they tooke no small pride and glorie in comming to the wals of Rome without resistance so they were daunted dismaied againe that this their enterprise tooke no better effect in the end and held themselves much disgraced and dishonoured that whiles they sat themselves before one gate of Rome there was an armie of Romanes led forth at another and sent into Spaine And even in Spaine also the greater hope men had there that upon the death of two so noble and valiant Generals and the defeature of two as puissant armies the war was come to a finall end and the Romanes driven from thence for ever the more spight it was and the greater griefe and vexation they conceived againe when by the valour of L. Martius a tumultuarie captaine chosen in hast they knew not how those former victories turned to vanities and came to just nothing Thus fortune was indifferent all things doubtfull wavering in suspence both on the one side and the other Their hope all one as it was at first their feare the same still neither more nor lesse So as betweene hope and fear they fared as if the warre at this time were new to begin Anniball above all other things was vexed to the heart that Capua being more hotely and eagerly assaulted by the Romanes than manfully and faithfully defended by him had diverted turned away the harts of many States of Italie from him For neither was he able to hold them all with sufficient garrisons unlesse he would dismember into many small portions and mangle by peece-meal his armie which to do then was no good pollicie nor he thoght it safe good to withdraw his garrisons from thence leave the fidelitie of his allies at libertie either to depend upon fickle hope or to sway with suddaine feare And as he was by nature covetous and cruelly minded he resolved at length upon this course to make spoile of those citties which hee was not able to keepe and so to leave them wast and emptie for the enemie This designement was not so dishonest and shamefull in the first enterprise but it proved as bad hurtfull to himselfe in the effect and conclusion For he lost the hearts cleane not onely of those that were the parties grieved and suffered these indignities but also of all others besides The present calamitie and losse touched but some few but the precedent and example reached to many more Neither was the Romane Consull behind hand for his part to sollicite and sound those cities from whence he saw some light appeare and any hope to gaine them unto him There were in Salapia two noble men above the rest Dasius and Blasius Dasius was friend to Anniball Blasius so farre as he might with safetie affected and favoured the Romanes And by entercourse of secret messengers had put Marcellus in some good hope of betraing the cittie but without the helpe of Dasius the plot could not be compassed and effected Wherefore after much musing and long deliberation after many staies delaies at length he resolved for want rather of better counsell than upon any hope to speed to addresse himselfe to Dasius acquaint him with the matter But Dasius not onely misliking utterly abhorring the thing but also carrying a secret enmitie to the partie himselfe the onely eye-sore and
concurrent that he had striving to be greater than he disclosed all to Anniball Wherupon both were sent for and convented peremptorily before him As Anniball was sitting upon the Tribunall seat giving audience and dispatch to certeine other matters and that hee might anone the better attend unto Blasius and the action intended against him whiles the plaintife defendant stood apart by themselves from the rest of the people a good way Blasius went in hand again with Dasius and sollicited him for to deliver the citie to the Romans With that Dasius as if the matter had beene too too apparant cried out and said That he bashed not to breake unto him and move him even in the presence and sight of Anniball for to practise treason betray the citie Anniball and all they that were there present gave little credite unto Dasius and the more audacious the thing itselfe was the lesse likelyhood it caried with it of a truth Every man supposed verily it was nothing but emulation envie and cancred malice that caused Dasius to charge upon him that crime which because there was no witnesse to the contrarie he might untruly devise and more freely enforce against him And so for that time they were both discharged the court But Blasius never gave over to follow still this bold enterprise but beat still upon this one point shewing how good and commodious the thing would bee both to themselves in private and to their countrie in common untill hee had wrought him so and woon him to graunt that the Carthaginian garison those were Numidians togither with the citie Salapia should be rendred unto Marcellus But without much bloudshed they could not possibly be thus betraied delivered for they were the most hardy and valiant horsemen by farre of all the Carthaginian armie Wherefore albeit they were taken on a suddaine unprovided and had no use of horses within the cittie yet with such weapons as in such a suddaine tumult and uprore they could catch and come by first they assaied and gave the venture to breake through and escape away and when they saw that they could by no meanes save themselves and get forth they fought it out to the last manfully even unto death so as there were not of them above fiftie left alive and came into the hands of the enemies And surely the losse of this cornet of horsemen was a greater dammage unto Anniball than the forgoing of Salapia for never from that day forward had Anniball the upper hand in cavalerie which was the onely service whereby ever before he most prevailed Much about the same time the castle of Tarentum was streightly distressed for want of victuals and hardly could endure and hold out any longer The only hope that the Romane garrison had which lay there and the captaine thereof M. Livius the Constable of the castle was in the provision sent out of Sicilie For the safe convoy whereof along the coast of Italie there rid at anker a fleet welneere of twentie saile before Rhegium The Admirall of this fleet appointed to wast these victuals from time to time was one Decius Quintius a man of obscure birth and base parentage howbeit for many worthie acts and feats of armes much renowmed in martiall glorie At the first he had the charge but of five ships whereof two of the greatest which were three banked gallies were allowed him by Marcellus afterwards upon his good service when hee had born himselfe bravely in many conflicts he had three more committed unto him those were of five banks of oares untill at last himselfe by calling upon the confederat cities as Rhegium Velia and Pastum for the ships due by covenant unto the people of Rome he had made a pretie Armada as is abovesaid of twentie saile As this fleet had disankered and was gone from Rhegium Democrates with the like Armada for number of Tarentine ships encountered almost five leagues from the citie of Tarentum at a port called Sacriportus It fortuned at that time that the Roman Admirall little looking for any battell came forth under saile onely but about Crotone and Sibaris he had furnished his shippes with rowers also and so his fleet for the bignesse talnesse of the vessels was well appointed and sufficiently armed manned And even then it happened at one time that both the boisterous wind lay and the enemies also were within kenning so as they had scarce time ynough to fit their tackling to make readie their rowers and to set in order their fighting men against a skirmish that was so neere toward There was not lightly seene a greater conflict tought more hotely and fiercely betweene two roiall Armadaes that affronted one another than between these small fleets For why the battel was for a greater matter than all their ships came to The Tarentines mainteined the fight more eagrely because they were desirous to recover their castle out of the Romans hands as they had done their citie after one 100 yeares almost during which time they had been out of the possession thereof hoping thereby if they could be maisters of the sea once by some fortunate and victorious battell to cut off and intercept all hope of victuals from the enemies The Romanes on the other side bestirred themselves as lustily that by keeping the possession of the castle all the world might see that Tarentum was not lost by force cleane strength and valour but betraied by stealth and trecherie So they sounded the battell from both parts and ran affront one at another with the beakes and stemmes of their prows and neither staied rowing amaine forward nor suffered their enemie to part or goe aside from them untill they closed and grappled their ships together by the meanes of yron hookes like hands And so neere they buckled in hote and furious medley that not only they discharged shot aloofe one against another but also they coped together as it were foot to foot at hand strokes with sword fight Their prows and for-ships stucke grappled together while the poups and hin-deckes were driven about with contrarie oares of the adverse part So neere and so thicke withall stood the ships and within so narrow a roume that scarce one dart light into the water in vaine and did no harme With their beake-heads they assailed one another as it had been on land fight and so close they were that the souldiours might passe out of one ship into another as they fought Howbeit two ships there were above all the rest that mainteined a notable fight and in the vauntguard and forefront of the battell invested one another most furiously In that of the Romanes was Quintius himselfe in person in the other of the Tarentines was one Nico surnamed Perco a man not only odious unto the Romans for the publick quarrell betweene both states but also maliciously bent upon a private spight and rancour as banding with that faction which had betraied Tarentum to Anniball This
conveyed away the multitude of the inhabitants to Metapontum the Thurians he set it on fire and burnt it quite The nobles and principall citizens who were known to have had secret talke and conference with Fulvius he put to death The Romanes who out of so great an overthrow escaped made shift by divers and sundrie waies to flie halfe naked as they were to Marcellus the Cos. into Samnium But Marcellus nothing dismaied and afrighted at this so great defeature addresseth his letters to the Senate at Rome with advertisement of the losse of the captaine generall and the armie at Herdonea giving them yet to understand how himselfe even hee who after the Cannian field had tamed and daunted Annibal as lustie and proud as he was upon that victorie was minded presently to encounter him and make him take no long joy and pleasure wherein now he so vaunted and exalted himselfe And at Rome verilie as they mourned much for the losse past so they feared as greatly the future daungers The Consull having passed out of Samnium into the Lucanes countrie sate down before Numistro in the very sight of Anniball there in a plaine encamped himselfe notwithstanding the enemie was possessed before of the hill and had the vantage of the ground And for to make more shew of his owne confidence and how little he feared hee first brought foorth his men and marshalled them in order readie to bid battaile Anniball so soone as he saw the ensigns advaunced forth of the gates staied not behind And they arraunged their battailes in such manner as that the Carthaginians with the right wing tooke up part of the hill the Romanes displayed their left wing in length to the very walls of the towne After they had continued fight from the third hower of the day unto night and that the vauntguards on both sides were wearie with maintaining of skirmish so long then the first legion of the Romanes with the right wing of their horsemen the Spanish soldiors also of Anniball his part the Balearian slingers likewise together with the Elephants began to fight whiles the rest were alreadie in hote conflict and close together For a long time the medley shruncke not of any hand The first legion of the Romans was seconded with the comming in of the third among the enemies likewise there came in new souldiours that were lustie in place of the foiled and wearied Whereby of a lingring and long skirmish there began all on a suddaine a new hote and cruell battaile by reason that their courages were fresh and their bodies in heart But the night parted the fray and left the victorie doubtfull in the middest The morrow after the Romanes from sun-rising stood arraunged in the field untill it was farre day and seeing none of the enemies appeare and shew themselves they fell to gather up the spoiles by leasure heaped up in one place all the bodies of their own men that were slaine and made one great fire and burnt them to ashes The night ensuing Annibal dislodged secretly without any noise and departed into Apulia And Marcellus so soone as day-light discovered the flight of his enemie leaving his hurt wounded people at Numistro with a small guard and L. Furius Purpurio a Colonell to be their captaine followed him by his steps and at Venusia overtooke him There for certaine daies passed some sallies from the guards of both armies whiles both horse and foot one with another rather made slight skirmishes than any set battailes and lightly the Romanes had alwaies the better hand From thence the armies were conducted through Apulia without any memorable fight at all by reason that Anniball in the night season ever set forward seeking some opportunitie of forelaying entrapping his enemie and Marcellus never followed but in broad day light and sent out his espials before to cleere the coasts In this meane while Flaccus spending the time at Capua in making port-sale of the noblemens goods and in setting and letting out to ferme the land which was confiscate and forfeit to the common wealth of Rome and all for a rent of corne there hapned a new complot and practise which lay hidden for the time to be detected and come to light to the end that he might never want one matter or other to take occasion for to plague and torment the Campanes He had taken order that his souldiours should remove out of the houses within the town partly for that as well the tenements of the said towne within as the lands without should be rented forth and partly for fear least the exceeding pleasantnes and delectable seat of that citie should effeminate his armie as it had done the host of Anniball before time and commaunded them to build themselves about the gates and along the walls cotages and sheds in warlike fashion and only to serve for souldiours These were most of them made of hurdles and bourds some watteled and wound with reedes and all of them thatched with straw and stubble as it were of purpose to minister fuell for fire Now there were some hundred and seventie Campanes had conspired at one certaine houre of the night to set all a fire and the principall heads and chiefetaines were certaine brethren of the Blosij and it fortuned that by some of the same house and familie the conspiracie was disclosed Whereupon at once the gates were made fast by the commaundement of the Proconsull and the alarme being striken up and sounded all the souldiers ran together All those that were partie or privie to the intended treason were apprehended and after rigorous examination had by torture they were condemned and executed the informers were made free and had each one a reward of 10000 peeces of brasse called Asses When the Nucerines and Acerranes made mone that they wanted place of habitation for as much as Acerrae was in part burnt and Nuceria utterly rased and destroyed Marcellus referred them over to the Senate of Rome and sent them thither The men of Acerrae had leave graunted to re-edifie againe their owne edifices which were burned But they of Nuceria according to their owne desire were translated to Atella and the Atellanes commanded to remove unto Calatia there to dwell Amids the managing of many and weightie affaires which falling our variably one while well another while ill busied and amused the minds of men yet the Romanes forgot not the castle of Tarentum for M. Ogulnius and P. Aquilius went as embassadors into Aetolia for to buy up corne to be conveighed and brought to Tarentum and a thousand souldiours out of the citie armie whereof the number of Romanes and Allies was all one were sent with the sayd corne thither to lye in garison Now was the summer at an end and the time drew neere of the Consuls election But the letters of Marcellus unto the Senate wherein he signified that it was not for the good of the Common-wealth to depart one
enemies much greater and stronger rather than here whereas you may fight with the power of two armies against one toiled out of heart in so many battailes and wearied with long warfare so tedious and grievous withall Consider with your selfe what conformitie and resemblance there is betweene your dessignes and your fathers He as Consull having made a journey into Spaine to the end that he might encounter Anniball as hee came downe the Alpes returned out of his owne province into Italie and you when Anniball is in Italie purpose to abandone and leave Italie And why forsooth not because you judge it good for the common-weale but because you thinke it an enterprise that may emport you in great honour and glorie like as when you being captaine Generall of the people of Rome left your province at randon and your armie at sixe and seven without warrant of law without order or act of Senate hazarded in two bothomes the whole state and majestie of the Empire of Rome which at that time togither with the daunger of your life incurred the perill and jeopardie of the maine chance To conclude for mine own part my lords of the Senat I am of this mind this is my conceit That P. Cornelius was not created Consull privately for himselfe and his owne behouse but for the good of the common-weale and us all and that the armies were levied and enrolled for the guard of the cittie and defence of Italie and not for the Consuls in their owne proud selfe-conceit and overweening of themselves after the manner of absolute KK to transport and lead into what parts of the world they list themselves When Fabius by this Oration premeditate and framed to the time had through his authoritie and the long setled and confirmed opinion that men had of his wisedome drawne unto his side a good part of the Senate and specially the auncients insomuch as the greater number commended the grave counsell of the old man above the lustie and youthfull courage of the other gallant then Scipio by way of answere made these remonstrances and spake in this wise My lords of the Senate even Fabius himselfe in the beginning of his Oration said very well That his opinion which he was to deliver might be suspected of detraction and envie Of which note verily I durst not my selfe taxe and accuse a man of his qualitie reputation so much as me thinkes is not so well cleered as it ought to be the very suspition it selfe and I wote not whither it bee by a default of his speech and oration or that the thing it selfe is so pregnant For in such manner he extolled with goodly words and magnified his owne dignities and renowmed deeds and all to quench the jealousie and crime of envie as if my selfe were to feare the danger of emulation and concurrence of some companion of the basest degree and condition and not of him who because he farre surpasseth other men which height and pitch of honour I denie not but I endevour my selfe to reach unto would not in any hand that I should compare with him So highly hath hee advanced himselfe in regard of his old yeares considering that hee hath gone through all rankes of honour and so low debased me and put me downe even under the age of his own sonne as though the desire and love of glorie should passe no farther than the length of mans life and the greatest part thereof extended not to the memorie of posteritie and the future time This I hold for certaine that it is a thing incident to the most magnanimous men of greatest spirit and courage to have a desire for to match themselves not onely with them that live in their daies but with the most famous and excellent personages that ever were or might be in any age And certes for mine own part ô Q. Fabius I will not make it goodly but frankly bewray my mind that way namely that I would full fain not only attain unto your praise-worthie acts commendable vertues but also with your good leave be it spoken if possibly I can even to excell surmount the same And therefore let us not carrie this mind either you toward mee or I to those that are younger than my selfe To be unwilling and thinke much that any one cittizen among us shouldprove equall to our selves for in so doing wee should offer wrong and doe hurt not onely to them whom we have envied and maligned but also prejudice the common-wealth and in manner the whole state of all mankind And thus much to your selfe He hath now my lords recounted to what great perils I should enter into by the Africk voyage in such sort as he would seem not only to have a carefull regard of the common-wealth and the armie but also to pitie me and tender my case fortune Whence commeth it that you shuld al on a sodain take so great care for me when my father and unckle both were slaine when their armies both twaine were utterly almost diffeated and put all to the sword when Spaine was lost when foure armies of Carthaginians and foure Generals held all in feare by force of armes when there was a captain sought for to undertake that warre and no man durst bee seene to put himselfe forward no man so hardie as to present and offer his service but my selfe and when the people of Rome had committed the charge and government of Spain to me a yong man but foure twentie yeares old how hapned it that no man then tooke exception of my age made mention of the enemies force discoursed of the difficultie and daunger of the warre or laid abroad the late and fresh defeature and death of my father and uncle I would demaund and gladly know Whither we have susteined now lately some greater calamitie and losse in Affricke than we received at that time in Spaine or if the armies at this present in Africke be more puissant or the captaines more in number or better in valour than they were in Spaine at that time or whither mine age then was more ripe and sufficient to mannage warres than now it is Last of all whither it be better more commodious and easie to mainteine warre with the Carthaginian enemie in Spaine than in Africke After that I have discomfited put to flight foure hoasts of Carthaginians after I have either forced by assault or reduced under mine obeisance for feare so many citties after I have vanquished and subdued all even as far as to the Ocean sea so many princes and potentates so many fierce cruell nations after I have so fully recovered Spaine as there is not remaining to be seen there so much as the sooting and bare token of any war an easie matter it is and all one to elevate and depresse the acts past that I have atchieved as also par-die it will be when I returne with conquest out of Africke to debase and make nothing of
Decurions petie-captaines Mariners and Ore-men by the way The Perusines the Clusines the Rusellanes offred firre trees for the framing and making of the ships and a great quantitie of corne But for this worke he occupied only the firre hewen out of the publike forests and wasts All the States of Vmbria the Nursines also the Reatines and Amiternines and the whole country of the Sabines made promise to help him to souldiers the Marsi the Peligni and Marrucines in great umber came of their owne free wils and were enrolled to serve at sea in the navie The Camertes being allies and confederate to the Romanes but not tied to any service sent a brave companie of sixe hundred men well armed And when as there were set out the keeles or botomes for thirtie ships twentie Caravels of five course of ores and ten of foure himselfe in person plied the carpenters and shipwrights so and set forward the worke that 45 daies after the timber was brought out of the wood the ships were finished rigged armed and furnished with all things and shot into the water So to Sicilie he sailed with thirtie long ships of warre having embarked therein almost seven thousand of voluntarie servitours P. Licinius also for his part came into the Brutians country unto the two consularie armies of which he tooke unto him and chose that which L. Veturius the Consull had commaunded and suffred Metellus to have the leading still of those legions which had bene under his conduct before supposing that he should more easilie employ them in service because they were acquainted alreadie with his manner of regiment and governance The Pretours likewise went into their sundrie provinces And because money was wanting for to deffray the charges of the warres the high Treasurers were commaunded to make sale of all that tract of the Campane countrey which from the Greeke Fosse extendeth toward the sea And there was graunted out a commission to give notice of those lands and looke what ground so ever belonged to any citizen of Capua it was confiscate to the use of the people of Rome and for a reward to him that gave such notice there was assigned the tenth part of the monie that the land was rated and prised at Also Cn. Servilius the citie Pretour had geven him in charge to take order that the Campanes should dwell where as they were allowed to inhabite by vertue of a decree graunted forth by the Senate and to punish those that dwelt elsewhere In the same summer Mago the sonne of Amilcar being departed from the lesse Baleare Iland where he abode the winter season and having embarked a chosen power of yong lustie men sailed over into Italie with a fleete of thirtie ships headed with brasen piked beakes and many hulks of burden and there he set aland his souldiours to the number of twelve thousand footemen and welneere two thousand horse and with his sodaine comming surprised Genua by reason that there lay no garisons in those parts to guard and defend the seacosts From thence he sailed along and arrived in the river of the Alpine Ligurians to see if he could by his comming raise some commotion rebellion The Ingauni a people of the Ligurians fortuned to warre at that present with certaine mountainers the Epanterij Whereupon Mago having laid up and bestowed safe all the prizes pillage that he had won in Savo a towne upon the Alpes and left ten ships of warre riding in the river for a sufficient guard and sent away the rest to Carthage for to keepe the sea coasts at home because there ran a common rumor that Scipio would passe the seas and over into Affrick himselfe after he had concluded a league and amitie with the Ingauni whose favour he more affected and esteemed than the others set in hand to assaile the mountainers Besides his power increased dayly for that the Frenchmen flocked unto him from all parts upon the noyle and voyce of his name Intelligence here of was geven to the Senate by the letters of Sp. Lucretius who were with these newes exceedingly troubled and perplexed for feare least they had rejoyced in vaine for the death of Asdruball and the defeature of his armie two yeare before in case there should arise from thence another warre as great and dangerous as the other differing in nothing els but the exchange of theGenerall And therefore they gave order and direction both to M. Livius the Proconsull to come forward with his armie of Voluntaries out of Tuskane into Ariminum and also unto Cn. Servilius the citie Pretour if he thought requisite and expedient for the Common-wealth to commit the two legions of citizens attending about Rome to whomsoever he pleased for to be commaunded and led forth of the citie So M. Valerius Laevinus conducted those legions to Aretium About the same time certaine hulks of the Carthaginians to the number of fourescore were bourded and taken about Sardinia by Cn. Octavius governor of that province Caelius writeth that they were loden with corne and victuals sent unto Anniball But Valerius reporteth that as they were carying the pillage taken in Hetruria and certaine prisoners of the Ligurian mountainers into Carthage they were intercepted and surprized by the way There was no memorable thing that yeere done in the Brutians countrey The pestilence raigned as well amongst the Romanes as the Carthaginians and they died thereof alike on both sides Mary the Carthaginian armie besides the plague were afflicted also with famine Anniball passed all that sommer time neere unto the temple of Iuno Lacinia where he built and reared an alter and dedicated it with a glorious title of his worthie acts engraven in Punick and Greeke letters THE XXIX BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the nine and twentith Booke CAius Laelius being sent from Scipio out of Sicilie into Africk brought from thence a huge bootie and declared unto Scipio the credence and message that hee had from Masanissa who complained of him that he had not as yet passed over with his fleet into Africk The warre in Spaine which Indibilis had raised was dispatched himselfe slaine in the field and Mandonius was delivered by his owne men into the Romanes hands that demaunded him of them Mago who was in France and Liguria had out of Africke sent unto him both a great power of souldiours and also money to wage aida with a commission and precept to ioyne himselfe unto Anniball Scipio crossed the seas from Saracose into the Brutii and ecovered the cittie Locri after he had discomsited the garrison there and put to flight Anniball Peace was concluded with Philip. The goddesse Dame Idas was brought solemnely to Rome from Pessinus by occasion of a prophesie found in the bookes of Sybilla to this effect That then the forreine enemie might be driven out of Italic when Dame Cybelic of Ida was
particular view of them man by man And having culled out those and left them behind whome hee supposed unmeet and unsufficient hee substituted in their place those whome hee had brought with him out of Italie and so fully hee supplied and made up the number of those Legions that either of them had sixe thousand and two hundred foot and three hundred men of armes Hee chose also out of the same armie of Cannae both horsemen and footmen of the allies and confederates of the Latine nation What power of souldiours in the whole were set over into Affricke writers differ not a little in the number In some authours I find that they were tenne thousand foot and two thousand and two hundred horse in others fifteene thousand footmen and fifteen hundred horsemen In some records againe they were more by one halfe and better namely that of horse and foot there were embarked five and thirtie thousand And others there be that have set down no number at all amongst whom as in a matter so doubtfull and uncertaine I would my selfe be counted for one But Calius for his part as he forbeareth to put down any number at also he seemeth to implie an infinit multitude of them in that he saith That with a crie and shout that the soldiors set up the very foules of the aire fell down to the ground he that had seen the multitude of them when they went a shipbord would have said there had not been a man left behind either in Italie or in Sicilie Well how many or how few soever they were Scipio himselfe took the charge to see the soldiers embarked in good order without any tumult As for the sailers mariners who were forced before to shipbord C. Laelius the Admiral of the navie kept them stil quiet within their ships M. Pomponius the Pretor had commission for to furnish the armada with corn victuals who made provision of food and sustenance for 45 daies of which there was of baked meats and other viands alreadie dressed as much as would suffice for fifteene daies Now when they were all embarked he sent about to all the ships certaine pinnases or cock-boats and commaunded all the pilots and maisters of every ship with two souldiours a peece to come into the market place there to receive their charge When they were all met and assembled togither first hee enquired of them whether they had provided and taken into their vessels fresh water sufficient both for man and beast to hold out so many daies as their corne would serve and when answere was made that they had water in their ships to last five and fortie daies then he charged and commaunded the souldiours to keepe silence and be quiet during their navigation without any strife and contention to be obedient unto the marriners and willing to helpe in any ministerie and service whatsoever saying That himselfe and L. Scipio would keep on the right wing with twentie strong ships with brasen beake heads and C. Lelius the Admirall with M. Porcius the Treasurer on the left with as many of the same fort to waft over and guard the hulkes and ships of burden willing and requiring that there should be lights in all their vessels namely that everie brasen headed ship should have one each Carricke twaine and the Admirall ship wherein the Generall was three lights for a speciall marke to bee discerned from the rest in the night And so hee commaunded the Pilots to steere and direct their course for Emporia The territorie hereabout is most fertile and fruitfull whereby the whole countrie aboundeth in plentie of all things the barbarous peisants as commonly it falleth out in battell and plentifull lands are cowards and unapt for warre and it was thought they might bee surprised and subdued before any succour could come from Carthage When these directions were given they were commaunded to retire unto their ships and the next morrow at the signall with the helpe of the gods to weigh anchor hoise up sailes and away Many Romane Armadaes had aforetime set out of Sicilie and the very same port but never any viage all the time of that warre no nor during the former made so goodly a shew and was so much looked on And no mervaile for most of their other fleetes were sent out only to rob and to fetch in booties and prises And yet if a man would esteeme navies by the number and greatnesse of ships there had bene aforetime two Consuls together who went over with the power of two complete armies and in every of those fleetes there were welneere as many warre ships with brasen beake heads as hulks and carricks in those that Scipio transported over For besides fiftie long ships of warre he had not all our foure hundred ships of burden and passage to transport over his armie with But if wee will compare both warres together the second seemed unto the Romanes more sharpe and cruell than the former both because it was fought within Italie and also by reason of so great overthrowes of so many armies together with the losse and death of their Generall captaines Moreover great expectation there was of Scipio the Commaunder and Generall of this voiage a man much renewned and talked of both in regard of his owne noble acts of chivalrie and also for a special and singular fortune that followed him in all his exploits wherby he grew every day more glorious than other which caused all mens hearts to be set upon him beside his very resolution and mind that hee carried to passe over into Affricke which all the while of that warre entred not into the head of anie captaine before him in that hee gave it out abroad That hee meant to goe over with intent to draw and fetch Anniball out of Italie and to divert and translate the warre into Affricke and there to finish and make an end of it There came running unto the haven to see the setting out of this Armada the whole multitude not onely of the inhabitants of Lilybaeum but also the traine of all the Embassages out of Sicilie which were come together for to accompanie Scipio and to doe him honour and also attended upon the Pretour of the province M. Pomponius Over and besides those legions also which were left behind in Sicilie went forward to beare their fellow souldiours companie So that not only the navie was a goodly prospect unto the beholders upon the land but also the strand so overspread all about with numbers of people made a brave and pleasant shew unto these passengers that were in the ships When day light once appeared Scipio from out of the Admirall after silence commaunded by voice of the crier praied in this wise O ye gods goddesses al that haunt inhabite the seas and lands both I beseech and pray you to vouchsafe That all that ever hath ben done alreadie is now intended or shall hereafter bee enterprise d during
Lucanes countrey the rumor and voice went that the welkin was on fire and at Privemum while the skie was bright and faire the sunne appeared red all day long At Lanuvium in the temple of Iuno Sospita there was heard in the night season a mightie great noise Nay and more than this in sundry places as men say were many monstrous and straunge births seene In the Sabines countrey one child was borne and no man knew what to make of it male or female and another likewise was found of sixteene yeeres of age a very Hermaphrodite of doubtfull sex between both At Frusino there was a lambe yeaned with a swines head and at Sinuessa a sow farrowed a pig with the head of a man In the Lucanes countrey there was foled upon the common ground a colt with five feet All these monsters were ugly to see and abominable and holden for great defects and errours of nature working strangely out of kind But above all others those birthes both male and female or rather neuter were most abhorred and detested and order was given presently that they should be cast into the sea even as of late daies when C. Claudius and M. Livius were Consuls the like deformed monster was thither had away and drowned Neverthelesse the Decemvirs were commaunded to turne over and peruse the bookes of Sibylla to know what such prodigious monsters might portend who by their learning and out of those bookes gave direction to make the same sacrifices which last of all for the like uncouth sights were made Moreover they gave commaundement that certaine hymnes and songs should be chaunted throughout the citie by three severall quires of nine virgins in every one and an oblation to be offered by them with all devotion to queene Iuno C. Aurelius the Consull caused all this to be perfourmed according to the order and direction of the Decemvirs And as in our fathers daies Livius composed the dittie of the hymne so at that time P. Licivius Tegula framed and set downe a forme of song which they should sing Thus when all things were expiate and satisfaction made accordingly for the appeasing of the wrath of the gods for even at Locri also the sacriledge was found out by Q. Minutius and the mony missing was raised out of the goods of the offenders and guiltie persons and bestowed there againe in the treasurie as the Consuls were minded to take their journey into their provinces there repaired many privat citizens unto the Senat unto whom the third paiment was due that yeere for the loane of mony which in the time of M. Valerius and M. Claudius Consuls they had lent out and disbursed because that the Consuls had made them answere That the stocke of the citie chamber was hardly able to defray the charges of a new warre which required maintenance of a mightie navie and of puissant armies and therefore flatly denyed them and said That they had not wherewith to satisfie and make present paiment The Senate could not endure that they should haue this occasion to make complaint considering that if the commonwealth would still employ the money upon the Macedonian warre also which was granted in loane for the Punicke warre this would be the end of it that one warre following thus in the necke of another their owne money which was lent upon a curtesie and benevolence out of their privat purses should be little better than confiscate for some forfeiture and fall to the exchequer and common chest of the citie These private persons demaunding nothing but reason and right and the citie withall not able to discharge her debt the LL. set downe a middle and indifferent course betweene honestie and profit and that was this That for as much as many of these men said that the citie had much land upon sale and they were to buy and make purchase therefore the common grounds lying and being within fiftie miles of Rome every way should be granted unto them in see farme and the Consuls to set downe an estimate of their value and worth and charge them with a chiefe rent or tribute of 3 farthings an acre by the yeere to testifie only that they were the cities lands to the end that if any man hereafter when the citie should be aforehand and in case to repay the former debt were desirous to have money rather than land he should restore the lands and possessions againe into the cities hands and receive his money These private citizens who were the foresaid creditours accepted gladly of this offer and condition And hereupon this land was called by the name of Trientius and Tributus because it was set out granted in lieu of a third part of the lone money Then P. Sulpitius after he had pronounced his vowes abovesaid in the Capitoll and departed out of the citie in his coat of armes with the Lictors huishers afore him arrived at Brundusium and so with the old voluntary soldiers drawne out of the army that was returned from Affricke whom he had enrolled into legions and ships chosen out of the fleet of Cornelius the Consull he loosed from Brundusium and the next day after landed in Macedonia where there attended him the embassadors of the Athenians who humbly besought him to deliver them from the siege that invested their citie So C. Clau. Gento was incontinently sent to Athens furnished with 20 long ships of war a strength of men for the king himself in person besieged not Athens but even then made hot assault upon the town Abydus as having alreadie given proofe of his forces in sea fight both with the Rhodians and king Attalus and in neither battell had good successe But besides the ordinarie stoutnesse and pride engrassed in him by nature hee was aloft now and looked high by reason of the alliance made betweene him and Antiochus king of Syria with whom he had parted the richesse and realme of Aegypt unto which they both aspired upon the newes they heard of the death of king Ptolomeus Now the Athenians had drawne upon themselves the warre against king Philip upon a small occasion and of no importance who of all their auncient estate and glorie retaine nothing els but great heart and hautie spirit It fortuned that two young men of Acarnania who had taken no orders and were not consecrate entred among the other multitude into the temple of Ceres in the time of the feastivall daies and celebration of sacrifices to that goddesse belonging and being altogether ignorant in the custome of that solemnitie and religion and asking some foolish absurd questions nothing sit for that time or place were soone bewraied by their speech and language who being convented before the Prelats of the said temple notwithstanding it was evidently proved and knowne that upon an error onely and oversight and not for any ill intent they were come into the church yet were they put to death as fellons and guiltie of some hainous fact in the highest
would say over the river The fight continued long doubtfull The Achaei being of themselves in number a thousand disordred some foure hundred of the other and forced them to recule and afterwards the entier right point of the battaile began to shrinke and geve ground As for the Macedonians so long as their battaillon called Phalanx kept their array and stood close together could not possibly be stirred or removed but after their left side was laid naked and they began to reach out on all hands their long pikes against the enemie charging them acrosse upon the flanke they were presently troubled and first they put themselves in disaray afterwards they turned their backs and last of all flung their weapons from them and ran away for life untill they were come to Bargilia Thither also was Dinocrates fled The Rhodians having followed the chase as long as they had any day to see retired into their camp And for certeine it is knowne if in this traine of victorie they had presently made speede to Stratonicea they might have bene maisters of the towne and never drawne sword for it but whiles they spent time in recovering the burrough townes and forts of Peraea they let this opportunitie slip out of their hands and lost it for ever For in the meane space they that lay in garison and held Stratonicea were encouraged and tooke better heart Dinocrates also anon with those forces of his that remained put himselfe within the walls Then was the towre besieged and assailed all in vaine neither could it be forced and woon but by Antiochus a certeine time after Thus went the affaires in Thessalie in Achaea and in Asia much about one and the selfesame time Philip being advertised that the Dardanians were entred within the confines of his realme and wasted the high countrie of Macedonie albeit he saw that almost in all parts of the world unhappie fortune still followed and coursed both him and his wheresoever they were yet esteeming it more grievous and heavie than death it selfe to be disseized of the possession of Macedonie also he made a levie in great hast out of all his cities of sixe thousand foote and 500 horse with which power of Macedonians he sodainly surprised the enemie unprovided and not ware of his comming about Stobi in Pelagonia Great numbers of men were slaine in conflict but more in the fields such as were disbanded and raunged abroad for greedinesse of bootie and pillage But as many as could make meanes to flie more readily and easily away never stood out the triall of a battaile but returned home into their owne countrey Having thus put life as it were againe into his men by this one expedition and exploit a matter of no consequence to the totall adventure of his whole estate he retired himselfe to Thessalonica The Punick warre was not atchieved and brought to an end so happily and in so good a time for the Romanes who otherwise should have warred at once both against the Carthaginians and Philip but it fel out as well and in as fit a season that Philip was now vanquished just against the time that Antiochus in Syria prepared to levie warre against them For besides that the service was much more easily managed against them single and apart than it would have bene if they had banded both at once and brought their forces together it chaunced also that Spaine about the very same instant brake out to a tumultuous insurrection Antiochus being returned to Antioch there to winter after he had the summer before brought under his subjection all the cities belonging to Ptolomoeus within the country of Coele-Syria was yet never the more at quiet mindfull of peace afterwards For when he had assembled a puissant power both of land and also of sea-forces and purposed to employ the whole strength of his realme he sent afore by land in the beginning of the spring his two sonnes Ardues and Mithridates with a mightie armie commaunding them to attend him at Sardis himselfe in person set forth a voyage by sea with a fleete of a hundred saile of couvert ships with decks and hatches besides two hundred lighter vessels as Galions and Brigantines purposing at one time to assay all the cities in Cilicia Caria coasting along the sea side which were within the dominion of Ptolomaeus and with all to aid Philip as well with shipping as souldiours for as yet Philip was not utterly subdued not the warre with him brought to a finall end Many brave and worthie exploits enterprised the Rhodians both by sea and land in their loyaltie and faithfulnes to the Romanes and for the safegard and defence of all the Greekish nation But no one thing shewed their magnificence more than this that being nothing terrified at that time with such a world of warres threatned against them they sent embassadors to the king to let him understand that if he sailed forward and stayed not his Armada they would encounter him at the Bay of Nephelis which is a promontorie or cape of Cilicia renowmed for the auncient league of the Atheniens And this they did not upon any hatred they bare to his person but to impeach him only for comming to joine with Philip thereby to hinder the Romanes in their good course of setting Greece at libertie At the same time Antiochus was busied in the siege and assault of Coracelium against which he had placed all ordinance and engins of batterie for he was alreadie master of the cities of Zephyrium Soli Aphrodisias and Corycus and having doubled the point of Anemurium a cape or forland also of Cilicia he had woon likewise the citie of Selinus All these and many other forts of that coast being yeelded unto him by composition either for feare or willingly without any assault only Coracesium shut their gates against him and staid his progresse beyond his expectation There the embassadours of the Rhodians had audience And albeit that embassie was such as might have set a king into a fit of choler and chased his bloud yet he tempred his anger and made answere that he would send his embassadors to Rhodes and give them in charge to renew the auncient rights and privileges as well of his owne as of his auncestours with that citie and State and to will them not to stand in feare of the kings comming for that neither they nor any allies of theirs should susteine harme or damage by him For it was no part of his meaning to infringe and breake the amitie which he had with the Romanes as it may appeere as well by his late embassie sent unto them as also by the honorable decrees and answeres made by the Senate and sent unto him For it fortuned that even then the embassadors of king Antiochus were returned from Rome having had a friendly audience there and a gracious dispatch according as the time required for as yet the issue of the warre
incontinently but being touched in conscience hee was so bold as to breake them open and when hee had read them through he fled backe in great feare to Thebes where he bewrayed Pisistratus Zeusippus troubled in spirit for the flight of his bondman retired himselfe to Athens supposing it a place of more securitie to live in as a banished man As for Pisistratus after he had beene divers times examined upon the racke was put to death in the end This murder wonderously estranged the Thebans and Baeotians and set their hearts against the Romans in so much as they hated and detested them to death taking great indignation that Zeusippus a principall chiefe personage of their nation had committed so foule and heinous a fact To rebell in open tearmes they had neither force sufficient to maintaine them nor a principall head to direct and lead them Whereupon they fell to that which is next cousen to plaine warre even to theeving and robbing by the high waies side in such sort as they surprised as well some souldiours who lodged neere unto them and were their guests as others that wandred and ranged abroad-from the garisons in winter time and travailed about their affaires who other whiles were caught up by the way and came short home Some passengers were killed in the port-rode-waies by those that lay in wait for them in notorious theevish corners others were trained and led deceitfully through by-lanes into desert places there to take up their innes and lodging and then were murdred At length they played these prancks not only of malice unto them but also for greedie desire of bootie and spoile by reason that commonly these waisaring men went about their trade merchandise and therefore had some charge about them and caried silver in their belts Now when as at first there were some out of the way and every day more than other many men missing and no man knew what was become of them all Boeotia began to have an ill name and the souldiers were more afraid to travaile there than in the enemies countrey Then Quintius sent certeine embassadors to all the cities for to make complaint of these robberies and enormities Many footmen there were found dead about the meere or lake Copais where their cark asses were raked forth of the mud and mire and drawne out of the standing water tied and fastened as they were to heavie stones or some great vessels that by their poise they might be plunged and sinke to the bottome Many such like outrages were found to have beene committed at Acraephea and Coronea Quintius at the first demaunded to have the offenders delivered unto him and for five hundred souldiours for so many were caught up by the way and murdered he enjoined the Boeotians to make paiment of five hundred talents of silver But the cities would doe neither the one nor the other onely they paied them with bare words and excused themselves in that nothing had beene done by publicke warrant or counsell from the State Where upon the embassadors were sent to Athens and into Achaea to make protestation unto their allies that they would pursue the Boeotians with open warre upon good ground and just cause offred And so after hee had given commaundement unto P. Claudius to goe unto Acraephea with one part of his forces himselfe with the other set him down about Coronea planted siege unto it But first the territorie was laid wast all the way as the two armies marched from Elatia in divers quarters The Boeotians plagued with these losses and calamities seeing nothing but feare and flight in every place sent their embassadours unto him but when they could not be admitted into the campe the Achaeans and the Athenians were faine to come with them The Achaeans were of greater credite to entreat in their behalfe for unlesse they might obtaine pardon and peace for the Baeotians they determined also to enter into the quarrel and to make war themselves By whose mediation the Baeotians had accesse unto the Romane generall and audience once graunted Who after they were enjoyned to deliver up the offendors and malefactors to Instice and to pay thirtie talents for amends and satisfaction obteined peace and so the siege was raised After some few dayes the ten Delegates or Committees from Rome were arrived by whose advise and counsell peace was articled and capitulated with king Philip upon these conditions Imprimis That all the Greeke cities as well in Europe as in Asia should enjoy their libertie and live under their owne lawes Item That Philip should withdraw his garisons out of as many of them as had bin in subjection under him Item That he do the like by those which were in Asia to wit Euromos Pedasae Bargyllae Iassus Myrina Abydus Thassus and Perinthus all which the Romanes required to be free As concerning the libertie and freedome of the Cyani it was covenanted That Iuintius should write his letters to Pratias the king of the Bithynians giving him to understand the advise and pleasure of the Senate and the ten Delegates aforesaid Item That Philip render all the prisoners and fugitive traitours to the Romanes and yeeld up all the covered ships with hatches and over and besides one huge roiall Galiace or Argosey which by reason of the exceeding bignesse was unweldie and of little use and was directed with 16 banks of ores on a side Item That he should not have above five hundred men in armes nor one Elephant at all Item That he should not warre but by leave and permission of the Senate without the marches of Macedonie Item That he pay unto the people of Rome a thousand talents the one halfe in hand and the other at ten payments within the terme of ten yeeres Valerius Antias writeth moreover that there was imposed upon him a tribute of foure thousand pound weight of silver yeerely for ten yeeres and besides twentie thousand pound weight presently The same author saith that expressely it was capitulated that Philip should not warre at all with Eumenes the sonne of Attalus who was newly come to the crowne For the assurance of these covenants there were received hostages and amongst them Demetrius king Philip his sonne Valerius Antias hath written moreover that the Iland Aegina and certein Elephants were geven In pure gift to Attalus in his absence and that upon the Rhodians was bestowed Stratonicea a citie in Caria with other cities also which Philip had possessed To conclude that the Atheniens received of free gift these Iiles following to wit Paros Imbros Delos and Scyros When all the States of Greece approved and thought well of this peace only the Aetolians secretly muttered and sound fault with this order set downe by the ten Delegates abovesaid geving out that they were but bare letters and vaine words shadowed with a counterfer apparance of libertie For to what end say they should some cities be delivered to the Romanes and those not named
had bene at Rome between Quintius and the kings embassadors But the newes of Antichus the kings sonne his death whom I said a little before to have bene sent into Syria brake off the peace Great mourning and sorrow there was in the kings court and much was that yong prince missed and moaned For that good proose he had given of himselfe that if he had lived any long time he would have proved by all likelyhood of his towardnesse a great a mightie and a righteous king The derer and better beloved he was of all men the more suspicious was his death and namely that his father doubting that he would presse forward and be instant to succeed him in his old age tooke order by the ministery of certain Eunuches or guelded men persons greatly accepted with kings for such services to have him poisoned And they say that another cause also set him forward to commit this secret act because having geven the citie Lysimachia to his sonne Selencus he had no such place to bestow upon Antiochus his sonne for to keepe his residence in whereunto he might have removed him farther off from his owne person under colour of doing him honor Howbeit great semblance and shew there was of much mourning and lamentation all over the court for certeine daies in so much as the Rom. embassador retired himselfe to Pergamus because he was loth to converse there uncivilly at so unseasonable a time The king returned to Ephesus and gave over the war that he had enterprised Where the court gates being shut by occasion of the mourning time he devised and consulted in great secret with one Minio an inward friend unto him and whom of all other he loved best and trusted most This Minio a meere stranger and altogether ignorant in foreiene affaires and forces measuring esteeming the power and greatnes of the king by his exploits done in Syria or in Asia deemed verily that Antiochus had not only the better cause in that the Romanes demaunded unreasonable conditions but also should have the upper hand in the triall thereof by warre When as now the king refused to have any conference and dispute with the embassadors either for that he knew by good experience that it would be bootless for him so to do or because he was troubled in spirit upon this late and fresh object of griese and sorrow Minio undertooke the businesse and prosessed that he would speake to the point of the matter to good purpose and so persuaded the king to send for the embassadors from Pergamons By this time Sulpotius was recovered of his sicknes and therefore both of them repaired to Ephesus where excused the king and in his absence they began to treate about their affaires Then Minio with a premeditate oration began in this wise I see well qd he that you Romanes pretend unto the world a goodly title of setting free the cities of Greece but your deedes are not answerable to your words and ye have set downe unto Antiochus one manner of law to be tried unto and practice your selves another For how commeth it about that the Smyrneans Lampsacenes should be Greekes more than the Neapolitanes the Rhegines and Tarentines of whom you exact tribute and require ships by vertue of the accord and covenants between you Why send you yeerely to Saracose and other Greeke cities of Sicily a Pretor in soveraigne authority with his rods and axes Cerres ye have nothing else to say but that ye have subdued them in warre and by right of conquest have imposed these conditions upon them The like yea and the same cause know yea that Antiochus alledgeth as concerning Smyrna Lampsacus and other cities and states of Ionia Aeolis For having been conquered in war by his auncestors progenitors having I say been made tributarie and taillable he chalengeth of them the auncient rights duties due from them and to him belonging And therfore if ye wil ' debate and treat the question according to aquitie and reason and not rather pick quarels and seeke occasion of war I would gladly know what ye will answere to him in this point To this Sulpitius made answere in this wise Antiochus quoth he hath done very well with good regard of modestie in that having no other matters to plead unto for his defense the maintenance of his cause he hath made choise of any other rather than himselfe to be the speaker For what one thing is there alike in those cities which you have named and put in comparison Of the Rhegines Neapolitanes and Tarentines we demaund that which is our due according to the deeds of covenants endented and hath ever bene since time that first they were in subjection under us that I say which we have chalenged enjoyed by vertue of one continued course and tenor of right by us ever practised without any intermission or interruption And are you able to avouch that as those nations neither by themselves nor by any other have altered and chaunged the accord betweene us and them so the cities of Asia when they once became subject to the auncestors of Antiochus remained alwaies in the perpetuall possession of your kingdome And not rather that some of them have beene under the obeisaunce of Philip and others obedient to Ptolomaee Yea and divers of them for many yeeres have been free and used their owne liberties without contradiction and no words or doubt made thereof For admit this once that because these cities sometimes were in bondage through the iniquitie of those times where in they were oppressed there shall be a right pretended and the same be effectuall to reduce them againe after so many ages into servitude What wanteth it but ye may as well say that we have done just nothing in delivering Greece out of the hands of Philip and that his successours and posteritie may claime againeand lay title to Corinth Chalcis Demetrias and the whole Thessalian nation But what meane I to maintaine the cause of the cities of Greece whome it were more meet and reasonable that both wee and the king himselfe would give audience unto and let them plead what they can for their owne selves With that he commaunded the embassages of the cities to be called in which were prepared and instructed asorehand by Eumenes who made this reckoning that whatsoever strength went from Antiuchus should accrue and come unto him and his kingdome Many were admitted to speake whiles every one set forward his owne cause some by way of complaint others in manner of demaund each one putting in for himselfe without regard of right or wrong so he served his owne time they fell at length from reasoning to warbling and wrangling in so much as the Embassadours returned to Rome as uncertaine and doubtfull in all matters as they were when they came without releasing or obtaining any one thing at all When they were dismissed and gone the king held a councell
said that Phaneas spake not this for any desire and love to peace but his meaning was to scatter and dispatch this furniture and preparation of war for this intent That by this redious lingering the kings courage might abate and the Romanes gaine time to make themselves readie For that there was no reason possibly to be gotten at the Romanes hand they had tried sufficiently by good experience in sending so many embassages to Rome and in debating the matter so often with Quintius neither would they ever have sought unto Antiochus and craved his aid if all their hope otherwise had not bene cut off and cleane failed And now since his helping hand is presented unto them sooner than all men thought or looked for they were not now to begin to faint and geve over but rather to request and intreat the king that since he was come himselfe in person which was the greatest matter of all to set free and maintein Greece he would send for his forces both at sea and land For the king in armes might peradventure obteine something but disarmed if he were little or no reckning would the Romanes make of him in the quarell and question of the Aetolians no nor in his owne affaires whensoever he should reason and debate thereof And here went the hare away They all opined streightwaies to stile the king with the name of Imperator i. Emperour and they chose thirtie of the chiefe personages to assist him in counsell for all things requisite Thus the Diet was dissolved and every man slipt away and retired to his owne citie The next day the king sat in consultation with their Apocletes In what place they should begin the warre And it was thought best first to assaile the citie of Chalcis which lately the Aetolians had assaied in vaine And for to effect this service there was more expedition and speed required than any other great forces and preparations Hereupon the king set forward with 1000 footmen which followed him from Demetrias and marched by the way of Phocis The chieftaines also of the Aetolians having levied some few companies of their youth tooke another way and met with him at Chaeronea and followed with ten covered ships The king encamped neere Salganea and himselfe in person with the chiefe of the Aetolians crossed the Eurypus and when he was landed and not farre gone from the haven the magistrates and chiefe men of Chalcis came forth without their gates and some few of both sides met together for to parlie The Aetolians were earnest to persuade with them That so far-forth as they might without impeaching the Romane amitie they would assume the king also to be their allie and friend for as much as he was passed into Europe not to make warre but to deliver Greece and set it free in very deede and not in word only and false semblance as the Romanes had done And nothing was there more for the good and benefit of the cities in Greece than to enterteine the societie and friendship of them both For under the defence and savegard of the one they might be sure to guard themselves from the violence outrage of the other But if they accepted not of the king they were best to take heed and see what danger they presently incurred considering the succors of the Romanes to relieve them were so farre off and the forces of Antiochus their enemie to annoy them so neere even at their gates whom of themselves with their owne power they were not able to withstand To this Mictio one of their chiefe men made this answere Imervaile much quoth he who they be that Antiochus for to deliver and set free hath taken the paines to leave his owne kingdome and to passe over into Europe For mine owne part I know no citie in Greece that either hath Romane garison or payeth any tribute unto them or is bound to unjust and unreasonable covenants or endureth any hard lawes and conditions against their wils and therefore the Chalcidians have neede of no person to restore them to freedome since they be free alreadie ne yet of a garison for their defence considering that by the grace and favour of the same people of Rome they enjoy peace and libertie alreadie As for the king we refuse not his amitie ne yet reject we the friendship of the Aetolians And we will take it for a speciall point of friendship that they shall do us if they gently will depart out of our yland and be gone For as for us we are resolute in this not to receive them within our walls no nor to contract with them any societie without the advise and consent of the Romanes VVhen these matters were related to the king who stayed behind with the ships he determined presently to returne to Demetrias for that he was not come with such a power as to attempt anything by force where seeing his first enterprise came to nothing he devised and conferred with the Aetolians what was to be done next and concluded it was to sound the Achaeans and Aminander the king of the Athamanes They supposed also that the nation of the Boeotians was cleane estranged and badly affected to the Romans ever since the death of Barcellios and those troubles that ensued thereupon They were persuaded also that Philopoemâ—â—â—â— a great potentate principall leader of the Achaeans was both malicious and odious unto Quintius for emulation and jelousie of honor in the Laconian warre Aminander had espoused and taken to wife Apamea the daughter of one Alexander a Megapolitan who vaunting himselfe to be descended from Alexander the Great named his two sonnes Philip and Alexander and his daughter Apamas whom being thus advanced by mariage with a king her elder brother Philip accompanied into Athamania This Philip a vaine-headed yong man the Aetolians and Antiochus had induced into a foolish hope considering that for certeine he was of the royall bloud to obteine the kingdome of Macedonie if haply he could bring about to joyne Aminandera and the 〈◊〉 to Antiochus And these vaine conceits of great behests wrought mightily not with this Philip only but also with Aminander Now in Achaea there was a counsell holden at Aegium and audience geven there to the embassadors of Antiochus and the Aetolians before T. Qaintius VVhere the king his embassador spake first and being as all those commonly are that vaud their intertainment and of â—sainâ—â—nance of kings full of foolish bable and making sea and land â—â—â—sound a gaine with his vainâ—â— pratling and senselesse words set tale on end and told them what an infinite 〈◊〉 of horsemen were passing over by Hellespont into Europe whereof some of them were in complet harnesse armed at all peeces whom they call Cataphracti others were archers and 〈◊〉 on horseback against whom there was nothing close nothing some enough who when their backâ— are turned and their horses run away shoote so much the more surely and even point blanke And
L. Aemilius Paulus who stepped forth and enformed against him in these termes That they had bene sent in commission to assist Cn. Manlius for the making of a peace with Antiochus and finishing of that accord and those covenants and conditions which were commensed and begun betweene him and L. Scipio Yet Cn. Manlius say they endevoured all that ever he could to trouble that peace yea and to have surprised and entrapped Anticchus by traines of ambush if he had ever come in his way or within his reach But the king being ware of the Consull his fraud and deceit albeit there was made great meanes many a time to have caught him by coulor of parley and conference yet avoided evermore not onely to have speech and communication with him but also to come within his sight And when Maulius would needs have passed over Taurus hardly and with much ado could he be keptback notwithstanding all the commissioners prayed and befought him to stay and not to hazard himselfe and incurre the danger of a notable losse and overthrow foretold by the verses and prophesies of Sibylla to light upon them that would passe beyond the bounds limited by the fatail destinies All this notwith standing he advaunced forward and approched with his armie yea and encamped neere the very pitch and top of the mountaine where all the water that falleth from above runneth contrary wayes into divers seas And when he could find no quarrell there for which he might make war because the kings people subjects were still and quiet he turned the armie about to the Gallogreeks against which nation there was no warre intended either by warrant and authoritie from Senat or by graunt and commission from the people And what man was ever so hardie and bold as to warre upon his owne head The wars against Antiochus Philip Anniball and the Carthaginians are most fresh in each mans remembrance and of all these the Senate was consulted with and the people graunted their ordinance Embassadors many a time and often were addressed before restitution amends were by order demaunded and last of all heralds were sent solemnly to denounce proclaime war Now tell me Cn. Manlius VVhich of all these things were done that wee may call this by the name of a publicke warre allowed by the State of the people of Rome and not rather a privat brigandage robberie of your own But contented you your self with this did you no more marched you directly forward and tooke you nothing but that which was in your way leading your armie agaisnt those onely whome you tooke to be your enemies or rather at all turnings and quarrefours nay at every sorked high way leading on both hands when you were at a stand followed not you like a mercenarie and waged Consull unto Attalus king Eumenes his brother with the Romane aremie what hand soever he turned and marched There was not a cranke and nouke but you visited there was not a corner that you left unsearched in all Pisidia Lycaonia and Phrygia There was not a tyrant prince not potentate there was not a lord of any borough or castle how farre soever out of the way but you had a saying to them to pill and poll them and to picke with out of their purses For what businesse had you with the Oroandians What had you to doe with other nations as innocent and guiltlesse as they Now as concerning the warre in regard whereof you demaund a triumph in what sort managed you it Fought you a battaile either in place commodious or time convenient Cerres I must needs say great reason you have and good cause to require that honor and praise be given to the immortall gods first for that their gracious will and pleasure was that the armie should not smart for the temeritie and rashnesse of their chiefe leader warring as hee did against the law of nations then in that they presented unto us not men indeed for enemies but very beasts and no better For yee must not think that it is the name only of the Gallogreeks which is mingled and compounded for long time before both their bodies and minds have beene mixed and corrupted and the men themselves bastard and degenerate from their first nature Had they been the same Gaules with whome we have fought a thousand times in Italie and with doubtfull issue and lost as much as we woon and every foot received as good as we brought thinke yee there would have returned one messenger from thence to bring us newes for any good at least-wise that our Generall there did Twise he came to conflict with them twise he encountred them in place of disadvantage mounting with his armie against the hill and raunged in the botome of the valley even under the enemies feet in such sort that if they had lanced no darts against us from the higher ground but onely come upon us with their naked and disarmed bodies they had beene able to have overcome us and gone over our bellies And what happened hereupon God-amercie the good fortune of the people of Rome wee may thanke I say the great and terrible name of the Romanes The fresh renow me of the late ruines and overthrowes of Anniball Philip and Antiochus amased and astonished as one would say these men with their so corpulent and mightie bodies with slings and arrow-shot onely were they discomfited and put to flight so affrighted were they There was not a sword once bloudied in all this Gaules war at the first twang of the bow and singing of the arrow they fled away like swarms of bees with ringing of basens And yet beleeve me even we the same no other as if fortune would admonish and shew what had become of us if we had affronted an enemie indeed in our returne when we fortuned to light upon certaine pettie robbers and theeves of Thrace were soundly beaten killed and put to flight and spoiled and well stript of our bagge and baggage Q. Minutius Thermus by whose death we have susteined a farre greater losse than if Cn. Manlius had miscaried whose rashnesse was the cause of all this calamitie and misfortune with many a tall and valiant man besides lost his life in this skirmish Our hoast bringing away with them the spoile and pillage of king Antiochus was dismembred and parted into three troupes the vaward in oneplace the rereguard in another and the cariages in a third were faine to take up their lodging one whole night amongst bushes briars and brambles and lurke within the caves and dennes of wild beasts Are these the brave and worthie exploits for which you demaund a triumph But say that you had received in Thrace neither domage nor dishonour which be the enemies over whome you would needs triumph in all the hast I trow they be those whome the Senate and people of Rome destined and assigned to be your enemies for so was triumph graunted to this L. Scipio here in place so
For he said that in times past he had rebuked and reproved the people when they would have made him a perpetuall Consull and Dictatour that he had forbidden expressely that any of his Statues in triumphant habite should bee set up and erected in the publicke places of assemblies as in the Comitium and Curia in the Capitoll and chappell of Iupiter Opt. Max. These commendable reports of him if they were uttered in an Oration penned of purpose for his praise must needs testifie and shew a wonderfull magnanimitie of his in the moderate use of high honours according to a civile port which an enemie by way of reproch and upbraiding him acknowledgeth and confesseth But all writers accord that Gracchus tooke to wife the younger of his two daughters for the elder without all question was affianced and given in marriage by her father unto P. Cornelius Nasica But it is not so certainely agreed upon whether she was both betrothed wedded also unto him after her fathers death or no. As also whether it be true as it is reported that when L. Scipio was a leading to prison Gracchus seeing none of his owne fellow Tribunes to succour and rescue him sware a great oth and protested that he was an enemie still to the Scipioes as much as ever hee was and would not doe any thing to currie favour with them or to come into their grace yet could hee never endure that he should be caried to that prison into which he had seene his brother Africanus lead kings great Generals and Commaunders of enemies captive Moreover that the same day the Senate fortuned to be at supper together in the Capitoll and arose up all at once and requested Africanus to affiance his daughter to Gracchus before the supper and banter was ended Which espousals being performed with all due complements accordingly during the time of that solemne feast Scipio when hee was returned home to his house said unto his wife Aemylia that he had fianced and bestowed his daughter upon an husband Shee then falling into a fit of choler like a woman and chasing that he had not made her acquainted with the matter and taken her advise touching the maiden who was as much her child as his brake out into these words withall that if hee had given her in marriage to Tiberius Gracchus yet good reason it was that the mother should have been at the making of the bargaine Wherupon Scipio tooke great contentment and joy at this conformitie of judgment in the choise and inferred streightwaies that hee was the man to whome shee was espoused Thus much I thought good to relate of this worthie and noble person albeit there is great varietie of opinions and diversitie of writings in that behalfe After the Pretor Q. Terentius had finished the inquisition and whole processe thereof Hostilius and Furius who were attaint and condemned that very day put in sufficient fureties to be bound in recognisaunce to the treasurers of the citie for the paiment of their fines But Scipio debating the matter still pleading that all the mony which he had received was in the citie chamber that he had purloined none of the publick treasure was laid hold on to be had away and committed to prison Then P. Scipio Nasica called unto the Tribunes for their help made a speech full of true praises and commendations not in generall only of the whole name familie That himselfe and P. Africanus together with L. Scipio who now was going to prison had to their fathers Cn. Scipio and P. Scipio most noble and famous personages those who for certain yeers in the land of Spain advaunced the renoume and glorie of the Roman name maugre the heads of many captains and armies as well of Carthaginians as Spaniards not only in martiall tears of war but also in this especially that they had given testimonie proofe unto those nations of the temperate government and faithfull dealing of the Romanes and in the end both of them spent their bloud and lost their lives in the quarrell of the people of Rome And albeit it had ben sufficient for all their posteritie to maintain only and uphold the glorie from them received yet P. Africanus so farre surpassed the praise-worthie acts of his father that it was verily beleeved he was not borne of humane bloud but descended from some divine heavenly race of the gods As for L. Scipio who now is in trouble to say nothing of his worthie acts which he atchieved in Spaine and in Affricke when hee was lieutenant there to his brother Consull hee was both reputed by the Senate sufficient without any casting of lots to undertake the province of Asia and the warre against king Antiochus and also esteemed by his brother Africanus so worthie a person that himselfe who had been Consull twice Censor once had ridden in triumph thought not scorne to accompanie him into Asia in qualitie of his lieutenant In which province to the end that the greatnesse and resplendent glorie of the lieutenant should not dimme the brightnesse of the Consull and drowne his vertues and good parts it to fell out that the very same day on which L. Scipio vanquished Antiochus neere Magnesia P. Scipio lay sicke at Elaea a citie distant certain daies journies He defeated I say an armie there nothing inferior to that of Annibal with whom his brother had encountred before in Affrick In which battel among other great commaunders and captains under the king Annibal was himselfe emploied in person even he who had ben the grand-Generall in the Punick war Which service was so well conducted and mannaged that a man possibly could not find fault so much as with fortune or any accident that happened there And now when the war is unblamable there is picked matter of crimination in the peace it they say was bought and sold for mony In which challenge the ten deputies and assistants in counsell are also touched and noted with corruption by whose advise the said peace was granted concluded Well of those ten there were some that stepped forth accused Cn. Manlius yet so far off was that accusation of theirs from being credited that it did not so much as hinder delay the very time of his triumph But beleeve me in Scipio his case the very conditions of peace savour strongly of briberie and indirect dealing for that they are advantageous respective and favorable on the part of Antiochus For his kingdome is left entire and whole unto him now that he is vanquished he possesseth as much as before the war began and Scipio having received from him a mightie masse of gold and silver hath brought nothing into the common treasurie but averted all from thence and converted it to his proper use Why was there not caried in pomp at the triumph of L. Scipio in the very sight of all men as much gold and silver as in ten triumphs before and put them all
have his funerall accompanied with the death at the same time of two most renowned and great personages Anniball poisoned himselfe by occasion that Prusias king of Bithynia unto whom hee was fled for succour after the defeature of king Antiochus would have yeelded him into the hands of the Romans who had sent of purpose T. Quintius Flamininus to demaund him Likewise Philopamen the Generall of the Achaens an excellent man was poisoned by the Messenians who tooke him prisoner in warre Colonies were sent to Pollentia Pisaurum Mutina and Parma Over and besides this booke containeth the prosperous affaires against the Celtiberians also the beginning cause of the Macedonian warre whereof the originall spring arcss from Philip much discontented that his kingdome was empaired by the Romanes in regard that he was forced by them to withdraw his garisons out of Thrace and other parts DVring the time that these affaires passed at Rome if this were the yeere wherein they happened both Consuls made warre against the Ligurians a nation borne as it were to maintaine the militarie discipline of the Romanes and to find them occupied in all times of respite and rest from greater warres neither was there any other province that gave a sharper edge to the valour of the soldior For Asia with the beautie of their cities the abundance of all commodities as well by sea as land the effeminate tendernesse of the enemies and the roialtie of the kings riches had made their armies more wealthie than valiant and especially under the government of Cneus Manlius nusled they were in much loosenesse and negligence And therupon it was that finding the way in Thrace a little more rough and difficult than ordinarie to travell in and an enemie better practised and exercised to deale withall they received a great foile and losse among them Now in Liguria they met with all thingsthat might rouse and awake sleepie souldiours the countrey rough and full of mountaines that much adoe they had themselves to seize the same and as great a labour they found to disseize the enemies that were before possessed of them the waies sleepie up-hill narrow and daungerous for ambushes the enemie light swift nimble and suddainely setting upon them giving no time of rest no place of repose and securitie Driven they were of necessitie to assault strong and fortified castles with great difficultie and daunger both the countrey poore and needie which caused the soldiors to spare and live hardly and affourded them no foison of preys and prizes and therefore no victualers scullions souldiors boyes and lackies followed the camp neither the labouring beasts for carriage tooke up a length their march nothing there but armour and men reposing all hope in their armes and nothing else And never wanted they some matter of quarrell and some occasion or other to make war for by reason of their barenesse and penurie they made rodes into the lands of their neighbors but so as they never ventured all at once nor put the main chance in hazard C. Flaminius the Consull having fought sundrie times with the Friniat Ligurians and in many battailes gotten the better hand over them even at home in their owne countrey brought the whole nation by composition under obedience and disarmed them but because in the deliverie of their armour they dealt not soundly and faithfully and should have beene chastised therfore they abandoned their villages and fled to the mountain Auginus whither the Consul pursued them hard at heeles howbeit being disbanded and scattered againe and most of them disarmed they fled into the valley through places where no wayes led and over broken and cragged steep rocks whereas the enemies could not possibly follow after and so passed the other side of Apennine But as many as kept still within their hold were beset round about and overthrowne Then were the legions led to the further side of Apenninus where the enemies for a small while defended themselves by the height of the place but an on they yeelded Then was their armour sought up with more care and diligence than before and they were disfurnished and stript out of all After this was the warre diverted and turned wholly upon the Apuan Ligurians who had so over-run the territories of Pisae and Bolonia that they could not be manured and tilled The Consull having subdued them also graunted peace unto the borderers and now that he had brought the province into quietnes and rest to the end that his souldiors should not be idle and doe nothing he made a causey or street-way from Bononia to Arretium The other Consull M. AEmylius set on fire the villages and wasted the lands of the Ligurians as well in the champaine fields as the valleys when the inhabitants themselves were retired into the two mountaines Balista and Suismontium which they held Afterwards hee assailed them also who had taken the hills aforesaid and first wearied them with lights skirmishes afterwards he forced them to descend into the plaine and there in a set battaile vanquished them in which conflict the vowed a temple to Diana Thus having subdued all on this side Apennine hee then set upon those that dwelt beyond the mountaine among whom were the Frisinat Ligurians so farre as to whome C. Flaminius went not all those AEmylius subdued despoiled them of their armour and forced the multitude of them to forsake the mountaines and come downe into the plaines After he had quieted the Ligurians he led his armie into the country of the Gauls and made an high way from Placentia to Ariminum so as it met with the causey Flaminia and in the last battell wherein hee fought with banners displayed against the Ligurians he vowed a temple to queene Iuno And these were the exploits for that yeere in Liguria M. Furius the Pretour in Gaule seeking in time of peace for some pretence and colour of warre had taken from the Cenomans their armour notwithstanding they were innocent and did no harme The Cenomanes made complaint hereof at Rome to the Senate and were put over to the Consull AEmylius unto whome the Senat had directed a commission of oier and determiner After great debate with the Pretor they overthrew him in the action and had their armour delivered unto them againe and so the Pretour was commaunded to give over his government and depart out of the province After this the Embassadours of the Latin nation who assembled and resorted in great number out of all parts of Latium had audience given them in the Senat. These complained that a great multitude of their own naturall citizens were removed and gon to inhabit in Rome and there were enrolled whereupon a commission was graunted to Q. Terentius Culleo the Pretour to make search for such and looke how many of them those Latine allies could proove to have been enrolled either themselves or their fathers in any citie or corporation of theirs either at the time that C. Claudius and M. Livius were Censors
them there were souldiours sent incontinently to be set and guard his house Anniball evermore forecast in mind some such issue and end of his life seeing the deadly and inexpiable hatred that the Romanes bare unto him reposing besides no confidence at all in the fidelitie of these kings and having withall some experience alreadie of the inconstancie and levitie of king Prusias Moreover hee had in horrour this comming of Flamininus as fatall unto him and a meane to worke his finall destruction To the end therefore hee might bee ever provided aforehand against those inconveniences and daungers wherewith on all sides hee was encombeted and have a readie way of evasion to save himselfe he had devised and caused to be made seven dores for egresse out of his house whereof some were very privie and secret vaults because they should not bee environned with guards But kings commaundements are of that force that whatsoever they would have to bee searched out and discovered cannot lie long hidden For the guards so compassed enclosed the whole circuit of the house that it was unpossible for any to get forth and make an escape Anniball being advertised that the kings souldiours were at the gate assaied to steale away at a postern which stood furthest out of the way and where of the conveiance was most secret but perceiving that the souldiours had be set it too and lay for to encounter and receive him that way and that every place was invested with a set guard he called for the poison which he had of long time before readie prepared for all such occurrent occasions and uttered these words withall Let us rid these Romanes of this their continuall feare and paine wherein they have been all this while since that they thinke it so long to stay for the death of one old man Flamininus shall obtain no great nor memorable victorie of me disarmed thus as I am and betraied into his hands But this very day shall prove and testifie how farre the people of Rome are degenerate and chaunged from their ancient manners Their forefathers qd he advertised king Pyrrhus their enemie armed in field lying with an hoast of men against them in Italie they gave him warning I say to take heed of poison but these living at this day have sent their embassadour even one that hath born the dignitie of a Consull to advise and counsell Prusias wickedly to take the life away of his owne guest Then after he had cursed the person of Prusias and his whole realme and called upon the gods protectors of the law of hospitalitie to beare witnesse how hee had violated his faith and broken promise with him he set the cup of poyson to his mouth and dranke it of This was the end of Anniball Polybius and Rutilius write that Scipio also died this yeere But I accord neither with them not with Valerius From them I square because I find that when M. Porcius and L. Valerius were Censours the same L. Valerius being Censor was elected President of the Senat wheras Affricanus had been President for ten yeeres space together during the time of two reviewes by Censours next before And so long as the said Affricanus lived there would have beene no other chosen President in his roume unlesse himselfe were to have beene cassed and deprived of the Senatours dignitie of which disgrace and note of infamie there is not one that maketh any mention And as for Valerius Antias hee is sufficiently refuted by M. Naevius a Tribune of the Commons against whom there is an Oration extant and the same penned by P. Affricanus and bearing his name This Naevius is recorded in the rols and registers of magistrates by the title of Tribune of the Commons in that yeere when P. Clodius and L. Porcius were Consuls but hee entred into his office during the Consulship of App. Claudius and M. Sempronius the tenth of December From which time to the fifteenth of March are three months upon which day Pab Clodius and L. Procius began their Consulship So it seemeth that he was living during the Tribuneship of Naevius and that he might well commense an action against him and call him to his answer but he departed this life before that L. Cato and M. Porcius were Censors But in my conceit the death of these three the most renowmed personages each one of their owne nation are not to be compared one with the other in this regard that they happened at just at one time more than for this that none of them at had an end correspondent and answerable to the portly state and glorious lustre of his life For first and for most in this they all jumped together that they neither died nor were enterred in their native countrey Againe Anniball and Philopaemen were both poysoned Anniball was banished and betraied by his owne friend and host Philopamen was taken prisoner and left his life in prison and yrons As for Scipio although hee was neither exiled not condemned yet making default of apparance at the day assigned nnto him and being cited to his answere in his absence willingly banished not himselfe onely for his life time but his corps and funerals also after his death Whiles those affaires passed in Peloponnesus from whence our pen hath a little diâ—â—ted and digressed the returne of Demetrius and the embassadors into Macedonie diversly wrought in mens minds amused them some in one thing some in another The common people of Macedonie who were mightily afraid that the Romanes would make warre upon them highly affected Demetrius and cast a favourable aspect upon him as the authour of peace and withall they destined him without all doubt to the kingdome after the decease of his father For albeit he were younger than his brother Perseus yet men thought and spake that hee was begotten in matrimonie by Philip of his lawfull wife whereas hee had Perseus by a concubine who caried no token and marke of a certaine father as having to his mother a woman that was nought of her bodie and common Whereas Demetrius resembled his father Philip and was as like him as might be Moreover men said That the Romanes would place and establish Demetrius in the ro iall throne of his father but Perseus was in no credit and reputation among them Thus folke stucke not to give out abrod in their common talke Whereupon not onely Perseus was in care and doubt that the preeminence of age onely would little boot and advauntage him considering in all respects els hee was inferiour to his brother but Philip also himselfe supposing verily that it would hardly lie in his power to leave the inheritance of the crowne to whom he pleased thought that his younger sonne was a mote in his eie and troubled him more than was for his ease Offended otherwhiles he was that the Macedonians resorted unto him so much as they did and highly displeased that there should be any more toiall courts than
fore he could not denie but the better pollicie it was to send an armie among these Barbarians peaceable though they seemed to be at this present because as yet they are not inured to government cannot well skill of being subjects But whither it be more expedient to employ new forces or the old it is for him to speake and set downe who upon his knowledge can say how loyally the Celtiberians will carrie themselves in time of peace and is withall assured that the souldiours will hold them content and keepe quiet if they bee detained any longer in the province But if a man may conjecture and give a guesse what they thinke in their heart eirlier by their grumbling words secretly one to another or their speeches uttered in the presence hearing of their Generall when hee maketh orations to them in publike audience I tell you truly they have cried out with open mouth that either they will keep their Generall with them in the province or home they will with him into Italie This debate betweene the Pretour the Lieutenant was interrupted and broken off by a new matter propounded before the Senate by the Consuls who thought it meet and reasonable that order should be taken for their owne furniture and setting forth with men money and munition to their provinces before any thing were spoken or treated of as touching the Pretor his armie So ordained it was that the Coss. should have their entire armie of new souldiours to wit ech of them two legions of Romane cittizens with their cavallerie together with the usuall and accustomed number at all other times of Latine allies namely 15000 foot and 800 horse And with this power they had in charge to make warre against the Ligurian Apuans As for P. Cornelius and M. Baebius they continued still in place of commaund and were willed to hold their provinces untill the Consuls were thither come Then they were commaunded to discharge the armie which they had and so to returne to Rome After this speech there was concerning the armie of Tib. Sempronius and the Consuls had warrant to enroll one new legion consisting of five thousand and two hundred foote and foure hundred horse over and besides one thousand footmen and fiftie horsemen of Romane cittizens Likewise the Latine nation was charged with a levie of seven thousand foot and three hundred horse With which armie it was thought good that Tib. Sempronius should go into the higher province of Spaine As for Q. Fulvius he was permitted to bring back with him if he thought well thereof all those souldiours as well Romanes as allies which had bene transported over into Spaine before the Consulship of Sp. Posthumius and Q. Martius more than that after a new supply was come the surplusage in two legions above ten thousand and foure hundred foot and sixe hundred horse and the over-deale of twelve thousa nd footmen of Latines and sixe hundred horsemen and namely those whose valorous service C. Furvius had tried and found in two battailes against the Celtiberians Moreover solemne processions and thanksgivings were by authoritie ordained for his happie managing of the affaires of the common weale and then the rest of the Pretours were sent into their provinces Q. Fabius Butio had his commission renewed to governe Gallia still Thus it was agreed in the Senate-house that there should be eight legions maintained and kept in pay that yeere over and above the old armie in Liguria which was in good hope shortly to bee dismissed Howbeit even these forces being no greater than they were hardly could be made full compleat by reason of the pestilence which now three yeeres had raigned dispeopled the cittie of Rome all Italie During which plague the Pretour Q. Minutius and not long after him the Consull C. Calpurnius died with many other brave and famous persons of ech degree and qualitie So as at length these men began to hold this depopulation calamitie for a prodigious token straunge wonder Wherupon C. Servilius the Arch-bishop was charged to search out means for to appease the wrath anger of the gods the Decemvirs likewise to peruse the bookes of Sibylia the Cos. also to vow certaine presents and oblations to Dan Apollo Aesculapius and Ladie Sulus and to set up their images garnished with gold which he vowed and erected accordingly The Decemvirs proclaimed supplications and praiers two daies together for the health of the people throughout the cittie and in all market townes and places of frequent resort and assembly All above twelve yeeres of age ware chaplets and garlands of floures upon their heads and bare braunches of lawrell in their hands whiles they were at their praiers and devotions Moreover there was crept into mens heads a suspici on that some devilish and wicked hand might bee the cause of all this Whereuon by an Act of the Senate a commission was graunted out unto C. Claudius the Pretour who was substituted and chosen in the roume of T. Minutius to make search and diligent inquisition after all confections of poison and the practisers thereof within the cittie and for the compasse of ten miles about it every way In like manner to C. Maenius for to sit in the enquirie thereof before he crossed over-sea into his province Sardinia in all the mart-townes and places of assembly which were more than ten miles off from Rome Of all others the Consull his death was most suspected For given out it was that Quarta Hostilia his wise had murdred him but when it was seene once that her owne sonne Q. Fulvius Flaccus was declared Consull in place of his father in law and mothers husband the death of Piso the Consull began to bee more infamous and suspicious a great deale than before And witnesses came forth readie to depose that after Albinus and Piso were pronounced Consuls in which election the said Flaccus was reâ—ected and suffered a repulse his mother reproched him therwith and laid it in his dish that this was the third time that he had sued for the Consulship gone without adding moreover and willing him to be readie to stand for it againe for that shee would worke and bring it about that within two moneths he should be Consull Among other testimonies and depositions making for the cause and tending to the same that speech of hers also taking effect too truly and so just within the time was thought sufficient to condemn Hostilia In the beginning of this spring whiles the levie of soldiors staied the new Consuls at Rome whiles the death of the one and the choosing of the other into his place caused all things there to goe more slowly forward in the meantime P. Cornelius and M. Baebius who had done nothing worthy of remembrance during their Consulship led their armies against the Ligurian Apuans These Ligurians who before the comming of the Consuls into the province looked for no warre were surprized at
enquirie into this matter yea and to proceed against them who had been the cheefetaines and counsellers to persuade them to passe over the Alpes This very yeer died Philip king of the Macedonians worn away to nothing partly for age and partly with griefe of hart after the death of his son Demetrius It fortuned that he kept his winter in Demetrias tormented with anguish of mind for the losse and misse of his sonne disquieted with remorse and repentance for his crueltie against him which stung and pricked his guiltie conscience Besides he saw his other sonne who now was the undoubted heire apparant of the crowne as well in his owne opinion as in the conceit of others how all men turned their eyes and courted to him He considered withall how his old age was despised and forlorne whiles some expected his death others did not so much as looke for it which was the greatest griefe and trouble of all other And togither with him there was Antigonus the son of Echecrates bearing the name of his unkle Antigonus by the fathers side who had been guardian to Philip. This Antigonus the elder had ben a man of princely port regall majestie renowned also for a brave conflict and noble battaile against Celomenes the Lacedaemonian And him the Greeks for distinction sake from other KK of that name surnamed Tutor His nephew or brothers sonne I say Antigonus of all the honourable friends that Philip had was the onely man that continued fast and firme unto him without all corruption But this his loyall fidelitie and truth caused Perseus to be no friend of his but rather the most mortall enemie that he had in the world This said Antigonus forecasting in his spirit in what daungerous tearmes he should stand when the inheritance of the kingdome were devolved upon Perseus waiting his first time and opportunitie when he perceived that the kings mind was troubled that now and then he fetched deepe sighes for sorrow that his sonne was dead one while would give eare onely to the kings words other whiles also would find some talk minister occasion to speak of the act so rashly unadvisedly committed Oftentimes he followed seconded him in his mones complaints and would be thought to lament with him for company And as Truth useth alwaies to give many signs tokens of her selfe comming to light he would enforce and helpe forward every small thing what he could to the end that all might the sooner be discovered and breake foorth The chiefe ministers and instruments of this vilanous fact were Apelles and Philocles who were the embassadours sent to Rome and had brought those pernicious letters under the name of Flamminus which wrought the death of Demetrius For commonly it was given out through all the kings court that those were falsified letters forged by his Secretarie and sealed with a counterfeit signer But the thing being rather deepely suspected than apparantly detected it chaunced that Antigonus upon a time met with Xychus and laying hold upon him arrested his bodie and brought him into the kings house and when he had left him in the safe custodie of certaine persons hee went himselfe directly to Philip. It should seeme to mee and if it please your grace quoth hee by many words which I have observed that you would spend a great deale to know the whole truth as touching your two sonnes and bee resolved whether of them twaine it was that laid wait to take away the life of the other Now the onely man of all other that can undoe the knot and cleare this doubt is in your hands forth comming and that is Xychus Herewith hee advised the king to call before him the said partie since that as it fel out he was alreadie brought into the court Sent for he was and presented before the king being asked the question he denied everything at the first but with such inconstancie as it appeared evidently that upon some little fear of torture offered unto him he would be readie to bewray all for at the very sight of the tormentour and the scourges he relented Then he disclosed shewed in order the whole proceeding maner of this wicked practice and villanie how it was wrought as well by the embassadors as also by his own selfe their minister Immediately there were some of purpose sent to apprehend the said embassadors And Philocles who was present in the way they surprised and took of a suddain as for Appeles who had ben sent to pursue one Chaereas being advertised how that Xychus had bewraied told all sailed over into Italie As concerning Philocles there is no certaintie knowne Some report that at the beginning hee denied the matter stoutly but after that Xychus was brought to his face and confronted him he stood no longer in it Others say againe that being put to torture he endured the paines and continued still in the deniall Philips sorrow and greete was by this meanes renued and redoubled reputing himselfe more unhappie in his sons and his miserie the greater in that one of them was now dead and gone Perseus being certified that all was discovered tooke himselfe for a greater and mightier person than to feare and thinke it needfull for him to flie upon it And therefore hee fought onely to keepe farre ynough out of the way purposing to stand upon his guard all the while that his father lived and avoid the flaming fire as it were of his burning choler Philip seeing that hee could not possibly come by his person for to execute justice thought upon that which onely remained to bee done and studied how Perseus besides impunitie should not bee recompensed and rewarded also for that his wickednesse Hee called therefore Antigonus before him unto whom hee was bounden and beholden alreadie for bringing to light the unnatural murder committed upon Demetrius his sonne and of whom he conceived this opinion in regard of the fresh and late glorie of his uncle Antigonus that the Macedonians should have no cause to be ashamed or repent if they had him for to bee their king And in this wise hee brake with him Since my unhappie fortune is such quoth he ó Antigonus that I ought contrarie to all other fathers to wish my selfe childlesse I have a mind and purpose to make over unto you that kingdome which I received at the hands of your unckle which hee preserved and kept yea and augmented for my behoose during the time of my nonage and wherein whiles I was under his guardianage he bare himselfe not onely valiant but also true and faithfull unto me No man I have but you whom I can esteeme worthie to wear the crowne and if I knew of none at all yet had I rather that both it and the realme perished and were extinct for ever than Perseus should enjoy it as the guerdon of his ungracious and divelish fact I shall imagine yet that Demetrius is risen from death to
life I shall thinke that I have the fruition of him againe if I may leave you in his place you I say the onely man of all others that wept for the death of the poore innocent young man and lamented for my unhappy error and unfortunate trespasse After this speech with Antigonus he never ceassed to entertaine and grace him in the face of the world with all kind of honour that hee could devise For seeing that Perseus was in Thrace Philip went in progresse to every citie of Macedonie and recommended Antigonus to all the princes and States thereof And without all doubt if God had given him longer life but a little hee would have enstalled him in full possession of the kingdome Well to returne againe unto Demetrias where hee wintered as before is said hee departed from thence and sojourned a long time in Thessalonica From thence after hee was come to Amphipolis he was surprised with a grievous maladie Howbeit certain it was and very apparant that he was more sicke in mind than bodie and that ever and anon the remembrance and object the apparition and ghost of his sonne whome he caused innocent as he was to be done to death followed and haunted him so continually with care and griefe that hee was out of all sleep and could not lay his eyes togither yea it drove him into raving cursing and execration of Perseus his other son and so he ended his daies But although Philip died somewhat with the soonest for Antigonus yet he would have gone very neer to have stept into his throne if either the kings death had immediately beene divulged abroad or that Antigonus had then been about the court that he might have had intelligence therof For Calligenes the kings Phisician who had the cure of him staied not until the breath was fully out of the kings bodie but so soon as he perceived that his state was desperat upon the first deadly signes that he observed sent messengers post to Perseus who were set of purpose in places convenient according as it was complotted between them twain but he concealed the kings death from all them that were not of the houshold untill he was come By which means Perseus surprised them all before they looked for him or knew abroad that the king was departed and thus he took the crowne upon him by policie which he had purchased with mischiefe The death of Philip sell out very wel to give some delay and respite and to gather more forces for the waging of war for the nation of the Bastarnae having ben a long time sollicited thereto departed out of their owne countrie and with a great power as well of foot as horse came on this side the river Ister Now there were arrived before to advertise the king hereof Antigonus and Cotto This Cotto was a noble man among the Bastarnians And Antigonus was full against his will joined in embassage sent with Cotto to raise the Bastarnians Howbeit not far from Amphipolis they met with news but very uncertain of the kings death which occurrence troubled the whole course of their designes For thus it was complotted that Philip should give the Bastarnae sale passage through Thrace and find them victuals to the effecting and performation wherof he had entertained the peeres and principall States of those quarters with presents and assured them upon his fidelitie that the Bastarnians should passe through their countrie peaceably without any harme doing Now his intent and full purpose was to extinguish utterly the nation of the Dardanians and to plant the Bastarnians in their countrie Hereby he aimed at a two fold commoditie the one was this that the Dardanians a people most malicious ever to the Macedonians and who alwaies in time of the troubles adversities of the kings took their vantage to annoy them might bee rooted out the other that the said Bastarnae leaving their wives and children in Dardania might be sent to wast and spoile Italie Now were they to passe to the Adriatick sea so to Italie by the way of the Scordiscians for other way there was none to lead an armie and soon would they thought he grant passage unto the Bastarnians for they differed not at all either in language or manners fashions more than that they were like enough to joyne wit h them in the expedition seeing they went to the conquest pillage of a most rich and wealthie nation These designements were accommodated fitted to what events soever should happen For in case the Bastarnians should happen to be defeated by the Romanes and put all to the sword yet this would bee a canfort againe that the Dardanians were consumed from the face of the earth that he should meet with a bootie of that which the Bastarnians left behind them and finally have the possession free and entire to himselfe of all Dardania But in case their fortune were to have the upper hand then whiles the Romans were averted from him amused upon the war with the Bastarnians he should be able to recover whatsoever he had lost in Greece These had ben the designs projected by K. Philip. So they entred peaceably marched without hostilitie under the word and promise of Cotto and Antigonus But shortly after that newes came of the death of Philip neither were the Thracians so tractable and easie to be dealth withall in commerce and traffike nor the Bastarnians could be content with that which they bought with their money or be kept in order as they marched but that they would breake their ranks and turne out of the direct way Here upon they began to do wrong injurie on both sides are one unto another which increasing daily more more to outrages kindled the fire of an open war In the end the Thracians not able to endure the violence and multitudes of these enemies leaving their villages in the plaines beneath retired to an exceeding high mountaine called Donuca To which place when the Bastarnians would have gone behold notwithstanding they approched to the tops and ridge of the hils they were surprised with a storme and tempest much like to that where with the Gaules as it is reported perished at what time as they were a spoiling and pilling the temple at Delphi For they were not onely drenched first with shoures of raine pouring upon them pelted afterwards with thicke stormes of haile stones strucken with great cracks of thunder and blasted with leames of lightning that dazzeled their eie-sight but also the lightning flashed so upon them on every side that it seemed they were charged and shot directly against their bodies so as not onely the common souldiers but also the principall leaders and chiefetaines themselves were smitten downe there with and overthrowne Wherupon when they were scattered and would have fled down the hill from the exceeding steep rocks they tumbled downe they knew not how with their heads forward And albeit the Thracians pursued them thus
his dessignes yea and much more affectionate than to king Eumenes notwithstanding that all the Sates of Greece and most of the principall personages were obliged unto Eumenes in fee as it were with him in regard of many courtesies and gracious favours received at his hands and that hee carried himselfe so in his owne realme that the citties which were subject unto him were not willing to change their condition with any of the free States whatsoever Whereas contrariwise the bruite went that Perseus after his fathers decease killed his wife with his owne hands and likewise secretly murdred Apelles whose ministrie and service in former time he had used in taking away the life of his brother Demetrius for which cause he lived in exile because Philip made search after him for to have him punished accordingly him I say he murdered after he had sent for him upon his fathers death and procured him to come unto him with great promises to recompence him highly for the execution of the foresaid fact Yet as infamous spotted as he was with these domesticall murders besides many other massacres of straungers abroad and for no good part and worthie desert otherwise commendable he was commonly more esteemed better regarded of the States of the countrie than king Enmenes a prince so kind and good to his kinsfolke so just and righteous to his subjects so bounteous and respective to all men whether it were that they possessed aforehand with the same and majestie of the Macedonian kings despised the rising of this new kingdome or that they were desirous of novelties and alterations or lastly that they wished and had a desire that he should make head against the Rumanes Now were not the Aetolians onely together by the eares among themselves by reason they were dived so deepe in debt but the Thessalians also and this pestilent maladie as it were by catching and infection was spread as farre as Perrhoebia But after that the Senat was advertised that the Thessalians had taken armes they sent App. Claudius as embassadour to see and appease those troubles who having rebuked and chastifed the chieftaines of both sides eased and stricken off a great part of the debt which grew burdensome and grievous by excesse usurie and that with consent of the most of the creditours who had thus overcharged their debtours hee parted the paiment of the due debt and principall by even portions for certaine yeeres The troblesom state of Perrhoebia likewise was reduced into good terms of quietnes by the self-same Appius and after the same order And at the very same instant Marcellus visited the Aetolians and tooke knowledge at Delphi of their troubles and garboiles which proceeded from very hostile hearts and minds enemielike and were pursued with civill war And when hee saw that they contended and strove avie to surpasse one another in rash courses and audacious hee would by his decree neither charge nor discharge the one partie more than the other but he requested them indifferently on both sides to absteine from warre to make an end of discord and dissention and burie all that was past in perpetuall oblivion Whereupon they were reconciled this their attonement was ratified with the assurance of pledges interchangeably given and accorded it was they should meete at Corinth there to bestow their hostages From Delphi and that generall diet of Aetolia Marcellus crossed the seas into Peloponnesus where he had appointed and published a solemne assembly and counsell of the Achaens Wherein hee highly praised and commended the whole nation for observing so stedfastly their old decree wherby they debarred and excluded the Macedonian kings out of their confines he declared evidently presented to the view of all the world what malice hatred the Romans bare to Perseus And that it might break out the sooner into open warres king Eumenes came to Rome and brought with him a note or abstract of all the preparations for the warre which with diligent search and enquire into particulars he had gathered Much about the same time the five Embassadours sent unto king Perseus for to see into the affaires of Macedonie were commaunded to take a voyage as farre as Alexandria for to renew the old amitie with king Ptolomaeus The names of them were these C. Valerius Cn. Lutatius Cerco I. Baebius Sulca M. Cornelius Mammula and M. Caecilius Denter And even then or not much after there came embassadours from king Antiochus and the chief principall person among them one Apolonius was admitted to come into the Senat where he excused the K. his maister for many good just reasons in that he had not sent his tribute and made paiment so soon as he ought by the day appointed but now he said that he had brought it all to the end that the king should be to them beholden for nothing but the respite of time only And besides that they were come with a present of certaine plate of gold weighing three hundred pound That the king his petition was That the societie and friendship which had bene contracted between his father and them might be renued also with him promising that if the people of Rome would impose anything upon him to be done which were meet to be laid upon a good and faithfull allie hee would not saile in his devoire to performe all offices whatsoever For why the Senate had so well deserved of him at what time as he sojourned in Rome and such courtesie he sound among the floure of the Romane young gentlemen that of all degrees and sorts of men he was reputed and used more like a king indeed than an hostage for the time These embassadours received a gracious answere and withall A. Attilius the Pretour of the cittie was enjoyned to renew the league with Antiochus which had bene concluded with his father As for the tribute the treasurers of the citie received it and the Censors tooke all the golden vessels aforesaid who had the charge to bestow the same in what temples they thought good Vnto the chiefe embassadour was sent a present in money amounting to the summe of one hundred thousand Asses who also was alowed an house to lodge in at his pleasure of free-cost and all his charges were defraied by the citie during the time that he made abode in Italie The embassadours who had bene in Syria gave this report of him That he was a man in great favour and highly honoured with the king and besides singularly well affected to the people of Rome Now concerning the affaires of the provinces for that yeere thus much as followeth C. Cicercius the Pretour fought in raunged battaile with the enemies in Corsica wherin seven thousand of the Ilanders were slaine and 1700 and better taken prisoners In that conflict the Pretour had vowed to build the chappell of Iuno Moneta After this was peace granted to the Corsians at their owne suit and seeking but they were compelled to pay two hundred thousand
some fruit and receive good of their bountie and prosperitie But surely at this time mee thinkes they ought to have sought sadly and in good earnest for their societie not so much for safetie and securitie against others for none they feared at all but only the Romans as to be rid of the suspition and jelousie which the Romanes had of them About the same time the Caunians also revolted from them and they of Mylassa tooke certaine townes of the Euromestians Now were the hearts of these Rhodians within the citie not so much broken or abated but they saw welynough that if the Romanes tooke from them Lycia and Caria all the rest would either by way of revolt put themselves in libertie and shake off the yoke of their subjection or els bee surprisedand seized by the neighbour nations bordering upon them and that then they should bee pent up and shut within the compasse of a small Isle and the stronds of a barren soile not able to nourish and maintaine the inhabitants of so great and populous a citie Therefore with all speed they dispatched and sent forth their youth not onely forced the Caunians notwithstanding they had joined unto them the aid of the Cybirates to their obeisance but also in battell neere Orthosia overcome the Mylasseans and Alabandians who having disseized the Euronensians of their province advaunced jointly with their united armies against them Whiles these affaires thus passed there whiles some occurrents fell out in Macedonie and others likewise at Rome L. Anicius having subdued king Gentius as is beforesaid and brought him under his owne hand placed a garrison in Scodra the king roiall seat and appointed Gâ—binius the captaine thereof but in Rhizon and Olcinia two commodious citties of good importance he ordained C. Licinius the governour Having thus made over the rule of Illyricum unto these twaine himselfe with the rest of the armie went into Epirus Where the towne Phanora was the first that yeelded unto him and the whole multitude of the people came forth to meet him with their infules in token of submission After he had put a garrison in this peece also he passed over into the countrey of Molossis where he received the surrender of all the townes thereof excepting Passaron Tegmon Phylacum and Horreum And then hee led his armie first against Passacon The principall men and rulers of that citie were Antinous and Theodotus men of marke and name as well for the favour they bare to Perseus as the hatred they caried to the Romanes the onely persons who had counselled and persuaded the whole nation to revolt from the Romanes These two having guiltie consciences within them for their private trespasse and being past all hope of finding any grace and pardon shut the gates of the cittie to the end that they might perish with the overthrow of all and bee overwhelmed with the totall ruine of their owne countrey and therewith they exhorted the multitude to preferre present death before servitude and slaverie No man durst once open his mouth to contradict these so great and mightie persons At length a certaine noble young gentleman named also Theodotus with whom the greater dread from the Romans abroad prevailed more and overcome the lesse feare of the rulers at home What aile yee may maisters quoth he and fellow citizens what rage and madnesse haunteth you to enwrap and interessed that whole citie in the fault and follie of these two persons Certes I have often heard of men that for their countrey have willingly lost their lives but to thinke it meet that their countrey should perish for them these are the first that ever were known Why rather open wee not our gates and submit ourselves to that empire into which the whole world besides is subject As he spake these words the multitude followed him toward the gates which when Antinous and Theodotus saw they made no more adoe but brake upon the first corps de guard of the enemies which they came unto exposing their bodies to the swords point were soone killed and the towne was yeelded into the hands of the Romanes Tegmon also upon the like wilfull obstinacie of prince Cephalo had shut their gates but after that he was slain the town was taken by surrender And neither Phylace nor Horreum would abide the assault Having thus quieted Epirus and bestowed his forces by garrisons in diverse commodious townes for the winter time he returned into Illyricum where hee held a generall assembly at Scodra to which hee had summoned the principall States of the whole nation and whether also there were arrived five delegates from Rome And there in this frequent and solemne session he pronounced from the Tribunall seat by the advise of the counsell assistant unto him That the Senat and people of Rome ordained the Illyrians to live free and enjoy libertie and that himselfe would withdraw the garrisons out of their towns fortresses and castles As for the Isseans Taulantians Tirustians in the Dassaretians countrey Rhizonites and Olcianates for that whiles Gentius his fortune stood upright they had raunged with the Romanes hee declared them not onely free but also exempt and priviledged from all tributes The Doarsians also for leaving Caravantius and passing with their armies to side with the Romans he endowed with the like immunitie They of Scodra Dassara and Selepita with the rest of the Illyrians were to pay the one moietie of the tribute which they had yeelded to the king After this he divided Illyricum into three cantons the one of them he made of those before named the second all the Labeates and the third of the Agravonites Rhezonites Olciniates and those that bound and border upon them Having set downe this order in Illyricum hee returned to Passaro a cittie in Epirus there to lie for the winter time Whiles these things happened in Illyricum Paulus before the comming of the ten Legates sent Q. Maximus his sonne who was now lately returned from Rome to the laccage of Aeginium and Agassae The quarrell against Agassae was for that they having delivered the towne once to Martius the Consull and therewith of their owne accord craved the alliance of the people of Rome revolted notwithstanding afterwards to Perseus As for the Aeginians they had committed a late and fresh trespasse for giving no credite to the same that was voiced of the Romans victorie they cruelly handled certaine Romane souldiours who were entred into their citie Moreover hee sent L. Posthuminius likewise to ransacke in hostile manner the cittie of the Aenians for that they had persisted in armes more stiffely than the other neighbour cities Now was it about that season of the yeere which men call Autumne in the beginning whereof so soone as he had determined to ride a circuite and visite all Greece round and to see those places whereof there went so great a name and which were more renowned by hearesay than known by fight of eie he left C.
leaguer Where after I had received the charge of the armie and altered some things which might greatly have hindered the victorie I marched forward for that the enemies campe was inexpugnable and the king could not be forced by any meanes to fight and piercing through his guards that kept the passage I went as farre as Petra so as by this meanes having perforce drawne the king to fight I vanquished him in plaine field and raunged battell Macedonie I subdued and brought it in subjection to the people of Rome Finally that warre which for foure yeeres together other Consuls before me so managed as each one left it ever to his successour worse than hee found it I archeeved and brought to a finall end in fifteene daies I followed then in this traine other prosperous affaires as the fruits ensuing of that victorie For all the cities of Macedonie yeelded unto me The kings treasure I seized upon the king in person as if the very gods themselves had delivered and put him into my hands I tooke prisoner with his sonnes in the temple of the Samothracians But then my heart misgave me and even then I suspected the surpassing and excessive favour of my good fortune then cast I doubts and began to feare the daungers at sea having so mightie a masse of the kings treasure to transport and my victorious armie to reconduct backe into Italie But seeing all things fall out to hearts desire a prosperous voiage a safe arrivall and whatsoever I could pray for at the gods hands this I wished in my heart as knowing full well the wonted manner of fortune when she is at the highest pitch to turne backe againe and come as fast downe that mine owne house rather than the Commonweale might feele that chaunge and alteration whensoever it came And therefore I hope that this so notable a calamitie of mine owne shall excuse the cittie for having any other misfortune since that my triumph as it were to checke and mocke the chaunges of this world hath fallen so just betweene the funerals of my two sons See how I and Perseus are represented above all others for two notable examples of the fraile and unstable condition of man Lo how he who being a prisoner himself saw his sonnes likewise led captives before his face hath them yet living found and safe and I who have triumphed over him came from the buriall of one of my sonnes to ride in my chariot up to the Capitoll from thence descended againe to find the other lying at point of death neither is there of al that fair issue that I had one left to bear the name of L. Paulus Aemylius For two of them the house of the Cornelij and the Fabij have unto whom I gave them in adoption as out of a great race and breed of children so as now in the familie of Paulus there is not one left but himselfe Howbeit for this calamitie and ruine of my house your felicitie and the happie estate of the citie is a great comfort and consolation againe These words delivered with such a magnanimitie troubled the spirits of the auditours and astonied them more than if hee had lamentably moned himselfe unto them with pitteous teares for his childlesse estate and desolate condition C. Octavius solemnised his navall triumph over king Perseus the first day of December in which solemnitie he neither had prisoners led in shew nor spoiles carried in pompe He gave to his marriners and sailers seventie and five Denarij apeece to every pilot double and to the shipmaisters four times as much After this the Senat assembled and the LL. ordained That Q. Cassius should lead king Perseus with his sonne Alexander together with his traine that accompanied him as also bring all his money and goods silver or what moveables and furniture soever he had to Alba there to be kept in sure custodie Bitis the kings son of Thrace with the hostages was sent to Carseoli there to lie in safe ward As for the rest of the captives who had ben led in triumph thought good it was they should be clapt up fast in prison Some few daies after these things there arrived embassadours from Cotys king of the Thracians bringing with them money for the raunsome of his sonne and the other hostages Into the Senat they were brought where by way of preamble they laid this for the ground of their speech That Cotys had not sided to king Perseus in the warre upon his owne motive and accord but was compelled to give hostages then they befought the LL. of the Senate to suffer them to bee redeemed at what price soever they would set downe were it never so high Vnto whome this answere was returned by authoritie of the Senate That the people of Rome bare well in mind the amitie which they had with Cotys with his progenitors and the whole nation of the Thracians As for the giving of the hostages it was rather an evidence to proove than an argument to excuse their trespasse and fault considering that when Perseus was quiet the Thracian nation stood in no feare and aw of him much lesse then when as he was troubled and occupied in war with the Romanes Howbeit although Cotys preferred the favour of Perseus before the friendship of the people of Rome yet they would consider of the matter and respect more his qualitie and what was meet for his estate than his desert and what he was worttie to have and therefore they would release his sonne and the hostages and send them home againe As for the people of Rome their manner is to bestow their favours and benefits freely without regard of recompence the woorth and estimation whereof they had rather leave to the consideration and minds of the receivers than require demand the same presently So there were embassadors nominated to reconduct the hostages into Thrace to wit T. Quintius Flaminius C. Licinius Nerva M. Caninius Rebilus And to those Thracian embassadours were given by way of presents 2000 asses apeece So Bitis with the rest of the hostages was sent for from Corseoli and with the forenamed embassadours returned againe to his father The kings ships taken from the Macedonians of an extraordinarie and monstrous bignes before time were landed upon Mars field and there laid up drie Whiles the late remembrance of the Macedonian triumph remained still not in the minds onely but as it were in the very eies of men L. Anicius triumphed over king Gentius and the Illyrians upon the very day of the feast Quirinalia It was generally thought that al things therin rather resembled some likenes in shew than otherwise countervailed in substance the former triumph The General himselfe Anicius was inferiour to Aemylius both in nobilitie and also in qualitie of person and setting together their places of commaund the one being but Pretour and the other Consull neither was Gentius equall to Perseus nor the Illyrians to the Macedonians Spoile for spoile
Macerinus is suppressed by Cassiodorus and Diodorus who also nameth the other L. Iulius In Dionysius certaine pages be wanting in this place Cuspinian his Kalender hath for Macerinus Macrinus 308 T. Quintius Capitolinus IIII. Agrippa Furius DIonysius and Livie both name the Coss. of this yeere T. Quintius Capitolinus the fourth time Agrippa Furius Diodorus and Cassiodorus conceale the surname and the numerall note of foure The Greeke records have Furius and Capitolinus Onuphrius unto Furius addeth the surnames of the grandsire to wit Medullinus Fusus 309 M. Genutius C. Curtius LIvie delivereth unto us for Coss. this yeere M. Genutius and P. Curiatius Cassiodorus likewise M. Genutius and P. Curiatius but Dionysius M. Genutius and C. Quintius and Diodorus hath M. Genetius and Agrippa Curtius Chilo But as Sigonius and after him Onuphrius have noted it is falsly read in Livie Curiatius for Curtius and that is prooved by the authoritie of Varro de lingua latina and therefore in the Sicilian registers written they are Genutius and Curtius 310 A. Sempronius Atratinus Militarie Tribunes in Consular authoritie upon whose resignation Consuls were chosen in their roume T. Claelius Militarie Tribunes in Consular authoritie upon whose resignation Consuls were chosen in their roume L. Atilius Militarie Tribunes in Consular authoritie upon whose resignation Consuls were chosen in their roume L. Papirius Mugilanus L. Sempronius Atratinus VVHen C. Canuleius as Tribune of the Commons had the former yeere published a second law That one of the Consuls should be created out of the Commons whereby the dignitie of the Patritii was empaired the nobles fearing least the said lawe would passe in deed maugre their heads drew to a point whereof C. Claudius made the first motion was the adviser That in stead of Consuls ther should be created militarie Tribunes three of the Patritii and as many of the Commons who beeing endued with Consull authoritie should governe the common-weale Also that when their yeeres government was expired the advise both of Senat and also of people should be once again required Whether they would have Consuls rather than Tribunes consular and looke which pleased them they should be created These points being resolved upon decreed three militarie Tribunes were created onely all Patritii and well ynough were the Commons content therewith because themselves were eligible capable of that dignitie Howbeit this regiment of their newly set up stood not firmely established For within 3 moneths after by a decree of the Augurs they resigned up their honourable place as if there had been some errour committed in their election and then T. Quintius Barbatus nominated Interreget created Consuls L. Papyrius Mugillanus and L. Sempronius Atratinus These Consuls are left out in the Sicilian registers Well saith Livie therefore that these Consuls are found neither in auncient annales and yeerly records nor yet in the Kalender of the magistrates But Cicero maketh mention of them in his epistle to Papyrius Paetus 311 M. Geganius Macerinus II. T. Quintius Capitolinus V. DIonysius and Cassiodorus avouch these for Consuls this yeer As for Dionysius he saith that they entred in the moneth of December Cassius concealeth both their surnames and Diodorus the one namely Capitolinus The Greeke records have Macrinus the second time and Capitolinus the fifth time Zonaras nameth them Macrinus Barbatus 312 M. Fabius Vibulanus Postumus Ebutius Cornicen LIvie saith that Consuls of this yeere were so named Dioldorus and Cassiodorus are silent in their surnames The Greeke records have Vibulanus and Helua Diodorus attributeth to Ebutius the surname of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but what manner of addition that might bee Sigonius knoweth not thinketh that it should be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 313 C. Furius Pacilus M. Papyrius Crassus THese Consuls by Livie and Cassiodorus are in this wise represented unto us But by Diodorus after this sort Q. Furius Fusus and Mantus Papirius Crassiu And by the Greek records thus Pacilus and Crassus 314 Proculus Geganius Maccrinus L. Menenius Lanatus LIvius and Cassiodorus deliver these Consuls thus fully named Proculus Geganius Macerinus and L. Menenius Lanatus Diodorus T. Menenius and Proculus Geganius Macrinus The Sicilian registers Macerinus and Lanaus 315 T. Quintius Capitolinus VI. Agrippa Menenius Lanatus BY Livie and Cassiodorus these were the Consuls for this yeer but after Diodorus T. Quintius and T. Menenius According to the Sicilian rolls Menenius and Capitolinus 316 Mam. Aemyltus Militarie Tribunes in Consuls authoritie L. Quintius son of Cincinnatus Militarie Tribunes in Consuls authoritie L. Iulius Militarie Tribunes in Consuls authoritie THe Tribunes of the Commons imported and prevailed that there should be an election holden for Tribunes militarie rather than Consuls making no doubt but in the chusing of sixe for so many now by law might be created some of the commoners by making profession that they would be revenged for the death of Melius would step into the place howbeit the Commons created no more than three Tribunes with Consular authoritie and among them L. Quintius the son of Cincinnatus In which election Mumerius Aemylius a right honourable man and of great worth was by their suffrages preferred before Quintius and Iulius they made the third In like manner Diodorus nameth three Tribunes militarie for this yeere but in this fort Manius Aemylius Mamercus C. Iulius and L. Quintius 317 M. Geganius Macerinus III. L. Sergius Fidenas WHen the Commons together with their Tribunes were quiet and carefully regarded the maine state of the Commonweale no question there was nor controversie but that Coss. were chosen to wit M. Geganius Macerinus the third time L. Sergius so saith Livius Cassidorus doth the same but that he setteth down the names of the Coss. onely in this wise M. Geganius the third time L. Sergius without surnames Diodorus likewise M. Geganius L. Sergius Cuspinians kalender and the Sicilian registers Macerinus and Fidenas For this Sergius was surnamed Fidenas as Livie reporteth by occasion of the warre which hee made against the Fidenates 318 M. Cornelius Maluginensis L. Papirius Crassus LIvie and Cassiodorus report these above-named for this yeere Consuls Diodorus nameth them L. Papirius and An. Cornelius Macerinus but doubtlesse not wihout errour as Sigonius supposeth for both in Cuspinians Kalendar and the rols of Sicilie we find Malugensis and Crassus 319 C. Iulius II. L. Virginius THese Consuls are found for this yeere in Livie and Cassiodorus but in Diodorus C. Iulius and Proculus Virginius Tricostus In Cuspinians Kalender and the Sicilian records Iulius and Virginius 320 C. Iulius III. or M. Manlius L. Virginius II. or Q. Sulpitius I Find in Licinius Macer that the same Coss. were chosen againe for the yeere following to wit Iulius the third time and Virginius the second Valerius Antias and Quin. Tubero alledge for this yeeres Consuls M. Manlius and Q. Sulpitius But in these so different records of theirs Tubero and Macer both professe to goe by the linnen
containeth the deeds of that emperor both by land and sea Directly there followeth the temple somtime of Saturne now S. Hadrians church The said temple was of great antiquitie Some report L. Largius for the builder therof others L. Tarquinius albeit more likely it is that Largius dedicated it Livie writeth that when A. Sempronius and M. Minutius were Consuls Numantius Plancus reedified it The treasurie of the people of Rome no writer denieth but that it was translated out of the Capitoll into this temple But why men in old time would have the treasure to be within Saturns temple there be divers opinions Some say because in Saturnes daies there was no theft committed for under him all things were common no covetous miser nor leawd person laid wait for his neighbour but all things were administred with righteousnes faith and love Cyprian alleageth this cause because Saturn was the first that in Italie ordained mony to be coined Moreover in this treasure-house were kept the publicke ordinances Also the bookes called Elephantini containing the five and thirtie tribes of the people of Rome Moreover all the books of the cities accounts also the ancient writings and records of the old Aerarium of the citie debts Furthermore the standerds and ensignes of war Over and besides whatsoever was by the Generals and captains after the conquest of provinces carried in triumph was thither brought Lastly whatsoever was expedient and profitable for the Commonweale to be reserved as lawes letters and other common registers of a citie The Censors likewise were put to take their oth in the temple of Saturne Betweene the church now of S. Hadrian and that which somtime was the temple of Castor Pollux stood in old time the worke-house wherein they coined money CHAP. XVII The golden Miliarium the bridge of Caligula the Rostra and the Curia MIliarium aureum stood in times past at the head of the Romane Forum under the temple of Saturne neere to the arch of Septimius A pillar it was so called wherein all the high waies of Italie were cut and engraven and there ended and from which the measures began and went on to every gate of all quarters Caligula brought a bridge of marble through the Romane Forum from the mount Palatine to the Capitoll A more stately and curious peece of work there never was throughout all the cittie for the bridge was sustained with fourscore mightie pillers of most white marble wherof at this day three are to be seene at the foot of the one hill and as many at the other in such manner as they were in times past by Caligula built for the bridge In the mids of the Forum over-against S. Hadrians church there standeth a piller which is verily thought to bee one of them that supported the brasen horse of Domitian gilded all over At the foot of this horse was the resemblance of Rhene a river in Germanie for that Domitian the emperour had triumphed over that province And this is the image which afterwards they called Marforius Of the beakeheads of the Antiate ships a pulpit was built in the Romane Forum by the Romans at the foot of the mount Palatine which temple they called Rostra that therein the acts of the Senate should bee made Now of this Rostra there were twaine the new at the bottome of the Palatine as is beforesaid and the old neere the Curia in the Comitium In this Rostra were lawes published causes pleaded and Orations made to the people On the same the manner was also to erect the Statues for most famous and noble men In the most conspicuous place of the Forum Romanum before Rostra upon a lion of stone was the portrait set of Faustulus the fosterfather of Romulus Remus For he whiles he was desirous to part the fray betweene Romulus and Remus the founders of the cittie was there slaine where afterwards they erected unto him his statue Behind the Rostra was the sepulchre also of Romulus Moreover before the Rostra stood the statue of Hercules clad in a coat after the Eleans habite with a grim and sterne countenance Three statues also of Sibylla in the same place The manner of the Romanes besides was to set up the heads of those that were put to death there to be seene Two Curiae or Counsell-honses at Rome there were one neere the Forum fast by the temple of Peace named Hostilia the other in the mount Coelius whereof we will speake hereafter CHAP. XVIII The lake Curtius the great sinke or towne ditch and the Doliola THe lake Curtius was in the midst of the Rom. Forum neer Domitian his horse This lake tooke that name of M. Curtius who to save the Commonweale willingly of his own accord cast himselfe headlong armed as hee was together with his horse into a chinke of the ground in the middest of the Romane Forum Some would have it so called of Metius Curtius a Sabine who through this lake escaped safe to his owne companie The vault or sinke called Cloaca Maxima was made by the commaundement of Tarquine for by reason that the hils were digged under and the citie stood hollow upon arches it received and carried away all the filth thereof At the temple of Iup. Stator devided it was into three conveighances or channels whereof two of them are now stopped up the third runneth with most cleere water by the lake Curtius under the Roman Forum along the foot of the mount Palatine into Velabrum and from thence in a sinke made of four square stone it dischargeth it selfe into Tyber In old time there were many such vaults those for publicke use But after the citie was woon by the Gaules burnt whiles every man made hast to rebuild his house where hee could meet first with a convenient place they tooke no heed to the streets as they were before so as neither the citie was devided as aforetime into quarters nor yet the sinkes which in times past went under the streets were marked where they lay but afterwards were conveighed under private mens houses whereby it came to passe that each house almost at this day hath a sinke or privie belonging to it Hereupon also it is that this authour whose epitome or abridgement we write hath not divided the regions of the cittie agreeable to the old wrirers But to the end that those things which he setteth down might be sooner understood and better remembred he hath parted it into those quarters as now it standeth and when hee sheweth in what part of the citie any place in times past was he declareth them in those coasts which at this day are known to the inhabitants But as at first these sinkes were common as I have said so there were appointed publicke overseers to looke unto them Neere the foresaid great sinke there was a place which of certaine barrels under the ground was called Doliola This place was reputed so holy that a man might not spit thereupon In
day there is to be seene no shew or token at all The other of Severus whereof there remaine still overagainst S. Gregories church three Zones or girdles as it were of curious worke for the beautie and statelinesse of the pillars worth the seeing and pleasant to behold Reared it was in the broad street called Appia and built by Severus himselfe That which now is left thereof leaneth out so as it seemeth ever and anone readie to fall CHAP. XVII The triumphant arch of Constantine the emperour THese triumphant arches were erected for them onely who having subdued whole provinces or conquered forraine nations and obtained brave and fortunate victories seemed worthie of triumph and thereupon they were called Triumphant arches Vpon these arches for the perpetuall and everlasting memoriall of acts atchieved were cut and engraven the portraitures of the very places where the warre was performed the resemblances of fabrickes and raunged battels if the service was on land and of ships if it were at sea Howbeit untill the time of the emperors no man raised any arches and in Plinies daies they began first to be built so as that of Titus is of all others most auncient For before their age only statues and trophees were set up But in processe of time following many of these arches were raised among which that of Constantine is to be seen above the rest at the corner of the mount Palatine neere the Theatre beautified with triumphall ornaments and remaineth at this day in a manner sound and whole without any hurt This arch Constantine erected for himselfe upon the victorie which he obtained over Maxentius at the bridge Milvius CHAP. XVIII Coelius the mount and Coeliolus THe mount Coelius in old time was named Querquetulanus for the number of okes there growing but afterwards it was so called of one Coelius Vibennus a duke of the Tuscane nation unto whō the Romans graunted a place in that mountaine to inhabit For when as the Tuscane people by reason of their multitude and the strong fenced places which they held were suspected cōmanded they were to remove into a street which of themselves was named Thuscus But such as were without suspition kept the hill Coeliolus or Coelicolus i. the little Coelius a place where sometime the goddesse Diana was worshipped and at this day there standeth the church consecrated to S. Evangelista the virgine This mountaine afterwards by Tiberius was named Augustus CHAP. XIX The temples of Faunus Venus and Cupid the court Hostilia the forraine campe the house of the Lateranes the pallace of Constantine and Casorianus the horseman statue of L. Verius VPon the ridge or side of the mount Coelius there standeth a round church now patronised by S. Stephen but hallowed and consecrated in times past to Faunus Faunus hee was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. for that hee foretold things to come by voice and not by signes The Albanes in old time inhabited that part of the hill where at this day the church stands of S. Marie Dominicke In the hill Coelius stood sometimes the temples of Venus and Cupid not farre from the gate Naevia where now is the church of the holy crosse in Hierusalem The court Hostilia was in two places of Rome the one in the common Forum hard by the temple of Peace where K. Hostilius first dwelt the other in that place where afterwards the church of Saint Iohn and Saint Paule was built A place there was in the mount Coelius called Castra Peregrina toward the Northeast and the Esquiliae where at this time the church of the foure crowned Saints is frequented The house of the Lateranes also was built upon the same mount at the pallace or stately hall of the Lateranes The pallace of Flavius Constantinus neere the house of the Lateranes stood between the gates Caelimontana and Gabiusa The pallace of Caesorianus was built at the gate Naevia and the church of S. Holy-crosse in Hierusalem In the street called Lateranensis stood the statue on horseback of L. Verius Some say it was made for M. Aurelius Antonius others for Septimius Severus CHAP. XX. Of the Amphitheatres and first of that of Statilius Taurus NOw it followeth to speake of the Amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus but before we write thereof it would bee breefely shewed what an Amphitheatre is Now this word Amphitheatrum commeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. of looking round about for two prospects joined in one make the forme of an hemisphere or halfe circle Some thinke that Titus devised the Amphitheatre first but some avow and prove that C. Caesar built the first that ever was in Mars field but by the authoritie of Suetonius it is proved that Statilius reared one Amphitheatre before Titus In these Amphitheatres were prises and rewards propounded to them that would fight with beasts Condemned persons likewise yeelded there to the eies of men a horrible and fearefull sight to behold for thither were those prisoners brought by the Lictours within that enclosure to wrestle and maintaine conflict with wild beasts Moreover the emperours before they tooke their journey to any war or expedition exhibited unto the people in these Amphitheatres shewes of sword-fencers at the sharpe for life and death to the end that the souldiours should be acquainted with fight and learne not to be affraid of weapons of wounds no nor of bloud shed nor to draw backe and avoid the perils of warre to come for the noveltie and strangenesse thereof A great part of Statilius his Amphitheatrum is yet to bee seene neere the wals at S. Crosses church in Hierusalem And at the same time hee built it when Augustus Caesar encouraged and exhorted the cittizens of Rome every man according to his abilitie to beautifie and adorne the citie CHAP. XXI The water conduits why they were devised by what meanes waters were conveighed into the citie to what purpose by whom first and how many THe citie of Rome in the beginning as hath beene said in the first booke was but narrow of compasse and contained within small bounds and the people for commoditie and store of water setled upon the river Tyber But as the citie daily more and more encreased necessarie it was that some should build them houses and habitation in one place some in another farther from the river whereupon distressed it was for want of water which was to be fetched so farre off and that with great paine and labour besides those places which had no current of running waters to wash away the filth and carie it into Tyber became by the noisome aire which was infected with their lothsome and stinking smels unholsome and subject many times to the pestilence Prince Nerva therefore the emperour undertook to redresse and remedie this mischiefe and others after him by his example devised by the wit and subtile invention of men conduit pipes to bring water into those parts of the citie which otherwise had none And this verily they did two
the Spâ—nish souldiours 405 a his vision ibidem f. passeth Iberus 406. b. transporteth his armie over the Rhosne 407. f. his oration to his souldiours 409. he composeth the discord of Allobroges at variance 410. k. approcheth the Alpes 411 c entreth into Italie 414. i. his oration to hisâ— souldiours before he encountred P. Scipio 417. c. promiseth them rewards and bound it with an oath 419. a. be discomfiteth the Romanes at Ticinus ibid. d Alexandria in Aegypt found 298 k Alexander the great companied with the Romans 323 a Alexander king of Epirus his unfortunate death 299 b Alexander king of Epirus arrived in Italie 282 b Alexander the great ibidem Alexander the Aetolians speech in the parley betweene Philip Quintius 850 h his words in the Diet of Corinth 867 a Alexander a polititian enterteined by Antiochus 898 l his oration ibid. a Alexander killeth Nabis 910. and seiseth Lacedemon ibid. murdered ibid. k Alexander the Acaernanian died of his hurt at Thermopyla 931 d Allia battaile 204 l Allensis dies 217 b AllutiusÌ„ honourably rewarded by Scipio 623 e Altinius offereth to betray Arpi 540 g his case debated in councell ibid. committed to prison and missed in Arpi ibid.k.his wife and children cruelly burnt quick by Anniball 540 m Ambition or suing for dignities restrained by a lawe 155 c de Ambitùlex 1073 b Ambracia the situation thereof 984.l valiantly defended against M. Fulvius the Romane Consull 985 c their stratageme against the pioners that undermined 986 m their complaints of M. Fulvius 1010 b Ambracia yeelded by composition 988 g Amilcar Annibals father died 394 b Amilcar the sonne of Gisgorendreth Melita to the Rom. 422 b Amilcar seizeth on Placentia and besiegeth Cremona 778.l slaine before Cremona 785 d Aminander recovereth the crowne againe of Athaniania 983 b.excuseth himselfe to the Romanes 984 b.invadeth Thessalonica 817 a Amulius usunpeth the kingdome of Alba,4 l.killed 5 e Ancilia 15 a.964 i Ancus Martius king of Rome 23 c Andronodorus seizeth insula part of Syracusa to his own use 523.b his oration to the people 324 i.he is chosen Pretor of Syracusa 254.l plotteth to be king 525 c slaine with Themistheus for treason ibidem e L. Anicius hath trumph graunted 1223 a L. Anicius triumpheth 1231 d Anniball disappointed of his cunning plots at Salapia 649 e.hee delivereth his speech to king Antiochus in counsell 922.i.his words to Antiochus 941.e.his saying for the losse of Tarentum 640.m his cunning practise by the Metapontines ibid.i hee victualleth Capua 556.h vanquished before Capua 587.d hee marcheth towards Rome 588.k.removeth from Rome 591 b.sweareth to be an enemie to Rome 394. â— sent into Spaine his vertues and vices 395 b c d e. forceth Carteia Hermandica Arbacula and subdueth the Carpetanes 396.g he besiegeth Saguntum 397 a wounded ibid. e.his pollicie and craftie devises at Trebia 424.g another of his stratagemes 438.h.his impositions upon the Romane prisoners at Cannae 664.i he is interteined at Capua 477.c.discomfited by Marcellus before Nola. 484.m wounded neere Placentia 426 h.be forceth Vicumme his cruelty there 426.i distressed for cold in Apenninus 426.k well enterteined by the Ligurians 427.d his apothegue of Fabius 451.c forelaid by the Gaules 431.c marcheth into Hetruria with great daunger 432.i.lost oneâ— of his eies 433.a his treacherie and falshood 435.f hee haÌ„getbsa guide for mistaking one word 440.h.his stratageme at Callicula 442.h he bringeth Fabius unto suspicion of treason 446.k.winneth Acerra 483.c besiegeth CasilinuÌ„ 486.g.he is repulsed from thence ib assaileth Cumes 499.e.his sharpe words to his souldiours before Nola. 505.b.discomfited there by Marcellus ibid.d.his rare gift of keeping his armies without mutinie 676.wounded before Locri. 774.l.his furious words wheÌ„ he was sent for out of Italie 754.h.he massacreth the Italians insanctuarie ibid.i he departeth out of Italie ibid.k.be and Scipioes enterview together his Oration to Scipio ibid.they embattaile their souldiours 763.b vanquished by Scipio 765.b his blunt usage of Gisgoin the Senat-house of Carthage 766.l complained of by the Carthaginians 849 â— he seeking to be popular at Carthage incurreth the malice of the no bles 850.g.h hee flieth secretly from Carthage into Africke 851.e enterteined at Tyrus ibid.commeth to Ephesus ibid.g enterteined by Antiochus 886.h his counsel to Antiochus is suspected of him he cleereth himself to him 899.b be drinketh poison and dieth 1056 i Annaria lex 1087 d L. Annius his speech in the Counsell of Latium 282.k his oration in the Sen. of Rome 283 c he contemneth the divine power and falleth downe the staires 284 g Antepilani 286 k Antiates live under Rom. government 328 l Antibyra woon by Valerius Levinus 1074 g Antigonus his lesson to his sonnes a faithful friend toking Philip. 1092 k Antiochus his fleet overthrowne at Myoncsus 962 b Antiochus sendeth P. Scipio his sonne unto him lying sicke 966 i he encampeth strongly neere Sypulum ibid.k his manner of embattailing against the Rom. 967.f vanquished and put to flight 970 g his embassage unto the Senat of Rome 978.m he sueth to Aemilius for peace 755.b sendeth embassadours to Prusias 958 m hercedifieth Lysimachia 846 k Antiochus sonne of Antiochus dieth 897 a Antiochus received at Lamia by the Aetolians 914 g. his speech to the Aetolians ibid. h. his embassadours glorious speech to the Achaeans in the counsel of Aegium 916 h.hee gathereth together the Macedonians bones slaine at Cynocephalae 923 a hee winneth Pharae and Scotusa 924.k.falleth in love with a maiden of Chalcis 925.c giveth himselfe to pleasure ibid surpriseth Medio by treason 926.i vanquished by Acilius Glabrio at Thermopyia 930.l.gapeth after the kingdome of Aegypt 1207.d.his embassadors courteously entertertained at Rome 1119 c Antiun woon 87 c 〈◊〉 besieged 177 b Colonie at Anxia 296 m 〈◊〉 908 â— Apollinar games and plaies 555.f.to be exhibited yeerely for ever 60â— d Apollonia besieged by Philip. 537 a Apollonides his speech to the Syracusians for maintenance of the Romane league 528 â— Appia Via 277 â— Appia via aqua Claudia 334 m Act of appealing to the people 49 b Appius Caecus his Censorship 334 m Appius 〈…〉 84 g Appius 〈…〉 raigned 85 b.died 91 d Appius Claudius 〈…〉 popular 109 f Appius Claudius his son 〈◊〉 to the commons 170h his 〈…〉 to Virginia 〈…〉 by Virginius â—â—5 f Appius Claudius killeth himselfe 128 g C. Appius slaine by the 〈◊〉 774 l Appius Claudius his oration against 〈…〉 245 d L. Apustius slaine by the Ligurians 954 g Aquilonia burnt 384 m Aquilae or Aeglerin the Romane armie 622 i Arae Maxinia reared 7 a Arches triumphant set up by 〈…〉 at Rome 840 g Archimedes 〈◊〉 killed 572 l Archimedes honoured by Marcellus after his death ibid. Arco his Oration in the counsell of Achaea for Perseus 1111 e Ardeates and Aricines at controversie about land 137 b Ardea made a colonie 147 b Areus and Alcibiades condemned to die in the Aechaean counsell 1046 g Argives expell the garison 877