celebrated and their monuments prouided and they themselues in their life time would lay charges vpon their children concerning the burying or translating of their bodies b Tobye in burying of the dead was acceptable vnto God as the Angell testifieth And the Lord himselfe being to arise againe on the third day commended the good worke of that c religious woman who powred the precious ointment vpon his head and body and did it to bury him And the d Gospell hath crowned them with eternall praise that tooke downe his body from the crosse and gaue it honest and honorable buriall But yet these authorities prooue not any sence to be in the dead carcases themselues but signifie that the prouidence of God extendeth euen vnto the very bodies of the dead for he is pleased with such good deedes and do buildvp the beliefe of the resurrection Where by the way wee may learne this profitable lesson how great the reward of almes-deeds done vnto the liuing may be e since this dutie fauour shewen but vnto the dead is not forgotten of God There are other propheticall places of the holy f Patriarkes concerning the intombing or the translation of their owne bodies But this is no place to handle them in and of this wee haue already spoken sufficiently but if the necessaries of mans life as meate and clothing though they bee wanting in great extremitie yet cannot subuert the good mans patience nor drawe him from goodnesse how much lesse power shall those things haue which are omitted in the burying of the dead to afflict the soules that are already at quiet in the secret receptacles of the righteous And therefore when as in that great ouerthrow of Rome and of other Cities the bodies of the Christians wanted these rights it was neitheir fault in the liuing that could not performe them nor hurt to the dead that could not feele them L. VIVES a ORnament The Platonists held onely the soule to bee man and the body to be but a case or couer vnto it or rather a prison But Augustine holdeth the surer opinion that the body is a part of the man b Toby Toby the 2. and 12. c The good worke of that religious meaning Mary Magdalen Math. 26. 10. 12. d Gospell Iohn the 19. 38. c. meant of Ioseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus e Since this a draught of colde water giuen in the name of the Lord shall not want reward Math. 10. 42. f Patriarches Iacob at his death charged his sonne Ioseph to carry his body vnto the Sepulcher of his elders and not to leaue it in Aegipt Genes 47. 29. 30. And Ioseph himselfe commanded his brethren that they should remember and tell their posteritie that when they went away into the land of promise they should carry his bones thether with them Genesis the last Chapter and 25. verse Of the captiuitie of the Saints and that therein they neuer wanted spirituall comfort CHAP. 13. I But many Christians say they were lead into captiuitie This indeed had been a lamentable case if they had been lead vnto some place where they could not possibly haue found their God But for comforts in captiuity the scriptures haue store The a three children were in bondage so was Daniel so were b others of the Prophets but they neuer wanted God their comforter No more did he here abandon his faithfull being vnder the command of barbarous men who forsooke not his c Prophet beeing euen in the bellie of a beast This now they with whom wee are to deale had rather scorne then beleeue yet of that fable in their owne bookes they are fully perswaded namely that that same excellent harper d Arion of Methymna beeing cast ouer boord was taken vp on a Dolphins back and so borne safe to land Is our history of Ionas more incredible then this yes because it is more e admirable and it is more admirable because more powerfull L. VIVES THe a Three children Dâ—… 1. 6. Ananias Azarias and Misael together with Daeniell himselfe were prisoners in Babilon vnder Nabuchadnczzar b Others of the Prophets As Ieremy Ezechiel and others c Prophet Meaning Ionas who was three daies in the Whales belly a figure of Christ our Sauiours resurrection from death to life d Arion The tale of Arion and the Dolphin is common amongst authors Herodotus was the first that wrote it Musar lib. 1. After him Ouid in his Fastorum and Pliny lib. 9. Gellius lib. 16. Aelian in his booke de animalibus and others Arion was a harper in Nethyniâ—… a towne of Lesbos in the time of the seauen Sages of Greece for Periander loued him dearely Some say he first inuented the Tragicke verse and the Chorus and sung in Dithyrambiques This Arion returning out of Italy with great wealth and perceiuing the saylers conspiring his destruction for his money intreated them to take all he had and saue his life which when he could not obtaine hee begged leaue but to play a little vpon his harpe to comfort himselfe therewith against death and vnto the sound of his instrument they say their gathered diuers Dolphins together and Arion being skild in the nature of this fish with his harpe and all as he was leaped out of the shippe vpon one of their backes who carried him safe and sound vnto Taenarus where yet is seene the Image of a Dolphin swiming with a man vpon his backe Pliny prooues by many examples that the Dolphin is a louer of man e Admirable To be kept so long in the Whales guts Of Marcus Regulus who was a famous example to animate all men to the enduring of volâ—…ntary captiuity for their religion which notwithstanding was vnprofitable vnto him by reason of his Paganisme CHAP. 14. YEt for all this our enemies haue one worthy exmaple proposed by one of their most famous men for yâ— willing toleration of bondagein the cause of religion a Marcus Attilius Regulus general of the Romanes forces was prisoner at Carthage Now the Carthaginians being more desirous to exchange their prisoners then to keepe them sent Regulus with their Embassadors to Rome to treat vpon this exchange hauing first sworne him that in case he effected not what they desired he should returne as captiue vnto Carthage so he went vnto Rome and hauing a day of audience granted him hee perswaded the direct contrary vnto his ambassage because he held it was not profitable for the Romans to exchange their prisoners Nor after this perswasiue speach did the Romaines compell him to returne vnto his enemies but willingly did he go backe againe for sauing of his oth But his cruell foes put him to death with horrible and exquisite torments for shutting him b in a narrow barrell strucken all full of sharpe nayles and so forcing him to stand vpright being not able to leane to any side without extreame paines they killed him euen with ouerwatching him This vertue in him is worthy of euerlasting praise being
intemperate through extremity of cold also the further parts of Ister to Scithia and the hether parts towards Thracia Where the Towne Tomus is famous by the banishment of OVID who often writeth that he liued amongst the Getes They also inhabited the Mediterranean parts towards Germanie and the spring head of the Riuer Ister STRABO writeth in his seauenth book that in former time they were named DACI and DAVI when those nearer vnto Pontus were named GETES by the Greeks and that both those people spake one kinde of language Although PLINIE intimateth vnto vs that there was no other difference betweene this people but that the Greekes named them Getes whome the Romaines called Daci But wee will follow STRABO in this place The Getes sayth hee are a barbarous and sauage nation strong and of a stout minde contemning death because they are perswaded that the soules doe returne againe as MELA writeth or if they doe not returne yet that they are not vttterly extinguished and that they remoue into better places But if neither happen yet that death is better than life It is reported that in later times the Getes were named Ostrogothes and the Daci called Visigothes after their countrey names because these bordered more toward the West and the other more toward the East But oftentimes these names are attributed as well to the one as to the other without any difference both by the olde and new writers They report that this nation when the Romaines did flourish most made an inuasion into a Prouince of the people of Rome in the warre of MITHRIDATES whome LVCVLLVS beeing Generall and managing the military affaires in Asia with a great armie expelled out of Misia After that they departed out of their owne countrey boundes with Baerebista their Captaine after hee had accustomed them to labour and millitary discipline and that they brought many Nations vnder the yoke of subiection And that hauing passed ouer the riuer Isther with a great armie they wasted and spoyled Thracia Macedonia Illiryum farre into the countries putting the Romaines in great feare of them And that while the Romaines were making ready their forces to goe out against them BaeREBISTA their Captaine dyed AVGVSTVS sent forth almost tenne Legions against them and so wasted and diminished their forces that hee brought them from two hundred thousand to forty thousand and sped so well against them that he had almost subiugated the whole Nation to the Romaine Empire But a few yeares after they entring into the boundes of the Romaines slew OPPIVS SABINVS and his armie who had borne the office of a Consull yet CORNELIVS FVSCVS DOMITIAN being Emperour after many bickerings at last repressed their fury TRAIANVS the Emperor warred often against them whereby he gotte him-selfe greate glory and renowne ANTONIVS CARACALLA plagued them grieuously oportunity seruing his turne when they neither dreamed nor suspected any such matter Also in the daies of GORDIANVS they spread them-selues often into the bounds of the Romains But GORDIANVS the younger compelled them with little labour to depart out of their Prouince with great losse Now this stout and mutinous people discontented with the limits of their owne abode many times hunted after oportunity to inuade the possessions of other nations Therefore PHILIPPVS VOSTRENSIS being Emperor who first of the Romaine Princes professed Christian religion More then three hundred thousand of them making a great slaughter and spoyle entred forciblie into Thracia and Mysia adioyning neaerest vnto them DECIVS was sent to driue them away who had such bad lucke in his attempts that hee gaue ouer before he obtained his purpose which thing he closely smothered succeeding PHILIPPVS in his gouernment Afterward GALLVS the father and VOLVSIANVS his son concluded a peace with them vpon conditions vnprofitable vnto them-selues which the Gothes kept not very long bearing them-selues bolde vpon the slothfulnesse and idlenesse of GALIENVS the Prince and assayled not only to make an attempt against Thracia and Mysia but also against Asia Minor They wasted and spoiled Bythinia and returning 〈◊〉 Europe they made great spoyle and wast in Thrasia and Macedonia and when they were making towards Achaia MAâ—…RINVS incountred them discomfited them aâ—… put them to flight pursuing them so hard at the heeles that hee draue them into their owne boundes But they did not stay long there although now departing out of their bounds they were to deale with a most valiant Prince who had bone no lesse fortunate than he was valorous if he had liued longer in his Princely gouernment CLAVDI S was the man which partly destroyed and partly tooke CCC thousand of them Which is an argument that the number of this people were almost infinite For not many yeares after they rose vp in armes against AVRELIAVS possessing the Empire and were vanquished at the first encounter at Danubius 〈◊〉 COTANTINVS made such a slaughter of them that at last he inforced them to be at quiet for many yeres For the condit on of their fight was such that they did neither conquer without great harme done to 〈◊〉 enemies nor were ouercome without much hurt done to them-selues And these things were acted by the Gothes while they had proper places of their owne to inhabite Now in the raigne of Prince VALENS the Hunns which are likewise Scythians them-selues yet more cruell barbarous and rude in the affaires of humane Commerce remaining neare the Riphaean mountaines enclosed betweene Tanais and the people named Massagetae chased the Gothes by force out of the region which they did inhabite And although this region be not very commodious for the vse of men by reason of the extreme coldnes yet the Hunns did esteeme it to bee more wholesome and pleasant than all the rest being a people bred and brought vp in a soile seldome warmed with the beames of the sun Now the Gothes driuen out of their country houses and dwelling places hauing bene accustomed before time to inuade the bounds of other Nations were now in such a narrow streight that they must either valiantly lose their liues or remaine within the possessions of strangers hauing none of their owne There are some that affirme that those Getes which we said were named Ostrogothes came into the territories of the people of Rome but that the Visigothes dismayed and amated with the aduerse fortune of their associats aduised them-selues to shift their dwelling dreading to abide the like tempest that the Ostrogothes had suffered the forces of the Hunns ouerflowing al like the swelling Sea spoiling and destroying the neighbouring countries round about This matter induced the Visigothes to dispatch Ambassadors with spee dy expedition to VALENS the Romame Emperor who in the name of the whole Nation humbly intreated that he would grant them the countrey of Mysia which is on this side the Riuer Danubius for their habitation and dwelling â—…arnestly pretesting and vowing in the behalfe of all their Countrey-men that they would all receiue the
Manichees VVherefore setting aside these dotages when we read this precept Thou shalt not kill If wee hold it not to bee meant of fruites or trees because they are not sensitiue nor of vnreasonable creatures either going flying swimming or creeping because they haue no society with vs in reason which God the Creator hath not made common both to them and vs and therefore by his iust ordinance their deaths and liues are both most seruiceable and vse-full vnto vs then it followes necessarily that thou shalt not kil is meant only ofmen Thou shalt not kill namely Neither thy self or another For he that kils him-selfe kils no other but a man L. VIVES TO haue a sence Aristotle saith that plants are animate and liuing creatures but yet not sensitiue But Plato being of Empedocles his opinion holds them both liuing and sensitiue Either may be they may die because they do liue howsoeuer Of some sort of killing men which notwithstanding are no murthers CHAP. 20. Indeed the authority of the law diuine hath sette downe some exceptions wherein it is lawfull to kill a man But excepting those whome God commaundes to bee slayne either by his expresse law or by some particular commaund vnto any person by any temporall occasion and hee committeth not homicide that owes his seruice vnto him that commaundeth him beeing but as the sword is a helpe to him that vseth it And therefore those men do not breake the commandement which forbiddeth killing who doe make warre by the authority of a Gods commaund or beeing in some place of publike magistracie do putte to death malefactors according to their lawes that is according to the rule of iustice and reason Abraham was not onely freed from beeing blamed as a murtherer but he was also commended as a godly man in that hee would haue killed his sonne Isaack not in wickednesse but in obedience And it is a doubtfull question whether it bee to bee held as a command from God that b Iepthe killed his daughter that met him in his returne seeing that he had vowed to sacrifice the first liuing thing that came out of his house to meete him when hee returned conqueror from the warres c Nor could Sampson be excused pulling downe the house vpon him-selfe and his enemies but that the spirit within him which wrought miracles by him did prompt him vnto this act Those therfore beeing excepted which either the iustice of the law or the fountaine of all iustice Gods particular commaund would haue killed he that killeth either himself or any other incurreth the guilt of a homicide L. VIVES AVthority a of Gods command As the Iewes did they waged warres but it was by Gods expresse command But if they were counted godly that to please God though against natural humanitie afflicted his enemies with war and slaughter truly then cannot we butbe held the most vngodly of the world that butcher vp so many thousand Christians against the expresse will of God b Iepthe Iudges the 11. Chapt. Verse 31. Whose fact was like that which the Tragedians write of Agamemnon who sacrificed his daughter Iphigenia vnto Diana at Aulis Many reproue this sacrifice of Iephte for his vowe was to bee interpreted as ment of those things which were accustomed to be offred with Gods good pleasure and so was that of Agamemnons to haue bene construed also c Nor could Sampson Iudges the 16. chapter and the 30. verse That voluntary death can neuer be any signe of magnanimity or greatnes of spirit CHAP 21. WHo soeuer haue committed this homicide vppon them-selues may perhaps bee commended of some for their greatnesse of spirit but neuer for their soundnesse of iudgement But indeed if you looke a little deeper into the matter it cannot bee rightly termed magnanimitie when a man beeing vnable to indure either casuall miseries or others oppressions to auoid them destroyeth him-selfe For that minde discouereth it selfe to bee of the greatest infirmitie that can neither indure hard bondage in his bodie or the fond opinion of the vulgar and worthily is that spirit entitled great that can rather indure calamities then auoyde them And in respect of their owne purity and inlightned conscience can sette at naught the triuiall censures of mortall men a which are most commonly enclowded in a mist of ignorance and errour If wee shall thinke it a part of magnanimity to putte a mans selfe to death then is b Cleombrotus most worthie of this magnanimous title who hauing read Platoes booke of the immortality of the soule cast himself headlong from the toppe of a wall and so leauing this life went vnto another which hee beleeued was better For neither calamity nor guiltinesse either true or false vrged him to avoide it by destroying himselfe but his great spirit alone was sufficient to make him catch at his death and breake all the pleasing fetters of this life Which deed notwithstanding that it was rather great then good Plato himselfe whom he read might haue assured him who be sure would haue done it or taught it himselfe if he had not discerned by the same instinct whereby he discerned the soules eternity that this was at no hand to bee practised but rather vtterly c prohibited L. VIVES VVHich a Are indeed The ancient wise men were euer wont to call the people the great Maister of Error b Cleombrotus This was the Ambraciot who hauing read Plato's dialogue called Phaedo of the immortality of the soule that hee might leaue this life which is but as a death and passe vnto immortality threw himselfe ouer a wall into the sea without any other cause in the world Of him did Callimachus make an epigrame in Greeke and in Latine I haue seene it thus Vita vale muro praeceps delapsus ab alto Dixisti moriens Ambraciota puer Nullum in morte malum credens sed scripta Platonis Non ita erant animo percipienda tuo When Cleombrotus from the turret threw Himselfe to death he cried new life adue Holding death hurtlesse But graue Plato's sense He should haue read with no such reference There was also another Cleombrotus King of Lacedaemon whom Epaminondas the Thebane ouercame c Rather vtterly prohibited For in the beginning of his Phaedo hee saith it is wickednesse for a man to kill himselfe and that God is angred at such a fact like the maister of a family when any of his slaues haue killed themselues and in many other places he saith that without Gods command no man ought to leaue this life For here we are all as in a set front of battell euery one placed as God our Emperor and Generall pleaseth to appoint vs and greater is his punishment that forsaketh his life then his that forsaketh his colours Of Cato who killed himselfe being not able to endure Caesars victory CHAP. 22. BVt many haue killed themselues for feare to fal into the hands of their foes We dispute not here de facto whether
Whether the Church haue any sufficient testimonies that the diuine will aduised it to honor these persons memories I cannot tell it may be that it hath For what if they did not this through mortall feare but through heauenly instinct not in error but in obedience as wee must not beleeue but that Sampson did And if God command and this command be cleerely and doubtlesly discerned to bee his who dares call this obedience into question Who dare callumniate the dutie of holy loue But euery one that shall resolue to sacrifice his sonne vnto God shall not bee cleared of guilt in such a resolution because Abraham was praised for it For the souldier that in his order and obeysance to his gouernour vnder whom hee fighteth lawfully killeth a man the citty neuermakes him guilty of homicid nay it makes him guilty offalshood and contempt if hee doe not labour in all that hee can to doe it But if hee had killed the man of his owne voluntary pleasure then had hee beene guilty of shedding humaine bloud And so hee is punished for doing of that vnbidden for the not doing of which beeing bidde hee should also haue beene punished If this be thus at the generalls command then why not at the creators He therefore that heareth it sayd Thou shalt not kil thy selfe must kil himself if he commaunde him whom wee may no way gainesay Onely hee is to marke whether this diuine commaund bee not involued in any vncertainety By b the eare wee doe make coniecture of the conscience but our iudgement cannot penetrate into the secrets of hearts No man knowes the things of a man but the spirit of a man which is in him This we say this we affirme this wee vniuersally approoue that no man ought to procure his owne death for feare of temporall miseries because in doing this hee falleth into eternall Neither may hee doe it to avoide the sinnes of others for in this hee maketh himselfe guilty of a deadly guilt whome others wickednesse could not make guilty nor for his owne sinnes past for which hee had more neede to wish for life that hee might repent himselfe of them nor for any desire of a better life to bee hoped for after death Because such as are guiltie of the losse of their owne life neuer enioye any better life after their death L. VIVES BVt there were a some holy women Ambrose lib. 3. de virginibus writeth that Pelagia with his mother sisters cast themselues headlong into a riuer for feare to be rauished of the soldiers that pursued them and yet the Church saith he hath placed her amongst the number of the martires And Sophronia likewise who killed her selfe to auoide the lust of Maxentius Caesar as Eusebins recordeth in his Ecclesiasticall history b by the eare Wee iudge by appearances of what is within for our eye cannot perce into the secrets of man Whether we ought to flie sinne with voluntary death CHAP. 26. THere is one reason of this proposition as yet to handle which seemes to proue it commodious for a man to suffer a voluntary death namely least either alluring pleasures or tormenting paines should enforce him to sinne afterwards Which reason if we will giue scope vnto it will run out so farre that one would thinke that men should bee exhorted to this voluntary butchery euen then when by the fount of regeneration they are purified from all their sinnes For then is the time to beware of all sinnes to come when all that is past is pardoned And if voluntary death doe this why is it not fittest then Why doth hee that is newly baptized forbeare his owne throat Why doth he thrust his head freed againe into all these imminent dangers of this life seeing he may so easilie avoide them all by his death and it is written Hee that louâ—…th daunger shall fall therein Why then doth he loue those innumerable daungers or if hee doe not loue them why vndertakes hee them Is any man so fondly peruerse and so great a contemner of truth that if hee thinke one should kill himselfe to eschue the violence of one oppressor least it draw him vnto sinne will neuerthelesse aâ—…ouch that one should liue still and endure this whole world at all times full of all temptations both such as may bee expected from one oppressor and thousands besides without which no man doth nor can liue What is the reason then why wee doe spend so much time in our exhortations endeuouring to animate a those whom wee haue baptized b either vnto virginity or chaste widowhood or honest and honorable marriage seeing wee haue both farre shorter and farre better waies to abandon all contagion and daunger of sinne namely in perswading euery one presently after that remission of his sinnes which hee hath newly obtained in baptisme to betake him presently to a speedy death and so send him presently away vnto GOD both fresh and faire If any man thinke that this is fitte to bee perswaded I say not hee dotes but I say hee is plaine madde with what face can he say vnto a man kill thy selfe least vnto thy small sinnes thou adde a greater by liuing in slauery vnto a barbarous vnchaste maister how can hee but with guilty shame say vnto a man kill thy selfe now that thy sinnes are forgiuen thee least thou fall into the like againe or worse by liuing in this world so fraught with manifold temptation so aluring with vncleane delights so furious with bloudy sacrileges so hate-full c with errors and terrors it is a shame and a sinne to say the one and therefore is it so likewise to doe the other For d if there were any reason of iust force to authorize this fact it must needes bee that which is fore-alledged But it is not that therefore there is none Loath not your liues then you faithfull of Christ though the foe hath made haâ—…ock of your chastities You haue a great and true consolation if your conscience beare you faithfull witnesse that you neuer consented vnto their sinnes who were suffred to commit such outrages vpon you L. VIVES THose a whom we haue baptized Least any man should mistake this place vnderstand that in times of old no man was brought vnto baptisme but he was of sufficient yeares to know what that misticall water meant and to require his baptisme yea and that sundry times Which we see resembled in our baptising of infants unto this day For the infant is asked be it borne on that day or a day before whether it wil be baptized Thrise is this question propounded vnto it vnto which the God-fathers answere it will I heare that in some Citties of Italy they doe for the most part obserue the ancient custome as yet This I haue related onely to explane the meaning of Augustine more fullie b Either to virginity He toucheth the three estates of such as liue well in the Church c With so
many errors and terrors Of the seauenth chance d For if there were any reason A fit kinde of argument by repugnance which taking away the adiunct takes the subiect away also Tully mentions it in his Topikes How it was a iudgement of God that the enemie was permitted to excercise his lust vpon the Christian bodies CHAP. 27. IF you aske me now why these outrages were thus permitted I answere the prouidence of the creator gouernor of the world is high and his iudgements are vnsearchable a and his waies past finding out But aske your owne hearts sincerely whether you haue boasted in this good of continency and chastity or no whether you haue not affected humane commendations for it and so thereby haue enuied it in others I doe not accuse you of that whereof I am ignorant nor doe I know what answere your hearts will returne you vnto this question But if they answere affirmatiuely and say you haue done so then wonder not at all b that you haue now lost that whereby you did but seeke and c reioyce to please the eyes of mortall men and that you lost not that which could not bee shewed vnto men If you consented not vnto the others luxury your soules had the helpe of Gods grace to keepe them from losse and likewise felt the disgrace of humane glory to deterre them from the loue of it But your faint hearts are comforted on both sides on this side being approoued and on that side chastised iustified on this and reformed on the other But their hearts that giue them answere that they neuer gloried in the guift of virginity viduall chastity or continence in marriage but d sorting themselues with the meanest did e with a reuerend feare reioyce in this guift of God nor euer repined at the like excellence of sanctity and purity in others but neglecting the ayre of humane fame which alwaies is wont to accrew according to the rarity of the vertue that deserues it did wish rather to haue their number multiplied then by reason of their fewnesse to become more eminent Let not those that are such if the Barbarians Iust haue seized vpon some of them f alledge that this is meerely permitted nor let them thinke that God neglecteth these things because he some-times permitteth that which no man euer committeth vnpunished for some as weights of sinne and euill desires are let downe by a prâ—…sent and secret iudgement and some are reserued to that publique and vniuersall last iudgement And perhaps those who knew themselues vnguâ—…e and that neuer had their hearts puffed vppe with the good of this chastity and yet had their bodies thus abused by the enemie had notwithstanding some infirmity lurking within them which g if they had escaped this humiliation by the warres fury might haue increased vnto a fastidious pride Wherefore h as some were taken away by death least wickednesse should alter their vnderstandings so these here were forced to forgoe i some-thing least excesse of prosperitie should haue depraued their vertuous modestie And therefore from neither sort either of those that were proud in that their bodies were pure from all vncleane touch of others or that might haue growne proud if they had escaped the rape done by their foes from neither of these is their chastitie taken away but vnto them both is humilitie perwaded The vaine-glory which is k immanent in the one and imminent ouer the other was excluded in them both Though this is not to bee ouer-passed with silence that some that endured these violences might perhaps thinke that continencie is but a bodily good remaining as long as the body remaines vntouched but that it is not soly placed in the strength of the grace-assisted will which sanctifies both body and soule nor that it is a good that cannot be lost against ones will which error this affliction brought them to vnderstand for it they consider with what conscience they honor God and do with an vnmooued faith beleeue this of him that hee will not nay cannot any way forsake such as thus and thus do serue him and inuocate his name and do not doubt of the great acceptation which he vouchsafeth vnto chastitie Then must they neede perceiue that it followes necessarily that he would neuer suffer this to fall vpon his Saints if that by this meanes they should be despoiled of that sanctimonie which hee so much affecteth in them and infuseth into them L. VIVES ANd a his wayes the vulgar Rom. 12. 35. reades inuestigabiles for the direct contrarie minimè inuestigabiles Inuestigabilis is that which is found inuestigando with searching out But the wayes of the Lord cannot be found out by humaine vnderstanding The Greeke is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imperuestigabiles vnsearchable b That you lost that that you lost your fame and faire report and yet lost not your chastitie c Reioyced to please that is louingly desired d But sorting themselues with the meanest Rom. 12. 16. Bee not high minded but make your selues equall with them of the lower sort 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the originall verbally translated humilibus abducti e With reuerend feare Psalm 2. 11. Serue the Lord with feare or reioyce with trembling f Alledge we interprete not causari as the Philosophers doe in the Schooles in causa esse to be the cause but causam proferre to alledge as cause as Uirgill doth saying Causando nostros in longum ducis amores With allegations thou prolongs our loues g If they had escaped this humiliation Augustine here vseth humilitas for humiliatio I thinke which is a deiecting of a man by some calamitie Vnlesse that some will reade it thus Which if they had escaped the humility of this warres furie might haue blowne them vp into fastidious pride h As some were taken away The wordes are in the fourth of the booke of Wisdome the eleuenth verse and are spoken of Henoch but they are not here to bee vnderstood as spoken of him for hee was taken vp in his life vnto the Lord but of others who after their death were taken vp to God for the same cause that Henoch was before his death i Some thing what that something was modest shame prohibiteth to speake k Immanent in the one not as the Grammarians take it namely for vncontinuing or transitorie but immanens quasi intùs manens inherent ingrafted or staying within Augustine vseth it for to expresse the figure of Agnomination or Paranamasia which is in the two words immanent imminent which figure he vseth in many other places What the seruants of Christ may answer the Inâ—…dels when they vpbrayde them with Christs not deliuering them in their afflictions from the furie of their enemies furie CHAP. 28. VVHerefore all the seruants of the great and true God haue a comfort that 's firme and fixed not placed vpon fraile foundations of momentary and transitorie things and so they passe this temporall life in such manner as they
and there are Mimikes which are called otherwise Plaine-feete plani-pedes wearing neither shooes nor buskins but comming bare-foote vpon the Stage The Satyres notwithstanding and the Miâ—…kes are both included vnder the Comedie And some say so is the Tragedie too But the Tragedie discourseth of lamentable fortunes extreame affects and horrible villanies but farre from turpitude The Comedie treates of the Knaueries and trickes of loue being brought into it by Menander to please the Macedonians that stood affected to such passages The Satyre containeth the looser Faunes and Siluanes whose rusticall iestes delighted much and sometimes they would lament But as they were vâ—…lceanely and slouenly goddes so were their speeches often times foule and dishonest to heare But the Mimikes forbore no beastlinesse but vsed extreeme licentiousnesse And yet these were more tollerable then other things which were acted in the sollemnities of Bacchus which for their incredible filthinesse were expelled out of Italie by a decree of the Senate Also in the Saturnalia and Floralia which twoo feastes were celebrated by common strumpets and the most raskally sort of all men The actors of the Floralia though they reuerenced not their owne goddesse yet when Cato came they reuerenced him and would not act them in his presence What the Komaines opinion was touching the restraint of the liberty of Poesie which the Greekes by the counsaile of their Goades would not haue restrained at all CHAP. 9. WHat the Romaines held concerning this point a Cicero recordeth in his bookes which he wrote of the Common wealth where Scipio is brought in saying thus If that the priutledge of an old custome had not allowed them Comedies could neuer haue giuen such proofes of their vâ—…esse vpon Theaters And some of the ancient Greekes pretended a conuenince in their vicious opinion and made it a law that c the Comedian might speake what he would of any man by his name Wherfore as Africanus saith well in the same booke Whom did not the Poet touch nay whom did he not vexe whom spared he perhaphs so saith one he quipt a sort of wicked seditious vulgar fellowes as d Cleo e Clytophon and f Hyperbolus to that we assent quoth hee againe though it were fitter for such falts to bee taxed by the g Censor then by a Poet but it was no more decent that h Pericles should bee snuffed at hauing so many yeares gouerned the Citty so well both in warre and peace then it were for i our Plautus or Naeuius to deride k Publius or Cneius Scipio or for l Caecilius to mocke m Marcus Cato And againe a little after Our twelue Tables quoth hee hauing decreed the obseruation but of a very few things n vpon paine of death yet thought it good to establish this for one of that few that none should o write or acte any verse derogatory from the good name of any man or preiudiciall vnto manners Excellently well for our liues ought not to bee the obiects for Poets to play vpon but for lawfull magistracy and throughly informed iustice to iudge vpon nor is it fit that men should here them-selues reproached but in such places as they may answere and defend their owne cause in Thus much out of Cicero in his fourth booke of The Common wealth which I thought good to rehearse word for word onely I was forced to leaue out some-what and some-what to transpose it for the easier vnderstanding For it giues great light vnto the proposition which I if so be I can must prooue and make apparant Hee proceedeth further in this discourse and in the end concludeth thus that the ancient Romanes vtterly disliked that any man should be either praised or dispraised vpon the stage But as I said before the Greekes in this though they vsed lesse modesty yet they followed more conuenience seeing they saw their gods so well to approue of the represented disgraces not onely of men but euen of themselues when they came vpon the stage whether the plaies were fictions of Poetry or true histories of their deeds and I wish their worshippers had held them onely worth the laughing at and not worth imitation for it were too much pride in a Prince to seeke to haue his owne fame preserued when hee sees his gods before him set theirs at six and seauen For where as it is said in their defence that these tales of their gods were not true but merely poeticall inuentions and false fictions why this doth make it more abhominable if you respect the purity of your religion and if you obserue the malice of the diuil what cuÌ„ninger or more deceitful fetch can there be For when an honest worthy ruler of a contry is slandered is not the slaÌ„der so much more wicked impardonable as this parties life that is slandered is clearer and sounder from touch of any such matter what punishment then can be sufficient for those that offer their gods such foule and impious iniury L. VIVES CIcero a recordeth in his If of all the ancient monuments of learning which are either wholy perished or yet vnpublished if I should desire any one extant it should bee Cicero his sixe bookes de Republica For I doubt not but the worke is admirable and gesse but by the fragments which are extant I doe heare that there are some that haue these bookes but they keepe them as charily as golde apples but vntill they come forth to light let vs make vse of the coniectures recorded in other places of Cicero his workes b where Scipio The Cornelian family amongst other sur-names got vp that of Scipio from one of their bloud that was as a staffe Scipionis Vicè to his kinde and sickly Father Of this family were many famous men of whom wee meane to speake some-what in their due places This whom Tully brings in speaking in his worke De Republica was sonne vnto L. Aemilius Paulus that conquered Perseus King of Macedon Scipio the sonne of the greater Scipio African adopted him for his sonne and so he was called Aemilianus of the stock of whence he was discended He razed Carthage and Numance c The Comedian this was the olde Comedy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of this we said before that the citizens for feare of being brought vpon the stage would either begin to liue well if so they intended or at least forbeare to bee seene do euill Socrates said it was meete to expose ones selfe freely to the Comick Pen for if they write true of our vices they are a meane to reforme vs if they write false it concernes not vs. Yet euen Socrates himselfe that innocent hurtlesse man was mocked by Aristophanes in his Nebulae a knauish comedie set forth onely to that end And this was one of the greatest proofes that the Poets of this Old kinde of Comedy at that time had mercenarie Pens and followed peruerse and maleuolent affects c Cleon hee was a Lether-seller a seditious
we leaue single as wanting m meanes of the bargaine chiefly some beeing widowes as Populonia Fulgura and Rumina nor wonder if these want sutors But this rable of base gods forged by inueterate superstition wee will adore saith hee rather for lawes sake then for religions or any other respect So that neither law nor custome gaue induction to those things either as gratefull to the gods or vse-full vnto men But this man whom the Philosophers as n free yet beeing a great o Senator of Rome worshipped that hee disauowed professed that hee condemned and adored that hee accused because his philosophy had taught him this great matter not to bee superstitious in the world but for law and customes sake to imitate those things in the Temple but not acte them in the Theater so much the more damnably because that which he counterfeited he did it so that the p people thought hee had not counterfeited But the plaier rather delighted them with sport then wronged them with deceite L. VIVES APostles a times It may bee the proofes are the Epistles that are dispersed vnder the name of him to Paul and Paul vnto him but I thinke there was no such matter But sure it is that he liued in Nero's time and was Consull then and that Peter and Paul suffred martirdome about the same time For they and hee left this life both within two yeares it may be both in one yeare when Silius Nerua and Atticus Vestinus were Consulls b Booke against superstitions These and other workes of his are lost one of matrimony quoted by Hierome against Iouinian of timely death Lactant of earth-quakes mentioned by himselfe These and other losses of old authors Andrew Straneo my countriman in his notes vpon Seneca deploreth a tast of which he sent me in his Epistle that vnited vs in friendship He is one highly learned and honest as highly furthering good studies with all his power himselfe and fauoring all good enterprises in others c Strato Son to Archelaus of Lanpsacus who was called the Phisicall because it was his most delightfull studie hee was Theophrastus his scholler his executor his successor in his schoole and maister to Ptolomy Philadelphus There were eight Strato's Laërt in Uit. d That not the The grammarians cannot endure Nâ—… and quidem to come together but wee reade it so in sixe hundred places of Tully Pliny Lâ—… and others vnlesse they answere vnto all these places that the copiers did falsify them I doe not thinke but an interposition doth better this I say e Recorded As Dyonisius Phalaris Mezentius Tarquin the Proud Sylla Câ—…a Marius Tiberius Claâ—… and Caligula f Some haue The Persian Kings had their Eunuches in whome they put especiall trust So had Nero g Osyris Hee beeing cut in peeces by his brother Typhon and that Isis and Orus Apollo had reuenged his death vpon Typhon they went to seeke the body of Osyris with great lamentation and to Isis her great ioy found it though it were disparkled in diuers places and herevpon a yearely feast was instituted on the seeking of Osyris with teares and finding him with ioy Lucane saith herevpon Nunquam satis quaâ—…us Osyris the ne're wel-sought Osyris h Be his aduocates Uadaeri is to bring one to the iudge at a day appointed Vadimonium the promise to bee there So the phrase is vsed in Tully to come into the Court and the contrary of it is non obire not to appeare Pliny in the preface of his history and many other authors vse it the sence here is they made the gods their aduocates like men when they went to try their causes i Arch-plaier Archimimus coâ—… of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to imitate because they imitated their gestures whom they would make ridiculous as also their conditions and then they were called Ethopaei and Ethologi whereof comes Ethopeia Quintil. Pantomimi were vniuersall imitators Archimimi the chiefe of all the Mimikes as Fano was in Vespasians time Who this was that Seneca mentions I know not k Terrible She was iealous and maligned all her step-sons and Ioues harlots so that shee would not forbeare that same Daedalian statue which Ioue beeing angry threatned to marry in 〈◊〉 For being reconciled to him she made it be burnt Plut. Hence was Numa's old law No 〈◊〉 touch Iuno's altar Sacrifice a female lambe to Iuno with disheueled hayre l Bellona Some â—…ke her his mother and Nerione or as Varro saith Neriene his wife which is as Gelâ—… a Sabine word signifieth vertue and valour and thence came the Nero's surname â—…es had it from the Greekes who call the sinewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and thence comes our Nerâ—… and the Latine Neruus Plaut Trucul Mars returning from a iourney salutes his wife Neâ—… 〈◊〉 Noct. Att. lib. 10. m Meanes of the bargaine That is one to bee coupled with henâ—…â—…es the Latine phrase Quaerere condicionem filiae to seeke a match for his daughter 〈◊〉 lib. 4. Cic. Philipp It was vsed also of the Lawiers in diuorses Conditione tua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I le not vse thy company n As free We must seeme Philosophy saith Seneca to be free vsing free as with a respect not simply o Seneca Hee was banished by Claudius but 〈◊〉 being executed and Agrippina made Empresse she got his reuocation and senatorship â—…torship of the Emperor that hee might bring vp her sonne Nero. So afterward Trâ—…â—…ximus and he were Consulls Ulp. Pandect 36. Hee was won derfull ritch Tranquill Tatius The gardens of ritch Seneca p People His example did the harme which Eleâ—…â—…ed â—…ed to auoide Macchab. 2. 6. with far more holinesse and Philosophicall truth Seneca his opinion of the Iewes CHAP. 11. THis man amongst his other inuectiues against the superstitions of politique 〈◊〉 Theology condemnes also the Iewes sacrifices chiefly their saboaths sayâ—… 〈◊〉 by their seauenth day interposed they spend the seauenth part of their 〈◊〉 idlenesse and hurt themselues by not taking diuers things in their time â—…et dares he not medle with the Christians though then the Iewes deadly 〈◊〉 vpon either hand least he should praise them against his countries old cusâ—… or dispraise them perhaps against a his owne conscience Speaking of the 〈◊〉 he saith The custome of that wicked nation getting head through all the world the vanquished gaue lawes to the vanquishers This hee admired not â—…ing the worke of the god-head But his opinion of their sacraments hee subscribeth They know the cause of their ceremonies saith hee but most of the people doe they know not what But of the Iewish sacrifices how farre gods institutions first directed them and then how by the men of God that had the mistery of eternity reuealed to them they were by the same authority abolished wee haue both els-where spoken chiefly against the b Manichees and in this worke in conuenient place meane to say some-what more L. VIVES AGainst a his owne Nero hauing fired Rome many were blamed for the
natures whome amongst other things it prophecied should beleeue it L. VIVES OR a Essentiall As hauing essence b As soone Hee plainely confesseth that the Angells were all created in grace De corrept et grat Before they fell they had grace Hierome also vpon Osâ—…a affirmes that the Deuills were created with great fulnesse of the holy spirit But Augustine De genes ad lit seemes of another mind saying the angelicall nature was first created vnformall The Diuines here vpon are diuided some following Lombard Sent. 2. dist 4. Ales and Bâ—…nture deny that the Angells were created in grace Saint Thomas holds the contrary I dare not nor haue not where withal to decide a matter so mightily disputed and of such moment Augustine in most plaine words and many places houlds that they were created in grace as that of Exechiel seemes also to import Thou sealest vp the sunne and art full of wisdome and perfect in beauty c Made it Shewing that God gaue them more grace when they shewed their obedience of this I see no question made in such measure as hee assured them of eternity of blisse d Receiued lesse If all the Angells had grace giuen them it then should haue bin distributed with respect of persons to some more and to some of the same order lesse But it was giuen gradually to the orders not to each particular Angell where-vpon some of the same order fell and some stood though both had grace giuen them alike e Secret Hee doubts not of the glory but of the glories place before the iudgement for they may be blesed any where God in whose fruition they are blessed being euery where Of the falsenesse of that History that saith the world hath continued many thousand yeares CHAP. 10. LEt the coniectures therefore of those men that fable of mans and the worlds originall they knowe not what passe for vs for some thinke that men 〈◊〉 beene alwaies as of the world as Apuleis writeth of men Seuerally mortall but generally eternall b And when we say to them why if the world hath alwaies beene how can your histories speake true in relation of who inuented this or that who brought vp artes and learning and who first inhabited this or that region they answered vs the world hath at certaine times beene so wasted by fires and deluges that the men were brought to a very few whose progenie multiplied againe and so seemed this as mans first originall whereas indeed it was but a reparation of those whome the fires and flouds had destroyed but that man cannot haue production but from man They speake now what they thinke but not what they know being deceiued by a sort of most false writings that say the world hath continued a many thousand yeares where as the holy scriptures giueth vs not accompt of c full sixe thousand yeares since man was made To shew the falsenesse of these writings briefly and that their authority is not worth a rush herein d that Epistle of Great Alexander to his mother conteining a narration of things by an Aegiptian Priest vnto him made out of their religious mysteries conteineth also the Monarchies that the Greeke histories recorde also In this Epistle e the Assyrian monarchie lasteth fiue thousand yeares and aboue But in the Greeke historie from Belus the first King it continueth but one thousand three hundred yeares And with Belus doth the Egiptian storie begin also The Persian Monarchie saith that Epistle vntill Alexanders conquest to whom this Priest spake thus lasted aboue eight thousand yeares whereas the Macedonians vntill Alexanders death lasted but foure hundred foure score and fiue yeares and the Persians vntill his victory two hundred thirty three yeares by the Greekâ—… story So farre are these computations short of the Egiptians being not equall with them though they were trebled For f the Egiptians are said once to haue had their g yeares but foure moneths long so that one full yeare of the Greekes or ours is iust three of their old ones But all this will not make the Greeke and Egiptian computations meete and therefore wee must rather trust the Greeke as not exceeding our holy scriptures accompt But if this Epistle of Alexander being so famous differ so farre from the most probable accompt how much lesse faith then ought we to giue to those their fabulous antiquities fraught with leasings against our diuine bookes that fore-told that the whole world should beleeue them and the whole world hath done so and which prooue that they wrote truth in things past by the true occurrences of things to come by them presaged L. VIVES SEuerally a mortall Apuleius Florid. l. 2. cunctim generally or vniuersally of cunctus all b And when Macrobius handleth this argument at large De somn scip and thinkes he puts it off with that that Augustine here reciteth Plato seemes the author of this shift in his Timaus where Critias relating the conference of the Egiptian Priest and Solon saith that wee know not what men haue done of many yeares before because they change their countrie or are expelled it by flouds fires or so and the rest hereby destroyed Which answer is easily confuted fore-seeing that all the world can neither bee burned nor drowned Arist. Meteor the remainders of one ancient sort of men might be preserued by another and so deriued downe to vs which Aristotle seeing as one witty and mindfull of what he saith affirmeth that we haue the reliques of the most ancient Philosophy left vs. Metaphys 12. Why then is there no memory of things three thousand yeares before thy memory c Full six thousand Eusebius whose account Augustine followeth reckoneth from the creation vnto the sack of Rome by the Gothes 5611. yeares following the Septuagints For Bede out of the Hebrew reserueth vnto the time of Honorius and Theodosius the yonger when the Gothes tooke Rome but 4377. of this different computation here-after d That Epistle Of this before booke eight e The Assyriâ—… Hereof in the 18. booke more fitly Much liberty do the old chroniclers vse in their accompt of time Plin. lib. 11 out of Eudoxus saith that Zoroaster liued 6000. yeares before Plato's death So faith Aristotle Herimippus saith he was 5000. yeares before the Troian warre Tully writes that the Chaldees had accounts of 470000. yeares in their chronicles De diuinat 1. 〈◊〉 saith also that they reckned from their first astronomer vntill great Alexander 43000. yeares f The Egiptians Extreame liers in their yeares Plato writes that the Citty Sais in Egipt had chronicles of the countries deedes for 8000. yeares space And Athens was built 1000. yeares before Sais Laertius writes that Vulcan was the sonne of Nilus and reckneth 48863. yeares betweene him and Great Alexander in which time there fell 373. ecclipses of the Sunne and 832. of the Moone Mela lieth alittle lower saying that the Egiptians reckon 330. Kings before Amasis and aboue 13000. yeares But the lie wanted
otherwise e But euer-more holding it selfe in higher respect then any other good what-so-euer mentall or corporall For it knoweth both the vse of it selfe and of all other goods that maketh a man happy But where it wanteth bee there neuer so many goods they are none of his that hath them because hee cannot giue them their true natures by good application of them That man therefore alone is truly blessed that can vse vertue and the other bodyly and mentall goods which vertue cannot be with-out all vnto their true end If hee can make good vse of those things also that vertue may easily want he is the happier in that But if hee can make that vse of all things what-so-euer to turne them either to goods of the body or of the minde then is hee the happiest man on earth for life and vertue are not all one The wise-mans life onely it is that deserues that name for some kinde of life may bee wholy voyde of vertue but no vertue can be with-out life And so likewise of memory reason and other qualities in man all these are before learning it cannot bee with-out them no more then vertue which it doth teach But swiftnesse of foote beauty of face strength of body and such may bee all with-out vertue and all of them are goods of them-selues with-out vertue yet is vertue desired for it selfe neuerthelesse and vseth these goods as befitteth Now f this blessed estate of life they hold to bee sociable also desiring the neighbours good as much as their owne and wishing them in their owne respects as well as it selfe whether it be the wiues and children or fellow cittizen or mortall man what-so-euer nay suppose it extend euen to the Gods whome they hold the friends of wise-men and whome wee call by a more familiar name Angels But of the ends of the good and euill they make no question wherein onely they say they differ from the new Academikes nor care they what habite Cynicall or what-so-euer a man beare so he auerre their ends Now of the three lines contemplatiue actiue and mixt they choose the last Thus saith Varro the old Academikes taught g Antiochus maister to him and Tully beeing author hereof though Tully make him rather a Stoike then an old Academike in most of his positions But what is that to vs wee are rather to looke how to iudge of the matter then how others iudge of the men L. VIVES THe a horsman But eques hath beene of old time vsed for equus Gell. Marcell Macrob. and Seruius all which doe prooue it out of Ennius Annal. lib. 7. and Uirgil Aenead 3. And it was the old custome to say that the horse rode when the man was on his backe as well as the man him-selfe Macrob. Saturnal 6. b Poculum Poculum is also the thing that is in the vessell to bee drunke especially in the Poets Uirg Georg. 1. c Uertue or methode Which ripening out of the seedes infused by nature groweth vp to perfection and then ioynes with the first positiues of nature in the pursuite of true beatitude thus held the Academikes hee that will read more of it let him looke in Aristotles Morality and Tullyes de finib lib. 5. Vnlesse hee will fetch it from Plato the labour is more but the liquor is purer d More or lesse Bodily goods lesse then mentall and of the first health more then strength quicknesse of sence more then swiftnesse of foote e But euer-more Nor is it arrogance in vertue to haue this knowledge of her-selfe and to discerne her onely excellence surmounting all f This blessed The Stoikes placed it in a politique manner of life but their meaning Seneca explaineth De vita beata making two kinâ—… of common wealths the one a large and comely publike one conteining GOD and Man and this is the whole world the other a lesser where-vnto our 〈◊〉 hath bound vs as the Athenian state or the Carthaginians Now some follow the greater common-weale liuing wholy in contemplation and others the lesser attending the state and action of that and some apply them selues to both Besides a wise man often-times abandoneth to gouerne because either the state respecteth him not or the maners thereof are vnreformable The latter made Plato liue in priuate the first Zeno Chrysippus and diuerse other g Antiochus An Ascalonite he taught Uarro Lucullus Tully and many other nobles of Rome all in forme of the ancient Academy together with some inclination to Zeno yet calling the men of his profession rather reformed Academikes then renewed Stoikes and therefore Brutus who was an auditor of his brother Aristius and many other Stoikes did greatly commend his opinion of beatitude Indeed it was very neere Stoicisme as wee sayd else-where and their difference was rather verball then materiall Some few things onely were changed which Antiochus called his reformations of the old discipline The Christians opinion of the chiefest good and euill which the Philosophers held to be within them-selues CHAP. 4. IF you aske vs now what the Citty of God saith first to this position of the perfection of good and euill it will answere you presently eternall life is the perfection of good and eternall death the consummation of euill and that the ayme of all our life must bee to auoyde this and attaine that other Therefore is it written The iust shall liue by faith For wee see not our greatest good and therefore are to beleeue and hope for it nor haue wee power to liue accordingly vnlesse our beleefe and prayer obteyne helpe of him who hath giuen vs that beleefe and hope that hee will helpe vs. But such as found the perfection of felicity vpon this life placing it either in the body or in the minde or in both or to speake more apparantly eyther in pleasure or in vertue or in pleasure and rest together or in vertue or in both or in natures first affects or in vertue or in both fondlye and vainely are these men perswaded to finde true happynesse heere The Prophet scoffes them saying The Lord knoweth the thoughts of men or as Saint Paul hath it of the wise that they are vaine For who can discourse exactly of the miseries of this life Tully a vppon his daughters death did what hee could But what could hee doe in what person can the first affects of nature bee found with-out alteration what hath not sorrow and disquiet full power to disturbe the pleasure and quiet of the wisest So strength beauty health vigour and actiuity are all subuerted by their contraries by losse of limmes deformitie sicknesse faintnesse and vnweeldinesse And what if a member fall into some tumor or other affect what if weakenesse of the back bend a man downe to the ground making him neere to a foure-footed beast is not all the grace of his posture quite gone and then the first guifts of nature whereof sence and reason are the two first because of the apprehension of truth how
owne shame he shamed at the filthinesse that was committed vppon hir though it were l without her consent and m being a Romain and coueteous of glory she feared that n if she liued stil that which shee had indured by violence should be thought to haue been suffered with willingnesse And therfore she thought good to shew this punishment to the eies of men as a testimony of hir mind vnto whome shee could not shew her minde indeed Blushing to be held a partaker in the fact which beeing by another committed so filthyly she had indured so vnwillingly Now this course the Christian women did not take they liue still howsoeuer violated neither for all this reuenge they the ruines of others vppon them-selues least they should make an addition of their owne guilt vnto the others if they should go and murder them-selues barbarously because their enemies had forst them so beastially For howsoeuer they haue the glory of their chastity stil within them o being the restimony of their conscience this they haue before the eies of their God and this is all they care for hauing no more to looke to but to do wel that they decline not from the authority of the law diuine in any finister indeauour to auoid the offence of mortall mans suspition L. VIVES a LVcretia This history of Lucretia is common though Dionisius relate it some-what differing from Liuie they agree in the summe of the matter b Reuenge so sayth Liuie in his person But giue me your right hands and faiths to inflict iust reuenge vppon the adulterer and they all in order gaue her their faiths c One declaming Who this was I haue not yet read One Glosse saith it was Virgil as hee found recorded by a great scholler and one that had read much But Uirgil neuer was declamer nor euer pleaded in cause but one and that but once perhaps that great reader imagined that one to bee this which indeed was neuer extant Which he might the better doe becasue he had read such store of histories and better yet if he were Licentiat or Doctor d He was chased Tarquin the King and all his ofspring were chased out of the Cittie of this in the third book e The offender Cicero saith that touching a Romains life there was a decree that no Iudgement should passe vpon it without the assent of the whole people in the great Comitia or Parliaments called Centuriata The forme and manner of which iudgement he sets down in his oration for his house and so doth Plutarch in the Gracchi f Lucretia her selfe which aggrauats the fact done by Lucretia a noble and worthy matron of the Citty g Placed amongst these Uirgil in the 6. of his Aeneads diuides Hell into nine circles and of the third hee speaketh thus Proxima deinde tenent maesti loca qui sibi lethum Insontes peperere manu lucemque perosi Proiecere animas quam vellent athere in alto Nunc pauperiem durâ—…s perferre labores Fata obstant tristique palus innabilis vnda Alligat nouies Styx interfusa coercet In english thus In the succeeding round of woe they dwell That guiltlesse spoild them-selues through blacke despight And cast their soules away through hate of light O now they wish they might returne t' abide Extremest need and sharpest toile beside But fate and deepes forbid their passage thence And Styx that nine times cuttes those groundlesse fennes h Which none could know For who can tell whether shee gaue consent by the touch of some incited pleasure i Hir learned defenders * It is better to read her learned defenders or her not vnlearned defenders then her vnlearned defenders as some copies haue it k Is there any way It is a Dilemma If shee were an adulteresse why is she commended if chaste why murdered The old Rethoricians vsed to dissolue this kinde of Argument either by ouerthrowing one of the parts or by retorting it called in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a conuersion or retortion Examples there are diuers in Cicero de Rethorica Now Augustine saith that this conclusion is inextricable vnavoidable by either way l Without her consent For shee abhorred to consent vnto this act of lust m A Romaine The Romaine Nation were alwaies most greedy of glory of whom it is said Vincet amor patriae laudumque immensa cupido Their countries loue boundles this of glory And Ouid saith of Lucrece in his Fasti Succubuit famae victa puella metu Conquer'd with feare to loose her fame she fell n If she liued after this vncleanesse committed vpon hir o Being the testimony for our glory is this saith Saint Paul 2. Cor. I. 12. the testimony of our consciences And this the Stoikes and all the heathenish wise men haue euer taught That there is no authority which allowes Christians to be their owne deaths in what cause soeuer CHAP. 19. FOr it is not for nothing that wee neuer finde it commended in the holy canonicall Scriptures or but allowed that either for attaining of immortalitie or auoyding of calamitie wee should bee our owne destructions we are forbidden it in the law Thou shalt not kill especially because it addes not Thy neighbour as it doth in the pohibition of false witnesse Thou shalt not beare false witnesse against thy neighbour Yet let no man thinke that he is free of this later crime if he beare false witnesse against him-selfe because hee that loues his neighbour begins his loue from him-selfe Seeing it is written Thou shalt loue thy neighbour as thy selfe Now if hee bee no lesse guiltlesse of false witnesse that testifieth falsely against him-selfe then hee that doth so against his neighbour since that in that commandement wherein false witnesse is forbidden it is forbidden to be practised against ones neighbor whence misvnderstanding conceits may suppose that it is not forbiddeÌ„ to beare false witnesse against ones selfe how much plainer is it to bee vnderstood that a man may not kill him-selfe seeing that vnto the commandement Thou shalt not kil nothing being added excludes al exception both of others of him to whom the command is giuen And therefore some would extend the intent of this precept euen vnto beasts and cattell and would haue it vnlawfull to kill any of them But why not vnto hearbes also and all things that grow and are nourished by the earth for though these kindes cannot bee said to haue a sence or feeling yet they are said to be liuing and therfore they may die and consequently by violent vsage be killed VVherfore the Apostle speaking of these kinde of seedes saith thus Foole that which thou sowest is not quickened except first it die And the Psalmist saith He destrored their vines with baile but what Shall wee therefore thinke it sinne to cutte vp a twigge because the commandement sayes thou shalt not kill and so involue our selues in the foule error of the
it hath been done or no but de Iure whether it were to be done or no. For souÌ„d reason is before example al authorities to the contrary as wherevnto all examples do consent being such as by their excellence in goodnesse are worthily imitable neither Patriarch Prophet nor Apostle euer did this yet our Lord Iesus Christ when hee admonished his disciples in persecution to flie from city to city might haue willed them in such cases to make a present dispatch of themselues and so to avoide their persecutors hadd hee held it fitte But if hee neuer gaue any such admonition or command that any to whome hee promised a mansion of eternity at their deaths should passe vnto their deaths on this fashion lette then the heathen that know not God produce al they can it is plainly vnlawful for any one than serueth the onely true God to follow this course But indeed besides Luâ—…ia of whome I think we haue sufficiently argued before it is hard for them to find one other example worth prescribing as a fitte authority for others to follow besides that a Cato only that killed him-selfe at Vtica b not that hee alone was his owne deaths-man but because he was accounted as a c learned and d honest man which may beget a beleefe that to do as hee didde were to doe well VVhat should I say of his fact more then his friendes and e some of them learned men haue said who shewed far more iudgement in disswading the deed and censuring it as the effect of a spirit rather deiected then magnanimous And of this f did Cato him-selfe leaue a testimony in his owne famous Sonne For if it were base to liue vnder Caesars victory why did he aduise his son to this willing him to entertaine a full hope of Caesars clemency Yea why did he not vrge him to go willingly to his end with him If it were laudable in Torquatus g to kill his sonne that hadde fought and foyled his enemy though herein he had broken the Dictators commaund why didde conquered Cato spare his ouerthrowne sonne that spared not him-selfe VVas it more vile to bee a conquerour agaynst lawe then to indure a conquerour against honour What shall wee saie then but that euen in the same measure that hee loued his sonne whome hee both hoped and wished that Caesar woulde spare in the same didde hee enuy Caesars glory which hee h should haue gotten in sparing of him also or else to mollifie this matter som-what he was ashamed to receiue such courtesie at Caesars hands L. VIVES THat a Cato The Catoe's were of the Portian family arising from Tusculum a towne of the Latines The first of this stocke that was called Cato that is wise and wary was Marcus Portius a man of meane discent but attaining to all the honours of Consull Censor and of Triumph His nephewes sonne was Marcus Portius Cato both of them were great and yet innocent men The first was called Maior or the Elder the later Minor or the younger The younger beeing a Leader in the ciuill wars of Pompey tooke his that was the common weales and the liberties part against the vsurparion of Caius Caesar Now Pompey beeing ouercome by Caesar at Pharsalia and Scipio Metellus Pompey his father in law in Affrica this Cato seeing his faction subuerted and Caesar beare al down before him being retyred vnto Vtica a Citty in Affrike and reading Platoe's Phaedâ—… twise ouer together the same night thrust him-selfe through with his sword b Not because he alone No for many in other warres had slaine them-selues least they should fall into the hand of the enemie and in this same warre so did Scipio Metellus Afranius King Iuba c Learned A stoyke and excellently skill'd in the wisdom of the Greeks d Honest the wisdom and innocencie that was in both these Catoes grew into a prouerb and hereof saith Iâ—…all Tâ—…rtius 〈◊〉 Caelo cecidit Cato Now Heauen hath giuen vs a third Catâ—… Velleius Paterculus writing vnto Uinicius thus describeth this Cato Hee was descended from Marcus Cato that head of the Porcian family who was his great grandfather hee was a man like vertues selfe and rather of diuine then humane capacity hee neuer did good that he cared should be noted but because hee could not doe any thing but good as holding that onely reasonable which was iust free was hee from all the corruptions of man and euermore swayed his owne fortune to his owne liking Thus farre Uelleius to omit the great testimonies of Seneca Lucane Tully Saluste and others of this worthy man e some of them learned It is recorded that Apollonides the Stoike Demetrius the Peripatetike and Cleanthes the Phisicion were then at Utica with Cato For he loued much the company of the Greeke Philosophers and his great grand-father neuer hated them so much as he respected them And vpon the night that he slew himselfe on saith Plutarch at supper there arose a disputation about such things as really concerne the liberty of a man wherein Demetrius spoke many things against Cato's constant assertions of the praise of such as killed themselues which indeed was so vehement that it begot a suspicion in them all that hee would follow the same course himselfe f This did Cato himselfe Plutarch writeth that when Cato came to Vtica he sent away his followers by shipping and earnestly preswaded his sonne to goe with them but could not force him to forsake his father This sonne of his Caesar afterwardes pardoned as Liuy saith lib. 114. and Caesar himselfe in his Commentaries of the African warre Hee was as Plutarch saith in his fathers life much giuen to venerie but in the battaile of Phillipi fighting valiantly on his cozen Brutus his side for his countries freedome hee was slaine scorning to leaue the fight when the chiefest captaines fled g to kill his sonne Titus Manlius Torquatus made his sonnes head bee cut off for fighting contrary to the edict though he returned with victory But of this else-where h should haue gotten by sparing of him Commonly knowne is that saying of Caesar to him that brought newes of Cato's death Cato I enuy thy glory for thou enuiedst mine and would not haue it reckoned amongst mine other famous actes that I saued Cato Caesar wrote two bookes called Anticatones against Cato as Cicero and Suetonius testifie The Cardinall of Liege told mee that he saw them both in a certaine old librarie at Liege and that hee would see they should bee sent me which if he do I will not defraud the learned of their vse and publication That the Christians excell Regulus in that vertue wherein he excelled most CHAP. 23. BVt those whom we oppose will not haue their Cato excelled by our Iob that holy man who choose rather to endure all them horrible torments a in his flesh then by aduenturing vpon death to auoide all those vexations and other Saints of high credit and
razed out Surely the loue of Saluting one another was great in Rome Highly was hee honored that was saluted and well was hee mannerd that did salute but great plausibility attended on both both were very popular and great steps to powrefulnesse Salust in Iugurth Truely some are verie industrious in saluting the people All the Latines writings are full of salutations b Sardanapalus The Grecians called Sardanapalus Thonos Concoloros Hee was the last King of the Assyrians a man throwne head-long into all kinde of pleasures Who knowing that Arbaces the Median prepared to make warres against him resolued to trie the fortune of warre in this affaire But beeing conquered as he was an effeminate fellow and vnfit for all martiall exercises hee fled vnto his house and set it on fire with himselfe and all his ritches in it Long before this when hee was in his fullest madnesse after pleasures hee causes this epitaph to bee engrauen vpon his tombe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Tully translates it thus Haec habeò quae edi quaeque exaturata voluptas Hausit at illa iacent multa et preclara relicta What I consum'd and what my guts engross't I haue but all the wealth I left I lost What else could any man haue written saith Aristotle in Cicero vpon the graue of an Oxe rather then of a King hee saith he hath that being dead which he neuer had whilest hee liued but onely while he was a wasting of it Chrysippus applies the verses vnto his Stoicisme hereof reade Athenaeus lib. 5. Tully his opinion of the Romaine Common-wealth CHAP. 21. BVt if hee be scorned that said their common-wealth was most dishonest and dishonorable and that these fellowes regard not what contagion and corruption of manners doe rage amongst them so that their state may stand and continue now shall they heare that it is not true that Salust saith that their common-wealth is but become vile and so wicked but as Cicero saith it is absolutely gone it is lost and nothing of it remaines For hee brings in Scipio him that destroied Carthage disputing of the weale-publike at such time as it was a presaged that it would perish by that corruption which Saluste describeth For this disputation was b at that time when one of the Gracchi was slaine from which point Salust affirmeth all the great seditions to haue had their originall for in those bookes there is mention made of his death Now Scipio hauing said in the end of the second booke that as in instruments that go with strings or wind or as in voices consorted there is one certaine proportion of discrepant notes vnto one harmony the least alteration whereof is harsh in the care of the skilfull hearer and that this concord doth â—…onsist of a number of contrary sounds and yet all combined into one perfect musicall melody so in a cittye that is gouerned by reason of all the heighest meane and lowest estates as of soundes there is one true concord made out of discordant natures and that which is harmony in musike is vnity in a citty that this is the firmest and surest bond of safety vnto the commonweale and that a commonweale can neuer stand without equity when hee had dilated at large of the benefit that equity brings to any gouernment and of the inconuenience following the absence therof then c Pilus one of the company begins to speake and intreated him to handle this question more fully and make a larger discourse of iustice because it was then become a common report d that a commonwealth could not be gouerned without iniustice and iniury herevpon Scipio agreed that this theame was to be handled more exactly and replied that what was as yet spoken of the commonwealth was nothing and that they could not proceed any farther vntill it were proued not onely that it is faulse that a weale publike cannot stand without iniury but also that it is true that it cannot stand without exact iustice So the disputation concerning this point being deferred vntill the next day following in the third booke it is handled with great controuersie For Pilus he vndertakes the defence of their opinion that hold that a state cannot be gouerned without iniustice but with this prouision that they should not thinke him to bee of that opinion himselfe And he argued very diligently for this iniustice against iustice endevoring by likely reasons and examples to shew that the part hee defended was vse-full in the weale publike and that the contrary was altogether needlesse Then e Laelius being intreated on all sides stept vp and tooke the defence of iustice in hand and withal his knowledge laboured to proue that nothing wrackt a citty sooner then vniustice and that no state could stand without perfect iustice which when hee had concluded and the question seemed to be throughly discussed Scipio betooke himselfe againe to his intermitted discourse and first he rehearseth and approueth his definition of a commonwealth wherein he said it was the estate of the commonty then he determineth this that this commonty is not meant of euery rablement of the multitude but that it is a society gathered together in one consent of law and in one participation of profite Then he teacheth f the profite of definitions in al disputations and out of his definitions he gathereth that onely there is a commonwealth that is onely there is a good estate of the commonty where iustice and honesty hath free execution whether it be by g a King by nobles or by the whole people But when the King becomes vniust whom he calleth h Tyranne as the Greekes do or the nobles be vniust whose combination hee termeth i faction or the people them-selues be vniust for which hee cannot finde a fit name vnlesse he should call the whole company as he called the King a Tyran then that this is not a vicious common-wealth aswas affirmed the day before but as the reasons depending vpon those definitions proued most directly it is iust no common-wealth at all for it is no Estate of the people when the Tyran vsurpeth on it by Faction nor is the commonty a commonty when it is not a society gathered together in one consent of law and one participation of commodities as hee had defined a commonty before VVherefore seeing the Romane Estate was such as Saluste doth descipher it to bee it was now no dishonest or dishonorable Common-wealth as hee affirmed but it was directly no common-wealth at all according vnto the reasons proposed in that discourse of a common-wealth k before so many great Princes and heads thereof and as Tully himselfe not speaking by Scipio or any other but in his owne person doth demonstrate in the beginning of his fift booke where hauing first rehearsed that verse of l Ennius where he saith Moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque Old manners and old men vpholden Rome Which verse quoth Tully whether you respect the
can glory attend the armes of the daughter city against the mother do yee make a difference in that their field was larger theÌ„ the fencers stage that they fought not in view of the theater but the whole world presenting a spectacle of eternall impiety both to the present times and to all posteritie But your great guardian-gods bore all this vnmooued sitting as spectators of this tragedy whilest for the three Curiatij that were flaine the sister of the Horatij must be stabbed by the hand of her owne brother to make euen the number with hir two other brethren that Romes conquest might cost no lesse bloud then Alba's losse did which as the fruite of the victory h was vtterly subuerted euen this place which the gods after Ilium which the Greekes destroyed and Lauinium where Latinus placed fugitiue Aeneas as King had chosen to bee their third place of habitation But it may be they were gone hence also and so it came to be razed yes sure all they that kept the state of it vp were departed from their shrines Then they left Alba where Amulius had raigned hauing thrust out his brother and went to dwell at Rome where Romulus had raigned hauing killed his brother Nay but before this demolition say they the people of Alba were all transported vnto Rome to make one Cittie of both Well be it so yet the Cittie that was the seate Royall of Ascanius and the third habitacle of the Troian gods was vtterly demolished And much bloud was spilt before they came to make this miserable confusion of both these people 's together Why should I particularize the often renouation of these warres vnder so many seuerall kings which when they seemed to be ended in victory began so often againe in slaughters and after combination and league brake out so fresh betweene kindred and kindred both in the predecessors and their posteritie No vaine Embleme of their misery was that continuall standing open of Ianus his gate so that for all the helpe of these gods-guardians there was not one King of them that continued his raigne in peace L. VIVES a ALba There were many Alba's one in Spaine called also Virgao Another in that part of France called Prouence a towne of the Heluii A third in Italy by the Lake Fucinus now called Lago di Marso or Lago di Celaeno c. A fourth in Lombardy called Pompeia The fift vpon Mount Albanus called Alba Longa. And Rome not onely that which Romulus built was a collony of the Albanes brought out by Romulus and Remus but many thinke that the old Rome also that was long before was built by Romulus Aeneas his sonne which being at length through pestilence and often inuasion left desolate was by the Albans pitying the inhabitants cases restored and diuerse of them sent to repaire and people it b Three bretheren Liu lib. 1. It is commonly knowne that Metius Suffetius the Dictator of Alba counselled and agreed with Tullus the King of Rome to take a course to saue the liues of so many innocent people on both sides and to haue the controuersie decided by a few onely so making a league sixe men were appointed to fight for both the states soueraignties Now there were three bretheren in either armie these were turned together into the lists and whose side conquered that people should bee soueraigne c Besides Saint Augustine may be his owne comment herein hee tells it so plaine d Bewayling him Lauâ—…us Mezentius his sonne Aeneid 10. e Cyrus There were two Cyri the greater meant here Conqueror of Asiae Scythia and all the East reigning in the time of Tarquin the proud Hee tooke Craesus the ritch King of Lydia but by Tomiris Queene of Scythia himselfe was taken beheaded and his head souced in a tubbe of bloud to satisfie his cruell thirst Plutarch Strabo Trogus Herodotus c. Herodotus calleth him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the great King And there-vpon the other Persian Kings are vsually so stiled The other was Cyrus the lesser sonne to Darius brother to Artaxerxes whose iourney into Persia Xenophon wrote f Doe neuer passe With crownes hung all with labells and pendants g Amphitheater The Theater was like halfe a circle the Amphitheater like a full circle it was strowed with Sand and there the Fencers fought h Was vtterly Liu. In the first Veian warre when Metius of Alba stood as neuter with his armie and would not helpe Tullus according to the conditions of the league Tullus made him be drawne in peeces with horses destroied Alba remoued all the Albans to Rome Of the liues and deaths of the Romaine Kings CHAP. 15. BVt how ended their Kings still for Romulus let that flattering fable looke to him which hath sent him vp into heauen Let'some of their owne a writers iudge that affirme him torne in peeces by the Senate for his pride and that b I know not whom one Iulius Proculus was suborned to say that he appeared vnto him commanding him to bid Rome giue him diuine honor and so was the furie of the people surprised Besides an Ecclipse of the sunne falling out at the same time wrought so vpon the c ignorance of the rude vulgar that they ascribed all this vnto Romulus his worthe and glories As though that if the sunne had mourned as they thought it did d they should not rather imagine that it was because Romulus was murdered and therefore that the sunne turned his light from such a villanie as it did indeed when our Lord and Sauiour was crucified by the bloudy reprobate Iewes e That the Eclipse which befell at our Sauiours death was quite against the regular course of the stars is hence most plaine because it was the Iewes Easter which is continually kept at the ful of the Moone But f the regular eclipse of the Sunne neuer hapneth but in the changing of the Moone Now Cicero intimates plainely that this admission of Romulus into heauen was rather imagined then performed there where in Scipio's words De repub speaking of his prayses Hee attained so much saith hee that being not to be found after the sunnes Eclipse he was accounted as admitted into the number of the gods which opinion there is no man without admirable merit of vertue can purchase Now whereas hee saith that hee was not to bee found hee glanceth doubtlesse eyther at the secrecie of the murther or intimateth the violence of the tempest For other writers g adde vnto this Ecclipse a sudden storme which either was the agent or the occasion of Romulus his murther Now Tully in the same bookes speaking of h Hostilius third King after Romulus who was striken to death with thunder saith that hee was not reckoned amongst the gods because that which was prooued true that is that which they beleeued was so in Romulus the Romaines would not i embase by making it too common in giuing it to the one as well as the other And in
is vnknowne to the Latines f This sway The women adored Iuno Fluona for stopping this fluxe at conceptions Festus g Clâ—… and dust alluding to mans beginning and end Genesis 1. In claye hee began and in dust bee shall end That these gods elections are without all reason since that baser gods haue nobler charges CHAP. 3. BVt why doth hee call so many of the selected gods to this charge and theâ—… Vitumnus and Bentinus get the principall offices of all the rest Select Ianus he maketh way for the seed select Saturne hee brings it select Liber hee puts it freely forth and so doth Libera a be shee Ceres or Venus to the women select Iuno with her daughter Mena's helpe brings fluxe of blood to b nourish the birth But base Vitumnus he brings life to it obscure Sentinus he giues it sence Which two guifts are as farre aboue the rest as they are short of reason For as the reasonable creature excelleth that which is but onely sensitiue as the beast so the sensitiue must needes excell that which hath neither sence nor life So that Vitumnus the quickner and Sentinus the sence-giuer had more reason to be selected then either Ianus the seed-guider Saturne the giuer or Liber and Libera the loosers which seede it were vnworthy to imagine vnlesse it were animated and made sensitiue which select gifts the select gods giue not but onely a couple of poore obscure fellowes that must stand at the doore when these are let in If they reply Ianus is god of all beginnings and therefore iustly openeth the wombe Saturne of all seede and therefore iustly worketh in the mans sowing of it Liber and Libera of the distillation of seede in all spermaticall creatures and therefore must worke in this dispersing of mans Iuno of all births and purgations and therefore iustly must haue a hand in the womans at this time Wâ—… what of Vitumnus and Sentinus haue they dominion ouer all things liuing and sensitiue If it bee granted then see how these two are aduanced For seedes to growe on earth is earths nature but to liue and haue sence that comes from the gods of the starres they say But if they say that these two haue swaye onely ouer fleshly sensitiues why then could not hee that giueth sence to fishes and all things else giue flesh sence also and extend his generall power through each peculiar what need then of Vitumnus and Sentinus If hee that rules life and sence rule all things else and gaue the charge of fleshly sensitiues to these his two seruants as a place of no credite Kept these selected gods so fewe attendants that they could not commit the said base offices to some of their followers but must debase all their cause of selection their nobility to bee ioyned fellow-worke-men with such a base couple Nay Iuno the selected Queene of all the selected c Ioues wife and sister yet is Interduca to the children and worketh with a couple of base goddesses Adeona and Abeona And there is goddesse Mens that sends the childe a good minde shee 's no select and yet d how can a greater guift be giuen to man Now Iuno playes Iterduta and Domiduca as though it were such a matter to make a iourney or to come well home if one bee not in his right minde yet the goddesse of this good guift was none of the select Truely shee deserued it before Minerua e that had charge of the childes memory in this quartering of duties For who doubteth that it is better to haue a good minde then a memory neuer so capable for hee that hath a good minde is neuer euill But f many wicked men haue admirable memories and are so much worse because they cannot forget their euill cogitations Yet is Minerua selected And for Vertue and Felicitie of whom our fourth booke treateth those goddesses they had but neuer selected them whilest Mars and Orcus the one the causer of death and the other the receiuer these were selected Seeing therefore that in these worthlesse affaires shared amongst so many the Patritian and Plebeian God worke all together in huggermugger and that some gods that were not held worthy of selection had more honorable charges in the businesses then the selected it resteth to beleeue that their being knowne to the vulgar more then the other and not their bearing charge aboue the other put in their names 〈◊〉 this bill of selection And therefore Varro himselfe saith that g many father-gods and mother-goddesses were growne ignoble like mortall men If therefore felicity bee not to bee placed amongst those selects because they gotte their places rather by chance then desert yet surely fortune should bee one amongst them or rather aboue them who giueth not her gifts by reason but euer casualty as it falleth out Shee of right should haue beene their chiefe as shewing 〈◊〉 â—…er chiefly vpon them when as we see it was no vertue nor reasonable 〈◊〉 of theirs but onely the power of fortune as all their adorers doe beâ—… 〈◊〉 made them bee selected For witty Salust it may bee excluded not 〈◊〉 â—…hen he sayd Fortune ruleth in euery thing disposing them rather accordâ—…â—…ill then vnto truth For they can shew no reason why Venus should bee 〈◊〉 Vertue obscure seeing both are made goddesses and their merits are â—…parable If Venus deserued her enhansement in this that more affect her 〈◊〉 â—…ue why then is Minerua famous and Lady Money obscure seeing that 〈◊〉 of men there is h more loues coyne then knowledge and euen in the 〈◊〉 you shall not finde one but it is set to sale and still there is more respect 〈◊〉 â—…hich respecteth other ends i then to that which other ends doe most 〈◊〉 If therefore the fond vulgar were the selectors why was not Money puâ—… 〈◊〉 Minerua since all their trades aime at Money But the wise-men selected 〈◊〉 â—…hy was Venus preferred before Vertue which all reason will of right 〈◊〉 Certainely as I sayd if fortune who as they thinke that thinke her 〈◊〉 â—…ull ruleth in euery thing disposing them rather according to her lust 〈◊〉 then to right or reason had so much power ouer the gods that shee 〈◊〉 â—…nce and obscure whom shee list then should the first place of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right haue beene hers that had such authoritie ouer the state of the 〈◊〉 But may wee not thinke that Fortune was Fortunes owne foe and so kept 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the place Sure it was so shee was her owne foe that could giue adâ—…ments to others and tooke none her selfe L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a bee shee Wee said shee was sister to Dionysius and that they two betoken the Sunne and Moone that rule in naturall seedes of all sorts we wil shew that Luna is also Uenus and Ceres Apulei Metamorph. lib. 11. Macrob. Saturn 1. Val. Prob. Seruius in Georg. 1. Prophyry saith the Moones generatiue vertue is called Ceres Uirgill following Varro ioynes liber and Ceres whence it is plaine that
for what pride those wicked fiendes had their fall Hence arose those routes of gods whereof partly wee haue spoken and others of other nations as well as those wee now are in hand with the Senate of selected gods selected indeed but for villany not for vertue Whose rites Varro seeking by reason to reduce to nature and to couer turpitude with an honest cloake can by no meanes make them square together because indeed the causes that hee held or would haue others hold for their worship are no such as he takes them nor causes of their worship For if they or their like were so though they should not concerne the true God nor life eternall which true religion must affoord yet their colour of reason would be some mitigation for the absurd actes of Ignorance which Varro did endeuour to bring about in diuers their theater-fables or temple-mysteries wherein hee freed not the theaters for their correspondence with the temples but condemned the temples for their correspondence with the theaters yet endeuouring with naturall reasons to wipe away the filthy shapes that those presentments imprinted in the sences Of Numa his bookes which the Senate for keeping their mysteries in secret did command should be burned CHAP. 34. BVt contrarywise we do finde as Varro himselfe said of Numa his bookes that these naturall reasons giuen for these ceremonies could no way be allowed of nor worthy of their priests reading no not so much as their secret reseruing For now I will tell yee what I promised in my third booke to relate in conuenient place One a Terentius as Varro hath it in his booke de Cultu deorum had some ground neare to mount Ianiculus and his seruants plowing neare to Nâ—… his tombe the plough turned vp some bookes conteining the ceremonies institutions b Terentius brought them into the citty to the Praetor who hauing looked in them brought this so weighty an affaire before the Senate where hauing read some of the first causes why hee had instituted this and that in their religion The Senate agreed with dead Numa and like c religious fathers gaue order to the Praetor for the burning of them Euery one here may beleeue as he list nay let any contentious mad patron of absurd vanity say here what he list Sufficeth it I shew that the causes that Nâ—… their King gaue for his owne institutions ought neither to bee shewed to people senate no nor to the Priests them-selues and that Numa by his vnlawfull 〈◊〉 came to the knowledge of such deuillish secrets as he was worthy to be 〈◊〉 â—…ded for writing of Yet though hee were a King that feared no man hee duâ—… for all that either publish them or abolish them publish them he would noâ—…â—…are of teaching wickednesse burne them he durst not for feare of offendiâ—… deuils so he buried them where he thought they would be safe d not 〈◊〉 â—…he turning vp of his graue by a plough But the Senate fearing to reâ—… their ancestors religion and so agreeing with Numa's doctrine yet held 〈◊〉 â—…kes too pernicious either to bee buried againe least mens madder cuâ—… should seeke them out or to bee put to any vse but burning to the end 〈◊〉 seeiâ—…g they must needs stick to their old superstition they might doe it with â—…ame by concealing the causes of it whose knowledge would haue disturâ—… whole cittie L. VIVES 〈◊〉 Terentius The storie is written by Liuy Ualerius Plutarch and Lactantius Liuy 〈◊〉 â—…erius his ordinary follower say that Q. Petilius found the bookes Pliny out of 〈◊〉 that Gn. Terentius found them in one chest not two Liuy calles that yeares 〈◊〉 C. Bebius Pamphilus and M. Amilius Lepidus for whom Hemina putteth P. Corâ—…â—…gus after Numa his reigne DXXXV of the bookes the seuerall opinions are 〈◊〉 13. cap. 13. b Terentius Petilius they sayd some say he desired the Pretor they 〈◊〉 â—…ead others that he brought a Scriuener to read them The historie in Liuy lib. 40. 〈◊〉 and Plinie lib. 1. 'T is sufficient to shew the places He saith he brought them inâ—… for though Numa's tombe were in the cittie namely in the foureteenth region 〈◊〉 yet being beyond Tyber such as came to the Senate house seemed to come out 〈◊〉 â—…bes or countrie c Religious fathers as touched with feare that religion should 〈◊〉 by the publication of those bookes Some read religious in reference vnto bookes 〈◊〉 â—…ng scruples of religion in mens mindes for that is the signification of the Latine 〈◊〉 any man will read it irreligious d Not fearing It was a great and religious 〈◊〉 â—…as had ouer Sepulchers of old none might violate or pull them downe it was a 〈◊〉 twelue tables and also one of Solons and Numa's of most old law-giuers Greekes â—…es belonging rather to their religion then their ciuill law for they held Sepulchers 〈◊〉 â—…les of th' Infernall gods and therefore they wrote vpon them these letters D. M. S. 〈◊〉 â—…anibus sacrum A place sacred to the gods of Hell and their sollemnities were 〈◊〉 â—…cia Cicero de legib lib. 2. Of Hydromancie whereby Numa was mocked with apparitions CHAP. 35. 〈◊〉 Nâ—…ma him-selfe being not instructed by any Prophet or Angell of God 〈◊〉 faine to fall to d Hydromancie making his gods or rather his deuills to 〈◊〉 in water and instruct him in his religious institutions Which kinde of 〈◊〉 â—…n saith Varro came from Persia and was vsed by Numa and afterwards 〈◊〉 â—…thagoras wherein they vsed bloud also and called forth spirits infernall 〈◊〉 â—…ncie the greekes call it but Necromancie or Hydromancie whether ye like 〈◊〉 it is that the dead seeme to speake How they doe these things looke they 〈◊〉 for I will not say that their lawes prohibited the vse of such things in 〈◊〉 cities before the comming of our Sauiour I doe not say so perhaps they 〈◊〉 allowed it But hence did Numa learne his ordinances which he published 〈◊〉 publishing their causes so afraide was he of that which he had learned 〈◊〉 which afterward the Senate burned But why then doth Varro giue them such a sort of other naturall reasons which had they beene in Numa's bookes they had 〈◊〉 beene burned or else Varro's that were dedicated to c Caesar the priest should haue beene burned for company So that Numa's hauing nymph a â—…ia to his wife was as Varro saith nothing but his vse of water in Hydromâ—…cy For so vse actions to bee spiced with falshood and turned into fables So by that Hydromancy did this curious King learne his religious lawes that hee gaue the Romaines and which the Priests haue in their bookes marry for their causes them hee learned also but kept to himselfe and after a sort entoumbed them in death with himselfe such was his desire to conceale them from the world So then either were these bookes filled with the deuills best all desires and thereby all the politique Theology that presenteth them such filthynesses made
before the other the other spent their wittes in seeking out of the causes of things the meanes of learning and order of life these knowing GOD found thâ—… their was both the cause of the whole creation the light of all true learning and the fount of all felicity So that what Platonists or others soeuer held thâ—…s of GOD they held as we doe But wee choose rather to deale with the a Plâ—…tonists then others because their workes are most famous for both the Greekes whose language is very greatly ' esteemed of the nations doâ—… preserue and extoll them and the Latines mooued by their excelleâ—… and glory learning them more willingly themselues and by recordiâ—… them in their tongues also left them the more illustrious and plaine to vs and to all posterity L. VIVES VVIth the a Platonists From Plato and Aristotles time vnto Aphrodiseus that liued vnder Seuerus and his sonne Aristotle was rather named amongst the learned then either read or vnderstood Aprodiseus first aduentured to explaine him and did set many on to search farther into the author by that light hee gaue yet did Plato keepe aboue him still vntill the erection of publike schooles in France and Italy that is as long as the Greeke and Latine tongues were in account but when learning grew Mercenary and Mimicall all their aime was gaine and contention and verbosity and sond subtility with vile fained wordes of arte and friuolous quillets then was Aristotles logike and physikes held fit for their purpose and many better bookes of his throwne aside But as for Plato because they vnderstood him not nay and Aristotle much lesse yet because hee teacheth no trickes oh neuer name him I speake not this to imply Aristotles learning more insufficient then Plato's but it is a shame that Plato a holy Philosopher should bee thrust by and Aristotles best part also and the rest so read that he must speake their pleasures beeing such fooleries as not Aristotle no not any mad man of his time would haue held or divulged Whence Plato might haue that knowledge that brought him so neare the Christian doctrine CHAP. 11. NOw some of our Christians admire at these assertions of Plato comming soneere to our beleefe of God So that some thinke that at his going to Egipt hâ—…e heard the Prophet a Hieremye or got to read some of the prophets bookes in his trauell these opinions I haue b else-where related But by all true chronicles supputation Plato was borne an 100. yeares after Ieremy prophecied Plato liued 81. yeares and from his death to the time that Ptolomy King of Egipt demanded the Hebrew prophecies and had them translated by the 70. Iewes that vnderstood the greeke also is reckned almost 60. yeares So that Plato in his trauell could neither see Hieremy beeing dead nor read the scriptures beeing not as yet translated into the greeke which he vnderstood c vnlesse as he was of an infatigable studie he had had them read by an interpretor yet so as hee might not translate them or coppy them which Ptolomy as a friend might intreate or as a King command but onely carry away what he could in his memory Some reason there is for this because Genesis beginneth thus In the beginning GOD treated heauen and earth and the earth was without forme and voide and darkenesse â—…as vpon the deepe the Spirit of GOD mooued vpon the wateâ—…s And Plato in his d Tiâ—…s saith that GOD first e ioyned the earth and the fire Now it is certaine that f hee meaneth heauen by fire so that here is a correspondence with the other In the beginning GOD created heauen and earth Againe hee saith that the two g meanes conioyning these extremities are water and ayre this some may thinke he had from the other The spirit of GOD mooued vpon the waters not minding in what sence the scripture vseth the word Spirit and because h ayre is a spirit therefore it may bee hee gathered that hee collected 4. elements from this place And whereas hee saith a Philosopher is a louer of God thâ—…re is nothing better squareth with the holy scriptures but that especially which maketh mee almost confesse that Plato wanted not these bookes that whereas the Angel that brought Gods word to Moyses being asked what his name was that bad him goe free the Israelites out of Egipt answered his name was i I am that I am And thus shalt thou say to the children of Israell I am hath sent me to you as if that in comparison of that which truely is being immutable the things that are immutable are not Plato stuck hard vpon this and commended it highly And I maâ—…e a doubt whether the like be to be found in any one that euer wrote before Plate except in that booke when it was first written so I am that I am and thou shalt tell them that I am sent me to you But wheresoeuer he had it out of others bookes before him or as the Apostle saith Because that which is knowne of God is manifest vnto them for God hath shewed it them For the inuisible things of him that iâ—… his eternall power and god-head are seene by the creation of the world being considered in his workes This maketh mee chose to deale with the Platonists in our intended question of naturall Theology namely whether the seruice of one GOD or many suffice for the felicity of the life to come For as touching the seruice of one or many for the helpes of this temporall life I thinke I haue said already sufficient L. VIVES PRophet a Hieremy Hee went with the two Tribes Beniamin and Iuda into Egipt and was there stoned at Tanis there the inhabitants honour him for the present helpe his tombe giues theÌ„ against the stinging of serpents b Else-where De Doctr. xpian 2. Eusebâ—… saith Hieremy began to prophecy the 36. Olympiade and Plato was borne the 88. of the Septuagines hereafter c Unlesse as he was Iustin Martyr in Paracl ad gent Euseb. de prâ—…p Theodor. de Graec. affect all affiâ—…me that Plato had much doctrine from the Hebrew bookes Herevpon Numenius the Philosopher said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is Plato but Moyfes made Athenian And Aristobulus the Iewe writting to Philometoâ—… saith as Eusebius citeth it Plato did follow our law in many things for his diuers allegations haue prooued him an obseruer of it in particular things and that in many For the Pentateâ—…ch was translated before Alexanders time yea before the Persian Monarchy whence hee and Pythagoras had both very much d Timaeus So because Timaeus the Locrian is induced as disputing of the worâ—…d hâ—… had Plato heard in Italy and he wrote of the world in the dorike tongue out of which booke Plato hath much of his doctrine e Ioyned the earth The words are traâ—…slated by Tully thus Corporeum aspectabilem itemque tractabilem esse necessarium est nihil porrò igni vacuum
not This I say is the way that will free all beleeuers wherein Abraham trusting receiued that diuine promise In thy seede shall all the nations bee blessed Abrahamâ—… as a Chaldaean but for to receiue this promise that the seede which was disposed by the Angells in the mediators power to giue this vniuersall way of the soules freedome vnto all nations he was commanded to leaue his owne land and kinred and his fathers house And then was hee first freed from the Chaldaean superstitions and serued the true God to whose promise he firmely trusted This is the way recorded in the Prophet God bee mercifull vnto vs and blesse vs and shew vs the light of his countenance and bee mercifull vnto vs. That thy way may be knowne vpon earth thy sauing health among all nations And long aftâ—…r Abrahams seede beeing incarnate Christ sayth of himselfe I am the way the truth and the life This is the vniuersall way mentioned so long before by the Prophets It shal be in the last daies that the g mountaine of the house of the Lord shal be prepared in the toppe of the mountaines and shal be exalted aboue the hills and all nations shall flie vnto it And many people shall goe and say come let vs goe vppe to the mountaine of the Lord to the house of the God of Iacob and hee will teach vs his way and wee will walke therein For the lawe shall goe forth of Syon and the word of the LORD from Ierusalem This way therefore is not peculiar to some one nation but common to all Nor did the law and word of God stay in Ierusalem or Syon but come from thence to ouerspread all the world Therevpon the mediator being risen from death sayd vnto his amazed and amated disciples Al things must be fulfilled which are written of mee in the law the Prophets and the Psalmes Then opened hee their vnderstanding that they might vnderstand the scriptures saying thus it behooued CHRIST to suffer and to rise againe from the dead the third day and that repentance and remission of sinnes should be preached in his name amongst all nations beginning at Ierusalem This then is the vniuersall way of the soules freedome which the Saints and Prophets beeing at first but a fewe as God gaue grace and those all Hebrewes for that estate was in a h manner consecrated did both adumbrate in their temple sacrifice and Priest-hood and fore-told also in their prophecy often mistically and some-times plainely And the Mediator himselfe and his Apostles reuealing the grace of the new testament made plaine all those significations that successe of precedent times had retained as it pleased God the miracls which I spoke of before euermore giuing confirmation to them For they had not onely angelicall visions and saw the ministers of heauen but euen these simple men relying wholy vpon Gods word cast out deuills cured diseases i commanded wild-beasts waters birds trees elements and starres raised the dead I except the miracles peculiar to our Sauiour chiefly in his birth and resurrection shewing in the first the mistery of k maternall virginity and in the other the example of our renouation This way cleanseth euery soule and prepareth a mortall man in euery part of his for immortality For least that which Prophyry calls the intellect should haue one purgation the spirital another and the body another therefore did our true and powerfull Sauiour take all vpon him Besides this way which hath neuer failed man-kinde either l in prophecies or in their m performances no man hath euer had freedome or euer hath or euer shall haue And wheras Porphyry saith he neuer had any historicall notice of this way what history can be more famous then this that lookes from such a towring authority downe vpon all the world or more faithfull since it so relateth things past as it prophecyeth things to come a great part whereof wee see already performed which giueth vs assured hope of the fulfilling of the rest Porphyry nor euer a Platonist in the world can contemne the predictions of this way albee they concerne but temporall affaires as they doe all other prophecies and diuinations of what sort soeuer for them they say they neither are spoken by worthy men nor to any worthy purpose true for they are either drawne from inferiour causes as 〈◊〉 can presage much n concerning health vpon such or such signes or cls the vncleane spirits fore-tell the artes that they haue already disposed of o confirming the mindes of the guilty and wicked with deedes fitting their words or words fitting their deedes to get themselues a domination in mans infirmity But the holy men of this vniuersall way of ours neuer respect the prophecying of those things holding them iustly trifles yet doe they both know them and often fore-tell them to confirme the faith in things beyond sence and hard to present vnto plainnesse But they were other and greater matters which they as God inspired them did prophecy namely the incarnation of Christ and all things thereto belonging and fulfilled in his name repentance and conuersion of the will vnto God remission of sinnes the grace of iustice faith and increase of beleeuers throughout all the world destinction of Idolatry temptation for triall mundifying of the proficients freedom from euill the day of iudgement resurrection damnation of the wicked and glorification of the City of GOD in 〈◊〉 eternall Kingdome These are the prophecies of them of this way many are fullfilled and the rest assuredly are to come That this streight way leading to the knowledge and coherence of GOD lieth plaine in the holy scriptures vpon whose truth it is grounded they that beleeue not and therefore know not may oppose this but can neuer ouerthrow it And therefore in these ten bookes I 〈◊〉 spoken by the good assistance of GOD sufficient in sound iudgements though some expected more against the impious contradictors that preferre 〈◊〉 gods before the founder of the holy citty whereof wee are to dispute The 〈◊〉 fiue of the ten opposed them that adored their gods for temporall respects 〈◊〉 fiue later against those that adored them for the life to come It remaines now according as wee promised in the first booke to proceede in our discourse of the two citties that are confused together in this world and distinct in the other of whose originall progresse and consummation I now enter to dispute eâ—…â—…oking the assistance of the almighty L. VIVES KInges a high or road the Kinges the Prâ—…tors and the Soldiors way the lawes held holy b Indian The Gymnosophists and the Brachmans much recorded for admirable deeds and doctrine c All the world Therfore is our fayth called Catholike because it was not taught to any peculiar nation as the Iewes was but to all mankind excluding none all may be saued by it and none can without it nor hath euery nation herein as they haue in Paganisme a seuerall religion But
by feare of misery My mother Blanche a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had wâ—…t to tell me whâ—…n I was a childe that the Syrens sung 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 in faire wether hhoping the later in the first and fearing the first in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our hope Not of vnhappinesse but vnhappy of the happinesse to come 〈◊〉 Gâ—… from Hee toucheth the Platomists controuersie some holding the soules giuen of GOD 〈◊〉 others that they were cast downe for their guilt and for their punnishment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k sportes of soules A diuersity of reading but let vs make good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of the state of the first man and man-kinde in him CHAP. 21. â—…rd question of Gods power to create new things without change of 〈◊〉 because of his eternitie being I hope sufficiently handled wee may 〈◊〉 that he did farre better in producing man-kinde from one man onely 〈◊〉 had made many for whereas he created some creatures that loue to be 〈◊〉 in deserts as Eagles Kites Lyons Wolues and such like and others 〈◊〉 rather liue in flockes and companies as Doues Stares Stagges a 〈◊〉 and such like yet neither of those sorts did hee produce of one alone 〈◊〉 many together But man whose nature he made as meane betweene Anâ—…asts that if hee obeyed the Lord his true creator and kept his hests 〈◊〉 be transported to the Angels society but if hee became peruerse in 〈◊〉 offended his Lord God by pride of heart then that hee might bee cast â—…h like a beast and liuing the slaue of his lusts after death bee destinate â—…all paines him did hee create one alone but meant not to leaue him â—…th-out another humaine fellow thereby the more zealously commendâ—… concord vnto vs men being not onely of one kinde in nature but also â—…dred in affect creating not the woman hee meant to ioyne with man â—…did man of earth but of man and man whom hee ioyned with her not of 〈◊〉 of himselfe that all man-kinde might haue their propagation from one L. VIVES 〈◊〉 Daâ—… in the diminutiue because it is a timorous creature neither wilde noâ—… 〈◊〉 God fore-knew that the first Man should sinne and how many people hee was to translate out of his kinde into the Angels society CHAP. â—…22 〈◊〉 was not ignorant that Man would sinne and so incurre mortallitye 〈◊〉 for him-selfe and his progenie nor that mortalls should runne on in 〈◊〉 of iniquitie that brute a beasts should liue at more attonement 〈◊〉 betweene them-selues whose originall was out of water and earth 〈◊〉 whose kinde came all out of one in honor of concord for Lyons neâ—… among them-selues nor Dragons as men haue done But God fore-saw 〈◊〉 that his grace should adopt the godly iustifie them by the holy spirit â—…ir sinnes and ranke them in eternall peace with the Angels the last 〈◊〉 dangerous death being destroyed and those should make vse of Godsâ—…g â—…g all man-kinde from one in learning how well God respected vnity in 〈◊〉 L. VIVES 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Any place will holde bruite-beasts without contention sooner then 〈◊〉 mâ—…n is Woolâ—…e to man as the Greeke Prouerbe saith Pliâ—… lib. 7. and all other â—…gree among them-selues and oppose strangers The sterne Lion fights not with 〈◊〉 nor doth the Serpent sting the Serpent the beasts and fishes of the sea aâ—… with their owne kinde But man doth man the most mischiefe Dicâ—… saith Tully wrote a booke of the death of men He is a free and copious Peripatetique and herein hauing reckned vp inondations plagues burning exceeding aboundance of beaâ—… and other externall causes he compares then with the warres and seditions wherewith man hath destroyed man and finds the later farre exceeding the former This warre amongst men did Christ desire to haue abolished and for the fury of wrath to haue grafted the heate of zeale and charity This should bee preached and taught that Christians ought not to bee as wars but at loue one with another and to beare one with another mens minds are already to forward to shed bloud and do wickedly they neede not be set on Of the nature of mans soule being created according to the image of God CHAP. 23. THerefore God made man according to his a image and likenesse giuing him a soule whereby in reason and vnderstanding hee excelled all the other creatures that had no such soule And when hee had made man thus of earth and either b breathed the soule which he had made into him or rather made that breath one which he breathed into him for to breath is but to make a breth then c out of his side did hee take a bone whereof he made him a wife and an helpe as he was God for we are not to conceiue this carnally as wee see an artificer worke vp any thing into the shape of a man by art Gods hand is his power working visible things inuisibly Such as measure Gods vertue and power that can make seedes of seeds by those daily and vsuall workes hold this rather for a fable then a truth But they know not this creation and therefore thinke vnfaithfully thereof as though the workes of ordinary conception and production are not strange to those that know them not though they assigne them rather to naturall causes then account them the deities workes L. VIVES HIs a Image Origen thinkes that man is Christs image and therfore the scripture calls man Gods image for the Sonne is the fathers image some thinke the Holy Ghost is ment in the simyly But truely the simyly consists in nothing but man and the likenesse of God A man saith Paul is Gods image It may be referred to his nature and in that he is Gods likenesse may be referred to his guifts immortallity and such wherein he is like God b Breathed It is a doubt whether the soule were made before infused after or created with the body Aug de gens ad lit li. 7. saith that the soule was made with the other spiritual substances infused afterwards and so interpreteth this place Hee breathed into his face the breath of life Others take it as though the soule were but then made and so doth Augustine here c Out of his Why the woman was made after the man why of his ribbe when he was a sleepe and how of his rib read Magister sentent lib. 2. Dist. 18. Whether the Angels may be called creators of any the least creature CHAP. 24. BVt here wee haue nothing to doe with a them that hold the diuine essence not to medle with those things at all But b those that follow Plato in affirming that all mortall creatures of which man is the chiefe were made by the lesser created Gods through the permission or command of the creator and not by him-selfe that framed the world let them but absure the superstition wherein thy seeke to giue those inferiors iust honors and sacrifices and they shall quickly avoid the error of this
should be saued and who should be damned CHAP. 27. BVt now because we must end this booke let this bee our position that in the first man the fore-said two societies or cities had originall yet not euidentlie but vnto Gods prescience for from him were the rest of men to come some to be made fellow cittizens with the Angels in ioy and some with the Deuils in torment by the secret but iust iudgment of God For seeing that it is written All the wayes of the Lord bee mercy and truth his grace can neither bee vniust nor his iustice cruell Finis lib. 12. THE CONTENTS OF THE thirteenth booke of the City of God 1. Of the first Mans fall and the procurement of mortality 2. Of the death that may befall the immortal soule and of the bodies death 3. Whether death propagated vnto all men from the first bee punishment of sinne to the Saints 4. Why the first death is not with-held from the regenerate from sinne by grace 5. As the wicked vse the good law euill so the good vse death which is euill well 6. The generall euill of that death that seuereth soule and body 7. Of the death that such as are not regenerate doe suffer for Christ. 8. That the Saints in suffering the first death for the truth are quit from the second 9. Whether a man at the houre of his death may be said to be among the dead or the dying 10. Whether this mortall life be rather to bee called death then life 11. Whether one may bee liuing and dead both together 12. Of the death that God threatned to punish the first man withall if he transgressed 13. What punishment was first laid on mans preuarication 14. In what state God made Man and into what state he fell by his voluntary choyce 15. That Adam forsooke God ere God forsooke him and that the soules first death was the departure from God 16. Of the Philosophers that held corporall death not to bee penall whereas Plato brings in the Creator promising the lesser Gods that they should neuer leaue their bodies 17. Against the opinion that earthly bodies cannot be corruptible nor eternall 18. Of the terrene bodies which the Philosophers hold cannot bee in heauen but must fall to earth by their naturall weight 19 Against those that hold that Man should not haue beene immortall if hee had not sinned 20. That the bodies of the Saints now resting in hope shall become better then our first fathers was 21. Of the Paradice when our first parents were placed and that it may be taken spiritually also with-out any wrong to the truth of the historie as touching the reall place 22. That the Saints bodies after resurrection shall bee spirituall and yet not changed into spirits 23. Of bodies animate and spirituall these dying in Adam and those beeing quickned in Christ. 24. How Gods breathing a life into Adam and Christs breathing vpon his Apostles when hee said Receiue the holy spirit are to bee vnderstood FINIS THE THIRTEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the first Mans fall and the procurement of mortalitie CHAP. 1. HAuing gotten through the intricate questions of the worlds originall and man-kindes our methode now calleth vs to discourse of the first mans fall nay the first fall of both in that kind and consequently of the originall and propagation of our mortality for God made not man as he did Angels that though they sinned yet could not dye but so as hauing a performed their course in obedience death could not preuent them from partaking for euer of blessed and Angelicall immortality but hauing left this course death should take them into iust damnation as we said in the last booke L. VIVES HAuing a performed Euery man should haue liued a set time vpon earth and then being confirmed in nature by tasting of the tree of life haue beene immortally translated into heauen Here are many questions made first by Augustine and then by Lombard dist 2. What mans estate should haue beene had he not sinned but these are modest and timerous inquirers professing they cannot finde what they seeke But our later coments vpon Lumbard flie directly to affirmatiue positions vpon very coniectures or grounds of nature I heare them reason but I see them grauelled and in darknesse where yet they will not feele before them ere they goe but rush on despight of all break-neck play What man hath now wee all know to our cost what he should haue had it is a question whether Adam knew and what shall we then seeke why should we vse coniectures in a things so transcendent that it seemes miraculous to the heauens as if this must follow natures lawes which would haue amazed nature had it had existence then What light Augustine giues I will take and as my power and duty is explaine the rest I will not meddle with Of the death that may befall the immortall soule and of the bodyes death CHAP. 2. BVt I see I must open this kinde of death a little plainer For mans soule though it be immortall dyeth a kinde of death a It is called immortall because it can neuer leaue to bee liuing and sensitiue and the body is mortall because it may be destitute of life and left quite dead in it selfe But the death of the soule is when God leaueth it the death of the body is when the soule leaueth it so that the death of both is when the soule being left of God leaueth the body And this death is seconded by that which the Scripture calles the b second death This our Sauiour signified when hee said feare him which is able to destroy both body and soule in hell which comming not to passe before the body is ioyned to the soule neuer to be seperated it is strange that the body can be sayd to die by that death which seuereth not the soule from it but torments them both together For that â—…all paine of which wee will speake here-after is fitly called the soules deaâ—… because it liueth not with God but how is it the bodies which liueth with the soule for otherwise it could not feele the corporall paines that expect it after the resurrection is it because all life how-so-euer is good and all paine euill that the body is said to dye wherein the soule is cause of sorrow rather then life Therefore the soule liueth by God when it liueth well for it cannot liue without God working good in it and the body liueth by the soule when the soule liueth in the body whether it liue by God or no. For the wicked haue liâ—…â—…body but none of soule their soules being dead that is forsaken of God lâ—…g power as long as their immortall proper life failes not to afforde them 〈◊〉 but in the last damnation though man bee not insensitiue yet this sence of 〈◊〉 â—…ing neither pleasing nor peacefull but sore and
painfull is iustly termed 〈◊〉 death then life and therefore is it called the second death because it folâ—…th the first breach of nature either betweene God and the soule or this and the â—…dy of the first death therefore wee may say that it is good to the good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the bad But the second is bad in all badnesse vnto all good to none L. VIVES IT a is called Bruges copy differs not much all is one in substance b Second death 〈◊〉 2. 11. and 21 8. Whether death propagated vnto all men from the first be punishment of sinne to the Saints CHAP. 3. â—…ere's a question not to be omitted whether the first death bee good to 〈◊〉 â—…ood If it be so how can it be the punishment of sinne for had not our 〈◊〉 sinned they had neuer tasted it how then can it bee good to the vpâ—… cannot happen but vnto offenders and if it happen but vnto offenders 〈◊〉 not be good for it should not be at all vnto the vpright for why should 〈◊〉 punishment that haue no guilt Wee must confesse then that had not 〈◊〉 parents sinned they had not dyed but sinning the punishment of death â—…cted vpon them and all their posteritie for they should not produce 〈◊〉 â—…ng but what them-selues were and the greatnesse of their crime depraued 〈◊〉 â—…ture so that that which was penall in the first mans offending was made 〈◊〉 in the birth of all the rest for they came not of man as man came of the 〈◊〉 The dust was mans materiall but man is mans parent That which is earth is 〈◊〉 flesh though flesh be made of earth but that which man the father is man the 〈◊〉 is also For all man-kinde was in the first man to bee deriued from him by the 〈◊〉 when this couple receiued their sentence of condemnation And that 〈◊〉 man was made not in his creation but in his fall and condemnation that 〈◊〉 â—…got in respect I meane of sinne and death For his sinne a was not cause of 〈◊〉 weaknesse in infancie or whitenesse of body as we see in infants those God would haue as the originall of the yonglings whose parents he had cast downe to 〈◊〉 mortality as it is written Man was in honor and vnderstood not but became 〈◊〉 the beasts that perish vnlesse that infants bee weaker in motion and appetite 〈◊〉 all other creatures to shew mans mounting excellence aboue them all comâ—…le to a shaft that flieth the stronger when it is drawne farthest back in the 〈◊〉 Therefore mans presumption and iust sentence adiudged him not to those â—…lities of nature but his nature was depraued vnto the admission of conâ—…entiall in-obedience in his members against his will thereby was bound to death by necessity and to produce his progeny vnder the same conditions that his crime deserued From which band of sin if infants by the mediators grace be freed they shall onely bee to suffer the first death of body but from the eternall penall second death their freedome from sinne shall quit them absolutely L. VIVES HIs sinne a was not Here is another question in what state men should haue beene borne had they not sinned Augustine propounds it in his booke De baptis paruul some thinke they should haue beene borne little and presently become perfect men Others borne little but in perfect strength onely not groweth and that they should presently haue followed the mother as we see chickens and lambes The former giue them immediate vse of sence and reason the later not so but to come by degrees as ours do Augustine leaues the doubt as hee findes it seeming to suppose no other kinde of birth but what we now haue Why the first death is not withheld from the regenerat from sinne by grace CHAP. 4. IF any thinke they should not suffer this being the punishment of guilt and there guilt cleared by grace he may be resolued in our booke called De baptismo paruulorum There we say that the seperation of soule and body remaineth to succeed though after sinne because if the sacrament of regeneration should be immediately seconded by immortality of body our faith were disanulled being an expectation of a thing vnseene But by the strength and vigor of faith was this feare of death to be formerly conquered as the Martires did whose conflicts had had no victory nor no glory nay had bin no conflicts if they had beene deified and freed from corporall death immediatly vpon their regeneration for if it were so who would not run vnto Christ to haue his child baptised least hee should die should his faith be approued by this visible reward no it should be no faith because he receiued his reward immediatly But now the wounderfull grace of our Sauiour hath turned the punishment of sinne vnto the greater good of righteousnesse Then it was said to man thou shalt die if thou sinne now it is said to the Martir die to auoid sin Then if you breake my lawes you shall dy now if you refuse to die you breake my lawes That which we feared then if we offended we must now choose not to offend Thus by Gods ineffable mercy the punishment of sin is become the instrument of vertue and the paine due to the sinners guilt is the iust mans merit Then did sinne purchase death and now death purchaseth righteousnes I meane in the Martires whome their persecutors bad either renounce their faith or their life and those iust men chose rather to suffer that for beleeuing which the first sinners suffred for not beleeuing for vnlesse they had sinned they had not dyed and Martires had sinned if they had not died They dyed for sinne these sinne not because they die The others crime made death good which before was euill but God hath giuen such grace to faith that death which is lifes contrary is here made the ladder whereby to ascend to life As the wicked vse the good law euill so the good vse death which is euill well CHAP. 5. FOr the Apostle desiring to shew the hurt of sin being vnpreuented by grace doubted not to say that the law which forbids sinne is the strength of sinne The sting 〈◊〉 saith he is sinne and the strength of sinne is the lawe Most true for a forbidding of vnlawfull desires increase them in him where righteousnesse is not of power to suppresse all such affects to sinne And righteousnesse can neuer be lâ—…d without gods grace procure this loue But yet to shew that the law is not euill though hee calls it the strength of sinne hee saith in another place in the 〈◊〉 question The law is holy and the commandement holy and iust and good Was that then which is good saith he made death to me GOD forbid buâ—… sinne that it might appeare sinne wrought death in me by that which is good b that siâ—…e might be out of measure sinfull by the commandement Out of measure 〈◊〉
dying nor in death For this is sought as present in the change of the times and is found the one passing into the other without the least interposed space Doe we not see then that by this reason the death of the bodie is nothing If it bee how is it any thing beeing in nothin and whereing nothing can be for if we liue it is not any thing yet because wee are before it not in it if we liue not it is nothing still for now wee are after it and not in it But now if death bee nothing before nor after what sence is there in saying before or after death I would to God wee had liued well in Paradise that death might haue bin nothing indeede But now there is not onely such a thing but it is so greeuous with vs as neither tongue can tell nor reason avoide Let vs therefore speake according to c custome for so wee should and call the time ere death come before death as it is written d Iudge none blessed before his death Let vs call the 〈◊〉 when it is already come after death this or that was after his death and let us speake of the present time as wee can hee dying gaue such a legacy hee dying left thus much or thus much though no man could do this but the liuing and rather before his death then at or in his death And let vs speake as the holy scripture speaketh of the dead saying they were not after death but in death For in death there is no remembrance of thee for vntill they rise againe they are iustly said to bee in death as one is in sleepe vntill hee awake Though such as are in sleepe wee say are sleeping then may wee not say that such as are dead are dying For they that are once seperate wholy froÌ„ them bodies are past dying the bodily death whereof we speake any more But this that I say one cannot declare how the dying man may be sayd to liue or how the dead man can be sayd to bee in death for how can he bee after death if hee bee in death since wee cannot call him dying as we may doe hee that is in sleepe sleeping or hee that is in languor â—…guishing or hee that is in sorrow sorrowing or in life liuing But the dead vntill they arise are said to bee in death yet wee cannot say they are dying And therefore I thinke it was not for no cause perhaps God decreed it that mortor the latine word for to die could not by any meanes bee brought by e grammartians vnto the forme of other verbes f Ortor to arise hath ortus in the preterperfect tense and so haue other verbes that are declined by the participle of the pretertense But Morior must haue mortuus for the preterperfect tence doubling the letter V. for Mortuus endes like fatuus arduus conspicuus and such like that are no preterperfect tenses but nownes declined without tenses 〈◊〉 times and this as if it were a nowne decsinable that cannot be declined is put for the participle of the present tense So that it is conuenient that as it cannot effect the signification by act no more should the name be to bee g declined by arte Yet by the grace of Our Redeemer we may decline that is avoide the second death For this is the sore one and the worst of euills beeing no separation but rather a combination of body and soule vnto eternall torture Therein sâ—…all none bee a fore death nor after death but eternally in death neuer liuing neuer dead but euer dying For man can neuer be in worse death then when the death he is in is endlesse L. VIVES TOo a strange Insolens for insolitum vn-accustomed Salusts worde that antiquary and Gellius his ape b When is he Oh Saint Augustine by your fauor your witts edge is too blunt here you not our rare schoole diuines the first is the first is not the last is the last is not death is not in this instant for now it is done conceiue you not Why thus It was but now and now it is not not yet then thus but you must into the schooles and learne of the boies for those bables are fitter for them then for men But you and I will haue a great deale of good talke of this in some other place c Custome The mistresse of speach whom all artes ought to obserue d Iudge none Like Solons saying No man can bee called blessed and he be dead because hee knowes not what may befall him e Grammarians You are too idle in this chapter Saint Augustine First in commanding vs to apply our speech to the common sence and secondly in naming gramarians in a matters of diuinity how much more in drawing any argument pertayning to this question from them If any smatterer of our diuines had done it hee should haue beene hissed out of our schooles but you follow the old discipline and keepe the artes combined mixing each others ornament and no way disioyning them f Orior That comparison holdes in grammar it is a great question and much tossed Aristarchus a great grammarian defended it and Crates building vpon Chrisippus his Perianomalia did oppose it Varro's fragments herevpon lay downe both their reasons and Quintilian disputes of it Caius Caesar wrote also to Cicero concerning Analogie Doubtlesse it must be allowed in many things but not in all otherwise that art cannot stand nor hardly worldly discourse g Declined Alluding to the ambiguity of the worde declinari it cannot bee declined that is avoided nor declined that is varied by cases Of the death that God threatned to promise the first man withall if he transgressed CHAP. 12. IF therefore it bee asked what death GOD threatned man with all vpon his trangression and breach of obedience whether it were bodily or spirituall or that second death we answere it was all the first consisteth of two and the second entirely of all for as the whole earth consists of many lands and the whole Church of many Churches so doth the vniuersall death consist of all the first consisting of two the bodies and the soules beeing the death wherein the soule beeing foresaken of GOD forsaketh the bodie and endureth paines for the time but the second beeing that wherein the soule being forsaken of GOD endureth paines for euer Therefore when GOD sayd to the first man that hee placed in Paradise as concerning the forbidden fruite Whensoeuer thou eatest thereof thou shaâ—… die the death he comprehends therein not onely the first part of the first death wheresoeuer the soule looseth God nor the later onely wherein the soule leaneth the body and is punished after that seperation but also that last part or the second which is the last of deaths eternall and following after all all this is comprehended in that commination What punishment was first layd on mans preuarication CHAP. 13. FOr after mankinde had broken the precept hee was
forth of GODS mouth 〈◊〉 that which is equall and consubstantiall with him let them read or heare 〈◊〉 owne words Because thou art luke warme and neither colde nor hotte it will 〈◊〉 to passe that I shall spew thee out of my mouth Therefore wee haue to contraâ—… the Apostles plainenesse in distinguishing the naturall body wherein wee now are from the spirituall wherein wee shall bee where he saith It is sowen a naturall body but ariseth a spirituall body as it is also written The first man Adam was made a liuing soule and the last Adam a quickning spirit The first was of earth earthly the second of heauen heauenly as is the earthly such are all the earthly and as the heauenly is such are the heauenly And as wee haue borne the Image of the earthly so shall wee beare the Image of the heauenly Of all which words wee spake before Therefore the naturall body wherein man was first made was not made immortall but yet was made so that it should not haue dyed vnlesse man had offended But the body that shall bee spirituall and immortall shall neuer haue power to dye as the soule is created immortall who though it doe in a manner lose the life by loosing the spirit of God which should aduance it vnto beatitude yet it reserueth the proper life that is it liueth in misery for euer for it cannot dye wholy The Apostaticall Angels after a sort are dead by sinning because they forsooke God the fountaine of life whereat they might haue drunke eternall felicity yet could they not dye so that their proper life and sence should leaue them because they were made immortall and at the last iudgement they shal be thrown headlong into the second death yet so as they shal liue therin for euer in perpetuall sence of torture But the Saints the Angels fellow-cittizens belonging to the grace of God shall be so inuested in spiritual bodies that from thence-forth they shall neither sinne nor die becomming so immortall as the Angels are that sinne can neuer subuert their eternity the nature of flesh shall still be theirs but quite extracted from all corruption vnweeldynesse and ponderosity Now followeth another question which by the true Gods helpe we meane to decide and that is this If the motion of concupiscence arose in the rebelling members of our first parents immediately vppon their transgression where-vppon they saw that is they did more curiously obserâ—…e their owne nakednesse and because the vncleane motion resisted their wils couered their priuie partes how should they haue begotten children had they remayned as they were created without preuarication But this booke being fit for an end and this question not fit for a too succinct discussion it is better to leaue it to the next volume L. VIVES DId not a then This the Manichees held Aug. de Genes ad lit lib. 2. Caâ—… 8. b And GOD formed They doe translate it And God framed man of earth taken from the earth I thinke Augustine wanteth a word taken or taking Laurinus his copy teadeth it as the Septuagints do Yet the Chaldee Thargum or paraphraze reading it as Augustine hath it and so it is in the Bible that Cardinall Ximenes my patron Crâ—… his predecessor published in foure languages beeing assisted by many learned men but for the greeke especially by Iohn Vergara a deepe vprightly iudicious and vnvulgar Scholler Their Pentateuch Lewis Coronelli lent me forbearing al the while that I was in hand with this worke for the common good c And God framed Hieromes translation d Whence 〈◊〉 Shewing that in his time the Church vsed the Latine translation from the seauentie and noâ—… Hiâ—…s I wonder therefore that men should be excluded from sober vsing of diuerse translations e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Greeke is we vse it of those that forme any thing out of claye that is â—…gere and great authors vse it concerning men He made them finxit greedie and gluttonous Salust He made thee finxit wise temperate c. by nature Cic. 〈◊〉 Mâ—… speaking of Cato Maiâ—…r To forme I thinke is nothing but to giue forme property f Commonly If a moderne diuine had plaide the Gramarian thus hee should haue heard of it But Augustine may but if he and Paul liued now adayes hee should be held a Pedant 〈◊〉 a petty orator and Paul a madde man or an heretique Not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Chaldees read a speaking spirit Here Augustine shewes plainly how necessarie the true knowledge of the meaâ—…gs of words is in art and discipline h I haue made I say 57. 16. the 70. also read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all breath Many of the Latinists animus and anima for ayre and breath Uirg Semina terrarumque animaeque marisque fuissent They had beene seeds of earth of ayre and sea And Tully in his Academikes vseth it for breath Si vnus simplex vtrum sit ignis an anima 〈◊〉 sâ—…guis If it be simply one whether is it fire breath or bloud Terenc Compressi animam I 〈◊〉 my breath Plaut Faetet anima vxoris tuae Your wiues breath stinkes and Pliny Anima 〈◊〉 virus graue A Lions breath is deadly poison i Soule I like this reading better then Bâ—…es copies it squares better with the following Scriptures k Not as the If we say that Augustine held mans soule created without the body and then infused as Aristotle seemes to â—…rre De generat animal S. Thomas and a many more moderne authors goe downe the winde But if wee say it is not created as the mortall ones are that are produced out of the â—…osition of the substances wherein they are but that it is created from aboue within man â—…out all power of the materiall parts to worke any such effect this were the most common opinion and Aristotle should be thus vnderstood which seemes not to agree with this assertion that it commeth ab externo nor with his opinion that holdeth it immortall and inborne if I vnderstand his minde aright whereof I see his interpretors are very vncertaine l We must hold There were not onely a many Pagans as wee haue shewen but some Chriâ—… also that held the soule to be of Gods substance nor were these heretiques onely as 〈◊〉 â—…risilliannists and some others but euen that good Christian Lactantius not that I or 〈◊〉 wiser then I will approoue him in this but in that hee seemeth to stand zealously â—…d vnto Christ. His words are these Hauing made the body he breathed into it a soule out of 〈◊〉 lâ—…ing fountaine of his owne spirit which is eternall Institut diuin lib. 2. wherein hee seemes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that mans soule was infused into him from the spirit of God Finis lib. 13. THE CONTENTS OF THE foureteenth booke of the City of God 1. That the inobedience of the first man had drawne all mankind into the perpetuity of the second death but that Gods grace hath
freed a-many from it 2. Of the carnall life apparant in the soules viciousnesse as well as the bodies 3. That sinne came from the soule and not the flesh and that the corruption which sinne hath procured is not sinne but the punishment of sinne 4. What it is to liue according to man and to liue according to God 5. That the Platonists teach the natures of soule and bodie better then the Maniches yet they erre in ascribing sinne vnto the nature of the flesh 6. Of the quality of mans will vnto which all affections Good and Bad are subiect 7. That Amor and Dilectio are of indifferent vse in the Scriptures both for Good and Euill 8. Of the three passions that the Stoykes allow a wiseman excluding sadnes as foe to a vertuous mind 9. Of the perturbations of mind which the iust doe moderate and rule aright 10. Whether Man had those perturbations in Paradise before his fall 11. The fall of the first Man wherein Nature was made good and cannot bee repair'd but by the Maker 12. Of the quality of Mans first offence 13. That in Adams offence his Euill will was before his euill woorke 14. Of the pride of the transgressioÌ„ which was worse then the transgression it selfe 15. Of the iust reward that our first parents receiued for sinne 16. Of the euill of lust how the name is geâ—…rall to many vices but proper vnto venereall concupiscence 17. Of the nakednesse that our first parents discouered in themselues after their sinne 18. Of the shame that accompanieth copulation as well in common as in mariage 19. That the motions of wrath and lust are so violent that they doe necessarily require to bee suppressed by wisdome and that they were not 〈◊〉 our Nature before our fall depraued it 20. Of the vaine obscaenity of the Cynikes 21. Of the blessing of multiplication before sinne which the transgression did not abolish but onely linked to lust 22. That God first instituted and blessed the band of marriage 23. Whether if man had not sinned hee should haue begotten children in paradice and whether there should there haue bin any contention betweene chastity and lust 24. That our first parents had they liued without sinne should haue had their members of generation as subiect vnto their wills as any of the rest 25. Of the true beatitude vnattayne ablâ—… 〈◊〉 this life 26. That our first parents in Paradise migâ—… haue produced manking without any shamâ—… appetite 27. That the sinners Angels and men caâ—…not with their peruersenesse disturbe Gods prouidence 28. The state of the two Citties the Heauenly and the Earthly FINIS THE FOVRTEENTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus That the inobedience of the first man had drawne all mankinde into the perpetuity of the second death but that Gods grace hath freed a many from it CHAP. 1. WE said in our precedent bookes that it was Gods pleasure to propagate all men from one both for the keeping of humaine nature in one sociable similitude and also for to make their vnity of originall be the meanes of their concord in heart Nor should any of this kinde haue dyed but the first two the one whereof was made of the other and the other of nothing had incurred this punishment by their disobedience in committing so great a sinne that their whole nature being hereby depraued was so transfused through all their off-spring in the same degree of corruption and necessity of death whose kingdome here-vpon became so great in man that all should haue beene cast headlong in the second death that hath no end by this due punishment but the vndue a grace of God acquitted some from it whereby it comes to passe that whereas man-kinde is diuided into so many nations distinct in language discipline habite and fashion yet is there but two sorts of men that doe properly make the two citties wee speake of the one is of men that liue according to the flesh and the other of those that liue according to the spirit either in his kinde and when they haue attained their desire either doe liue in their peculiar peace L. VIVES VNdue a grace For God owes no man any thing and therefore it is called grace because it comes gratis freely and because it maketh the receiuer gratum thankfull Who hath giâ—… vnto him first and hee shall be recompensed Rom. 11. 35. If it were due he should not then giue but restore it Not by the workes of righteousnesse which wee haue done but according to his 〈◊〉 hee saued vs. Tit. 3. 5. Of the carnall life apparant in the soules viciousnesse as well as the bodies CHAP. 2. WE must first then see what it is to liue according to the flesh and what according to the spirit The raw and inconsiderate considerer hereof not attending well to the scriptures may thinke that the Epicureans were those that liued according to the flesh because â—…hey made bodily pleasure that summum boâ—… and all such as any way held corporall delight to be mans chiefest good as the vulgar also which not out of Philosophy but out of their owne pronenesse to lust can delight in no pleasures but such as are bodily and sensible but that the Stoickes that placed this summum bonum in the minde liue according to the spirit for what is mans minde but his spirit But the Scriptures prooue them both to follow the courses of the flesh calling the flesh not onely an earthly animate body as it doth saying All flesh is not the same flesh for there is one flesh of men and another flesh of beasts and another of fishes and another of birdes but it vseth the worde in farre other significations amongst which one is that it calleth whole man that is his intire nature flesh vsing the part for the whole as By the workes of the lawe shall no flesh be iustified What meanes hee by no flesh but no man hee explaineth him-selfe immediatly a man is iustified by faith without the workes of the lawe And in another place No man is iustified by the lawe The word was made flesh What is that but man Some misconceiuing this place held that Christ had no humaine soule For as the part is taken for the whole in these words of Mary Magdalene They haue taken away my Lord and I know not where they haue laide him Meaning onely the flesh of Christ which shee thought they had taken out of the Sepulchre so is the part taken for the whole when wee say flesh for Man as in the quotations before Seeing therefore that the Scripture vseth flesh in so many significations too tedious heere to recollect To finde what it is to liue according to the flesh the course being enill when the flesh is not euill let vs looke a little diligently into that place of the Apostle Paul to the Galathians where hee saith The workes of the flesh are
is the New Testament but the opening of the Old one Now Abraham is sayd to laugh but this was the extreamity of his ioy not any signe of his deriding this promise vpon distrust and his thoughts beeing these Shall he that is an hundred yeares old c. Are not doubts of the euents but admirations caused by so strange an euent Now if some stop at that where God saith he will giue him all the Land of Canaan for an eternall possession how this may be fulfilled seeing that no mans progeny can inherite the earth euerlastingly he must know that eternall is here taken as the Greekes take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is deriued of c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is seculum an age but the latine translation durst not say seculare here least it should haue beene taken in an other sence for seculare and transitorium are both alike vsed for things that last but for a little space but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that which is either endlesse at all or endeth not vntill the worlds end and in this later sence is eternall vsed here L. VIVES I Wil be a his God Or to be his GOD. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a grecisme hardly expressed in your latine b The very The gentiles had also their eight day wherevpon the distinguished the childs name from the fathers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is Seculum aetas annâ—…m eternitas in latine Tully and other great authors translate it all those waies from the greeke Of the man-child that if it were not circumcised the eight day iâ—… perished for breaking of Gods couenant CHAP. 27. SOme also may sticke vpon the vnderstanding of these words The man child in whose flesh the fore-skinne is not circumcised that person shal be cut off from his people because he had broaken my couenant Here is no fault of the childes who is hereexposed to destruction he brake no couenant of Gods but his parents that looked not to his circumcision vnlesse you say that the yongest child hath broken Gods command and couenant as well as the rest in the first man in whom all man-kinde sinned For there are a many Testaments or Couenants of God besides the old and new those two so great ones that euery one may read and know The first couenant was this vnto Adam Whensoeuer thou eatest thereof thou shalt die the death wherevpon it is written in Ecclesiasticus All flesh waxeth 〈◊〉 as a garment and it is a couenant from the beginning that all sinners shall die the death for whereas the law was afterwards giuen and that brought the more light to mans iudgement in sinne as the Apostle saith Where no law is there is no transgression how is that true that the Psalmist said I accounted all the sinners of the earth transgressors b but that euery man is guilty in his owne conscience of some-what that hee hath done against some law and therefore seeing that little children as the true faith teacheth be guilty of originall sinne though not of actuall wherevpon wee confesse that they must necessarily haue the grace of the remission of their sinnes then verily in this they are breakers of Gods coueâ—… made with Adam in paradise so that both the Psalmists saying and the Apostles is true and consequently seeing that circumcision was a type of regeneration iustly shall the childs originall sinne breaking the first couenant that 〈◊〉 was made betweene God and man cut him off from his people vnlesse that regeneration engraffe him into the body of the true religion This then we must conceiue that GOD spake Hee that is not regenerate shall perish from â—…gst his people because he hath broke my couenant in offending me in Adam For if he had sayd he hath broke this my couenant it could haue beene meant of nothing but the circumcision onely but seeing hee saith not what couenant the child breaketh we must needes vnderstand him to meane of a couenant liable vnto the transgression of the child But if any one will tie it vnto circumcision and say that that is the couenant which the vncircumcised child hath broken let him beware of absurdity in saying that hee breaketh their couenant which is not broken by him but in him onely But howsoeuer we shall finde the childs condemnation to come onely from his originall sinne and not from any negligence of his owne iucurring this breach of the couenant L. VIVES THere a are many Hierome hath noted that wheresoeuer the Greekes read testament 〈◊〉 Hebrewes read couenant Berith is the Hebrew word b But that There is no man so barbarous but nature hath giuen him some formes of goodnesse in his heart whereby to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honest life if he follow them and if he refuse them to turne wicked Of the changing of Abram and Sara's names who being the one too barren and both to old to haue children yet by Gods bounty were both made fruitfull CHAP. 28. THus this great and euident promise beeing made vnto Abraham in these words A father of many nations haue I made thee and I will make thee exceeding fruitfull and nations yea euen Kings shall proceed of thee which promise wee see most euidently fulfilled in Christ from that time the man and wife are called no more Abram and Sarai but as wee called them before and all the world calleth them Abraham and Sarah But why was Abrahams name changed the reason followeth immediately vpon the change for a father of many nations haue I made thee This is signified by Abraham now Abram his former a name is interpreted an high father But b for the change of Sara's name there is no reason giuen but as they say that haue interpreted those Hebrew names Sarai is my Princesse and Sarah strength wherevpon it is written in the Epistle to the Hebrewes By faith Sarah receiued strength to conceiue seed c. Now they were both old as the scripture saith but c shee was barren also and past the age d wherein the menstruall bloud floweth in women which wanting she could neuer haue conceiued although she had not beene barren And if a woman be well in years and yet haue that menstruall humour remayning she may conceiue with a yongman but neuer by an old as the old man may beget children but it must bee vpon a young woman as Abraham after Sarahs death did vpon Keturah because shee was of a youthfull age as yet This therefore is that which the Apostle so highly admireth and herevpon he saith that Abrahams body was dead because hee was not able to beget a child vpon any woman that was not wholy past her age of child-bearing but onely of those that were in the prime and flowre thereof For his bodie was not simply dead but respectiuely otherwise it should haue beene a carcasse fit for a graue not an ancient father vpon earth Besides the guift of begetting children that GOD gaue him lasted after Sarahs death and he
Empresse of Asia vntill her yong sonne Ninus came at age so shee vndertoke the gouerâ—… and kept it fourty two yeares This now some say but the Athenians and Dion after 〈◊〉 affirme that shee begged the sway of the power imperiall of her husband for fiue daies 〈◊〉 which hee granting she caused him to be killed or as others say to bee perpetually â—…oned l They say he slew She was held wounderous lustfull after men and that she still murâ—… him whome she medled with that shee tempted her sonne who therefore slew her 〈◊〉 for feare to fare as the others had or else in abhomination of so beastly an act The 〈◊〉 say shee died not but went quicke vp to heauen 〈◊〉 â—…lt Babilon Babilon is both a country in Assyria and a Citie therein built by Semiâ—… as Diodorus Strabo Iustine and all the ancient Greekes and Latines held But Ioseâ—… Ensebius Marcellinus and others both Christians and Iewes say that it was built by 〈◊〉 â—…genie of Noah and onely repaired and fortified by Semiramis who walled it about 〈◊〉 such walles as are the worlds wonders This Ouid signifieth saying Coctilibus muris cinxisse Semiramis vrbem Semiramis guirt it with walles of Brick And this verse Hierome citeth to confirme this In Ose. Some hold that Belus her father in law built it Some that hee laide the foundations onely So holdes Diodorus out of the Egiptian monuments Alexander saith that the first Belus whome the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reigned in Babilon and that Belus the second and Chanaan were his two sonnes But hee followeth Eupolemus in allotting the building of Babilon to those that remained after the deluge Eus. de pr. Euang. lib. 8. Chaldaea was all ouer with water saith Abydenus in Eusebium de praep Euang. li. 10. And Belus dreined it drye and built Babilon the walles whereof being ruined by flouds Nabocodronosor repaired and those remained vnto the time of the Macedonian Monarchie and then hee reckoneth the state of this King impertinent vnto this place Augustine maketh Nemrod the builder of Babilon as you read before Heare what Plinie saith lib. 6. Babilon the chiefe Citty of Chaldaea and long famous in the world and a great part of the country of Assyria was called Babilonia after it the walles were two hundred foote high and fifty foote brode euery foote being three fingers larger then ours Euphrates ranne through the midst of it c. There was another Babilon in Egipt built by those whome Sesostris brought from Babilon in Assyria into Egipt to worke vpon those madde workes of his the Piramides n This sonne His mother brought him vp tenderly amongst her Ladyes and so hee liued a quiet Prince and came seldome abroade wherevpon the other Kings his successors got vp an vse to talke with few in person but by an interpretour and to rule all by deputies Diodor. Iustin. o Ninus Some call him Zameis sonne to Ninus as Iosephus and Eusebius and some Ninius p Telexion In the translated Eusebius it is Selchis whome hee saith reigned twenty yeares In some of Augustines olde copies it is Telxion and in some Thalasion but it must be Telexion for so it is in Pausanias What Kings reigned in Assyria and Sicyonia in the hundreth yeare of Abrahams age when Isaac was borne according to the promise or at the birth of Iacob and Esau. CHAP. 3. IN his time also did Sara being old barren and past hope of children bring forth Isaac vnto Abraham according to the promise of God And then reigned a Aralius the fift King of Assyria And Isaac being three score yeares of age had b Esau and Iacob both at one birth of Rebecca Abraham his father being yet liuing and of the age of one hundred and sixtie yeares who liued fifteene yeares longer and then dyed c Xerxes the older called also Balaeus reigning the seauenth King of Assyria d and Thuriachus called by some Thurimachus the seauenth of Sicyon Now the kingdome of the Argiues began with the time of these sonnes of Isaac and Inachus was the first King there But this wee may not forget out of Varro that the Sycionians vsed to offer sacrifices at the tombe of the seauenth King Thurimachus But e Armamitres being the eight King of Assyria and Leucippus of Sycionia and f Inachus the first King of Argos God promised the land of Chanaan vnto Isaac for his seede as hee had done vnto Abraham before and the vniuersall blessing of the nations therein also and this promise was thirdly made vnto Iacob afterwards called Israel Abrahams grand-child in the time of Belocus the ninth Assyrian monarch and Phoroneus Inachus his sonne the second King of the Argiues Leucippus reigning as yet in Sycione In this Phoroneus his time Greece grew famous for diuerse good lawes and ordinances but yet his brother Phegous after his death built a temple ouer his tombe and made him to be worshipped as a God caused oxen to be sacrificed vnto him holding him worthy of this honour I thinke because in that part of the kingdome which he held for their father diuided the whole betweene them hee set vp oratories to worship the gods in and taught the true course and obseruation of moneths and yeares which the rude people admiring in him thought that at his death hee was become a God or else would haue it to bee thought so For so they say f that Io was the daughter of Inachus shee that afterwards was called g Isis and honored for a great goddesse in Egipt though some write that h shee came out of Ethiopia to bee Queene of Egipt and because shee was mighty and gratious in her reigne and taught her subiects many good Artes they gaue her this honour after her death and that with such diligent respect that it was death to say shee had euer beene mortall L. VIVES ARalius a In the old copies Argius in Eusebius Analius sonne to Arrius the last King before him hee reigned fortie yeares The sonne in Assyria euer more succeeded the father Uelleius b Esau and Iacob Of Iacob Theodotus a gentile hath written an elegant poem and of the Hebrew actes And Artapanus and one Philo not the Iew but another Alexander Polyhistor also who followeth the Scriptures all those wrote of Iacob c Xerxes the elder Aralius his sonne hee reigned forty yeares There were two more Xerxes but those were Persian Kings the first Darius Hidaspis his sonne and the second successor to Artaxerxes Long-hand reigning but a few moneths The first of those sent the huge armies into Greece Xerxes in the Persian tongue is a warriour and Artaxerxes a great warriour Herodot in Erato The booke that beareth Berosus his name saith that the eight King of Babilon was called Xerxes surnamed Balaus and reigned thirty yeares that they called him Xerxes Victor for that hee wone twise as many nations to his Empire as Aralius ruled for hee was a stoute and fortunate souldiour and enlarged his kingdome
Egipt in the pronince of Delta where Amasis was borne built by the same Mâ—… who is called Neuth in Egypt and Athene in Attica The Athenians haue a moneth 〈◊〉 at the first new Moone in December which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in memory of thâ—… contention of Neptune and Pallas c Then it was Both there and else-where and Plato requited it in his Repub. d Athenians Wherevpon they were neuer called but Atticae as Neâ—…des saith the men indeed were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but not the women the reason was saith he because their wiues in their salutations should not shame the Virgins for the woman taketh her husbands name and they being called Athenians if the Virgins should bee called Atheniâ—… they should be held to be married But Pherecrates Philemon Diphilus Pindarus and diâ—… other old poets call the women of Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word Phrynichus the Bithiniâ—… sophister holdeth to bee no good Athenian Greeke and therefore wondereth that Pherecâ—…s a man wholy Atticizing would vse it in that sence f By a feminine A diuersity of reading but of no moment Varros relation of the originall of the word Areopage and of Deucalions deluge CHAP. 10. BVt Varro will beleeue no fables that make against their gods least hee should disparage their maiesty and therefore he will not deriue that a Areopagon the place b where Saint Paul disputed with the Athenians and whence the Iudges of the citty had their names from that that c Mars in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beeing accused of homicide was tried by twelue gods in that court and quit by sixe voices so absolued for the number beeing equall on both sides the absolution is to ouer-poyse the condemnation But this though it be the common opinion he reiects endeauoreth to lay down another cause of this name that the Athenians should not offer to deriue Areopagus from d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Pagus for this were to iâ—…e the gods by imputing broiles and contentions vnto them and therefore he affirmeth this and the goddesses contention about the golden apple both aâ—…se though the stages present them to the gods as true and the gods take 〈◊〉 in them bee they true or false This Varro will not beleeue for feare of â—…ing the gods in it and yet hee tells a tale concerning the name of Aâ—… of the contention betweene Neptune and Minerua as friuolous as this and maketh that the likeliest originall of the citties name as if they two contending by prodigies Apollo durst not bee iudge betweene them but as Paris was called to decide the strife betweene the three goddesses so he was made an vmpier in this wrangling of these two where Minerua conquered by her fautors and was conquered in her fautours and getting the name of Athens to her selfe could not leaue the name of Athenians vnto them In these times as Varro saith e Cranaus Cecrops his successor reigned at Athens or Cecrops himselfe as our Eusâ—…s and Hierome doe affirme and then befell that great inundation called the â—…d of Deucalion because it was most extreame in his Kingdome But f it â—…ot nere Egipt nor the confines thereof L. VIVES Aâ—…gon In some Areon Pagon in others Arion Pagon in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Stephanus â—…ibus saith it was a promontory by Athens where all matters of life death were 〈◊〉 there were two counsels at Athens as Libanius the Sophister writeth one continuâ—…â—…ing of capitall matters alwaies in the Areopage the other changing euery yeare and â—…ng to the state called the counsell of the 500. of the first our Budaeus hath writ largeâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both languages Annot. in Pandect b Where Saint Paul Act. 17. c Mars called The common opinion is so and Iuuenall therevpon calleth the Areopage Mars his Court. Pausanias saith it had that name because Mars was first iudged there for killing Alirrhothion Neptunes sonne because hee had rauished Alcippa Mars his daughter by Aglaura the daughter of Cecrops And afterwards Orestes was iudged there for killing of his mother and being quit he built a Temple vnto Minerua Arâ—…a or Martiall d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Pagus I doe not thinke Areopagus is deriued hence as if it were some village without the towne or streete in the Citty but Pagus is some-times taken for a high place or stone or promontory as Stephanus calleth it For Suidas saith it was called Ariopagus because the Court was in a place aloft vpon an high rock and Arius because of the flaughter which it decided being all vnder Mars Thus Suidas who toucheth also at the iudgement of Mars for killing of Alirrhothion out of Hellanicus lib. 1. As we did out of Pausanias and this we may not ommit there were siluer stones in that Court wherein the plaintifs and the defendants both stood the plaintifs was called the stone of Impudence and the defendants of Iniury And hard by was a Temple of the furies e Cranaus Or Amphyction as I sayd but Eusebius saith Cecrops himselfe But this computation I like not nor that which hee referreth to the same viz. That Cecrops who sailed into Euboea whom the Greekes call the sonne of Erichtheus ruled Athens long after the first Cecrops and of him were the Athenians called Cranai as Aristophanes called them Strabo writeth that they were called Cranai also but to the deluge and Deucalion Hee was the sonne of Prometheus and Oceana as Dionysius saith and hee married Pirrha the daughter of his vncle Epimetheus and Pandora and chasing the Pelasgiues out of Thessaly got that Kingdome leading the borderers of Parnassus the Leleges and the Curetes along in his warres with him And in his daies as Aristotle saith sell an huge deale of raine in Thessaly which drowned it and almost all Greece Deucalion and Pyrrha sauing themselues vpon Parnassus went to the Oracle of Themis and learning there what to doe restored man-kinde as they fable by casting stones ouer their shoulders back-ward the stones that the man threw prouing men and Pyrrhas throwes bringing forth women Indeed they brought the stony and brutish people from the mountaines into the plaines after the deluge and that gaue life to the fable In Deucalions time saith Lucian in his Misanthropus was such a ship-wrack in one instant that all the vessells were sunke excepting one poore skiffe or cock-boate that was driuen to Lycorea Lycorea is a village by Delphos named after King Licoreus Now Parnassus as Stephanus writeth was first called Larnassus of Deucalious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or couered boate which he made him by the counsell of his father Prometheus and which was driuen vnto this mountaine Strabo saith that Deucalion dwelt in Cynos a Citty in Locris neare vnto Sunnius Opuntius where Pirrhas sepulchre is yet to bee seene Deucalion being buried at Athens Pausanias saith there was a Temple at Athens of Deucalions building and that hee had dwelt there Yet
such hugenesse as no man of earth is able to weeld it and this the inhabitants affirme with reuerence that hee bore alwaies in fight There is also a little hill there in forme of a man lying with his face vpward that say they is his tombe which when any part of it is dimished it begins to raine and neuer ceaseth vntill it be made vp againe Eusebius driueth the ouerthrow of Antâ—…s by Hercules vnto the former-times of the first Hercules who conquered him as hee â—…ith in wrastling Nor doth Uirgil mention the conquest of Antaeus amongst the Argiue Hercules labours but Ouid Claudian and others lay all the exploits of the rest vpon him only that was son to Ioue Alcmena p Oeta A mountaine in Macedonia Mela. The Otaean groue was the last ground that Argiue Hercules euer touched all the greeke and latine bookes are filled with the story of his death there is nothing more famous q His owne paines Proceeding of a melancholy breaking into vlcers Arist. in probl mentions his disease as Politian hath obserâ—…ed in his Centuries Festus saith he was a great Astronomer and burned himselfe in the time of a great eclipse to confirme their opinion of his diuinity for Atlas the Moore had taught him Astronomy and he shewing the Greekes the sphere that he had giuen him gaue them occasiâ—… to feigne that Hercules bore vp heauen while Atlas rested his shoulders r Busyris King of Egipt â—…e built Busyris and Nomos in an inhospitable and barren soile and thence came the faâ—… of his killing his guestes for the heards-men of those parts would rob spoile the passengers if they were to weake for them Another reason of this fable was saith Diod. li 2. for that 〈◊〉 who slew his brother Osyris being red-headed for pacification of Osyris soule an order was set downe that they should sacrifice nothing but redde oxen and red-headed men at his â—…be so that Egipt hauing few of those red heads and other countries many thence came there a report that Busyris massacred strangers where as it was Osyris tombe that was cause of 〈◊〉 cruelty Busyris indeed as Euseb. saith was a theeuish King but Hercules killing him set al 〈◊〉 â—…d at rest This assuredly was Hercules the Egiptian s Erichthonius Son to Vulcan and the earth He conspired against Amphiction and deposed him Pausan. t But because they hold Ioue hauing the paines of trauell in his head praied Uulcan to take an axe and cleaue it he did so and out start Minerua armed leaping and dancing Her did Uulcan aske to wife in regard of the mid-wifry that hee had afforded Iupiter in his neede as also for making Ioues thunder-bolts and fire-workes vsed against the Gyants Ioue put it vnto the Virgins choise and she denies to mary with any man So Vulcan affring to force her by Ioues consent in striuing he cast out his sperme vpon the ground which Minerua shaming at couered with earth and hence was Erichthonius borne hauing the lower parts of a snake and therefore he inuented Chariots wherein he might ride and his deformity be vnseene Virg. Georg. 3. Primus Erichthonius currus et quatuor ausus Iungere equos rapidisque rotis insistere victor First Erichthonius durst the Chariot frame Foure horses ioyne on swift wheeles runne for fame Seruius vpon this tells the tale as wee doe Higinius saith Hist. caelest lib. 2. that Ioue admiring Erichthonius his new inuention tooke him vppe to heauen naming him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Waggoner appointing him to be the driuer of the 7. stars by the tropike of Cancer But Erichthonius saith hee inuented waggons and ordained sacrifices to Minerua building her first Temple at Athens u That in the Temple of Aboue Ceramicus and Stoa called Basileum is a Temple of Vulcan wherein is a statue of Minerua and this gaue originall to the fable of Erichthonius Pausan. in Attic. There was one Minerua that by Uulcan had Apollo him whom Athens calleth Patron x A little child Hence was he feigned to be footed like a serpent Ouid tells a tale how Minerua gaue a boxe vnto Cecrops daughters to keepe in which Erichthonius was and warned them not to looke in it which set them more on fire to know what it was and so opening it they saw a child in it and a dragon lying with him Metam 2. Pandrosas one of the sisters would not consent to open it but the other two did and therefore beeing striken with madnesse they brake their necks downe from the highest part of the tower Pausanias What fictions got footing in the nations when the Iudges beganne first to rule Israel CHAP. 13. IOsuah being dead Israell came to be ruled by Iudges and in those times they prospered or suffered according to the goodnes of Gods mercies or the deseart of their sins And a now the fiction of Triptolemus was on foote who by Ceres apoyntment flew all ouer the world with a yoake of Dragons and taught the vse of corne another fiction also b of the Minotaure shut in c the labirynth a place which none that entred could euer get out of Of the d Centaures also halfe men and halfe horses of e Cerberus the three-headed dogge of hell Of f Phrixus and Helle who flew away on the back of a Ramme Of g the Gorgon whose haires were snakes and who turned all that beheld her into stones Of h Bellerophon and his winged horse Pegasus i of Amphion and his stone-moouing musick on the harpe Of k Oedipus and his answere to the monster Sphinxes riddle making her breake her owne necke from her stand Of Antaeus earthes-sonne killed by Hercules in the ayre for that he neuer smote him to the ground but he arose vp as strong againe as he was when he fell and others more that I perhaps haue omitted Those fables vnto the Troian warre where Varro endeâ—…h his second booke De Gente Rom. were by mens inuentions so drawn l from the truth of history that their gods were no way by them disgraced But as for those that fayned that Iupiter m stole Ganymede that goodly boy for his lustfull vse a villany done by Tantalus and ascribed vnto Ioue or that he came downe to lie with n Danae in a shower of gold the woman being tempted by gold vnto dishonesty and all this being eyther done or deuised in those times or done by others and sayned to be Ioues it canot be said how mischieuous the presumption of those fable-forgers was vpon the hearts of all mankind that they would beare with such vngodly slaunders of their gods which they did notwithstanding and gaue them gratious acceptance whereas had they truely honored Iupiter they shouâ—…d seuerely haue pnnished his slanderers But now they are so â—…arre from checking them that they feare their gods anger if they doe not nourish them and present their fictions vnto a populous audience About this time Latona bore Apollo not that oraculous God
good of his countrie disguised himselfe went into the Laconian campe and falling to brable with the souldiours was slaine So they lost the fielde and all their Kingdome besides excepting onely Megara m An Oracle Eyther that the Laconians should conquer if they killed not Codrus Trog or that the Athenians should conquer if Codrus were killed Tusc. quaest lib. 3. Seruius deliuereth it as wee did but now n Him the Athenians If these bee gods saith Tully Denat Deor. 〈◊〉 then is Erichtheus one whose priest and temple we see at Athens if hee be a god why then is not Codrus and all those that fought and died for their countries glory Gods also which if it be not probable then the ground whence it is drawne is false These words of Tully seeme to auerre that Codrus was held no god at Athens rather then otherwise o Creusa Daughter to Priam and Hecuba wife to Aeneas mother to Ascanius But Aeneas in Italy had Syluius by 〈◊〉 and hee was named Posthumus because his father was dead ere hee were borne Some think that Lauinia after Aeneas his death swaied the state till Syluius came to yeares and then â—…igned to him Some say Ascanius had it though hee had no claime to it from Lauinia by whom it came but because that she had as yet no sonne and withall was of too weake a sex to manage that dangerous war against Mezentius hisson Lausus leaders of the Hetrurians therefore she retired into the country and built her an house in the woods where she brought vppe her sonne calling him therevpon Syluius Now Ascanius hauing ended the warre fetched them out of the woods and vsed them very kindly but dying hee left his Kingdome to his son Iâ—…lius betweene whom and his vncle Syluius there arose a contention about the Kingdome which the people decided giuing Syluius the Kingdome because he was of more yeares discretion and withall the true heire by Lauinia and making Iulus chiefe ruler of the religion a power next to the soueraignes Of this Caesar speaketh both in Lucane and in Suetonius And this power remained to the Iulian family vntill Dionys. his time I remember I wrote before that because of Neptunes prophecy in Homer some thought that Aeneas returned into Phrygia hauing seated his fellowes in Italy and that hee reigned ouer the Troians thâ—…re at their â—…ome perhaps stealing from that battaile with Mezentius and so shipping away thether But â—…f that Homer meane the Phrygian Troy then he likewise speaketh of Ascanius whom many hold did reigne there againe Dionysius saith that Hellenus brought Hectors children back to lâ—… and Ascanius came with them and chased out Antenors sonnes whom Agamemnon had â—…de viceroies there at his departure There is also a Phrygian Citty called Antandron where Ascanius they say reigned buying his liberty of the Pelasgiues for that towne wherevpon it had the name So that it is a question whether Aeneas left him in Phrygia or that his father being dead in Italy and his step-mother ruling all he returned home againe Hesychius names Ascania a citty in Phrygia of his building Steph. It may bee this was some other son of Aeneas â—…s then that who was in Italie For I beeeue Aeneas had more sonnes of that name â—…en one It was rather a sur-name amongst them then otherwise for that Ascanius that is 〈◊〉 to rule in Italy properly hight Euryleon p Melanthus Codrus his father How hee got this Kingdome is told by many but specially by Suidas in his Apaturia This feast saith hee was held at Athens in great sollemnity three daies together and Sitalcus his sonne the â—…ing of Thrace was made free of the Citty The first day they call Dorpeia the supping day for that daie their feast was at supper the second Anarrhysis the riot then was the excessiue â—…crifices offered vnto Iupiter Sodalis and Minerua the third Cureotis for their boâ—…es and wenâ—…s plaied all in companies that daie The feasts originall was thus The Athenians hauing â—…es with the Baeotians about the Celenians that bordered them both Xanthus the Boeâ—…an challenged Thimetus the King of Athens hee refusing Melanthus the Messenian 〈◊〉 to Periclymenus the sonne of Neleus beeing but a stranger there accepted the combat 〈◊〉 was made King Beeing in fight Melanthus thought hee saw one stand behind Xanthus 〈◊〉 a black goates skin wherevpon he cried out on Xanthus that he brought helpe with him to 〈◊〉 field Xanthus looking back Melanthus thrust him through Herevpon was the feast 〈◊〉 the deceiuer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordained and a Temple built to Dyonisius Melanaiges that 〈◊〉 black-skind Some say that the name of these feasts came of their fathers gathering toâ—…er to inscribe their sonnes into the rolls of their men and giue them their toga virilis their 〈◊〉 of mans estate Thus farre Suidas Of the succession of the Kingdome in Israell after the Iudges CHAP. 20. SOone after in those Kings times the Iudges ceased and Saul was anoynted first King of Israel in Samuel the prophets time and now began the Latine kings to be called Syluij of Syluius Aeneas his sonne all after him had their proper names seuerall and this sur-name in generall as the Emperors that a succeeded Caesar were called Caesars long after But Saul and his progeny being reiected b and he dead Dauid was crowned c forty yeares after Saul beganne his reigne d Then had the Athenians no more kings after Codrus but beganne an Aristocracy e Dauid reigned forty yeares and Salomon his sonne succeeded him hee that built that goodly Temple of God at Ierusalem In his time the Latines built Alba their kings were thence-forth called Alban kings though ruling in Latium f Roboam succeeded Salomon in his time Israel was diuided into two kingdomes and either had a king by it selfe L. VIVES THat a succeeded Caesar Not Iulius but Augustus and so haue some copies for it was from him that Augustus and Caesar became Imperiall surnames He was first called C. Octa uius but Caesar left him heire of his goods and name b Hee dead Samuel had anointed him long before but he began not to reigne vntill Sauls death at which time God sent him into Hebron 2. Sam. 2. c Forty yeares So long ruled Saul according to the scriptures and Iosephus But Eupolemus that wrote the Hebrew gests saith but 22. d Then had the They set a rule of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 princes magistrates or what you will The Latines call them Archons vsing the Greeke Cic. 1. de fato Spartian in Adriano Vell. Paterc c. They had nine magistrates at Athens saith Pollux lib. 8. first the Archon elected euery yeare new Then the president then the generall for war then the chiefe Iustice and fiue other Counsellors or Lawiers with him These last heard and decided matters in the Court The Archon he was to looke to the ordering of Bacchus his sacrifices and
it so farre that what was before abhorred should now be desired and rather then wanted effected by a mans owne hand Mighty is the mischiefe that maketh fortitude an homicide if that bee to bee called fortitude which yeeldeth so to these euills that it is faine to force him to kill him-selfe to auoyde these inconueniences whome it hath vndertaken to defend against all inconueniences Indede a wise man is to endure death with patience but that must come ab externo from another mans hand and not from his owne But these men teaching that hee may procure it to him-selfe must needs confesse that the euills are intollerable which ought to force a man to such an extreame inconuenience The life therefore that is liable to such a multitude of miseries can no way bee called happy if that men to auoyd this infelicity bee faine to giue it place by killing of them-selues and being conuinced by the certainty of reason are faine in this their quest of beatitude to giue place to the truth and to discerne that the perfection of beatitude is not resident in this mortall life when in mans greatest guifts the greater helpe they affoord him against anguish dangers and dolours the surer testimonies are they of humaine miseries For if true vertue can bee in none in whome there is no true piety then doe they not promise any many in whom they are any assurance from suffering of temporall sorrowes For true vertue may not dissemble in professing what it cannot performe but it aimeth at this onely that mans life which being in this world is turmoyled with all these extreames of sorrowes should in the life to come bee made pertaker both of safety and felicitie For how can that man haue felicitie that wanteth safety It is not therefore of the vnwise intemperate impacient or vniust that Saint Paul speaketh saying Wee are saued by hope but of the sonne of truepiety and obseruers of the reall vertues Hope that is seene is not hope for how can a man hope for that which hee seeth But if wee hope for that wee see not wee doe with patience abide for it Wherefore as wee are saued so are wee blessed by hope and as wee haue no holde of our safety no more haue wee of oâ—… felicity but by hope paciently expecting it and beeing as yet in a desert of thornie dangers all which wee must constantly endure vntill wee come to the paradise of all ineffable delights hauing then passed all the perills of encombrance This security in the life to come is the beatitude wee speake of which the Philosophers not beholding will not beleeue but forge them-selues an imaginarie blisse here wherein the more their vertue assumes to it selfe the falser it procues to the iudgement of all others L. VIVES TUlly a vpon Hee had two children Marke a sonne and Tullia a daughter marryed first to Piso-frugus Crassipes and afterwards to Cornel. Dolabella and dyed in child-bed Tully tooke her death with extreame griefe Pompey Caesar Sulpitius and many other worthy men sought to comfort him both by letters and visitation but all being in vaine hee set vp his rest to bee his owne comforter and wrote his booke called Consolatio vpon this subiect which is not now extant yet it is cited often both by him and others There-in hee saith hee bewailed the life of man in generall and comforted him-selfe in particular Tusc. quest 1. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to goe to any acte with vehemencie and vigor to goe roundly to worke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the violence of passion that carieth euery creature head-long to affect or to auoyde and are conuersant onely about things naturally to bee affected or auoyded as the Stoikes say and Cato for one in Tully c Which they The instinct where-by wee affect our owne preseruation is of as high esteeme as eyther the witte or memorie for turne it away and the creature cannot liue long after d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of this before e Of Iustice It comprehendeth both that distributiue change of estate and also vnto the line of reason and religion f They confesse Cic. de fin lib. 3. Tusc. quaest 4. g Were blinde It is a wise mans duty saith Cato the Stoike in Tully some-times to renounce the happiest 〈◊〉 So saith Seneca often h Ouer-passing infirmitie A diuersity of reading in the texts of Bruges and Basil but it is not to bee stood vpon i Natures first Cic. off 1. and De 〈◊〉 3. and 5. Of liuing sociably with our neighbour how fitt it is and yet how subiect to crosses CHAP. 5. WE doe worthily approoue their enioyning a wise man to liue in mutuall society for how should our Celestiall Citty the nineteene booke whereof wee now haue in hand haue euer come to originall to prolation or to perfection but that the Saints liue all in sociable vnion But yet what is he that can recount all the miseries incident vnto the societies of mortalls Here what the Comedian saith with a generall applause a I married a wife b O what misery wanted I then I begot children so there 's one care more And those inconueniences that Terence pins on the back of loue as c iniuries enmities warre peace againe do not all these lackey our mortality continually do not these foote some times into the friendliest affections and doth not all the world keepe these examples in continuall renouation as warre I meane iniuries enmities And our peace is as vncertaine as we are ignorant of their affects with whome wee hold it and though we nigh know to day what they would do to morrow we shall not Who should be greater friends then those of one family yet what a many secret plots of malice lye euen amongst such to expell security their firmer peace becomming fouler malice and being reputed most loyall whereas it was onely most craftily faigned the far spread contagion of this made Tully let this saying runne out with his teares Treason is neuer so close carried as when it lurketh vnder the name of duty or affinity An open foe is easily watched but this your secret serpent both breedes and strikes ere euer you can discouer it Wherefore that which the holy scripture saith d A mans enemies are the men of his house this wee heare with great greefe for though a man haue fortitude to endure it or preuention to auoyde it yet if hee bee a good man hee must needes take great griefe at the badnesse of those so neare him bee it that they haue beene vsed vnto this viperous dissimulation of old or haue learnt it but of late So then if a mans owne priuate house affoord him no shelter from these incursions what shall the citty doe which as it is larger so is it fuller of brables and sutes and quarrels and accusations to grant the absence of seditions and ciuill contentions which are too often present and whereof the Citties are in continuall danger
much latine spoken in their Prouinces in so much that Spaine and France did wholy forget their owne languages and spake all latine Nor might any Embassage bee preferred to the Senate but in latine Their endeauour was most glorious and vsefull herein whatsoeuer their end was c Yea but Here hee disputeth against the Gentiles out of their owne positions That true friendship cannot bee secure amongst the incessant perills of this present life CHAP. 8. BVt admit that a man bee not so grossely deceiued as many in this wretched life are as to take his foe for his friend nor contrariwise his friend for his foe what comfort haue wee then remayning in this vale of mortall miseries but the vnfained faith and affection of sure friends whom the a more they are or the further of vs the more we feare least they bee endamaged by some of these infinite casualties attending on all mens fortunes We stand not onely in feare to see them afflicted by famine warre sicknesse imprisonment or so but our farre greater feare is least they should fal away through treachery malice or deprauation And when this commeth to passe and wee heare of it as they more friends wee haue and the farther off withal the likelier are such newes to be brought vs then who can decypher our sorrowes but he that hath felt the like we had rather heare of their death though that wee could not heare of neither but vnto our griefe For seeing wee enioyed the comfort of their friendships in their life how can wee but bee touched with sorrowes affects at their death hee that forbiddeth vs that may as well forbid all conference of friend and friend all sociall curtesie nay euen all humane affect and thrust them all out of mans conuersation or else prescribe their vses no pleasurable ends But as that is impossible so is it likewise for vs not to bewaile him dead whom wee loued being aliue For the b sorrow thereof is as a wound or vlcer in our heart vnto which bewaylements doe serue in the stead of fomentations and plaisters For though that the sounder ones vnderstanding be the sooner this cure is effected yet it proues not but that there is a malady that requireth one application or other Therefore in al our bewayling more or lesse of the deaths of our dearest friēds or companions wee doe yet reserue this loue to them that wee had rather haue them dead in body then in soule and had rather haue them fall in essence then in manners for the last is the most dangerous infection vpon earth and therfore it was written Is not mans life a b temptation vpon earth Wherevpon our Sauiour said Woe bee to the world because of offences and againe Because iniquity shal be increased the loue of many shal be cold This maketh vs giue thankes for the death of our good friends and though it make vs sad a while yet it giueth vs more assurance of comfort euer after because they haue now escaped all those mischieues which oftentimes seize vpon the best either oppressing or peruerting them endangering them how-soeuer L. VIVES THe a more they are Aristotles argument against the multitude of friends b Temptation The vulgar readeth it Is there not an appointed time to man vpō earth Hierom hath it a warfare for we are in continuall warre with a suttle foxe whom wee must set a continuall watch against least he inuade vs vnprouided The friendship of holy Angells with men vndiscernable in this life by reason of the deuills whom all the Infidells tooke to be good powers and gaue them diuine honours CHAP. 9. NOw the society of Angells with men those whom the Philosophers called the gods guardians Lars and a number more names they set in the fourth place comming as it were from earth to the whole vniuerse and here including heauen Now for those friends the Angels we need not feare to be affected with sorrow for any death or deprauation of theirs they are impassible But this friendship betweene them and vs is not visibly apparant as that of mans is which addes vnto our terrestriall misery and againe the deuill as wee reade often transformes himselfe into an Angell of light to tempt men some for their instruction and some for their ruine and here is need of the great mercy of God least when wee thinke wee haue the loue and fellowship of good Angells they prooue at length pernicious deuills fained friends and suttle foes as great in power as in deceipt And where needeth this great mercy of GOD but in this worldly misery which is so enveloped in ignorance and subiect to be deluded As for the Philosophers of the reprobate citty who sayd they had gods to their friends most sure it was they had deuills indeed whom they tooke for deities all the whole state wherein they liued is the deuills monarchy and shall haue the like reward with his vnto all eternity For their sacrifices or rather sacriledges where-with they were honored and the obscaene plaies which they themselues exacted were manifest testimonies of their diabolicall natures Thereward that the Saints are to receiue after the passing of this worlds afflictions CHAP. 10. YEa the holy and faithfull seruants of the true GOD are in danger of the deuills manifold ambushes for as long as they liue in this fraile and foule browed world they must be so and it is for their good making them more attentiue in the quest of that security where their peace is without end and without want There shall the Creator bestowe all the guifts of nature vpon them and giue them not onely as goods but as eternall goods not onely to the soule by reforming it with wisdome but also to the body by restoring it in the resurrection There the vertues shall not haue any more conflicts with the vices but shall rest with the victory of eternall peace which none shall euer disturbe For it is the finall beatitude hauing now attained a consummation to all eternity Wee are sayd to bee happy here on earth when wee haue that little peace that goodnesse can afford vs but compare this happinesse with that other and this shall be held but plaine misery Therefore if wee liue well vpon earth our vertue vseth the benefits of the transitory peace vnto good ends if we haue it if not yet still our vertue vseth the euills that the want thereof produceth vnto a good end also But then is our vertue in full power and perfection when it referreth it selfe and all the good effects that it can giue being vnto either vpon good or euill causes vnto that onely end wherein our peace shall haue no end nor any thing superior vnto it in goodnesse or perfection The beatitude of eternall peace and that true perfection wherein the Saints are installed CHAP. 11. WEE may therefore say that peace is our finall good as we sayd of life eternall because the psalme saith vnto that citty whereof we write this
ment hereby S. Augustine confesseth that he cannot define Sup. Genes lib. 8. These are secrets all vnneedfull to be knowne and all wee vnworthy to know them Of the new Heauen and the new Earth CHAP. 16. THe iudgement of the wicked being past as he fore-told the iudgement of the goodâ—…ust follow for hee hath already explained what Christ said in briefe They shall go into euerlasting paine now he must expresse the sequell And the righteous into life eternall And I saw saith he a new heauen and a new earth The first heauen and earth were gone and so was thesea for such was the order described before by him when he saw the great white throne one sitting vpon it froÌ„ whose face they fled So then they that were not in the booke of life being iudged and cast into eternall fire what or where it is I hold is vnknowne to a all but those vnto whome it please the spirit to reueale it then shall this world loose the figure by worldly fire as it was erst destroyed by earthly water Then as I said shall all the worlds corruptible qualities be burnt away all those that held correspondence with our corruption shall be agreeable with immortality that the world being so substantially renewed may bee fittly adapted vnto the men whose substances are renewed also But for that which followeth There 〈◊〉 no more sea whether it imply that the sea should bee dried vp by that vniuersall conflagration or bee transformed into a better essence I cannot easily determyne Heauen and Earth were read shal be renewed but as concerning the sea I haue not read any such matter that I can remember vnlesse that other place in this booke of that which hee calleth as it were a sea of glasse like vnto christall import any such alteration But in that place hee speaketh not of the worlds end neither doth hee say directly a sea but as a sea Notwithstanding it is the Prophets guise to speake of truths in misticall manner and to mixe truths and types together and so he might say there was no more sea in the same sence that hee sayd the sea shall giue vp hir dead intending that there should be no more turbulent times in the world which he insinuateth vnder the word Sea L. VIVES VNknowne a to all To all nay Saint Augustine it seemes you were neuer at the schoole-mens lectures There is no freshman there at least no graduate but can tell that it is the elementany fire which is betweene the sphere of the moone and the ayre that shall come downe and purge the earth of drosse together with the ayre and water If you like not this another will tell you that the beames of the Sonne kindle a fire in the midst of the ayre as in a burning glasse and so worke wonders But I doe not blame you fire was not of that vse in your time that it is now of when eâ—…y Philosopher to omit the diuines can carry his mouth his hands and his feete full of fire 〈◊〉 in the midst of Decembers cold and Iulies heate Of Philosophers they become diuines and yet keepe their old fiery formes of doctrine still so that they haue farre better iudgement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hot case then you or your predecessors euer had Of the glorification of the Church after death for euer CHAP. 17. AND I Iohn saith hee sawe that Holie Cittie new Ierusalem come downe from GOD out of Heauen prepared as a bride trimmed for her husband And I heard a great voice out of Heauen saying behold the Tabernacle of GOD is with men and hee will dwell with them and they shal be his people and hee himselfe shal be their GOD with them And GOD shall wipeawaie all teares from their eyes and there shal be no more death neither teares neither crying neither shall there bee any more paine for the first things are passed And hee that sate vpon the Throne sayd behold I make althings new c. This cittie is sayd to come from Heauen because the grace of GOD that founded it is heauenly as GOD saith in Esay I am the LORD that made thee This grace of his came downe from heauen euen from the beginning and since the cittizens of GOD haue had their increase by the same grace giuen 〈◊〉 the spirit from heauen in the fount of regeneration But at the last Iudgement of GOD by his Sonne Christ this onely shall appeare in a state so glorious that all the ancient shape shal be cast aside for the bodies of each member shall cast aside their olde corruption and put on a new forme of immortality For it were too grosse impudence to thinke that this was 〈◊〉 of the thousand yeares afore-sayd wherein the Church is sayd to reigne with Christ because he saith directly GOD shall wipe awaie all teares from their eies and there shal be no more death neither sorrowes neither crying neither shall there bee any more paine Who is so obstinately absurd or so absurdly obstinate as to averre that any one Saint much lesse the whole society of them shall passe this transitory life without teares or sorrowes or euer hath passed it cleare of them seeing that the more holy his desires are and the more zealous his holinesse the more teares shall bedew his Orisons Is it not the Heauenly Ierusalem that sayth My teares haue beene my meate daie and night And againe I cause my bedde euerie night to swimme and water my couch with teares and besides My sorrow is renewed Are not they his Sonnes that bewayle that which they will not forsake But bee cloathed in it that their mortality may bee re-inuested with eternity and hauing the first fruites of the spirit doe sigh in themselues wayting for the adoption that is the redemption of their bodies Was not Saint Paul one of the Heauenlie Cittie nay and that the rather in that hee tooke so great care for the earthly Israelites And when a shall death haue to doe in that Cittie but when they may say Oh death where is thy sting Oh hell where is thy b victorie The sting of death is sinne This could not bee sayd there where death had no sting but as for this world Saint Iohn himselfe saith If wee say wee haue no sinne wee deceiue our selues and there is no truth in vs. And in this his Reuelation there are many things written for the excercising of the readers vnderstanding and there are but few things whose vnderstanding may bee an induction vnto the rest for hee repeteth the same thing so many waies that it seemes wholy pertinent vnto another purpose and indeed it may often bee found as spoken in another kinde But here where hee sayth GOD shall wipe awaie all teares from their eyes c this is directly meant of the world to come and the immortalitie of the Saints for there shal be no sorrow no teares nor cause of sorrowe or teares if any one
hath related their opinion concealing their names haue said something which although it be false because the soules returning into the bodies which they haue before managed will neuer after forsake them not-withstanding it serueth to stoppe the mouth of those babblers and to ouerthrow the strong hold of many arguments of that impossibility For they doe not thinke it an impossible thing which haue thought these things that dead bodies resolued into aire dust ashes humors bodies of deuouring beastes or of men them selues should returne againe to that they haue beene Wherefore let Plato and Porphyry or such rather as doe affect them and are now liuing if they accord with vs that holy soules shall returne to their bodies as Plato saith but not to returne to any eiuls as Porphyrie saith that that sequele may follow which our Christian faith doth declare to wit that they shall receiue such bodies as they shall liue happily in them eternally without any euill Let them I say assume and take this also from Varro that they returne to the same bodies in which they had beene before time and then there shall bee a sweete harmony betweene them concerning the resurrection of the flesh eternally L. VIVES FOr a certaine Three things moued not only Greece but the whole world to applaud Plato to wit integritie of life sanctity of precepts and eloquence The b dead Euseb lib. 11. thinketh that Plato learned the alteration of the world the resurrection and the iudgement of the damned out of the bookes of Moyses 〈◊〉 Plato relateth that all earthly thinges shall perish a cercaine space of time being expired and that the frame of the worlde shall bee moued and shaken with wonderfull and strange â—…otions not without a great destruction and ouerthrow of all liuing creatures and then that a little time after it shall rest and bee at quiet by the assistance of the highest God who shall receiue the gouernment of it that it may not fall and perish endowing it with an euerlasting flourishing estate and with immortalitie c For he declareth Herus Pamphilius who dyed in battell Plato in fine in lib. de rep writeth that he was restored to life the tenth day after his death Cicero saith macrob lib. 1. may be grieued that this fable was scoffed at although of the vnlearned knowing it well ynough him-selfe neuerthelesse auoyding the scandall of a foolish reprehension hee had rather tell it that he was raized than that he reuiued d Labeo Plin lib. 7. setteth downe some examples of them which being carried forth to their graue reuiued againe and Plutarch in 〈◊〉 de anima relateth that one Enarchus returned to life againe after hee died who said that his soule did depart indeed out of his bodie but by the commandement of Pluto it was restored to his bodie againe those hellish spirits being grieuously punished by their Prince who commaunded to bring one Nicandas a tanner and a wrastler forgetting their errant and foulie mistaking the man went to Enarchus in stead of Nicandas who dyed within a little while after e Genethliaci They are mathematicall pettie sooth-sayers or fortune-tellers which by the day of Natiuitie presage what shall happen in the whole course of mans life Gellius hath the Chaldaeans and the Genethliaci both in one place lib. 14. Against them saith he who name them-selues Caldaeans or Genethliaci and professe to prognosticate future thinges by the motion and posture of the stars f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regeneration or a second birth Lactant. also lib. 7. rehearseth these wordes of Chrysippus the stoicke out of his booke de prouidentia by which he confirmeth a returne after death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And wee saith hee certaine reuolutions of time being complet and finished after our death shall be restored to the same figure and shape which we haue now Of the quality of the vision with which the Saintes shall see GOD in the world to come CHAP. 29. NOw lette vs see what the Saintes shall doe in their immortall and spirituall bodies their flesh liuing now no more carnally but spiritually so far forth as the Lord shal vouchsafe to enable vs. And truly what maner of action or a rather rest and quietnesse it shall be if I say the truth I know not For I haue neuer seene it by the sences of the bodie But if I shall say I haue seene it by the mind that is by the vnderstanding alasse how great or what is our vnderstanding in comparison of that exceeding excellencie For there is the peace of God which passeth all vnderstanding as the Apostle saith what vnderstanding but ours or peraduenture of all the holy Angels For it doth not passe the vnderstanding of God If therefore the Saintes shall liue in the peace of GOD without doubt they shall liue in that peace Which passeth all vnderstanding Now there is no doubt but that it passeth our vnderstanding But if it also passe the vnderstanding of Angels for hee seemeth not to except them when hee saith All vnderstanding then according to this saying wee ought to vnderstand that we are not able nor any Angels to know that peace where-with GOD him-selfe is pacified in such sort as GOD knoweth it But wee beeing made partakers of his peace according to the measure of our capacity shall obtaine a most excellent peace in vs and amongst vs and with him according to the quantity of our excellency In this manner the holy Angels according to their measure do know the same but men now doe know it in a farre lower degree although they excell in acuity of vnderstanding Wee must consider what a great man did say Wee know in part and we prophecie in part vntill that come which is perfect And wee see now in a glasse in a darke speaking but then wee shall see him face to face So doe the holy Angels now see which are called also our Angels because we beeing deliuered from the power of darkenesse and translated to the kingdome of God hauing receiued the pledge of the Spirite haue already begunne to pertaine to them with whome wee shall enioy that most holy and pleasant Cittie of God of which wee haue already written so many books So therefore the Angels are ours which are the Angels of God euen as the Christe of God is our Christe They are the Angels of GOD because they haue not forsaken God they are ours because they haue begunne to account vs their Cittizens For the Lord Iesus hath sayd Take heed you doe not despise one of these little ones For I say vnto you that their Angels doe alwayes beholde the face of my father which is in heauen As therefore they doe see so also we shall see but as yet wee doe not see so Wherefore the Apostle saith that which I haue spoken a little before We see now in a glasse in a dark speaking but then wee shal see him face to face
Ioseph lib. 13. f Are not Kings For King is a greater name then Prince or Captaine bringing larger licence to the ruler and stricter bondage to the sâ—…biect 〈◊〉 Alexander Aristobulus kept his brothers prisoners during his life but beeing dead his 〈◊〉 Saloni whome the Greekes call Alexandra set them at liberty and made Alexander one of them King whome Ptolomy Demetrius and Antiochus foyled in many fights At length beeing sickly by often surfetting hee dyed Hee was a forward spiritâ—…d and a valorous tyrant but euer vnfortunate and vnwise Hee left the kingdome to Alexandra his wife who held it nine yeares letting the Pharisees rule all as befitted a woman to doe h Her two sonnes Their warre was worse then ciuill and befell saith Ioseph in the Consulship of Q Hortensius and Q. Metellus Creticus Olymp. a hundred eighty three Alexander and his wife had left Antipas afterwards called Antipater the â—…ch an â—…maean prefect of Idumaea who was factious and stirring and fauoured Hircanus aboue Aristobulus and set Aretes King of Arabia against Aristobolus and for Hircanus Hee soone assented and besieged Aristobulus in Hierusalem Then warred Pompey the great in Affrica and his Legate Aemil. Scaurus lead part of his forces into Syria and him did Aristobolus implore in his ayde Scaurus raysed the siege and afterward the bretheren contending for the kingdome before Pompey at Damascus were both dismissed Afterwards Aristobolus offending him hee marched into Iudaea tooke him prisoner and turned Iuda a into a Prouince of Rome Tully and C. Antonius being Consuls Ioseph lib. 15. i The state seemed too heauie So sayd Liuie of it indeed k The sanctum sanctorum The Romaines 〈◊〉 earnestly to see what God the Hebrewes worshipped thinking they had some statue of him in the Temple So Pompey and a few with him entred euen to this place which the Iewes heâ—… a sacriledge for any man but the priest to doe where he found nothing but a golden table a many tasters a great deale of spices and 2000. talents in the holy treasury of this enuy of his Tacitus speaketh Annal. 21. and saith that vpon this it was giuen out that the Iewes had no Images of their gods but worshipped in voide roomes and empty sanctuaries l And hauing seated By the sending of Aulus Gabinius who diuided also all the land into fiue parts and set rulers ouer them all Iosephus saith that in Caesars warre agaiâ—…st Ptolomy Hircanus and Antipater sent him ayde wherevpon hauing ended the warre hee made Hircanus high priest and Antipater according to his choice prouost of the whole land De bello Iuâ—… lib. 1. in Antiq. lib. m And within a few Antipater dying made his sonne Hircanus a dull and sloathfull youth gouernor of Ierusalem and Herode beeing as then scarcely fiâ—…teene yeare old ruler of Galilee who by his vertues surmounting his age quickly got the hearts of all the Syrians and so by a bribâ—… paide by them got the gouernment of Syria from Sextus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as then held it and afterwardes helping Octauius and Antony greatly in the warre oâ—… 〈◊〉 and Cassius got the stile of King of Iudaea giuen him by the Sâ—…nate hee beeing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 borne So was Iacobs prophecy at his death fulfilled which alone might bee of power â—…ufficient to shew the Messias to the Iewes but that their eyes by Gods secret iudgements are so wholy sealed vp and enclowded Of the words becomming flesh our Sauiours birth and the dispersion of Iewes CHAP. 46. HErod reigning in Iudaea Romes gouernment being changed and a Augustus Caesar being Emperor the world beeing all at peace Christ according to the precedent prophecy was borne in Bethelem of Iudah beeing openly man of his Virgin-mother and secretly God of God his father for so the Prophet had said b Behold a Virgin shall conceiue and beare a sonne and she shall call his name Emanuel that is God with vs. Now he shewed his deity by many miracles which as farre as concerneth his glory and our saluation are recorded in the Gospell The first is his miraculous birth the last his as miraculous asâ—…ension But the Iewes who reiected him and slew him according to the needfulnesse of his death and resurrection after that were miserably spoiled by the Romanes chased all into the slauery of strangers and dispersed ouer the face of the whole earth For they are in all places with their Testament to shew that we haue not forged those prophecies of Christ which many of them considering both before his passion and after his resurrection beleeued in him and they are the remnant that are â—…aued through grace But the rest were blinde as the psalme saith Let their table be made a snare before them and their prosperity their ruine let their eyes be blinded that they see not and make their loines alway to tremble For in refusing to beleeue our scriptures their owne which they read with blindnesse are fulfilled vpon them c Some may say that the Sybills prophecies which concerne the Iewes are but fictions of the christians but that sufficeth vs that wee haue from the bookes of our enemies which wee acknowledge in that they preserue it for vs against their wills themselues and their bookes beeing dispersed as farre as GODS Church is extended and spread in euery corner of the world as that prophecy of the psalme which they themselues doe read fore-telleth them My mercifull GOD will preuent mee GOD will let me see my desire vpon mine enemies slay them not least my people forget it but scatter them abroade with thy power here did GOD shew his mercy to his church euen vpon the Iewes his enemies because as the Apostle saith through their fall commeth saluation to the Gentiles And therefore hee 〈◊〉 them not that is hee left them their name of Iewes still although they bee the Romaines slaues least their vtter dissolution should make vs forget the law of GOD concerning this testimony of theirs So it were nothing to say Slaye them not but that he addeth Scatter them abroade For if they were not dispersed through-out the whole world with their Scriptures the Church should want their testimonies concerning those prophecies fulfilled in our Messias L. VIVES AUgustus a Caesar In the forty and two yeare of his reigne and of the world fiue thousand one hundred ninety and nine was Christ borne Him-selfe and M. Plautius being Consulls Euseb. Cassiodorus referreth it to the yeare before Cn. Lentulus and M. Messala being Consuls b Behold a Uirgin Shall take a sonne into her wombe say the seauentie c Some may say But not truly for Lactantius and Eusebius cited them when the bookes were common in all mens hands Where if they had quoted what those bookes conteined not it would both haue beene impudence on their parts and disgrace to the cause of Christ. Besides Ouid and Uirgil vse many of the Sybills verses which can concerne none but Christ as Uirgills
whole fourth Aeglogue is and his digression vpon the death of Caesar. Georg. 1. And likewise in Ouid wee read these Esse quoque in fatis 〈◊〉 affore terris Quo â—…are quo tellus corrept aque regia 〈◊〉 Ardeat èt mundi moles operosa laboret There is a time when heauen men say shall burne When ayre and sea and earth and the whole frame Of this â—…ge 〈◊〉 shall all to ashes turne And likewise this Et Deus 〈◊〉 lustrat sub imagine terras God takes a view of earth in humaine shape And such also hath Lucaâ—… in his Pharsalian warre liber 12. Now if they say that all the assertions of ours recorded by great Authors bee fictions let mee heare the most direct â—…th that they can affiâ—… and I will finde one Academike or other amongst them that shall â—…ke a doubt of it Whether any but Israelites before Christs time belonged to the Citty of God CHAP. 47. â—…erefore any stranger be he no Israelite borne nor his workes allowed for 〈◊〉 â—…onicall by them if hee haue prophecied of Christ that wee can know or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bee added vnto the number of our testimonies not that wee need 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but because it is no error to beleeue that there were some of the Genâ—… 〈◊〉 whom this mystery was reuealed and who were inspired by the spirit of propâ—… to declare it were they elect or reprobate taught by the euill spiâ—… whom we know confessed Christ being come though the Iewes denied him 〈◊〉 do I thinke the Iewes dare auerre that a no man was saued after the proâ—… of Israel but Isralites Indeed there was no other people properly calâ—… 〈◊〉 people of God But they cannot deny that some particular men liued in 〈◊〉 â—…orld and in other nations that were belonging to the Heauenly hierarchy 〈◊〉 deny this the story of b holy Iob conuinceth them who was neither a 〈◊〉 Isralite nor c a proselite adopted by their law but borne and buried 〈◊〉 â—…aea and yet d is hee so highly commended in the scriptures that 〈◊〉 was none of his time it seemes that equalled him in righteousnesse whose 〈◊〉 though the Chronicles expresse not yet out of the canonicall authority of 〈◊〉 owne booke wee gather him to haue liued in e the third generation after 〈◊〉 Gods prouidence no doubt intended to giue vs an instance in him that there might be others in the nations that liued after the law of God and in his â—…ice thereby attaining a place in the celestiall Hierusalem which we must 〈◊〉 none did but such as fore-knew the comming of the Messias mediator beâ—… God and man who was prophecied vnto the Saints of old that he should 〈◊〉 iust as we haue seene him to haue come in the flesh thus did one faith vnite 〈◊〉 â—…he predestinate into one citty one house and one Temple for the liuing God 〈◊〉 what other Prophecies soeuer there passe abrod concerning Christ the viciâ—… may suppose that we haue forged therefore there is no way so sure to batter 〈◊〉 all contentions in this kinde as by citing of the prophecies conteyned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iewes bookes by whose dispersion from their proper habitations all ouer 〈◊〉 world the Church of Christ is hapily increased L. VIVES 〈◊〉 a No man Nature being vnpolluted with vicious opinion might possibly guidâ—… 〈◊〉 to God as well as the law of Moyses for what these get by the law those might get â—…out it and come to the same perfection that the Iewes came seeking the same end nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 difference other then if one traueller should cary an Iâ—…erary of his way with him 〈◊〉 â—…he other trust onely his memory So may he also now a dayes that liueth in the faithâ—… of the Ocean and neuer heard of Christ attaine the glory of a Christian by keeping 〈◊〉 abstracts of all the law and the Prophets perfect loue of God and his neighbour such 〈◊〉 is a law to man and according to the Psalmist He remembreth the name of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the night and keepeth his lawe This hath hee that seeth the Lords righteousnesse so 〈◊〉 blessing is it to bee good although you haue not one to teach you goodnesse And 〈◊〉 wanteth here but water â—…or here is the holy spirit as well as in the Apostles as Peter 〈◊〉 of some who receiued that before euer the water touched them So the naâ—… that haue no law but natures are a law to them-selues the light of their liuing well is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of God comming from his sonne of whome it is said Hee is the light which lighteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that commeth into the world b Holy Ioh. His holy history saith hee was of the 〈◊〉 of Huz Hierome saith Huz buylt Damascus and Traconitide and ruled betweene Palesâ—… and Caelosiria this the seauenty intimate in their translation Huz was of the sonne of 〈◊〉 the brother of Abraham There was an other Uz descended from Esau but Hierom 〈◊〉 him from Iobs kindred admitting that sonne of Aram for that saith hee it is 〈◊〉 â—…nd of the booke where hee is said to be the forth from Esau is because the booke was 〈◊〉 out of Syrian for it was not written in the Hebrew Phillip the Priest the next 〈◊〉 vpon Iob after Hierom saith thus â—…uz and Bâ—…z were the sons of Abraâ—…â—…ther â—…ther begot of Melcha sister to Sarah It is credible that this holy man Iob dwelt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bore his fathers name and that hee was rather of the stocke of Nachor 〈◊〉 though some suspect the contrary but the three Kings to wit Eliphaz Bildad 〈◊〉 were of the generation of Esau. Thus saith Phillip So that Iob was sonne 〈◊〉 by Melcham Origen followeth the vulgar and saith that hee was an Vzzite borne bred and there liued Now they the Minaeites and Euchaeites the Themanites are all of the race of Esau or Edom Isaacs sonne and all Idumaea was as then called Edom but now they are all called Arabians both the Idumaeans Ammonites and Moabites This is the opinion of Origen and the vulgar and like-wise of some of the Gentiles as of Aristeus Hist. Iudaic. c. c A proselite Comming from heathenisme to the law of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to come to d So highly commended In the booke of Iob and Ezech. 14. e In the third generation Some thinke that Genesis mentioneth him vnder the name of Iasub but there is no certenty of it Hierome saith that Eliphaz Esau's fonne by Adah is the same that is mentioned in the booke of Iob which if it be so Iob liued in the next generation after Iacob Aggees prophecy of the glory of Gods house fulfilled in the Church not in the Temple CHAP. 48. THis is that House of God more glorious then the former for all the precious compacture for Aggees prophecy was not fulfilled in the repayring of the Temple which neuer had that glory after the restoring that it had in Salomons time but rather lost it all the Prophets