not bee put 〈◊〉 make triall of them again he bâ— took himselfe to his sleights anâ— he knew so well to disguise his intention that the Orsins by thâ— mediation of Paul Orsini weâ— reconciled to him to whom thâ— Duke was no way wanting in aâ— manner of courtesies whereby to bring them into security gâ—ving them rich garments mony and horses till their owne simplicities led them all to Sinigallia into his hands These head being then pluck'd off and theiâ— partisans made his friends thâ— Duke had laid very good foundations to build his owne greatnesse on having in his power alâ— Romania with the Dutchy of Vrâ—in and gaind the hearts of those people by beginning to give them â—ome rellish of their well being And because this part is worthy to bee taken notice of and to be â—mitated by others I will not let it scape The Duke when he had taken Romania finding it had been under the hands of poor Lords who had rather pillag'd their subjects than chastis'd or amended them giving them more cause of discord than of peace and union so that the whole country was fraught with robberies quarrells and all other sorts of insolencies thought the best way to reduce them to termes of pacification and obedience to a Princely power was to give them some good government and therefore hee set over them one Remiro D' Orco a cruell hasty man to whom he gave an absolute power This man in a very short time setled peace and union amongst them with very great reputation Afterwards the Duke thought such excessive authority serv'd not so well to his purpose and doubting it would grow odious he erected a Civill Iudicature in the midst of the countrey where one excellent Iudge did precide and thither every City sent their Advocateâ— and because he knew the rigours past had bred some hatred against him to purge the mindes of those people and to gaine them wholly to himselfe he purpos'd to shew that if there was any cruelty used it proceeded not from any order of his but from the harsh disposition of his Officer Whereupon laying hold on him at this occasion hee causd his head to bee struck off one morning early in the market place at Cesena where hee was left upon a gibbet with a bloodie sword by his side the cruelty of which spectacle for a while satisfied and amaz'd those people But to returne from whence wee have digressd I say that the Duke finding himselfe very strong and in part out of doubt of the present dangers because hee was armd after his owne manner and had in some good measure suppressd those forces which because of their vicinity were able to annoy him hee wanted nothing else to goe on with his Conquest but the consideration of France for hee knew that the King who now though late was advisd of his errour would never suffer him and hereupon hee began to seeke after new allyances and to waver with France when the French came towards Naples against the Spaniards who then besiegd Gagetta and his designe was onely to be out of their danger which had been effected for him had Pope Alexander liv'd And thus were his businesses carried touching his present estate As for the future hee had reason to doubt least the new successor to the Papacy would not bee his friend and would indeavour to take that from him that Alexander had bestowd on him and hee thought to provide for this fowre wayes first by rooting out the races of all those Lords hee had dispoyled whereby to take those occasions from the Pope Secondly by gaining all the gentlemen of Rome whereby he might be able with those to keep the Pope iâ— some awe Thirdly to make the Colledge of Cardinals as much at his devotion as possibly might bee Fourthly by making of so large Conquests before the Popes death as that hee might be able of himselfe to withstand the first fury of his enemies Three of these fowre at Pope Alexanders death hee had effected and the fourth hee had neare brought to a point For of those Lords he had stripd hee put to death as many as hee could come at and very few scap'd him hee gaind him the Romane gentlemen and in the Colledge hee had made a great faction And touching his new Conquest hee had a designe to become Lord of Tuscany And he had possessed himselfe already of Perusia and Piombin and taken protection of Pisa and so soone as hee should have cast of his respect to France which now hee meant to hold no longer being the French were now driven out of the Kingdome of Naples by the Spanyards so that each of them was forc'd to buy his friendship at any termes he was then to leape into Pisa After this Lucca and Siena were presently to fall to him partly for envy to the Florentines and partly for feare The Florentines had no way to escape him all which had it succeeded with him as without question it had the very same yeere that Alexander dy'd he had mâ—de himselfe master of so great forces and such reputation that hee would have been able to have stood upon his own bottome without any dependance of fortune or resting upon others helps but only upon his own strength and valour But Alexander dy'd five yeeres after that hee had begun to draw forth his sword and left him settled only in the State of Romania with all his other designes in the ayre sick unto death between two very strong armies of his enemies and yet was there in this Duke such a spirit and courage and hee understood so well how men are to be gaind and how to be lost and so firme were the grounds hee had laid in a short time that had hee not had those armies upon his back or had hee been in health hee would have carried through his purpose in spight of all opposition and that the foundations hee grounded upon were good it appeard in that Romania held for him above a month and hee remaind secure in Rome though even at deaths doore and however the Baglioni Vitelli and Orsini came into Rome yet found they none would take their parts against him And this hee was able to have effected that if hee could not have made him Pope whom hee would he could have hindred him that hee would not should bee Pope But had hee been in health when Alexander dy'd every thing had gone easily with him and hee told mee on that day that Julius the second was created Pope that hee had fore-thought on all that which could happen in case his father chanc'd to dye and for every thing provided its remedy this onely excepted that hee foresaw not that hee himselfe should at the same time be brought unto deaths dore also Having then collected all the Dukes actions me thinks I could not well blame him but rather as I have here done set him as a patterne to be followd by all those who by fortune
and others armes have been exalted to an Empire For hee being of great courage and having lofty designes could not carry himselfe otherwise and the only obstacle of his purposâ— was the brevity of Alexanders life and his own sicknesse Whoever therefore deemes it necessary in his entrance into a new Principality to secure himselfe of his enemies and gaine him friends to overcome either by force or by cunning to make himselfe be belovd or feard of his people be follow'd and reverenc'd by his souldiers to root out those that can or owe thee any hurt to change the ancient orders with new wayes to bee severe and yet acceptable magnanimous and liberall to extinguish the unfaithfull souldiery and create new to maintaine to himselfe the amities of Kings and Princes so that they shall either with favour benefit thee or bee wary how to offend thee cannot find more fresh and lively examples than the actions of this man Hee deserves to bee found fault withall for the creation of Julius the second wherein an evill choice was made for him for as it is said not being able to make a Pope to his mind hee could have with-held any one from being Pope and should never have consented that any one of those Cardinals should have got the Papacy whom hee had ever done harme to or who having attaind the Pontificate were likely to be afraid of him because men ordinarily doe hurt either for feare or hatred Those whom hee had offended were among others hee who had the title of St. Peter ad Vincula Colonna St. George and Ascanius all the others that were in possibility of the Popedome were such as might have feard him rather except the Cardinall of Roan and the Spanyards these by reason of their alliance and obligation with him the other because of the power they had having the Kingdome of France on their party Wherefore the Duke above all things should have created a Spanyard Pope and in case hee could not have done that hee should have agreed that Roan should have been and not St. Peter ad Vincula And whoever beleeves that with great personages new benefits blot out the remembrance of old injuries is much deceiv'd The Duke therefore in this election was the cause of his own ruine at last Till wee come to this seaventh Chapter I find not any thing much blame-worthy unlesse it be one ground hee layes in the seconâ— Chapter whereupon hee buildâ— most of this Fabrick viz. Thaâ— Subjects must either be dallyed oâ— flatterd withall or quite crush Whereby our Author advises hiâ— Prince to support his authority with two Cardinall Vertues Dissimulation and Cruelty He considers not herein that the head is but a member of the body though the principall and the end of the parts is the good of the whole And here hee goes against himselfe in the twenty sixt Chapter of his Rep. l. 1. where hee blames Philip of Macedon for such courses terming them very cruell and against all Christian manner of living and that every man should refuse to be a King and desire rather to live a private life than to reigne so much to the ruine of mankind The life of Caesar Borgia which is here given as a paterne to new Princes wee shall find to have been nothing else but a cunning carriage of things so that he might thereby first deceive and inveigle and then suppresse all those that could oppose or hinder his ambition For if you runne over his life you shall see the Father Pope Alexander the sixt and him both imbarqued for his advancement wherein they ingag'd the Papall authority and reputation of Religion for faith and conscience these men never knew though they exacted it of others there was never promise made but it was only so farre kept as servd for advantage Liberalite was made use of Clemency and Cruelty all alike as they might serve to worke with their purposes All was sacrific'd to ambition no freindship could tye these men nor any religion and no marvell for ambition made them forget both God and man But see the end of all this cunning though this Caesar Borgia contrivd all his businesse so warily that our Author much commends him and hee had attaind neere the pitch of his hopes and had provided for each misadventure could befall him its remedy Policy shewd it selfe short sighted for hee foresaw not at the time of his Fathers death he himself should bee brought unto deaths doore also And me thinks this Example might have given occasion to our Author to confesse that surely there is a God that ruleth the earth And â—any times God cutts off those cunâ—ing and mighty men in the hight â—f their purposes when they think â—hey have neare surmounted all â—angers and difficulties To the â—â—tent that the living may know â—hat the most high ruleth in the Kingdome of men and giveth it to â—homsoever hee will and setteth â—p over it the basest of men Daâ—iel 4.17 CHAP. VIII Concerning those who by wicked meanes have attaind to a Principality BUt because a man becomes a Prince of a private man two wayes which cannot wholly be â—ttributed eyther to Fortune or Vertue I think not fit to let â—hem passe me howbeit the one of them may be more largely discoursed upon where the Reâ—ublicks are treated of These are when by some wicked and unlawfull meanes a man rises to the Principality or when a private person by the favour of his fellow Citizens becomes Prince of his countrey And speaking of the first manner it shall be made evident by two Examples the one ancient the other moderne without entring otherwise into the justice or merit of this part for I take it that these are sufficient for any body that is forc'd to follow them Agathocles the Sicilian not of a private man only but from a base and abject fortune got to be King of Siracusa This man borne but of a Potter continued alwayes a wicked life throughout all the degrees of his fortune neverthelesse he accompanied his lewdnesse with such a courage and resolution that applying himselfe to military affaires by the degrees thereof hee attaind to bee Praetour of Siracusa and being setled in that degree and having determind that he would become Prince and hold that by violence and without obligation to any other which by consent had been granted him and to this purpose having had some private intelligence touching his designe with Amilcar the Carthaginian who was imployd with his army in Sicily one morning gatherd the people together and the Senate of Siracusa as if he had somewhat to advise with them of matters belonging to the Common-wealth and upon a signe given caus'd his souldiers to kill all his Senatours and the richest of the people who being slaine he usurp'd the Prineipality of that City without any civill strife and however he was twice broken by the Carthaginians and at last besiegd was able not only to defend his own City but
disposing of that which belongs to others necessarily should use this liberality otherwise would his souldiers never follow him and of that which is neither thine nor thy subjects thou mayest well be a free giver as were Cyrus Caesar and Alexander for the spending of that which is anothers takes not away thy reputation but rather addes to it only the wasting of that which is thine owne hurts thee nor is there any thing consumes it selfe so much as liberality which whilst thou usest thou losest the meanes to make use of it and becom'st poore and abject or to avoyd this poverty an extortioner and hatefull person And among all those things which a Prince ought to beware of is to bee dispisd and odious to one and the other of which liberality brings thee Wherefore there is more discretion to hold the stile of Miserable which begets an infamy without hatred than to desire that of Liberall whereby to incurre the necessity of being thought an extortioner which procures an infamy with hatred CHAP. XVII Of Cruelty and Clemency and whether it is better to be belov'd or feard DEscending afterwards unto the other fore-alleadged qualities I say that every Prince should desire to be held pittifull and not cruell Neverthelesse ought hee beware that he ill uses not this pitty Caesar Borgia was accounted cruell yet had his cruelty redrest the disorders in Romania settled it in union and restord it to peace and fidelity which if it be well weighd we shall see was an act of more pitty than that of the people of Florence who to avoyd the terme of cruelty sufferd Pistoya to fall to destruction Wherefore a Prince ought not to regard the infamy of cruelty for to hold his subjects united and faithfull for by giving a very few proofes of himselfe the other way hee shall be held more pittifull than they who through their too much pitty suffer disorders to follow from whence arise murthers and rapines for these are wont to hurt an intire universality whereas the executions practisd by a Prince hurt only some particular And among all sorts of Princes it is impossible for a new Prince to avoyd the name of cruell because all new States are full of dangers Whereupon Virgil by the mouth of Dido excuses the inhumanity of her Kingdome saying Res dura Regni novitas me talia cogunt Moliri et latè â—nes custode tenere My hard plight and new State force me to guard My confines all about with watch and ward Neverthelesse ought he be judicious in his giving beleefe to any thing or moving himselfe thereat nor make his people extreamly affraid of him but proceed in a moderate way with wisdome and humanity that his too much confidence make him not unwary and his too much distrust intolerable From hence arises a dispute whether it is better to be belov'd or feard I answer a man would wish hee might bee the one and the other but because hardly can they subsist both together it is much safer to be feard than be lov'd being that one of the two must needs faile for touching men wee may say this in generall they are unthankfull unconstant dissemblers they avoyd dangers and are covetous of gaine and whilst thou doest them good they are wholly thine their blood their fortunes lives and children are at thy service as is said before when the danger is remote but when it approaches they revolt And that Prince who wholly relyes upon their words unfurnishd of all other preparations goes to wrack for the friendships that are gotten with rewards and not by the magnificence and worth of the mind are dearely bought indeed but they will neither keep long nor serve well in time of need and men doe lesse regard to offend one that is supported by love than by feare For love is held by a certainty of obligation which because men are mischeivous is broken upon any occasion of their owne profit But feare restrains with a dread of punishment which never forsaks a man Yet ought a Prince cause himselfe to be belovd in such a manner that if hee gaines not love he may avoyd hatred for it may well stand together that a man may bee feard and not hated which shall never faile if hee abstaine from his subjects goods and their wives and whensoever hee should be forc'd to proceed against any of their lives doe it when it is to be done upon a just cause and apparent conviction but above all things forbeare to lay his hands on other mens goods for men forget sooner the death of their father than the losse of their patrimony Moreover the occasions of taking from men their goods do never faile and alwayes hee that begins to live by rapine finds occasion to lay hold upon other mens goods but against mens lives they are seldomer found and sooner faile But when a Prince is abroad in the feild with his army and hath a multitude of souldiers under his government then is it necessary that he stands not much upon it though hee be termd cruell for unlesse hee be so hee shall never have his souldiers live in accord one with another nor ever well disposd to any brave peece of service Among Hannibals actions of mervaile this is reckond for one that having a very huge army gatherd out of severall nations and all led to serve in a strange countrey there was never any dissention neither amongst themselves nor against their Generall as well in their bad fortune as their good Which could not proceed from any thing else than from that barbarous cruelty of his which together with his exceeding many vertues renderd him to his souldiers both venerable and terrible without which to that effect his other vertues had servd him to little purpose and some writers though not of the best advised on one side admire these his worthy actions and on the other side condemne the principall causes thereof And that it is true that his other vertues would not have suffis'd him wee may consider in Scipio the rarest man not only in the dayes he liv'd but even in the memory of man from whom his army rebell'd in Spain which grew only upon his too much clemency which had given way to his souldiers to become more licentious that was well tolerable by military discipline for which hee was reprov'd by Fabius Maximus in the Senate who termd him the corrupter of the Romane souldiery The Locrensians having been destroyed by a Lieftenant of Scipio's were never reveng'd by him nor the insolence of that Lieftenant punisht all this arising from his easie nature so that one desiring to excuse him in the Senate said that there were many men knew better how to keep themselves from faults than to correct the faults of other men which disposition of his in time would have wrong'd Scipio's reputation glory had he therewith continu'd in his commands but living under the government of the Senate this quality of his
bottome and the channell more favorable for their passage against whom those whom Castruccio had sent under the banke made resistance who slightly armd with targets and darts in their hands with huge outcryes wounded them both in the face and brest insomuch that the horses affrighted both with the cryes and strokes would in no wise passe forwards but fell foule one upon another the fight between Castruccio's men and those that were already past was sharp and terrible and of each side there fell many and every one usd all his skill and strength to overcome his adversary Castruccio's men would force them back into the river the Florentines striv'd to put forwards to make place for others that being come forth of the water they might be able to stand to the fight to which obstinacy there was added the Captaines encouragements Castruccio put his men in mind that these were the same enemies which but a little while agoe they had beaten at Sarravalle The Florentines reproachd theirs that they being many should suffer a few to overcome them But Castruccio perceiving that the fight lasted and that his owne and his adversaries were well wearied and that on each side many were hurt and slaine hee sent out another band of five thousand Foot and when hee brought them up to the very back of his owne that fought hee gave order that they before should open and wheele about one on the right hand the other on the left and so retire which thing done gave roome to the Florentines to advance and gaine some ground But when once they came to handy blowes the fresh men with those that were tir'd they staid not long ere they forc'd them back into the river between the Horse of the one side and the other yet there was not much advantage whereupon Castruccio knowing his owne inferiour had given order to the leaders that they should only maintaine fight as hee that hop'd to overcome the Foot which done he might bee able with more ease to overcome the Horse which fell out as hee purposd for having seene the Foot forc'd back into the river hee sent the rest of his infantery against the enemies Horse who with lances and darts wounding them and the Cavalery also pressing them with greater fury put them to flight The Florentine Commanders seeing the difficulty that their Horse had to passe strove to make their Foot passe on that part beneath the river to fight with the flanke of Castruccio's troops But the channell being deep and all above already possest by his men all this prov'd vaine Whereupon the whole army was put to rout to Castruccio's great glory and honour and of so great a multitude there escap'd not a third Many Chieftaines were taken and Charles sonne of King Robert together with Michaelangelo Falconi and Taddeo of the Albizi Florentine Commissaries fled thence to Empoli The spoyle taken was great the slaughter exeeeding great as a man may imagine in such and so great a conflict for of the Florentine army 20231 and of Castruccio's part 1570 were left dead upon the place But Fortune being enemy to his glory when as she should have given him life took it from him and interrupted those designes which hee a long time before had purposd to put in effect neither could any thing but death hinder him Castruccio had toyld himselfe all that day in the battell when at the end thereof all weary and sweaty he stayd about the port of Fucechio to attend the souldiers as they should returne from the victory and in person receive and thank them and partly if peradventure any thing should arise from the enemyes that they had made head in any place hee might bee ready to give order thereto judgeing it the office of a good Commander to be the first to get a Horse-back and the last to light off Whereupon hee standing exposd to a wind which ordinarily about midday rises upon the Arno and uses to be pestiferous hee was all over chill'd Which thing not being made account of by him was the occasion of his death for the night following hee was taken with a dangerous feaver which continually augmenting and the sicknesse being judg'd mortall by all the Physitians and Castruccio perceiving of it calld Paul Guinigi and spake to him these words Had I beleev'd my sonne that Fortune would have cut off my course in the midst of the way to arrive unto that glory which I by my so many good successes had promisd my selfe I should have lesse wearied my selfe and to thee as I should have left a smaller estate so also fewer enemies and lesse envy for I would have been content with the dominion of Lucca and Pisa and never subdu'd the Pistoyeses nor with so many injuries provoked the Florentines but by making the one and the other of these people my freinds I should have led a life though not longer yet surely more quiet and to thee should I have left an estate though lesse without doubt more secure and firme but Fortune who will dispose of all humane affayres gave mee not so much judgement that I was able first to know it or so much time that I was able to overcome it Thou hast heard for many have told thee and I never denyd it to thee how I came into thy fathers house being yet a young lad and voyd of all those hopes which every generous spirit ought to conceive and how I was by him brought up and belov d by him as much as if I had been of his own blood whereupon under his government I became valourous and grew capable of that fortune in which thou hast and dost see mee and because at his death hee committed thee and all his fortunes to my fidelity I have brought thee up with that affection and increasd them with that fidelity that I was and am bound to And because not only whether that alone which was left thee by thy father but that also which my fortune and valour got were thine I never would marry to the end that the love of children should never take mee off from shewing in any part that thankfullnesse towards thy fathers blood which I thought I was oblig'd to shew I leave thee therefore a very faire State whereat I am much pleasd but for that I leave it thee weake and unsettled I am exceedingly grieved there remaines to thee the City of Lucca which will never be content to live under thy government Pisa is also thine wherein there are men naturally inconstant and full of treachery which however it bee divers times accustomed to serve yet will it alwayes disdaine to have a Lucchese for its Lord. Pistoya likewise is left to thee very little faithfull to thee because it is divided and by fresh injuries provok'd against our Family Thou hast the Florentines for thy neighbours and those offended and divers wayes injuryed by us and not extinguisht to whom the news of my death would be more welcome
them and the water there remaines but a very small distance and where they are most extended there is not above two miles distance The City of Sinigallia from the foot of these Mountaines is not much further than a bow-shot and from the Sea not above a mile distant along the side hereof runs a little river which washeth that part of the wals which is towards Fano looking towards the high way so that till it come neare unto Sinigallia it runs for a good part of the way along the Mountaines and being come neare up to the river that passes alongst by Sinigallia it turnes upon the left hand alongst the banke thereof So that running on for the space of a-bow-shot it reaches to a bridge which passes that river and stands in front with the gate that enters into Sinigallia not by a right line but athwart before the gate there is a bourg of houses with a broad place before them which the bank of the river shoulders upon one side So that the Vitelli Orsini having given order to attend the Duke and personally to honour him the better to give way to his men they retir'd their own into certaine Castles some six miles from Sinigallia and had left only Oliverotto in Sinigallia with his band which was some thousand Foot and a hundred and fifty Horse which were lodg'd in the bourg beforenam'd Things being thus orderd Duke Valentine came thence towards Sinigallia and when the first head of the Horse troops came up to the bridge they pass'd it not but making stand they turnd their horse the one part towards the river th' other to the open field and so left a way in the midst whereby the infantery pas'd which without stop enter'd the Towne Vitellozzo Paulo and the Duke of Gravina upon their mules accompanied with a few Horse went to meet the Duke and Vitellozzo disarmd having a cloake all lind with green being exceeding melancholy as presaging his own death neare at hand causd a certaine admiration of himselfe in all the valour of the man being well knowne and the fortune he had pas'd and it is said that when he left his souldiers to come to Sinigallia there to meet the Duke that hee did in a manner take his last leave of them to his Captaines he recommended his house and the welfare thereof and admonish'd his Nephews that they should not so much mind the great fortunes of their Family as the valour of their Ancestors These three then being come up to the Duke and done their obeissance were receivd by him with a cheerfull countenance and presently by those who had charge to looke to them taken between them But when the Duke saw that Oliverotto was wanting who had stay'd with his men at Sinigallia and attended before at the broad place by his lodging above the river to keep them in order and exercise them he wink'd upon Don Michael to whom the care of Oliveroâ—to was committed that hee should take such order that Oliverotto should not escape him Whereupon Don Michael rode before and being come to Oliverotto told him that now it was not a time to hold his men together out of their lodgings because then they would be taken from them by the Dukes Souldiers and therefore perswaded him to send them to their lodgings and go with him to meet the Duke which when Oliverotto had done the Duke came and having seen him calld him to whom Oliverotto having made reverence he joyn'd in troope with the rest and entred into Sinigallia where all dismounting at the Dukes lodging and enterd with him into a private chamber they were held prisoners to the Duke who presently got a horseback and commanded that Oliverotto and the Orsinies Souldiers should be all rifled Oliverotto's were all pillag'd by reason they were neare at hand those that belong'd to the Orsini and Vitelli being more remote having before heard of the ruine of their Masters had time to get together where calling to mind the valour and discipline of the Families of the Orsini and Vitelli joyntly all in one body in despight of the country and their enemies power they sav'd themselves But the Dukes Souldiers not satisfy'd with the pillage of Oliverotto's Souldiers began to sacke Sinigallia And had not the Duke by the death of many stopd their insolence they would utterly have sacke it But night being come all stirres quiet the Duke thought fit to put Vitellozzo and Oliverotto to death and having brought them together causd them to be strangled Where neither of them spake any thing worthy of their life past For Vitellozzo prayd that supplication should be made to the Pope to grant him a plenary Indulgence of all his sinnes Oliverotto much lamenting himselfe cast all the fault of the injuries against the Duke on Vitellozzo's back Paul and the Duke of Gravina were kept alive till the Duke had word that at Rome the Pope had laid hold on the Cardinall Orsino the Arch-bishop of Florence and Master James of the Holy Crosse After which news upon the 18 of January at the Castle of Pieve they also were strangled in the like manner FINIS The Table of the Chapters in the PRINCE Chap. 1. HOw many sorts of Principalities there are and how many wayes they are attaind to Pag. 1 Chap. 2. Of hereditary Principalities p. 2 Chap. 3. Of mixt Principalities p. 4 Chap. 4. Wherefore Darius his Kingdome taken by Alexander rebelled not against his Successours after Alexanders death p. 23 Chap. 5. In what manner Cities and Principalities are to bee governed which before they were conquerd lived under their owne laws p 30 Chap. 6. Of new Principalities that are conquerd by ones owne armes and valour p. 33 Chap. 7. Of new Principalities gotten by fortune and other mens forces p. 41 Chap. 8. Concerning those who by wicked meanes have attain'd to a Principality p. 61 Chap. 9. Of the Civill Principality p. 72 Chap. 10. In what manner the forces of all Principalities ought to be measured p. 80 Chap. 11. Concerning Ecclesiasticall Principalities p. 85 Chap. 12. How many sorts of Military dicipline there be and touching mercenary â—ouldiers p. 91 Chap. 13. Of Auxiliary Souldiers mixt and natives p. 102 Chap. 14. What belongs to the Prince touching military discipline p. 111 Chap. 15. Of those things in respect whereof men and especially Princes are prays'd or disprays'd p. 117 Chap. 16. Of Liberality Miserablenesse p. 122 Chap. 17. Of Cruelty and Clemency and whether it is better to be belov'd or fear'd p. 128 Chap. 18. In what manner Princes ought to keep their words p. 135 Chap. 19. That Princes should take a care not to incurre contempt or hatred p. 145 Chap. 20. Whether the Citadels and many other things which Princes make use of are profitable or dammageable p. 169 Chap. 21. How a Prince ought to behave himselfe to gaine reputation p. 179 Chap. 22. Touching Princes Secretaries p. 187 Chap. 23. That Flatterers are to be avoyded p. 191 Chap. 24. Wherefore the Princes of Italy have lost their â—tates p. 198 Chap. 25. How great power Fortune hath in humane affaires and what meanes there is to resist it p. 202 Chap. 26. An exhortation to free Italy from the Barbarians p. 212 The life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca p. 223 A Relation of the course taken by the Duke Valentine in the murdering of Vitellozzo Vitelli Oliverotto of Fermo Paul and the Duke of Gravita all of the Family of the Orsini p. 289 FINIS