they had the Victory Autarice and Spendius hauing no more hope fled There were ten thousand men slaine and about foure thousand taken After this battell Amilcar freed those that would follow the Warre vnder him and armed them with the Enemies spoyles telling them that refused that they should no more carry Armes against the Carthaginians and for all that which they had formerly done they were pardoned Moreouer that it was lawfull for them to retire into their Countrey if they thought it good but if they were found heareafter attempting any enterprize their punishment was certaine At the same time the mercenary strangers which kept Sardinia assailed all the Carthaginians that were there after the example of Spendius and Matho and hauing shut vp Captaine Bosâ—are with his Company into a Fort they put him to death Hanno was afterwards sent with a new Army against whom the Strangers conspired with the old Souldiers and after they had committed great cruelties they hang'd him Then fearing to be punished for so great a villany they slew and strangled all the Garthaginians which inhabited Sardinia and tooke all the Townes and Forts â—nioying the Iâ—â—nd vntill that a sedition rising betwixt them and the Sardinians they chased them away and forced them to flye into Italy By this meanes the Carthaginians lost Sardinia a very great Island well peopled and abounding with all commodities It will not be needfull to relate those things which are apparent by that which others haue written Matho Spendius and Autarice Chiefe of the Gaules fearing that this clemency of Amilcar in fâ—eeing the Prisoners with pardon would gaine the Lybians and other Souldiers they laboured to commit some villanous act to estrange the hearts of their men wholly from the Carthaginians And therefore they assembled them together where soone after a Post comes with Letters as if hee had beene suddainly arriued from Sardinia the tenor whereof was that they should keepe Goscon and the other Prisoners carefully and that there were some in the Campe who to purchase grace and fauor with the Carthaginians would set them at liberty Spendius hauing found this occasion first aduised his Companions that they should not regard the deliuery of the Prisoners vnder the colour of Amilcars counterfeite clemency For hee had not freed them for any desire hee had to saue them but to the end that by this meanes hee might haue them all and afterwards punish them ingâ—nertall Moreouer he gaue them chaâ—ge to keepe Gescon with his Company carefully that they might not escape through negligence but if they did otherwise the Enemies would make no great accompt of them and withall they should haue great inconueniences in their Warre But who will doubt that so excellent a Captaine and of so great experience in the Warre will not suddainly become their mortall Enemy when he shall bee escaped by their negligence Whilest hee was thus speaking behold another Mâ—ssenger comes from Tunes bringing Letters of the same Tenour the which being Reâ—d vnto the Assembly Aâ—tarice Commaunder of the Gaules stood vp saying that he saw no meanes for their safety but by taking away all the hope they haue in the Carthaginians For as long as any one hath respect vnto their clemency he can neuer be a loyall Companion in the War And therefore we must beleeue heare and consent vnto the opinion of those which shall giue aduice to do the 〈◊〉 we can vnto the Carthaginians and to hold such as shall say the contrary for enemies and Traytors When he had made an end of this Speech hee aduised them to put Gescon and his company to some cruell death with all the Carthaginians which had bin since taken This Autarice had great credite in their Assemblies for that they all vnderstood him speaking the Punique Language which at that time was common among the whole Army by reason of the long War wherein he had serued vnder the Carthaginians and therefore his Aduice was easily allowed by the Army in regard of the fauour he had among the Souldiers And although many of euery Nation walking and conferring together did not thinke it fit to vse such cruelty especially agaynst Gescon who had done them so much good yet they heard nothing of that which they spake for that they talked among themselues in their Languages But when as they saw that they did not like of putting the Carthaginians to Death a seditious Mâ—n who was by chance among them cryed out with a loud voice Charge At which word they were presently beaten downe with stones by the Multitude so as their Kinsmen carried them away soone after 〈◊〉 as if brute Beâ—sts had torne them in peeces This done they take Gescon and the other Prisoners which were to the number of seuen hundred and led them without the Rampiers and there beginning wiâ—h the head whom a little before they had chosen among all the Carthaginians as the Man which had intreated them best they cut off all their hands and Dismembred them and in breaking their Legs they east them thus liuing into a Ditch The Carthaginians aduertised of so great a cruelty done vnto their Citizens knew not what to do but that which was in them to be wonderfully incensed and to lament for the great ignominy of their Citty and the miseâ—y of their Citizens Finally they sent to Amilcar and Hanno which were the other Commaunders of the Army intreating them that so great a cruelty done vnto their Citizens should not remayne vnpunished Moreouer they sent an Embassie to these enemies to require the bodies to be interr'd Who not only refused them but also forbid thâ—m not to send hereafter any Treaters of Peace vnto them nor Embâ—ssies and if they did it they must expect to induâ—e the like paynes that Gescon had suffâ—ed and moreouer they had concluded that as many Carthaginians as fell into their hands should be cruelly slayne And as for their Allies they should lose their hands the which afterward they did carefully obserue Wherefore he that will duly consider these things may boldly say that the Bodies of Men and some of their Viceâ—s do not onely increase sometimes but also their hearts much more Beleeue that euen as Vâ—cers are inflamed by Medicines and are impaired if they be applyed and if they make no reckoning of them they dilate and extend themselues of their nature and neuer cease vntill the Body be wholy corrupted and rotten so it many times fals out of the Vices and corruptions of mans minde so as there is no Beast so cruell or sauage as Man To whom if thou doest any grâ—ce or remission of punishment or some other good he growes worse esteeming all this but Deceite and wil be more distrustfull of his Benefactors And if on the other side thou seekest to resist him there is nothing so vnreasonable so cruell nor so wicked but he will easily vndertake it glorifying himselfe in his presumption vntill his
at the Consuls comming many Citties aswell of the Carthaginians as of the Saragossins yeelded to the Romans But when as Hieron saw that the Sicillians fainted and that the Roman Army was great and their forces increased he held it better to follow their party then that of the Carthaginians He therefore sends an Embassie to the Consuls to treate of Peace and Friendship The Romans seeing the Carthaginians Maisters of all the Sea feaâ—ing likewise that the passage for their Victuals might be interdicted for that their Armies which had formerly past had suffred great wants and necessities they found the friendship of Hieron to be of great consequence for them in this regard Wherefore they treated a peace with the Saragossins vnder these following Conditions First that the King should free the Roman Prisoners without Ransome and moreouer should pay a hundred Tallents of Siluer and that hereafter the Saragossins should terme themselues Allies and Friends to the Romans Afterwards Hieron who of his owne free will put himselfe vnder their protection succourd them with men and victuals when need required So as afterwards he past the Remainder of his life with as great happinesse and fortune that euer Grecian had done And in my Opinion this was an excellent man amongst others who had beene alwayes happy in good Councell aswell for the affaires of the Common-wealth as for his owne particular When as the newes of this Treaty came to Rome and that the people had confirmed it they did not thinke it necessary hereafter to send all their forces out of Italy Wherefore conceiuing that two Legions would suffice there with the alliance of King Hieron they made their reckoning that the Warre would be more easily mannaged and that by this meanes the Army would be the better supplied with all things necessary But when as the Carthaginians saw that Hieron was become their Enemy and that the Romans held the greatest part of Sicily they knew well that they must haue a greater power to resist them Wherefore they made a great leuy of Geneuois and Gaules likewise of Spaniards to fortifie them And after they had caused them to passe into Sicily and seeing the Towne of Agragas very fit for the preparation of this Warre and that it was a frontier place and strong towards the Enemy they put into it all the men they could draw together with store of Munition making vse of it against the Enemy as of a Fort for the Warre After the accord past by the Consuls with Hieron they left the Prouince in whose place Lucius Posthumus and Quintus Emilius newly chosen Consuls come into Sicily with an Army who after they had carefully considered of the Carthaginians Designes and their preparations for Warre made in the Towne of Agragas they were of opinion to mannage the affaires of Sicily with greater courage and resolution then the last Consuls had done Wherefore they drew together all their Army and besieged Agragas within eight Furlongs and so kept in the Enemy The time of Haruest was come eliery man made his reckoning that the Siege would be long wherefore the Souldiers straying from their Campe aduentured somewhat too farre in the gathering of Corne. When the Carthaginians saw their Enemies thus dispersed running here and there confidently throughout the Prouince they conceiued a great hope that they should one day be able to defeate them wherupon some of them assaulted the Campe with great fury and the rest charged those which gathered Corne. But the diuersity of the action saued the Romans for that day as it had done many times before they hauing a custome to put those to death which abandon the place which is appointed them during the fight or which flye from the Campe vpon any occasion whatsoeuer By this meanes although the Carthaginians were farre greater in number yet the Romans resisted them valliantly who with great losse of their men made a greater slaughter of their Enemies Finally they not onely repulsed them from their Campe but pursued them â—illing part of them and forcing the rest to retire in a thrung into the Towne Moreouer that day was so dangerous to both Armies as afterwards their feare was great so as the Carthaginians durst no more assault the Romans Campe inconsiderately nor the Romans suffer their men to gather Corne rashly But for that the Carthaginians made no more sallies but did onely fight a farre off with casting of Darts and Stones the Consuls deuided their Army in two whereof the one was planted on the side of Esculapius Temple and the other on that side which doth looke directly vnto Heracleum And that which remained betwixt the two Camps of either side of the Towne was rampered with a double ranke of Piles Then they made a Trench betwixt them and the Towne to guard themselues from the Enemies sallies and another without the Campe to hinder the succours which the Neighbour-townes doe vsually send to the besieged The places which were betwixt the Trenches and the Campe were well guarded Moreouer all the Allies vsed great dilligence to bring into the Towne of Erbese victuals and all things necessary for the Campe so as the Souldiers liued at more ease for it was not farre off The Romans and the Carthaginians were fiue Moneths in this estate fortune shewing herselfe no more fauorable to the one then to the other But what happened by their shooting and casting of Darts But when as hunger began to presse the Carthaginians by reason of the great multitude of Men which were coopt vp within the Towne they were in truth aboue fifty thousand Men Haniball who was Generall of the Army hauing no more hope sends speedily to Carthage to acquaint them with the Rampire and Pallisado made about the Towne and to demaund succours The Carthaginians moued at this Newes raised an Army with a great number of Elephants and sent them by Sea into Sicily to Hanno who was another Captaine Generall for them who after he had drawne together his whole Army marcht to the Citty of Heracleum and at the first after he had considered what was to be done he tooke the Towne of Erbese by Treason the which vntill that day had beene a Store-house to the Romans By this meanes he depriued them of Victuals and 〈◊〉 things necessary for their Campe wherefore the Romans were no lesse besieged then they that were besieged The want of Victuals did often force them in a manner to resolue to raise the Siege the which vndoubtedly they would haue done if Hieron King of Saragosse had not vsed great diligence to furnish the Army with Victuals and other necessaries But when that Hanno after all these things saw that the Romans were much opprest with diseases and want of all things without doubt the plague was great in their Campe and that his Men were fresh and resolute to fight he drew together aboue fifty Elephants And when as all the bands of Souldiers were assembled he
a great part of Spaine Where staying about nine yeares conquering many Townes by force and othâ—rs by composition to haue their liues and goods safe hee dyed a Death worthy of his actions For when he had made Warre against couragious and powerfull people he dyed after hee had exposed himselfe to all dangers with great assurance and the admiration of all the World After this the Carthaginians made Asdrubal kinsman to Amilcar who had commaunded the Triremes Generall of their Army At which time the Romanes passed to Sclauonia and to that part of Europe with an Army They which desire to vnderstand truely our Discourse with the beginning and increase of the Romane power must diligently obserue it This Voyage by Sea was vndertaken for the causes which here follow Agron King of Sclauonia was the Sonne of Plurate This King drew to field more foote and Horse than any that had reigned before him in Sclauonia It is true that he was corrupted with money at the perswasion of Demetrius Father to Philip so as he succour'd the Midioniens whom the Etoliens held besieged You must vnderstand that when the Etoliens saw that they could not draw the Midioniens to liue according to their Lawes they began to make Warre against them laying siege to diuers places and doing what they possibly could to take the Citty And as in the meane time the day of the assembly was come wherein they were to chuse another Captaine of the Army and that the besieged were growne so weake as they seemed to haue no other thoughts but of yeilding he which at that time was Generall came vnto the Etoliens and let them vnderstand that it was reasonable that he who had indured so great paines and exposed himselfe to so many dangers during the Warre should haue the booty and spoile of the enemies if they were vanquished There were many euen of those which had any colour to attaine vnto that charge who discontented with this kind of demaund intreated the multitude not to determine any thing but to leaue the booty to him to whom Fortune should giue it Finally the Etoliens decreed that whosoeuer should winne the Towne he should share a moiety of all the Booty Riches and Armes with him who formerly had beene the Commaunder While matters stood on these termes and that within three dayes after the Assembly was to meete where according to the Custome of the Etoliens the last Commaunder was to be Deposed and a new choses there arriued in the night about a hundred ships neere to Midionia with ten thousand men of Sclauonia Who after they had recouered the Port and the day began to breake they landed in haste and by stealth and then they marched in battell after their manner against the Etoliens Army And although the Etoliens being aduertised of their comming were at the first amazed at this newes and the boldnesse of the Sclauonians Yet hauing great spirits and courage relying also in their Forces they drew out before their Campe the greatest part of their Horse and Armed men and placed vpon some passages which were not farre from the Camp some Horses and such as were lightly Armed The which were charged and broken by the Sclauonians as well by reason of the multitude of their Souldiers as for that the middest of their battell was strongly fortified In regard of the Horse-men they were forced to flye shamefully vnto their Campe From thence thorough the aduantage of the place they marcht speedily against those which kept the Plaine whom they charged and put presently to flight The Midionians sally forth and pursue them so as there was a great slaughter of the Etoliens and many Prisoners with the spoile of all their baggage hauing found no resistance When as the Sclauonians had performed their Kings Commaund and shipt all their baggage and booty they set sayle and retire to their houses The Midionians also being thus preserued contrary to their hope they assembled and held a Councell among themselues as well for other affaires as for the diuision of the booty taken from the Enemy and of their Armes to deuide them in common by an example taken of him who had beene Chiose of the Etoliens and of those which according to the decree of the Etoliens should succeed him as if Fortune had done it willingly to make the world know her force by the misfortune of the others In truth these in a short time made their Enemies to feele the miseries which they themselues expected suddainly The Etoliens after this misery serued for an example to the world not to hold future things as already done nor to put their hope in things which may succeed otherwise And that wee must alwayes reserue some part in things which may happen contrary to our hope as well as in all other actions seeing we are men as in the affaires of Warre When as the victorious ships were arriued King Agron transported with incredible ioy for the exploits of his men hauing vanquished the Etoliens relying much vpon their forces he gaue himselfe so to banqueting in the night and to a foolish delight of drinking and watching as hee fell into a Pleurisie the which grew so violent as hee died within few dayes after After whose death his Wife Teuca reigned gouerning the Realme by the counsell and aduice of her Friends But afterwards shee followed her womanish affections hauing no care but of this prosperity nor any regard to forreigne affaires suffering all those that would goe to Sea to spoile all passengers Shee also raised a great Army at Sea letting the Captaines vnderstand that the Countrey which was right against hers was Enemy vnto her Who at the first assailed the Elienses and Messenâ—ens whom the Sclauonians spoiled often But for that there is a large Sea and that the Townes of those Regions were all vpon the firme Land they could not easily preuent the Sclauonians courses and therefore they did spoile and ruine the Countrey without any obstacle And as at the same time they sayled to Epirus to fetch victuals they came to Phenice where there were about eight hundred Gaules entertained by the Epirotes to guard the Towne Heere they landed and parled with them to deliuer it whereunto they yeelded so as they tooke it and all that was within it by the helpe of the Gaules When the Epirotes had the newes they came presently to succour them with all their people and lodged vpon the banks of a neere Riuer Then they tooke away the planks of the Bridge to be free from the danger of those which kept the Towne In the meane time they were aduertised that Scerdilaide came by Land with fiue thousand men by the Streights of Antigonia Wherefore they deuided their Army in two whereof the one went to guard the passages of Antigonia and the other remained in the Campeidlely and negligently consuming what was in that Countrey without feare and
according to the diuersity of the times vntill the dayes of Alexander and Phillip yet striuing with all their meanes to gouerne their Common-weales in a Comminalty which contayned twelue Townes who are yet in being except Olena and Elix which an Earthquake swallowed vp before the Battell of Leuctres Behold the Citties Patras Dymes Phare Tritee Leanty Egire Pelleue Bure Cerannie Carynie Olene and Elix But in the time of Alexander and before the Olimpiade which we haue mentioned they grew into so great dissention namely for the Kings of Macedon that the Townes thus deuided held it would bee a great good vnto them to make Warre one against another So as some drew vnto them the forces of Demetrius and Cassander and soone after those of Antigonus The others were imployed by the Kings whereof there were many at that time in Greece But in the hundred and foure and twentieth Olimpiade as wee haue sayd they began againe to be reconciled at such time as Pyrrhus King of Epirus past into Italy First they of Patras Dymes Tritee and Phare were reconciled when as there was no title of common alliance betwixt them Fiue yeeres after they of Egire chased away their Garrison and ioyned to the rest whom the Buriens followed killing their King and soone after the Cerauniens When as Iseas who at that time was King of the Câ—rauniens saw that they of Egire had chased away their Garrison and they of Bure had slaine their King seeing himselfe in a manner inuolued with Warre hee relinquisht the principallity leauing the administration of the Common-weale to the Acheins after the Couenants concluded with them to saue his life But why haue wee brought these things from so farre To the end first that the World may know by what meanes and at what time and who were the first among the Acheins which rectified this comminalty againe the which at this day wee see flourish And that knowing their order euery man may easily beleeue not onely our History but also our actions Beleeue mee they haue alwayes obserued one course concerning the gouernment of their Common-wealth and one reason by the which keeping continually an equallity among them and defeating those who of themselues or by their Kings laboured to take their Country they haue in the end preuailed in all their interprises as well by their owne forces as by the helpe of their Allies Finally those things which haue beene since done in this Prouince ought to be attributed to the Acheins who being companions to the â—omanes in many great affaires haue not attributed any thing vnto themselues of that which was done hauing no other thought but of liberty and the common accord of Morea But we shall see it more plainly by their actions All these Citties which we haue named did administer the Common-wealth from the beginning fiue and twenty yeares with the Acheins making choyse of one Questor and two Captaines Afterwards they resolued to haue but one who should haue the charge of their principall affaires But Gerynee was the first which had this honour When his foure yeares were expired Arate the Sicyonien was chosen at the age of twenty yeares Who presently by his singular Virtue and great courage freed the Country from Tyrants and restored the Common-wealth of the Acheins to the which from the beginning he bare a great affection Some time after hauing gouerned eight yeares he was chosen againe And then he beganne to thinke of the meanes by the which he might take the Fort of Corinthe which Antigonus then held The which after he had effected he freed all Morea from great feare And when as the Corinthians were freed from Tyranny he ioyned them to the Acheins Some few dayes after he did the like to the Megareins These things hapned the yeare before the battell of the Carthaginians by the which they were forced to abandon Sâ—cily and to pay tribute vnto the Romanes When as Arate had in a short time finished all his interprises he spent the remainder of his life in the gouernment of the Common weale studying by all meanes how to chase the Macedonians out of Morea to ruine the Kings and to preserue the common liberty of the Country And therefore he resisted the attempts and practises of Antigonus Gonate whilest he liued and the couetousnesse of the Etoliens who with Antigonus grew so audacious and ouer-weâ—ning as they were not ashamed to diuide betwixt them by a common consent the Townes of Acheia But after the death of Antigonus and that the Acheins and Etoliens had made a league when as Demetrius made Warre against them the dissentions and discords were somewhat pacified and they contracted a common and mutuall friendship betwixt them But after the Death of Demetrius who Reigned onely ten yeareâ— and at such time when as the Romans pâ—ssed first into Sclauonâ—a the Acheins made themselues wonderful great For all the Kings which Reigned in Morea fell into deâ—paire aswell for the death of Demetrius who was their Commaunder and Emperour as for that they saw Arate striue with all his power to depriue them of their Câ—ownes propounding to such as shall doe it willingly great honours and dignities terrifying and vsing threates to such as should be obstinate and wilfull Finally he did admonish them all to leaue their Crownes and restoring the Country to liberty they should imbrace the League of the Acheins Wherefore Lysidas the Megalopolitaine who during the life of Demetrius had wisely fore-seene future things presently layes downe his Crowne Aristomacus King of the Argiues Xenon of the Hermionians and Cleomines of the Phliasiens renounced their Royall Principallities and ioyned themselues to the League of the Acheins But for that their Forces were by this meanes growne wonderfull great the Etoliens as men ambitious by nature enuied them and hoping to be able to breake the League of the Townes which were allied as they had done in the beginning they promised to Alexander to share with him those of the Acarnaniens and to Antigonus those of the Acheins By this meanes they gayned vnder colour of the same hope Antigonus then Gouernour in Macedony and left by Philip Tutor to his Sonne they also made Cleomines King of the Lacedemonians When as they saw that Antigonus had the gouernment of Macedony who was a Souldier and an enemy to the Acheins for the losse of the Fort of Corinthe they were of opinion that if the Lacedemontans were companions in this Warre in assailing the Acheins on all side they should easily defeate them The which vndoubtedly had hapned if Arate a man of great Virtue and Courage which they did not consider had not taken vpon him the defence of the others They began a most wicked War with all their Forces wherein they were not only frustrated in their expectance but they made Arate more stout and Resolute being then Commaunder of the Acheins and
far from being punished for the offence committed as this easie and suddaine reâ—vnion of two people into one Common-wealth seemed incredible to the whole VVorld For as soone as Arate was entred he forbad his men to touch their good Calling the Burgesses afterwards together wishing them not to care and that they should inioy their goods and be assured to liue in peace as long as they were vnder the Acheins Common-weale The Mantiniens who seemed to be without hope were wonderfully reioyced at the words of Arate VVherefore they presently changed their opinion receiuing those into their Houses to whom formerly they had beene deadly enemies with whom they did communicate their Goods and VVealth Finally they omitted nothing of that which seemed necessary for the setling of a firme friendshippe and in truth it was not without cause I doe not know if euer any fell into the hands of more gracious enemies or being falne into so great inconueniences haue relieued and raised themselues with so little losse the which proceeded from the humanity of Arate and the Acheins Afterwards seeing a farre off the seditions which were renewed amongst them and the practize of the Etoliens and Lacedemonians they send an Embassie to the Acheins to deliuer their Town into their protection and to receiue a Garrison VVho presently leuied three hundred men and sent them to Mantinea these three hundred men of the Acheins nation leauing their Countrey and all their estates they remained at Mantinea to preserue their liberty They had moreouer two hundred Souldiers that were strangers Soone after there grew a sedition among the Mantiniens wherfore they called the Lacedemonians deliuering them the Towne and to the end their wickednesse might be full and compleat they murthered all the Acheins a crime which was most execrable For seeing they would leaue the party and friendship of the Acheins they should at the least haue sent backe the Garrison safe into their Country It is a Custome which enemies obserue daily by a Common Law But to the end they might with more ease shewe their affection to Cleomenes and the Lacedemoâ—ians there proceeded to this great cruelty and basenesse who in breaking the Law of Nations would not spare their Friends Seeing then they haue practised such great cruelty towards those who hauing lately taken their Towne intreated them like men without offence and now defended and kept their Towne of what paines shall wee iudge them worthy VVhat punishment may wee ordayne for so foule an outrage Shall they be sold with their wiues and Children But by the Law of Armes they may doe it to those which haue not committed such crimes nor such cruelties They were therefore worthy of a greater punishment and a more grieuous example Wherefore if they haue suffered no more but that which Philarchus mentioned we must beleeue that the Grecians were not mooued to pitty but rather commended the iudgement of the Acheins who had resolued that so great a cruelty the like whereof had neuer beene spoken of should be grieuously punished Seeing then the Mantiniens at that time had no other harme but the losse of their goods and were sold by their enemies who will not hold this Historiographer to be a lyer and moreouer to haue Written incredible things And to the end he might shew his ignorance he hath not obserued that the Acheins at the same time did not the like vnto the Tegeates whom they tooke in battell For if the cruelty of the Acheins had beene the cause thereof there is no doubt but the Tegeates had suffered in like manner But seeing that this Rigour fell onely vppon the Mantiniens it is apparent that the cause of their choller was diuers Moreouer this same Historiographer tells vs that Aristomacus the Argine of a noble Family and of an auncient Tyrannicall Race was Tyrant of Argos who being taken by Antigonus and the Acheins and brought to Cenchrea hee suffered the most vniust Death that euer man indured He makes him moreouer as it is his custome to cast out lamentable cries the night that he was strangled And that the neighbours terrified partly with the cruelty and partly desirous to know what it was some of them wonderfully incensed ranne thither He also sets downe other effeminate things which we will leaue for the present beeing content with that which we haue here related For my part I conceiue that if Aristomacus had done no other thing against the Acheins but to turne the Common-weale into ruine and the liberty of the Country into Tyranny that he hath worthily deserued very great punishment Although that this gentle Historiographer desirous to attribute great glory vnto him and to begge pitty from the Auditors by a commemoration of the paines which he indured he doth not once say that he was a Tyrant but that hee was descended of a Tyrannicall Race What could he say worse or more pernitious For the very name is the field where all cruelty is sowne and which imbraceth all the outrages and villanies of men And admit that Aristomacus had indured great torments as Philarchus sayth yet he was not sufficiently punished for that which he committed in one day for when as Arate entred into Argos with a Troupe of Acheins without Discouery labouring to restore the Argiues to their liberty hee was in the end forced to leaue the Towne for that hee found not any man would take Armes for the feare they had of this Tyrant Wherefore Aristomacus taking his occasion for that they had consented to the comming of the Acheins put to Death fourescore Cittizens in the presence of his familiars Beleeue me it will bee tedious to relate the cruelty which he committed in his life time He held it of his Predecessors by right of inheritance And therefore wee must not thinke they haue done him wrong if they haue made him serue for an example with torments For it would haue beene much more vnworthy that so wicked a man after the murther of so many and afterâ— many thefts and spoyles should haue died vnpunished like an Innocent Neither can they charge Antigonus nor Arate of cruelty to haue put a Tyrant to death in Prison whom they had taken in open Warre and whom they might with reason and honour haue taken during a peace and haue put him to a cruell death But of what punishment will not you hold him worthy who besides all these things brake his accord with the Acheins A little before hee had relinquisht the tyranny being destitute of all hope and succours after the death of Demetrius At what time the Acheins did not onely saue him but entertaine him so courteously and graciously as they remitted all the wrongs which hee had done during his Reigne and gaue him great aduancements in their Common-wealth Finally they made him Chiefe of the Acheins But this wicked man amongst all others forgetting that great humanity and clemency began presently to plot how
good to deliuer summarily the accidents which hapned from the beginning vnto the end of these VVarres Immagining that they which desire to see our Worke will more easily come to the knowledge of the whole History Beleeue me that our vnderstanding conceiues many things necessary for a perticular History by the knowledge of the generall for the vnderstanding whereof the experience of perticular actions is of no small importance and if they be both ioyned together so as it may bee but one description they will be wonderfull profitable to the Reader But as for the contents of our Worke wee haue sufficiently spoken thereof in the two first Bookes And as for the perticular actions which haue hapned they haue taken their beginning in the Warres which we haue Related and there end at the death of the Kings of Macedon So as from the beginning vnto the end there were fifty yeares during the which there were as great and admirable things performed as euer were in so short a spâ—ce To speake whereof wee will beginne to write from the hundreth and fortieth Olympiade and will obserue this order First wee will shew the causes for the which this VVarre which they call of Hannibal beganne betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginians So as entring into Italy they reduced the Romans to so great an extreamity as they suddainly grew in hope to be Lords not only of the rest of Italy but also of the Citty of Rome And afterwards we will continue our narration vpon what occasion Philip King of Macedon after that he had made VVarre with the Etoliens and pacified Greece entred into hope with the Carthaginians And as for Antiochus Ptolomy and Philopater they in the end had Warre together for the lower Syria after a long dissention Moreouer the Rhodiens and Prufiens making VVarre against them of Constantinople forced them to abandon Pontus And there ending our Diâ—course we will beginne to speake of the manner of liuing of the Romanes of their Lawes and of their Common-weale By the which as proper to them they haue attained vnto such great power as they haue not only made subiect to their obedience Italy Sycile and the Gaules and likewise Spaine in a short time but in the end they haue vndertaken the Empire of the whole World after they had vanquished the Carthaginians by Armes Then passing on we will shew how the Kingdome of Hieron of Saragosse was defeated and ruined The like we will do of diuers troubles which were in Aegypt Moreouer how after the death of King Ptolomy Antiochus and Philip being agreed touching the diuision of the Realme left vnto the Sonne began the Warre Philip against Aegypt and Samos and Antiochus against Syria and Phenicea And when as we haue summarily set downe the affaires of Spaine Lybia and Sycile we will presently turne our Discourse to Greece as the affaires shall change For after that we haue related the VVars at Sea which Attalus and the Rhodiens made against Philip and hauing set downe the Romanes VVarre against him how and by whom it had beene mannaged and what successe it had obseruing the order of things we will come to the indignation of the Etoliens who proclaimed VVarre against the Romanes and drew Antiochus out of Asia And when we haue deliuered the causes and related Antiochus nauigation into Europe we will first shew how he fled out of Greece and being vanquished by Armes how he abandoned vnto the Romanes all the Counâ—ries which lie on this side Mount Taurus Thirdly we will shew with what power the Romans conquered the Empire of Asia after they had wholy defeated the Gaules who wandred vp and downe and how they freed the whole Countrey on this side Mount Taurus from the feare of the Barbarians and the insolency of the Gaules And when we haue related the mis-fortune of the Etoliens and Cophalins in their Warres we will make mention of those of Eumenides of Prshia and of the Gaules the like we will do of that of Ariarate against Pharnace From thence dispatching the accords of them of Morea and the increase of the Rhodien Common-wealth we will make an end of our worke setting downe in the end the Voyages which Antiochus sirnamed Epiphanes made into Aegypt And in like manner the Warres of Persiâ— with the ruine of the Kingdome of the Macedonians These are things whereby we may easily vnderstand how the Romanes in a short submitted the whole Earth vnder their obedience assailing them in perticular And if it were lawfull to discerne vertue from vice by the good or bad successe of affaires or from the praise or dishonour of men we must of necessity make an end here and turne our Relation to things which in the beginning we propounded to set down for this hath continued fifty three yeares during the which the Roman Empire hath gotten so great an increase as the whole World might well know that they must do what their people commaunded But for that such things cannot be rightly iudged by the good Fortune of affaires considering that many times those that seeme to be well done are the cause of great inconueniencies if they be not done in time And contrary-wise they which are fallen into some disaster many times turne their mis-fortunes to good if they know how to haue patience We haue thought it fitting to adde to that which we haue Written what the nature of the Victors were what meanes they held in the gouernment of their Empire and how the rest of the Townes Regions and Countries yeilded willingly vnto them And moreouer what course of life and what Lawes they held with all the World aswell in particular as generally with all their Common-wealths By this meanes they which liue at this day shall plainy see whither it be good to flie or voluntarily to submit to the Empire of Rome and they which shall come after may iudge whither the actions of the Romanes be commendable and worthy of memory or altogether blameable Behold wherein the profit of our History will consist aswell for the present as the future time They which mannage a Warre and they which vndertake to iudge of it do not propound the Victory for the last end nor wholy to subiect himselfe Beleeue me a wise man doth not make Warre with his neighbours to see the defeat and ruine Neither doth any man saile in diuers Seas onely to make Voyages nor pursues many Sciences and Disciplines in regard onely of them Without doubt we pursue these things for that which followes seemes pleasant profitable or decent and therefore wee may with reason say that the end of our Worke hath beene to know the condition of all things after the Conquest of the World made by the Romanes vntill they fell againe into new combustions Of which troubles I haue resolued to write making as it were a new beginning For that there hath beene great and memorable things hauing not onely beene present at
the greatest part but also a comfoâ—t and assistant This trouble grew when as the Romans made Warre against the Celtiberâ—ans and the Carthaginians against Massinissa King of Lybia and what time Attaâ—us and Prusias were at Warre in Asia And then Ariarate King of Capadocia expell'd his Realme by Roferne by the meanes of Demetrius was soone after restored by him But Demetrius the Sonne of Seleucus lost his Realme and life by the conspiracy of other Kings after hee had held Syria twelue yeeres And the Romans restored the Grecians to their Citties whom they had charged to bee the Authours of the Persian Warre after they had accepted the excuse of their innocency Soone after they made Warre against the Carthaginians for the causes which wee will specifie so as they resolued first to transport them and afterwards wholly to ruine them And for that the Macedonians abandoned the part of the Romans and the Lacedemonians the Common weale of the Acheins there followed the vtter ruine and destruction of all Greece This shall serue for the Preamble of our Worke. I haue neede of the fauour of Fortune to the end that by the meanes of life I may finish this my resolution although I hold it for certaine that if a long life should faile mee yet there would bee alwayes some one found among so great a multitude of wise and learned men that would finish our Worke and endeuour to bring vnto perfection that which suddaine Death might hinder and preuent in vs. As wee haue related at large the deeds which seeme most memorable desiring that our whole worke might bee knowne to the Reader as well in generall as perticular it is now time vnto the declaration of our designe The greatest part of those which haue written the deeds of Hannibal desiring to shew the cause of the Warre which kindled betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians say that the siege of Sagonte was the first and the second that contrary to the accord made with the Romans they had past the Riuer of Ebro For my part I am of opinion that these were the beginnings but not the causes for there is a great difference betwixt the causes and beginning of things vnlesse some will say that the Voyage of Alexander the great into Asia hath beene the cause of the Warre which he made against the Persians Or that the descent which Antiochus made at Demetriade hath beene the cause of that which was begun against the Romans the which is neither true nor likely But what man is so much blinded with ignorance that will affirme and maintaine that the preparations which were made partly by Alexander and partly by Phillip in his life time for the Warre of Persia Or by the Etoliens to make Warre against the Romans before the comming of Antiochus hath beene the causes of the Warre These are the opinions of men who doe not obserue how much the beginnings and the cause differ and that the causes in all things are the first and the beginning are the end of causes I am of opinion that the beginnings are called the first workes of things which are resolued and concluded and that the causes are those which preceed the decree and resolution and makes vs so to iudge as are the thoughts the aduices the discourses of reason and such other things This will be apparent for that which followes For it will be easie for any man to see for what cause the Warre of Persia was made and whence the beginning came The first was the returne of the Grecians with Xenophon into their Countrey by infinite fierce and barbarous Nations where not any one durst make head against him in so long a Voyage The second hath beene the Voyage of Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia into Asia by Sea Where hauing found nothing answerable to his forces nor that presented it selfe hee was forced to returne into Greece for the troubles which were kindled there as if he had triumphed ouer the Barbarians For which causes Phillip King of Macedon hauing experience of the basenesse and sloth of the Persians and relying vpon the readinesse of the Macedonians in matters of War being likewise drawne with the hope of great gaine he prepared Warre against them with all his forces as soone as he found himselfe assured of the amity and friendship of the Grecians taking his occasion that the Persians had vsed great cruelty against them And therefore wee must say that the causes of this Warre are those which wee haue first related and the occasions are those whereof we now speake and the beginning was Alexanders Voiage by Sea into Asia And in that which was made against the Romans vnder the conduct of Antiochus the wrath and indignation of the Etoliens was the cause You must vnderstand that for the opinion which they had conceiued that the Romans made no accompt of them as long as the Warre of Phillip continued they not onely called Antiochus vnto their Succours but also resolued to put all in hazard so great their spleene and fury was for that which was past It is true the liberty of Greece was the occasion vnder hope whereof they laboured by all meanes to draw the neighbour Citties to their Enterprize But the beginning of the Warre was the Voyage to Sea of Antiochus to Demetriade Wee haue beene tedious in this Discourse not to blame any one of the auncient Historiographers but for the profit of those which haue a desire to learne For as Phisitians cannot cure their Patients if they haue not knowledge of the causes of the Diseases wherewith they are troubled So they which treate of Histories are altogether vnprofitable if the reason of the place of the time with the causes and occasions bee not knowne There is therefore nothing more necessary nor more to be desired than to know the causes of all things that happen For opportunity doth many times rectifie great affaires and it is easie to preuent their beginnings It is true that Fabius a Roman Historiographer faith that the cruelty and inhumanity of Hannibal towards the Sagontins and the ambition and insatiable desire of Rule in Asdrubal haue beene the causes of the Warre betwixt the Romans and Hannibal Generall of the Carthaginians Then hee sayth that he had much augmented the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine and that being returned to Carthage hee sought to tirannize the Common-wealth and to ouerthrow their Lawes The which the chiefe men discouering they opposed themselues against Asdrubal Wherefore leauing Affricke in a rage hee returned presently into Spaine and afterwards mannaged the affaires according to his owne fancy and without the authority of the Senate of Carthage Moreouer he saith that Hannibal who from his youth had beene at the Warre vnder him was of the same enterprize and therefore after he was Lord of Spaine hee followed the courses of Asdrubal So as this Warre which was made against the Romans was begun by
demanded of them for to be put to death for the taking of Sagont Hee acquaints them likewise of the fertility of the Prouince whither they made their voyage making great esteeme and respect of the Friendshippe and alliance of the Gaules After which speech seeing them all resolute and that they demaunded nothing but to parte he commended their good will and prowesse And after he had told them the day when they should trusse vp their baggage he dismist them In the meane time when he had made all necessary preparations for his Voyage hee dislodg'd suddainly when the day of parting was come with fourescore and ten thousand Foote and twelue thousand Horse and past the Riuer of Ebro Then within few dayes hee brought vnder his obedience the Ilergetins the Bargusins the Erinosins and Andolisiens the like they did to all other Townes vnto the Pyrenee Mountaines razing some And as hee performed this sooner than any man could conceiue so he did it not without many cruell battels and great losse of men He setled Hanno Gouernour of this Countrey and made him likewise Lord of the Bargusins for that hee did not greatly trust those people for the Alliance they had with the Romans and hee gaue him ten thousand Foote and a thousand Horse for the guard of their Countrey leauing with him all their baggage which march't with him Hee sent backe the like number of Spaniards to their houses partly for that hee vnderstood they were grieued with the length of the Iourney and the difficult passages of the Mountaines and partly to giue hope vnto others to returne sometimes into their Countrey and that they which he left in their houses should march more willingly into Italy if he needed succours He march't then with the rest of his Army which amounted vnto the number of fifty thousand Foote and nine thousand Horse And passing the Pyrenee Mountaines he drew neere vnto the mouth of the Riuer of Rhone not so well accompanied with great numbers as good men who had beene alwayes victorious But to the end this may not seeme too obscure by the ignorance of places wee haue thought it fit to shew in few words from whence Hannibal parted and what great Countries hee past and into what parts of Italy he entred It is true wee haue not set downe the names of the places as many Historiographers doe thinking that all will the better bee vnderstood if they haue the knowledge thereof For my part I am of opinion that the relation of the names of places whereof we haue knowledge are of great profit for the more easie vnderstanding and more certaine memory of things But where the places are vnknowne their names are like vnto that manner of voice which besides the hearing signifies nothing By this meanes it happens that seeing our vnderstanding doth not comprehend any thing by the name and the which knowne cannot breed any great profit that the relation is altogether fruitlesse And therefore wee must finde meanes by the which speaking of places that are vnknowne we may make the truth to be vnderstood by the Readers with all our power The first and principall knowledge common to all men is the Diuision of this World wherein wee are contained by the which wee know euen Ideots the East West South and North. The second is by the which attributing to euery one of these parts the parties of the World wee come in some sort to the knowledge of places which we haue neuer seene But as the round Circle of the Earth consists of many parts whereof some are inhabitable and others in scituation opposite to ours inhabited by the Antipodes Wee must for the present speake onely of the scituation of the Countrey which wee inhabite And for that it is diuided into three parts and hath three names whereof they call the one Asia the other Affricke and the third Europe It is a diuision which the Riuers of Tanais and Nile make ioyning to the streights of Hercules Pillars Asia is seated betwixt Nile and Tanais taking its extent towards the East and South In regard of Affricke it is seated betwixt the Nile and the Pillars of Hercules taking its extent vnder the South and towards the Hiuernall west vnto the Equinoxiall and to the streights of Gibeltar Finally these two parts seeme to hold more the Countrey vnder the South from the East following our Sea then towards the West And as for Europe it is limited drawing towards the North and continuing from the East vnto the West whose greatest extent lies towards the North betwixt the Riuer of Tanais and Narbonna which is not farre from the Countrey of Marcelles towards the West and the mouthes of the Riuer of Rhone which lose themselues in the Sardinian Sea The Gaules hold all that Countrey from Narbonna vnto the Perinee Mountaines the which extend themselues from our Sea vnto the Ocean and as for the rest of Europe from the Perinee Mountaines vnto the West I meane vnto the Pillars of Hercules it is enuironed on the one side by our Sea and on the other by the maine Ocean The Countrey about which our Sea doth flowe vnto the Pillars of Hercules is called Spaine And as for that which hath its aspect to the Ocean it hath not yet any knowne name that hath come to our knowledge although it bee fully inhabited by Barbarous people of whom we will speake particularly when we come to their Ranke For as the Region which is neere vnto Ethiopia whereas Asia and Affricke ioynes is at this day vnknowne whether it be firme land continued towards the South or inclosed by the Sea So likewise the Countrey is at this day vnknowne which betwixt Tanais and Narbonna drawes towards the North so as they dreame which speake or write any thing It was necessary to make this digression to the end that the deeds which we are to relate might not be altogether obscure to those which know not the places and that they might come the knowledge of the truth as much as is possible by the Regions of Heauen and Earth For we haue beene alwaies accustomed to turne our face continually to that which they teach vs by reason and example The vnderstanding must alwayes haue regard to those Countries which are interposed in the relation Leauing then our discourse let vs returne to the continuance of our speech The Carthaginians at that time held all the Affricaine shore whereas our Sea flowes from the Philonien Altars neere vnto the Bankes of Barbary vnto the Pillars of Hercules this containes about sixteene thousand Furlongs and in passing that little Sea which is betwixt Affricke and Europe they had Conquered all Spaine vnto the Perinee mountaines which diuide that Prouince from Gaule From the which vnto streights of Gebeltar where stand the Pillars of Hercules there is about eight thousand Furlongs And from the streight vnto the new Towne which some call Carthage from whence Hannibal parted to
opposed themselues So as they returned without effect So one after they sent to declare VVarre vnto them for the afore-said causes Presently after the Rhodiens sent Embassadours to Prusias to perswade him to make Warre against the Constantinopolitains for they knew well hee was offended with them for certaine causes The Constantinopolitains in like manner solicited Attalus and Acheus by many Embassies to succour them against the Rhodiens It is true that Attalus was at liberty but hee was much oppressed with pouerty for that Acheus had forced him to retire himselfe within the liberties of his Fathers Empire Finally Acheus who tearmed himselfe Lord of all the Countrey which lies on this side Tauris and publishing himselfe for King promised succours vnto the Constantinopolitains which gaue them occasion of great hope and terrified very much the Rhodiens and Prusias For Acheus was allied vnto Antiochus who raigned in Syria and had attained to this Principallity by such or the like meanes After the death of Seleucus father vnto Antichus and that his Sonne Seleucus the eldest of the brethren had succeded in the Realme Acheus past the Mountaine of Tauris with him in regard of his kindred about two yeares before the time whereof wee now speake For as soone as Seleucus was King and hearing that Attalus had taken the whole Country which lies on this side Mount Tauris considering that hee must giue order to his Affaires passeth the Mountaine with a great Army VVhere within few dayes after hee was slaine by Apaturin a Gaule and Nicanor Acheus resoluing to reuenge the death of his kinsman kills them presently And then he gouernes the Army and all other affaires with great VVisedome and Courage For when as the opportunity of the time and the generall consent of all the Souldiers perswaded him to take the Crowne yet hee would not doe it but kept the Realme for the younger Brother Antiochus and gouerning all other matters carefull he resolued to subdue the whole Country which is on this side Tauris But when as all things had succeeded happily and that in the end he had left nothing but Pergamus to Attalus hee presently changed his minde and caused himselfe to bee called their King being growne proud with the Victories which hee had obtained contrary vnto his Hope So as it fell out that his name was more feared by the Inhabitants on this side Tauris then of any other King or Prince Wherat the Constantinopolitains being moued they made no difficulty to vnder-take a Warre against the Rhodiens and Prusias Who accused them that when they had promised to set vp his Images yet they afterwards forgot it thorough negligence And withall hee was much more incensed for that they had done what possibly they could to pacifie the Warre which was kindled betwixt Acheus and Attalus For that euery man knew that their peace was dangerous to him for many Reasons Finally hee obiected against them that whereas they had sent an Embassie to Attalus at the Games which he had made in the honour of Minerua they had not sent any one vnto him when hee gaues thankes vnto the Gods For which reasons being incensed hee willingly embraced the Rhodiens party against them of Constantinople And therefore hee agreed with their Embassadours that they should send foorth a very strong Fleete to assaile the Constantinopolitains by Sea promising likewise to inuade them by Land with no lesse forces then they should This was the the beginning and the causes of the Warre which the Rhodiens made against the Constantinopolitains They also at the first entred into it with great Courage hoping that Acheus would succour them according vnto his promise They had also called Thibete of Macedony whom they opposed against Prusias to take from him the meanes to make VVarre against another being much troubled for the defence of his owne But Prusias parting with great rage and fury against the Constantinopolitains hee presently tooke Fanum a place very strong by Nature and seated vpon the mouth of the Pontique Lea which they of Constantinople had lately purchased for a great summe of money mooued with the opportunity of the place to the end that no man might enter or goe foorth of the Pontique Sea but by their fauour Moreouer he put all the Countrey of Asia which the Constantinopolitains had long helde to fire and Sword On the other side the Rhodiens hauing made sixe shippes and taken foure from their Allies whereof they made Xenophante Commaunder they sailed vnto Hellesponte with an Army of ten saile of very strong Shippes And hauing left nine neere vnto Seste for the defence of the entry into the Pontique Sea the Commaunder hauing a good VVinde sailed with the tenth vnto Constantinople to view their Countenance And whither at this first beginning of the VVarre they would be better aduised But finding them ill affected hee retired vnto his whole Army with the which hee returned to Rhodes In the meane time the Constantinopolitains sent Embassies some vnto Acheus intreating him to hasten his Succours Others into Macedony to draw downe Thibete for it seemed that the Realme of Bythinia did as rightly belong to Thibete as to Prusias for that hee was his Vncle. The Rhodiens being aduertised of the obstinacy of the Constantinopolitains vsed Wisedome and Policy For when they vnderstood that all their Hope was in Acheus whose Father Ptolomy kept in Prison at Alexandria and that Acheus leauing all other Affaires whatsoeuer was carefull of his deliuery they thought good to send an Embassie to Ptolomy and to intreate him with great Affection to deliuer vnto them the father of Acheus to the end that by this means they should make him bound vnto them Ptolomy after he had heard the Embassadours did not seeme very willing to deliuer Andromochus hoping to make vse of him at neede for that hee was not yet well pacified with Antiochus and that Acheus hauing seazed vppon the Realme without any contradiction and farre extended his power For Andromochus was Father vnto Acheus and brother to Laodicea Wife to Seleucus Yet to please the Rhodiens hee deliuers him vnto them to restore him vnto his Sonne if they thought good The Rhodiens by this meanes hauing done according to their owne desires and reconciling themselues vnto Acheus by some other meanes they did frustrate the Constantinopolitains of their principall hope There fell out also another accident which troubled them very much For Thibete whom they had drawne out of Macedony as we haue said died suddainly of sicknesse For which accidents the Constantinopolitains began to faint Contrariwise Prusias hauing a greater hope of his Enterprize parted from Asia to make Warre and leuied men in Thrace pressing the Constantinopolitains so neere as they durst not issue or sally out of the Gates which looked towards Europe Wherefore being thus destitute of all hope and suffering all the iniuries of Warre they sought and inuented some honest meanes to be
Iupiter Dodonee They not onely consumed the building by fire but they ruined all the Walles And withall they ouer-threw and beate in peeces aboue two thousand Images yet they would not touch those which had the figure or inscription of one God They had grauen vppon the Walles when as the dexterity of Same the sonne of Chrisogone who had beene nurst with the same milke that the King beganne to shew it selfe This vulgar Verse Thou scest the God which will terrifie him with his Dart. The King and his Friends thought they had done well and that by meanes they had reuenged with the like recompence the execration which the Etoliens had made vnto God But for my owne part I am of another opinion and euery man may iudge whither I haue reason calling vnto minde the example of Kings of the same Line and not of other Races When as Antigonus had chased away Cleomenes King of the Lacedemonians and was Lord of Sparta hee forbare to vse any outrage or cruelty to the Lacedemonians and carried himselfe not onely like a moderate and temperate man but was also gracious vnto his Enemies And returned into his Countrey leauing the Lacedemonians in their full liberty doing them many fauours both in generall and perticular So as they not onely tearmed him at that time their Benefactor but likewise after his Death they called him their Sauiour So as hee not onely purchased Prayse and immortall glory with the Lacedemonians but likewise withall other Nations Moreouer Philip who first inlarged the Realme of Macedony and made the name of his Race great hee did not winne the Athenians after that hee had Vanquished them in Cheronia so much by Armes as by his milde course of liuing and the sweetnesse and gentlenesse of his Nature It is true that hee Vanquished those that came against him to Battaile and had wonne the Athenians and their Citty Not by a continuance of his Choller and indignation against the Vanquished but in fighting with his Enemies vntill occasion were offered to shew his mildnesse and Vertue For hee sent vnto the Athenians who had done him many wrongs their Prisoners free and caused such as had beene slaine in the Battaile to bee interred soliciting the Athenians afterwards to carry away the bones vnto the Sepulchers of their Auncestors And afterwards sending backe the sayd bones and many slaues freed being lightly attired with Antipater hee decided a great businesse by his industry So as the vntamed hearts of the Athenians being Vanquished by his magnanimity they were alwaies after obedient vnto him and ready to satisfie his desires What did Alexander whose Choller was so great against the Thebanes as hee made all the Cittizens slaues and razed their Citty vnto the ground reducing some of their Princes into seruitude sending others into Banishment and taking all their Wealth Yet his rage and fury did not so farre exceede as to force and violate the Temples of the immortall Gods vsing all possible diligence to keepe his men from committing any disorder and villany And when hee past into Asia to reuenge the outrages which the Persians had done vnto the Grecians hee punished the men which had committed them according to their deserts but hee touched not the Temples Although the Persians had most wronged the Grecians therein This Philip should haue considered to the end hee should not bee so much esteemed the Heire of the afore-sayd Kings in their Soueraignty as in life and Conuersation Hee did what possibly hee could in his life time to shewe himselfe to bee of the blood of Alexander and Philip But hee did not care to imitate them nor to doe as they had done Wherefore leading another course of life hee also left another opinion of him with all Nations For as hee laboured to yeeld the like vnto the Etoliens for their outrages and to purge euill by euill he thought not to offend Calling to minde the outrages which Scope and Dorimache had done vnto the Temple of Iupiter Dedonee hee did not perceiue that he committed the like errour straying wonderfully from reason It is true that the Lawes of Warre permit to vse cruelty against enemies and to ruine and spoile their Castles and Gardens Townes and Burroughes Shippes Fruites and such like To the end that their forces may be weakned and his owne fortified and augmented But it is the Act of a furious and mad man to ruine those things that are neither any way profitable or commodious vnto himselfe nor hurtfull vnto his enemy As Temples Cloisters Images and such like It is not sitting that a good and vertuous man should persecute his Enemy to his totall ruine It sufficeth onely that the faultes of Delinquents may be purged and Corrected and not to ruine with the vniust those things which haue not offended nor to seeke to destroy and pull downe with the Enemy that which hath committed no outrage It is the practise of a cruell Tyrant to Raigne in doing euill forcing his people thorough feare and liuing in mutuall hatred with his Subiects But the duty of a King is to doe good vnto all men gouerning his people without feare with bounty and Clemency And liuing with his Citizens in mutuall loue and friendshippe But wee shall see more plainely the great errour which Philip committed if wee shall truely consider the opinion which the Etoliens might haue had of him if hee had not ruined the Cloisters and Images nor carried away the Ornaments of the Temple I conceiue that beeing culpable of the things which had beene committed at the Temple of Iupiter Dedonee they might haue seene plainely that Philip could haue done the like and yet it had beene cruelty the which notwithstanding in shewe hee had done with reason And that hee would not imitate and follow their Wickednesse in regard of his Bounty and Magnanimity they would vndoubtedly haue condemned themselues for their faultes in commending and approouing Philip with great admiration for that like a magnanimous King hee had carried a respect vnto the Gods and executed his Choller vpon them There is no doubt but it is better to vanquish an Enemy by mildnesse and Clemency then by force and might For by Armes necessity forceth men to obedience but mildnesse drawes them to it willingly By the one faults are corrected with losse And by the other offenders amend and reforme themselues without damage Moreouer in the one the Souldiers attribute vnto themselues the greatest part of the glory which is a great matter But in curtesie gentlenesse and mildnesse all the Victory is giuen vnto the Commander So as happily considering his age they will not attribute to Philip the greatest part of those things which he had done but to those that were in the Warre with him of which number were Arate and Demetrius of Phare The which would be easie to say vnto him although he had not beene there present aud that this outrage done vnto
none of their enterprizes succeeded retired to Appelles and caused him to come from Calâ—is giuing him to vnderstand that they could not doe any thing without him for that the King crost them in all things Appalles had carried himselfe in Calcis with greater liberty then was fit for he gaue them to vnderstand that the King was young vnder his Guard and without any power terming himselfe Lord and sole Gouernour of all things Wherefore all the Princes of Macedony and Thessaly adrest themselues to him in all affaires Within a short time likewise all the Citties of Greâ—ce had forgotten the King in their elections honours and offices Onely Appelles mannaged all affaires The King being long before aduertised thereof was much discontented and incensed whereunto Arate spurd him on continually although he dissembled his conceite so well as no man could discouer it Appelles ignorant of the Kings resolution and thinking to obtaine any thing when he should present himselfe vnto him came from Calcis to Corinthe When he came neere the Towne Leonce Ptolomy and Megalee Chiefe of the Targeteers and other Souldiers that were best armed gaue him a great reception perswading the youth to goe and meere him He came then to the Kings lodging in pompe being attended on by the Captaines and Souldiers When as he sought as he was wont to enter suddainly a certaine Vsher told him that he must haue patience for that the King was busie for the present Appelles wondring at this new manner of proceeding remained pensiue for a time after which he departed discontented and without iudgement all the rest likewise abandoned him so as hee returned alone to his lodging hauing no other Company but his owne Family O how suddainly are men aduanced to great honours and in as short time reduced to greater miseries especially such as frequent Princes Courts They are like vnto Lots which they vsually giue in publique Councells For as those which a little before were were giuen in Copper are suddainly turned into Gold according to the will of those that dispose of them So they which follow the Courts of Princes are according to the Kings will and pleasure happy one day and miserable the next When Megalee knew that he had sought the assistance of Appelles in vaine he trembled for feare and intended to flye After that day Appelles was called to Banquets and other honours that were done but he neuer entred into the priuy Councell nor assisted at the ordinary resolutions which were taken for affaires Soone after the King returned to Phocis leading Appelles with him Whereas hauing speedily effected his will he returned againe to Elatia During this Megalee flies to Athens leauing Leonce caution for him for twelue thousand Crownes And when as the Chiefe of the Atheniens would not receiue him he returned to Thebes The King being parted from the Countrey which lies about Circe hee sayled to the Port of Sicyonia with the Targeteers and his Guard From whence comming suddainly to the Towne he preferred the lodging of Arate before the other Princes making his continuall abode with him commanding Appelles to sayle to Corinthe When as newes came in the meane time of the flight of Megalee hee sent Taurion with the Targeteers whom Leonce had vnder his charge to Triphalia as if hee had beene forced thereunto by some great affaires After whose departure hee causeth Leonce to be apprehended The Targeteers aduertised hereof sent an Embassie to the King to intreate him that if Leonce had beene taken for any other thing then for the caution that the iudgement might not be giuen before their returne Otherwise they should thinke themselues contemned and in disgrace with the King The King prickt forward by the importunity of the Souldiers he put Leonce to death sooner then he had resolued During the which the Embassadours of Rhodes and Chios returned from Etolia hauing agreed vpon a Moneths truce and saying that the Etoliens were ready to treate a peace with the Knig appointing moreouer a day when he should meete with them neere vnto Rhie Being confident that they would doe whatsoeuer he pleased to haue a peace The The King accepting the truce sent Letters to the Allies willing them to send Embassadours to Patres to conferre with him on the conditions of the peace Then hee parts from Leche and arriues two dayes after at Patres At the same time they bring vnto him Letters from Phocis which Megalee himselfe had written vnto the Etoliens by the which he solicits them to maintaine the Warre couragiously for that the King could not long continue it for want of victuals and other munition Moreouer they contained many scandalous and opprobrious speeches against the King The which being read the King conceiuing that Appelles had beene the cause and the beginning of these practises causeth him to be taken and brought to Corinthe with his Sonne and Concubine And hee sent Alexander to Thebes giuing him charge to bring Megalee to the end his caution might be discharged But when as Alexander thought to execute his charge Megalee preuented him and slew himselfe In a manner at the same time Appelles his Sonne and his Concubine were put to death receiuing the worthy punishment of their wicked liues and namely for the outrage done by them to Arate Although the Etoliens desired peace being discontented with the long Warre and seeing their affaires to succeed otherwise then they expected for that conceiuing they had to deale with a Child considering that the King had neither age nor experience they found him by his deeds to bee a man excellent in Councell and Execution and themselues to bee Children as well in their particular as publique affaires Yet aduertised of the mutiny of the Targeteers and of the death of Appelles from whom they expected some great alteration in the Kings Court they came not to Rhie at the day appointed Philip holding this a good occasion to entertaine the Warre solicites the Embassadours of the Allies which were there assembled not vnto peace for the which they had beene called but to Warre Then parting from thence with his Fleete hee came to Corinthe and sent all the Macedonians to winter in their houses Parting from Corinthe hee sailed by the Euripe to Demetriade there hee put Ptolomy to death who onely remained of the Conspiracy of Appelles and Leonce by the iudgement of the Macedonians At the same time Hannibal had past the Alpes and was in Italy and had planted his Campe neere to the Riuer of Poe not farre from that of the Romans Antiochus after hee had conquered many places in Syrria had brought backe his Army to winter Licurgus King of the Lacedemonians fearing the Magistrates had fled into Etolia for the Magistrates hearing a false report that hee would attempt some reuolte came in the Night to his house with a Troupe of Youth whereof being formerly aduertised he fled with his seruants When as Philip
with an Army at Sea and munition he would raise some troubles within the Realme Sosibius imbracing this occasion gaue the King and his Councell to vnderstand that this must not be heard with a deafe eare and that he must seaze vpon Cleomenes and giue him a Guard The which being put in execution they gaue him a spacious House where hee liued with Guards differing therein from other Prisoners for that hee had a larger Prison Cleomenes considering this and hauing little hope for the future resolued to hazard all and yet without hope to effect any thing and being in extreame despaire but desiring to make an honourable Death and not to suffer any thing that might seeme vnfitting for the greatnesse of his Courage I immagine likewise that hee had an humour and had propounded to himselfe that which commonly great Spirits doe in these Tearmes That in dishonour I doe not basely fall Courage my heart let 's brauely venture all When as hee had obserued the Voyage which the King made to the Towne of Canope hee caused it to be bruited among his Guards that hee should bee soone set at liberty Wherefore he made a Banquet to his people and sent offering and Garlands of Flowers to the Guards And moreouer store of Wine Whilest they made good cheere and were all drunke hee goes out of the House with his Friends and Seruants their Swords in their hands in the open day the which the Guard neuer perceiued And when as marching in this manner they met with Ptolomy in the Market place they ouer-threw him from his Chariot and slew him Whereat all those that did accompany him were amazed at the greatnesse of the fact Finally they beganne to cry Liberty vnto the people But when as no man stirred considering the greatnesse of the Crime they turned head and assailed the Fortresse as if the Gate had beene ouer-throwne by the Treason of the Souldiers and that they should presently take it But for that the Guards foreseeing the danger had Rampred vp the Gate in the end they slew themselues being frustrated of their hope and dyed an honourable Death worthy of a Spartaine Courage Behold the end of Cleomenes a man of great Eloquence in speaking and of great Resolution in Warre Who it seemes wanted nothing that did sauour of a King but a Realme After Cleomenes Theodote borne in Etolia and Gouernour of base Syrria soone after resolued to haue intelligence with Antiochus and to deliuer him the Townes of his gouernment For that hee partly contemned the King for his negligence and idlenesse and partly the Courtiers growing distrustfull for that a little before hee had propounded a good aduice vnto the King aswell for other things as to resist Antigonus seeking to make Warre against Syrria Wherein hee was not onely distastfull but they caused him to come to Alexandria where he was in danger of his life Antiochus accepting this offer gladly the matter came to effect But to the end we may withall declare this Race seeking out the Empire of Antiochus let vs make our entry summarily from those times to come vnto the Warre whereof we meane to Treate You must vnderstand that Antiochus the younger was Sonne vnto Seleucus surnamed Callinice Who after the death of his Father when the Realme fell to Seleucus his elder Brother liued in the beginning priuately in his House in the high Countrey of the Realme But his Brother being slaine in Treason as wee haue sayd after hee had past Mount Tauris with an Army he tooke the Empire and Raigned giuing the gouernement of all the Prouince which lyes on this side Tauris to Acheus and Molon And to his brother Alexander the high Countries of his Realme So as Molon should haue Media and his brother Persida These contemning the King for his Age for he was scarce fifteene yeares old and hoping to draw Acheus to their Conspiracy fearing moreouer the cruelty and Treachery of Hermes who then had the Gouernment of the whole Realme resolued to abandon the King and to change the Estate of the Prouinces which they helde Hermes was borne in Caria to whom Seleucus the Kings brother had giuen the gouernment of the Realme relying in him from the time they past Mount Tauris Wherefore being aduanced to this supreame Authority he enuled all those which had any power in Court being outragious and cruell by Nature condemning innocents at his pleasure and fauouring wicked men and Lyers Finally he was cruell and rough in his iudgements But among other things he watcht an opportunity to kill Epigene who was Lieutenant Generall of Seleucus his Army For that he found him a man of great Eloquence and great execution hauing fauour and Authority in the Army And although he plotted this in his minde continually yet hee kept it secret seeking some occasion to effect his enterprize Finally when as the Councell was assembled to conferre vpon Meloâ—s Rebellion and that the King had commaunded euery man to deliuer 〈◊〉 opinion and that Epigene beginning first had sayd that this businesse was not to be held of small importance and that it was necessary the King should approach the Countrey holding himselfe ready when time should require and that by this meanes Molon would giue ouer his enterprize the King being neere with a great Army or if hee did persist in that which hee had begunne the people would deliuer all the Traytors into the Kings hands Then Hermes enraged sayd vnto himâ— Epigene hauing long concealed thy Treason thy disloyalty hath in the end beene discouered in this Councell Labouring to deliueâ— the Kings person into the hands of Traytors Hauing spoken thus and in some sort shewed his slander hee left Epigeâ—e Finally shewing a countenance rather of importune indignation then of any manifest hatred hee persisted in his opinion not to leade an Army against Molon fearing the danger For that the Souldiers were not invâ—ed to Warre and that they should vse all diligence to make Warre against Ptolomy holding that sure by reason of the Kings negligence and idlenesse By this meanes when hee had stopt the mouthes of all that were in the Assembly for feare he sent Xenon Theodote and Hermioly with an Army against Molon Giuing King Antiochus to vnderstand that hee should presently vndertake the Warre of Syrria Thinking by this meanes that if the King were roundly beset with Warre hee should neuer be punished for the offences which hee had formerly committed Neither should hee loose his Authority for the necessity and continuall dangers wherein the King should be daily Wherefore in the end hee brought a counterfeite Letter as sent from Acheus to the King The Tenour whereof was that Ptolomy had solicited him to enter into Warre to get the Principallity and that hee would furnish him with money and munition if he would take the Crowne vpon him and that it was apparent to all the World that hee pretended to be a King The which
him and they make his processe presently before the Tribune in the presence of the assembly if hee be condemn'd they whip him This is their punishment The Tribune when he hath scarce touchâ— the condemned with the rod all the Souldiers of the Campe fall vpon them with rods and kill them for the most part and if any escape yet they are not preserued for how were it possible seeing that the returne into their Countrey is forbidden neither haue they Friends or Kinsmen that dare receiue them into their houses Wherefore they which fall into this Calamity perish totally To the like punishmen are also subiect the Lieutenant and Captaine of the Band if they haue failed in their Command the one as Vissiter and the other as Captaine of the Band who must shew himselfe in time conuenient wherefore as the punishment is seuere and irremissible the watch neuer commits any fault The Souldiers must obey the Tribunes and they the Consuls It is true the Tribunes haue power to condemne in a Fine to absolue and to whip The Captaines haue the like priuiledge ouer the Allies If any one hath stollen any thing in the Campe he is whipt so is a false witnesse or any one that is apprehended abusing the flower of the youth Moreouer if any one hath bin thrice reprehended for one and the same crime they punish him afterwards grieuously as a depraued person They hold these crimes infamous and base in a Souldier as if any one hath bragg'd falsely to the Tribune of his prowesse to winne honour Or if any appointed to the guard of a place abandon it cowardly or leaues any of his Armes for feare in fight Wherefore some hauing apparent death before them in the place where they are set as being enuironed by a great Troupe will neuer abandon the station where they haue bin once appointed fearing the punishment due to their offence Some in the like dangers losing by chance their Bucklers and Swords or some other Armes thrust themselues among their Enemies hoping to recouer that which they haue lost by force or enduring some vnfortunate accident to flie a manifest infamy and reproach of their Companions If these things happen to many and that some Ensignes haue by a generall consent abandoned their place they held it not fit to whip them nor to kill them all but they haue another expedient which is profitable and terrible for after they haue drawne the Army together the Tribunes bring them into the midst of it accusing them with big words Finally he drawes forth by lot fiue or eight sometimes twenty hauing regard vnto the Troupe so as there be the tenth part of the delinquents whom they whip as hath bin said without any remission Moreouer he commands the rest to lodge without the Rampiers and Pallisadoes of the Campe deliuering them Barley for Wheat By the apparent danger and feare of the lot equally incident to them all seeing the euent is vncertaine with the example of the Munition which they giue them of Barley concernes them all and serues for a terrour and restraint from offences Moreouer they encourage young men to vndergoe danger For when necessity requires it and that any one of them hath performed an act of valour the Consull assembles the Army where they are presented which haue done any memorable act There he commends euery man in particular laying open what they haue valiantly performed or any other thing that hath bin worthy of memory during the whole course of their liues Finally he giues a gaulish Dart to him that hath wounded the Enemy To a Foot-man which hath ouerthrowne a Horse-man and stript him a vessell of Gold To a Horse-man the Furniture of a Horse In former time they had none but the gaulish Dart which are gifts which they receiue which in skirmishes and such like actions haue done valiantly and couragiously where without any necessity they enter voluntarily and fight man to man in single Combate not hee which in Battaile or the taking of a Towne hath wounded or stript an Enemy It is true they giue a Crowne of Gold to those which haue first ascended the wall The Consull in like manner makes shew of such as haue defended and preserued any Cittizens or Allies and makes them honourable by gift Moreouer the Tribunes compell those which haue beene preserued if they doe it not willingly to crowne their preseruer to whom they beare a reuerence and respect during their liues as to their Fathers to whom they yeeld the like duty By these inticements they not onely encourage the assistants to fight and by their example to vndergoe danger but likewise the Inhabitants which remaine in the City For they which haue obtained these gifts besides the glory and esteeme of the Souldiers the fame flying to their family they haue solemne pomps made for them being returned into their Countrey with great honour and dignity for that they to whom the Captaines haue done such honours are onely worthy to be so magnified and esteemed They also set vp in the most apparent places of their Citty the spoiles as markes and testimonies of their virtue As they are thus curious and diligent in the Campe for honours and punishment it is reasonable and fitting the euents of War should proue prosperous and honourable The Foote-men haue by the day fourteene Deneers the Captaines of Bands two Sous and foure the Horse-men haue three Sous and sixe a Foote-man hath monethly almost foure Bushels of Wheate a Horse-man hath by the moneth three Septiers and a Mine of Barley and a Septier of Wheate As for the Allies the Foote-men haue the same the Horse-man hath eight Bushels of Wheate and two Septiers and a Mine of Barley which are things done in fauour to the Allies The Questor deducts a certaine portion of the Romans pay for the Wheate Apparrell or Armes if any of them haue neede They march in Battaile after this manner when the first warning is giuen they packe vp their Tents and Baggage The which no man may take downe or set vp before those of the Tribunes and Consuls be ordred At the second sound of the Trumpet they lay the Baggage vpon the Sumpters But at the third the first must march and all the Campe must moue whereas sometimes the extraordinaries march first being followed by the right wing of the Allies with their Baggage in the Reare After these march the first Roman Legion with their stuffe after them Then followes the second with their carriages following the Army close It is true the left wing of the Allies makes the Reareward when the Army marcheth Sometimes the Horse men follow in the Reare euery one to his Quarter where they are vpon the wings of the Baggage to assist them for their safeties But if there be any doubt of the Reareward all march in one order except the extraordinaries of the Allies who are brought to the front of the Reareward and euery other
of the Sicilians they had all that we haue made mention of They say that when they came first into Sicily they which then held that Region where they now dwell being amazed and receiuing them with feare made an accord with them which was that they should maintaine Friendship and enioy the Countrey in common as long as they should tread vpon the Earth and carry a head vpon their shoulders And when this kinde of Oath was made they say that the Locrines did put earth into their shooes and secretly hid the heads of Garlicke and hauing thus sworne and finally cast the Earth out of their shooes and likewise the heads of Garlicke soone after they chast away the Sicilians out of the Countrey This the Locrines did say As a Rule although it hath lesse length and breadth yet it retaines still the Name if it hath that which is proper to a Rule So they say if it be not straight and hauing the property of a Rule it must rather be called by some other name then a Rule In like manner they hold that if the Commentaries of Historiographers which failing either in Diction or vse or in any other of the parts which are proper vnto them obserue the truth they deserue the name of a History But if that failes they are no more worthy of that name For my part I confesse that such Commentaries are to be held for true and I am of this opinion in euery part of our Worke when I say that euen as when the Bones are separated from a liuing Creature it is made vn-vsefull so is a History For if thou takest away the truth the rest will bee but a vaine Narration We haue sayd that there were two kinds of lies the one through ignorance the other which is deliuered wittingly The pardon is easie for those which through ignorance stray from the truth and they are to be hated deadly which lie willingly As men of iudgment resoluing to reuenge their enemies doe not first obserue what their Neighbour deserues but rather what they must doe the like we must thinke concerning dotracters not caring for that which the Enemies ought to heare but to obserue carefully what it is fit to speake They which measure all things according to their choller and enuy must of necessity faile in all and stray from reason when they speake otherwise then is fitting Wherefore we doe not seeme vniustly to reproue the speeches which Tymeus hath held against Demochares In truth hee neither deserues pardon nor credit with any man for that in wronging him openly hee straies from reason in regard of his naturall bitternesse Neither doe the iniuries against Agathocles please mee although he were the most cruell man liuing I speake of those whereof hee makes mention in the end of his History saying that Agathocles had beene a publique Sodomite in his younger yeares and abandoned to all infamous and vild persons and so to other foule villanies which he addes Moreouer hee sayth that after his death his Wife lamented him in this manner Why haue not I thee nor thou mee In regard of the speeches which he hath held of Demochares some will not onely cry out but wonder with reason at his excessiue Rage That Agathocles had necessarily by Nature a great prerogatiue it is manifest by the Discourse which Tymeus hath held Hee came to Sarragosse flying the Wheele Smoake and Clay being eighteene yeares old And when he was come for this cause sometime after he was Lord of all Sicily Hee also drew the Carthaginians into great extremities and ended his life with the Name of a King after that he had growne old in this gouernment It is not then necessary to say that there had some things happened to Agathocles which were great and excellent and that hee had had great power and great forces to execute all these things And that a Historiographer must not onely deliuer vnto posterity those things which concerne the blame and shew the accusation but also those which touch the praise of the man This is the property of a History But this Childe blinded with his owne rancor in his relation augments through hatred his offences omitting wholy the vertues being ignorant that it is no lesse blame worthy then a lye in those which write the Histories of Actions It happened saith he that as two young men contended for a Seruant that he was somewhat long with a Friend And when as the other two dayes before came out of the Countrey in the absence of the Master the Seruant retired speedily into the house and that afterwards the other knowing he came thither seazing on him brought him into Question saying that the Maister of the house ought to giue Caution For the Law of Zaleucus was that he deserued a suite to whom he had made the retreate And when as the other sayd that according to the same Law he had also made the retreate for that the Body was parted to come vnto the Potentate he saith that the Princes were in doubt vpon this businesse and called Cosmopole referring themselues to him in this cause Who interpreted this Law saying that the retreat hath alwayes beene to him who had the last or for a time possessed the thing debated without contradiction But if any one spoild another by force and had retired it and that subsequently he which first enioyed it termes himselfe the maister this is no true possession And when as the Young man discontented at this sentence sayd that it was not the sense of the Law Cosmopole protested and offerd the Condition if there were any man that would speake any thing touching the sentence or sense of the Law established by Laleuens The which is such that the Captaines Milleniers being there appointed with Halters to hang men they consulted vpon the sense of the Law if any one drew the sentence of the Law to a bad sense hee was strangled in the presence of the Milleniers This Speech being propounded by Cosmopole the Young man answered that the Condition was vniust for that Cosmopole had not aboue two or three yeares to liue for hee was about fourescore and ten yeares old and that he according to reason had the greatest part of his life remaining For which witty and pleasant Speech hee escaped the seuerity of the iudgement and the Princes iudged according to the aduice of Cosmopole Wee will make mention of a certaine expedition of Warre which hath beene very famous and decided in a very short time In the relation whereof Galisthenes hath ert'd in that which doth most import I speake of that which Alexander made into Cilicia against Darius In the which he saith that Alexander had past the streights which they call the Ports of Cilicia and that Darius tooke his way by the Ports which they call Menides and drew with his Army towards Cilicia And when he vnderstood by the Inhabitants that
this which the dying Father hath deliuered into the armes of this Creature shewing his sister and hath left it vnto vs vpon our faith do you vnderstand my masters of the Athenians The loue of this infant is of small moment to procure his safetie where as now the cause is in you and your hands Tlepoleme in truth hath for a long time as it is manifest to those which consider well of things had greater desires then were fitting and hath now resolued on the day and time when he will vsurpe the Towne For this cause hee intreated that they would not belieue him but those which being present knew sufficiently the Truth This Speech being ended he brings in Critolaus who said he had seene the Altars and Sacrifices prepared by the multitude for the vsurpation of the Crowne The which the Macedonians hearing they were neither mooued with pittie nor had any respect vnto that which was spoken But in mocking and murmuring they iested among themselues so as Prusias knew not how he got out of the Assembly the which hapned in other Assemblies of the people In the meane time many of the old Souldiers arriued by Sea whereof some being kinsmen and other friends they intreated them to assist them in this present businesse and that they should haue regard to the iniuries which had beene done them by dishonest and vnworthy men Most of them were incensed to put the great men to death for that they presumed that what should happen would be vnto their preiudice Seeing that Tlepoleme tooke all things necessary that were sent to Alexandria Finally it was an aduancement to Agathocles to incense the Choller of many and of Tlepoleme They had put Danae his Mother in Law into custodie being pull'd from the Temple of Ceres and drawne thorough the Citty bare-headed seeking by this meanes to shewe their hatred against Tlepome Wherefore the people being incensed spake no more in secret For some in the night wrote their conceiued hatred in all places Others in the open day going in Troupes deliuered the hatred which they bare vnto the greatest They which were with Agathocles seeing the affaires and hauing little hope in them they thought of their retreate But when as through their indiscretion they were ill prouided they desisted from their Enterprize and made a Register of the Conspirators and of their Adherents in this commotion to the end they might suddainly kill some of their Enemies and seaze vpon others and by this meanes vsurpe a Tyrannicall power And as they practized these things they accused Moeragena one of Tlepolemes guards for that he aduertized all and held his party in regard of the familiaritie of Adee Gouernour at that time of Bubaste Agathocles suddainly giues charge to the Secretary Nicostrates that he should informe dilligently of Moeragena with all manner of torments Moeragena being suddainly taken by Nicostrates and led into a certaine secret place of the Hall he answered at the first well concerning the accidents which had happened But when hee confest nothing of the things which were spoken he was stript Some prepared the instruments to Torture him others holding Whips put off their Cloaks At the same instant one comes running to Nicostrates and after hee had whispered in his eare he parts in hast Nicostrates followes him suddainly without speaking word beating continually vpon his thigh This was an vnhoped accident for Moeragena For some held the Whips but they had no Commandment to whip him others had the instruments ready to torture his feet When as Nicostrates was gone they were all amazed and looking one vpon another expected when he would returne Soone after the assistants vanished one after one and in the end Moegarena was abandoned This done he passeth the Hall contrary to all Hope and being naked slipt into a certaine Tent of the Macedonians neere vnto the Hall When by good fortune he had found the greatest there assembled hee acquaints them with his disaster and how he had escaped as it were by miracle Some of them did not belieue him others seeing him naked were forced to giue credite Moeragena intreates them with â—eares not onely to haue a care of his safety but also of the Kings and their owne And that their Death was manifest if they did not make vse of the occasion for that all the World was inflamed with Hatred and there was not any man but was ready to put Agathocles to Death saying that this Hatred increased Hourely and that they must haue men to execute this Enterprize The Macedonians hearing this Speech were incensed and in the end obeying to Moeragena They suddainly enter into the first Tents of the Macedonians and then into those of the other Souldiers They were ioyning and neere to the side of the Citie When as many of them tooke vpon them the Charge and that there was no need of any thing but of some one to giue courage to them that came and who should first execute the Enterprize this attempt kindled like a flame There were scarce foure houres spent but that all men aswell Souldiers as Citizens conspired to assaile Agathocles There was a accident which hapned suddainly which serued well to end this attempt For when they had brought Letters to Agathocles and that the Spies were returned and the Letters sent by Tlepoleme signified vnto the Army that he would be soone there being likewise assured by the Spies that hee was neere he fell into so great a transport in his iudgement as hee neither did nor thought of any remedy against the eminent dangers but following his accustomed course hee went to drinke and banquet with others And when Oenanthe was sad and sorrowfull shee goes vnto Ceres Temple Where when it was opened for a certaine Annuall Sacrifice she prayes humbly then she vseth Enchauntments towards the Goddesses finally shee stayes at the Altar and rests there Many Women were silent and obserued her heauinesse and affliction The kinsfolkes of Polycrates and some other Noble men comforted her and being ignorant of the approaching misery She on the other side crying out with a loud voice Come not neare me you Beasts I know well you are ill affected towards vs and that you require the Gods to send vs some ill Fortune But I hope that with their good pleasure you shall taste of your owne Children Hauing ended this Speech shee commands the Executioner to suppresse them and if they did not obey to beate them Taking this occasion they all depart and in lifting vp their hands towards the Gods they prayed that shee might make tryall of that which shee had wisht to the Company But when the men had concluded the reuolte and that in euery house the fury of the Women was added thereunto their hatred grew double When as the darkenesse of the Night was come the whole City was fill'd with Mutiny lights and running vp and downe Some assembled at the Theater with cries others encouraged one another
Macedony beeing accompanied with all those which had escaped from the Battaile Hee presently sent vnto Laressa the second Night after the Battaile one of the Archers of his Guard giuing him charge to teare and burne the Royall Letters doing therein an Act worthy of a King who in his aduerse Fortune had not forgotten that which was to bee done He knew and did well perceiue that if the Romans were once seazed on his Commentaries there might be many occasions offered vnto his Enemies against him and his Friends It may bee it happened and fell out to him as to others who not able to containe their power moderately in prosperous things yet haue borne and suffered many Crosses and Disasters with patience The which happened vnto Philip as wil be apparent by the following Discourse So as ayming at that which was conuenient wee haue plainly shewed and declared his Attempts tending to reason and againe his change to worse and when how and wherefore these things were done hauing plainely set foorth and exprest his Actions Wee must by the same meanes declare his Repentance and dilligence whereby beeing changed thorough his aduerse Fortune hee carried and behaued himselfe at that time like a wise and discreete man Finally Tytus hauing giuen good order after the Battaile for those things which concerned the Prisoners and spoile he went to Larissa A Parcell of an imperfect sence TO define folly we cannot for that they are desirous of the same meanes This kind of remisnesse and dulnesse is often 〈◊〉 in many Neither is it to be wondred at if it hath place among others But among those in whom this Spring of malice is found there is another cause for the which that wise saying of Epicharmes doth not agree Watch and remember that thou must distrust This is the bond of hearts Of a certaine Accord betwixt Antiochus and the Romans AT the same time came from the Vargyles Publius Lentuluâ— with ten Legats and from Thasse Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius When their comming was suddainly declared vnto the King they assembled all within few daies at Lysimachia After whom followed Hegissiâ—nactes and Lisias sent at that time to Titus Finally the conference in priuate betwixt the King and the Romans was gracious and courteous But when the assembly met for affaires they imbraced another disposition Lucius Cornelius required that Antiochus should leaue all the Cities the which being subiect to Ptolomy hee had taken in Asia In regard of those which were subiect to Philip hee contested much to haue him leaue them For it was a mockery that Antiochus comming he should reape the fruites of the Warre which the Romans had made against Philip He likewise aduised him not to meddle with the free Cities He also sayd that it seemed strange that without reason he had past into Europe with an Army as well by Sea as Land That no man could conceiue it to be to any other end then to make Warre against the Romans These things being propounded by the Romans they held their peace The King in answere said that he wondred for what cause they debated with him for the Cities of Asia and that it was more fitting for any other then for the Romans Finally hee intreated them not to vsurpe nor to deale with the affaires of Asia And that for his part hee would not meddle with any thing that was in Italy In regard of Europe he had entred with his Armies to recouer the Cities of Cherronese and Thrace For that the command of all those places belonged to him this gouernment in the beginning being due to Lysimachus But when as Seleucus made Warre against him and had ouerthrowne him in Battaile all the Kingdome of Lysimachus became subiect to Seleucus by force After the time of his predecessors Ptolomy was the first who violently the sayd places vsurped them The like did Philip. And that for his part he recouered them accommodating himselfe to his owne times and not to those of Philip. And as for the Lysimachians ruined without reason by the Thracians he reduced them to himselfe no way wronging the Romans and restored them to their Countrey The which he did to shew this mercy to the affaires of Seleucus and not to make Warre against the Romans In regard of the Cities of Asia they ought not to enioy liberty by the commandment of the Romans but of grace And for that which concerned Ptolomy that with all his heart hee gaue him thankes and that he vnderstood that hee had not onely concluded Friendship with him but made a League When as Lucius was of opinion that the Lampsaceneins and Smyâ—niens should be called and audience giuen them it was done accordingly There Parmenio and â—ythodorus presented themselues for the Lampsaceneins and Cerane for the Smyrnien When as these men debated freely the King being incensed to yeeld an accompt of their debate before the Romans interrupting the Speech of Parmeâ—io cease sayth hee to plead so much I am not well pleased to dispute with my Enemies before the Romans but rather before the Rhodiens and then by this meanes they brake off the Assembly without any mutuall affection Another Parcell MAny men desire actions of courage and prowesse but the experience is rare Scope in truth and Câ—comenes haue had great occasions for Combats and hardy Enterprizes For as Scope was formerly taken hee had resolued in the same hope with his Seruants and Friends but hee could not saue himselfe Finally his iust death hauing led a wretched life hath giuen testimony of his great weaknesse And although that Scope was aided and assisted with great Forces hauing the gouernment of the King in his nonage and was of his Councell yet he was soone ruined For when as Aristomenes knew that hee had assembled his Friends in his house holding a Councell with them he sent vnto him by his Guards to come vnto the assembly But hee was so transported in his iudgement as hee did not that which hee ought to haue done neyther could hee being called be obedient vnto the King which was the greatest folly in the World vntill that Aristomenes knowing his basenesse lodg'd Souldiers and Elephants neare his House and sent Ptolomy the Son of Eumenes with the Young men to bring him with faire words if he would come willingly if not to vse force When as Ptolomy was entred into his house and signifying vnto him that the King demanded Scope he did not at the first obserue his woâ—ds But casting his lookes vpon Ptolomy he was long in that estate as it were threatning him and wondring at his presumption But when as Ptolomy approacht with assurance and layd hold of his Cloake then he required helpe of the Assistants Being in this estate and a great company of the young men comming about him being also aduertised that his house was enuironed with Souldiers hee followed him obeying the times being accompanied by his Friends When as hee was come to the Assembly
and Councell the King charged him a little Then Policrates newly arriued from Cypres and in the end Aristomenes The accusation was according to that which had beene spoken but they added moreouer that he had drawne his Friends together to consult and that being called by the King he would not obey For which things all they which were in the Assembly not onely condemned him but likewise the forreine Embassadors there assisting But when as Aristomenes came to accuse him he tooke many notable persons not onely of Greece but also of the Etolien Embassadors who were there for the accord Among the which was Dorimachus the Sonne of Nicostrates And when as these men had spoken Scope laboured to alledge some excuses But when as no man giue eare vnto him for the foulenesse of his Crimes hee was suddainly carryed to Prison with his Friends The Night following Aristomenes caused him to dye of poyson with all his Friends and Kinsfolkes In regard of Dicearchus hee put him to death hauing suffred great Torments hauing endured fit punishments for all the Grecians This was that Dicearchus whom Philip presuming to breake the accords with the Ilands of Cyclades and the Cities of Hellespont had made him Commander of all his Army at Sea and superintendant of the sayd businesse And when he was sent to a manifest execration hee did not hold it an vnreasonable and wicked act thinking he should be able to terrifie both Men and Gods by his rage Making haste to recouer the ships hee set vp two Altars the one to cruelty and the other to iniquity Vpon the which he sacrificed and prayed as vnto the Gods Wherefore it seemes hee was punished by a iust Death as well in the presence of Gods as Men. For as he led a life of a strange Nature so he ended by a strange Death Finally when as the other Etoliens were desirous to retire home the King suffred them to goe with all their Goods Scope in his life time had a wonderfull desire of riches Hee exceeded all other in auarice And after his death his houses were found abounding with Gold and rich moueables Whereas he had for assistant the ingratitude and drunkennesse of Charimorthe he had wholy corrupted the Realme When as the Priuy Councell had taken order for the Etoliens affaires they all inclined to giue power to the King to command Not in regard of the maturity of his age but for that they thought thereby that the estate of the Crowne would further the affaires and that if the King tooke vpon him a free power of the Realme it would be a beginning and aduancement to the better Making then a stately preparation they put it in execution with royall Magnificence Policrates seemed to haue assisted them much in this Enterprize For as this man was deare vnto his Father being yet young there was not a better Courtier in all the whole Court neither for that which concern'd his fidelity nor the affaires nor yet iâ— more fauour with the King When as Cypres with the reuenewes were deliuered vnto him vpon his faith and trust in that dangerous time subiect to many hazards he not only kept this Iland for the Infant but also gathered together great store of Treasure the which he then brought vnto the King deliuering the gouernment of Cypres to Ptolomy the Megalopolitaine And when vpon this occasion he had purchased a great power for the future in time he strayed and fell into a rash and wicked course of life Ptolomy Agesandre by the force of his Age fell into the like infamy Wherefore when opportunity shall serue it shall bee no great trouble to declare what great ignominy and reproach followed their gouernments To God onely be all Honour and Glory The Contents of the chiefest matters contayned in this History AN alliance made by Hieron with Leptine fol. 6 Accord betwixt Hieron and the Romans and what it containes 10 Agregas besieged by the Romans 11 Agregas spoiled by the Romans 13 A defeate of Hannibals ships for want of a good wind 15 An Engine inuented by the Romans called the Rauen. ib. A defeate of 4000. allied to the Romans by Amilcar 16 Army of 140000. Romans and more Carthaginians 18 A remonstrance made by the Carthaginian Captaines vnto the Souldiers of their Army 18 Amilcar vanquished 20 A victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians ibid. Aspis taken by the Romans ibid. Asdrubal Bostar and Amilcar Commanders of the Carthaginian army 21 A remonstance of Polybius 24 Aspis besieged by the Carthaginians 25 A great number of the Roman ships perished by a Tempest 26 Asdruball sent into Sicily by the Carthaginians 27 A new army at Sea prepared by the Romans 28 A defeat of Carthaginians by the Romans Army at Sea prepared by the Romans 29 A conspiracy of mercinary Souldiers seruing vnder the Carthaginians 30 Alexon ibid. A sally of the Carthaginians vpon the â—â—omans Engines of battery 34 An enterprize of the Romans vpon Triâ—anum 35 A Combate at Sea betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 36 Appius Claudius deposed from the Consullship and afterwards condemned to dye 37 Amilcar spoiles the Coasts of Italy 39 Amilcar ibid. A good comparison 40 Army at Sea prepared by the Carthaginians 41 A victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians 42 Amilcar Father vnto Hannibal 43 Amilcar 50 A mutiny of mercinary and oiher common Souldiers in Sardinia and Bostare slaine 52 A great inhumanity and wickednesse committed 54 A cruell resolution ibid. A defeate of the Carthaginians by Matho 57 Assignation of a battaile 58 Asdrubal chosen and made Generall of the army 60 Agron King of Sclauonia ibid. A defeat of Etoliens by the Slauonians 61 A reprehension of the Epirots 62 A bold answer of an Embassador 64 A Victory of the Slauonians against the Acheins 65 Apotonia yeilded to the Romans 65 Accord made with Tuto 6â— A treaty made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 67 A discription of Italy 67 A price had to be credited 68 A defeate and ruine of the Senogalloies by the Romans 71 A defeate of the Gaules in Delphos 71 Amazement of the Romans for the descent of the Gaules 72 A descent of the Transalpins into Italy 72 A victory of the Gaules against the Romans 74 A defeat of the Gaules army 77 A victory of the Romans against the Millannoys 79 Acerras besieged 79 A defeat of Gaules by the Romans 80 Acerras taken by Cornelius 80 Asdrubal slaine 81 All Morea reduced into a League 82 A League betwixt the Dymonsoriâ—s and them of Patras 84 Aristomachus Xenon Cleomenesâ— 86 Antigones Tutor to Philips sonne 86 Athenes 86 A good consideration of rate 87 A good inâ—ention of a rate 87 Acrotorinth yeilded to Antigonus 90 Argos taken by the Acheins ib. Acrotorinth taken by Antigonus ibid. Aristomachus 94 Aristomachus strangled 95 Army leuied by Cleomenesâ— 97 Antigonus blamed ibid. Antigonus campe seated vpon the bankes of Gorgile 98 Attalus 103 Agesilaus 106 A
of King Ageron 60 Demetrius father to Philip. 61 Duraza surprized by the Sclauonians 64 Diuers victories of the Gaules against the Romans â—0 Diligence of the Romans 73 Defeate of the forlorne hope of the Gaules and the death of King Aueroeste 77 Diuers defeates of the Acheins 89 Duty of a Historiographer 92 Death of many great Princes 101 Demetrius lost his Realme and Life by conspiracy 105 Demetrius King of Sclauonia 111 Discretion of the head of an enterprise 112 Demetrius a man of great courage and little iudgement 114 Diuision of the world in three parts 124 Delta an Iland in Aegypt 131 Duty of a good Captaine 150 Discription of the Country of Capua and its scituation 155 Diuâ—sion of the Roman Army betwixt the two Dictators 163 Discord betweene the two Consuls 168 Diuersity of swords betwixt the Gaules and the Spaniards 170 Defeate of the Roman horse-men by the Gaules and Spaniards 171 Difference betwixt a priuate and publicke iâ—iury 191 Death of Thibete 203 Dorâ—mache smothered 207 Defeate of the Etoliens 212 Duty of a King 230 Death of Appelles and his sonne 239 Death of Molon 252 Distribution of Ptolomies Army vnto his Captaines 258 Diuers Townes taken by Antiochus 261 Defeate of the Elienses 274 Demetrius his aduice to Philip. ibid. Duty of the Senate 289 Dooissâ—ty of the Romans 295 Defeat of the Romans by night 340 Duty of a Commaunder 342 Disposition of Publius Scipio 357 Duty of Commanders of an Army 369 Diogenes fights with the Barbarians 371 Defeate of Asdrubal 377 Diuers Nations vnder the leading of Hannibal 394 Double policy of Scipio 395 Disorder by the Elephants 397 Defeate of the Spaniards 402 Defeate of the Celtiberians 422 Diuers opinions of the Carthaginians concerning their warre 423 Democrates Captaine Generall vnto Philip sunke 447 Death of Theophiliscus 450 Death of Scope by poyson 479 E. Embassadors sent by the Carthaginians to Marcus Attilius 22 Embassies sâ—nt through all Affricke by Matho and Spendiuâ— 47 Emilius slaine in the battaile 172 Embassadors sent to Philip from the Messeniens and Acarnanians 226 Etoliens charge Philips reare ward 231 Embassadors from Rhodes to Chios 237 Elephants of Lybia feare them of India 268 Earthquake at Rhodes 270 Etoliens circumuented by a stratagem 274 Embassadors come to Philip. 276 Etoliens blame Agelaus for making of the peace 279 Errour of Arate Errour of Cleomenes Errour of Philip. Errour of Nicins 345 Exercises appoynted by Scipio for his Army by Sea and Land 368 Excellency of Hannibal 394 Excuse of Alexander vppon Calistines 411 Enteruiew of Hannibal and Scipio 4â—9 Embassadors wronged by Philip. 438 Egyptians cruel 443 Embassadors of Philip reiected 465 Embassador sent to Rome by Tytus 464 F. Fifty thousand men within Agregas 12 Fore sight of the Carthaginians 31 Forty thousand men slaine by Amilcar Fertillity of Italy 68 Fore-sight of Amilcar father to Hannibal 108 First Accord betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians 116 Feare of the Elephants vpon the Rhone 129 Fabius returneth to the Campe. 163 Fabius speech to Lucius Emilius 165 Fort of Naples taken by Hannibal ibi Fifteene hundred Etoliens defeated by Philip 209 Flight of Euripides 112 Forces which Philip left at Dyme 224 Flight of Megalle 238 Flight of Lycurgus into Etolia 239 Forme of a Buckler 293 Forme of a Target 293 Flight of Asdrubal 421 G. Great resolution of the Rhodiens 33 Gesâ—on makes remonstrances to the Souldiers 46 Gesâ—on with his Company put to death 54 Gaâ—les 〈◊〉 of liuing 69 Gaules â—â—turnes from the Romans 70 Gaules were seauen moneths in Rome 72 Gessates dwell on this side the Rhine 79 Grecians terrified by the Gaules 81 Great villany committed by the Mantiniens 93 Gaules indeauoured to stop Hannibals passage ouer the Rhine 127 Gaules inhabiting along the Rhine haue often past into Italy 130 Gaules repulsed 143 Great Amazement which was at Rome for the battle lost 152 Great reputation of Fabius 164 Gaules battallion of foote broken by the Romans and reunited againe 171 Great dilligence in Philip. 233 Gift of Antiochus to the Rhodiens 271 Gouernment constâ—ncy and good Counsell required in a Captaine 295 Geometry necessary for the Warre 346 Great fury of the fight 433 Gulfe of Neptune 451 H. Hieron chosen King of the Saragossins 6 Hieron followes the Carthaginians part 7 Hannibal son of Amilcar Captaine of fifty ships with 10000. men 31 Hannibal a Rhodien 33 Hanno hanged on a crosse 52 Hannibal crucified 57 Hannibal his speech to Antiochus 109 Hannibal answeres when he comes to age he will be an enemy to the Romans ib. Hannibals victory on the Barbarians 110 Hannibals answere to the Roman Embassadors 111 Hannibals Army of 50. thousand foot and nine thousand horse 123 Hannibal raiseth his Army to passe the Rhone 127 Hannibals victory ouer the Gaules 128 Hannibals speech vnto his souldiers ibid. Hannibal passeth the Alpes along the Rhone 130 Hannibal conducted by Guides at the passage of the Mountaines 131 Hannibal makes a speech 134 Hannibal goes on his course 135 Hannibals speech to his souldiers 139 Hannibal puts his men into battaile 145 Hannibals speech to the prisoners that was allied to the Romans 148 Hannibals policy to keepe himselfe from killing by Treason ibi Hannibal looseth an eye 149 Hannibal runs along the Coast of the Adriatique sea 153 Hannibal presents battaile to Fabius 154 Hannibals pollicy against Fabius 157 Hannibals speech to his souldiers 169 Hannibal puts his men into battaile ibid. Hannibals Army consists of forty thousand foot and ten thousand horse 170 Hannibals losse 172 Hannibals proceeding after the battaile of Cannes 312 Honors done vnto Arate after his death 323 Hee turnes his discourse to the Carthaginians 329 Hannibals remonstrances to the Tarentins 334 Hannibal within forty furlongs of Rome 339 Hannibal sent to Tycheâ—â— 427 Hannibals speech to Scipio 429 Hannibal flies to Adrumeâ—um 434 Hannibal forceth a Citizen 435 I. Intelligence of the souldiers within Carthage 44 Iâ—â—irians and Sclauonians 63 Iseas King 84 I conceiue that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure in Affricke where as now the Citty Cleâ—ea stands 116 Idlenesse of the Etoliens 183 Ithoria very stronge 210 Image of Minerua 217 Indiscretion of Commaunders blamed 275 Inconstancy of the people 400 Iland of â—yrnon not well knowne by Tymens 404 Image of Diana 451 K. King Etas and Gallus slaine 71 King Andubal taken 148 King Darius 199 Knowledge of the diuersity of daies necessary for Captaines 343 L. Letters from Tunes to the Mutines Campe. 53 Lucius Emillius and Caius Tarentius chosen Consuls 164 Lucius Posthumus Praetor 165 Lucius Emillius 171 Lucius Posthumus defeated in Gaule 173 Lycurgus chosen King 1â—5 Lyciens Towne raized and burnt 20â— Lacedemonian Magistrâ—tes slaine by Câ—â—lon â—â—9 Lacedemonians vnfortunate after they 〈◊〉 the Lawes of Lycurgâ—s ibid. Leonce a Traâ—tor to Philip. 226 Lawes of Warre 230 Lycurgus takes the Towne of Elâ— â—33 Leonce and his Faction returnâ—d vnto Apelles 237 Leuy of Armies by
Sclauonians against the Epirotes A reprehension of the Epirotes Some Gaules banisht theirâ— Countrey for their disloyalty The Illirians are Sclauonians The Romans Embassie to Teuca Queene of Sclauonia A bold answer of an Embassadour Durazo surprized by the Sclaâ—oniâ—â—s Corsue besieged by the Sclauonians A Victory of the Sclauonians against the Acheins Corfu yeelded Corfu yeelded to the Romans Apolonia yeelded to the Romans Parthenia yeelded to the Romans An accord made with Tâ—uca Carthagena built in Spaine by the Carthaginians A treaty made betwixt the Romans and Carthaginianâ— A description of Italy The fertillity of Ital. About three pence A pâ—ice hard to be credited The Turinois and Agoniens The Genouois The Poe. Volane Padoua Bodencus The Venetiens come from Paphlagoniâ— The Gaules manner of liuing Rome taken by the Gaules The Gaults returne against the Romans Pillage made by the Gaules vpon the Romans Diuers victories of the Gäules against the Romans A defeate and ruine of the Senogallois by the Romans The scituation of Senogallia The Bolonians defeated by the Romans A defeat of the Gaules in Delphos King Etas and Gastus slaine The occasion to renew the Warre betwixt the Romans and Gaules The Gaules were seauen moneths within Rome Amazement of the Romans for the descent of the Gaules A descent of the Transalpins into Italy The number of the Gaules Army The diligence of the Romans The preparation which the Romans made for Warre The number of Souldiers which were raised in Italy Tuscany ruined by the Gaules The pollicy of the Gaules A Victory of the Gaules against the Romans The aduice of Aneâ—oeste The retreate of 〈◊〉 Gaules The pursuite of Emilius Caius Attilius The order of the Gaules battell Caius Attilius slaine The battell of the Foot-men The defeate of the forlorne hope of the Gaules The Armes which the Gaules did vse A defeate of the Gaules Army The taking of King Congâ—llitane The death of King Aneroeste The Bolonians Country spoyâ—led The Boloniansâ— yeild to the Romans The Army of the Milannois The vneasinesse of the Gaules Swords A Victory of the Romanes against the Millannois The Gessates dwell on this side the Rhâ—ne Acerras besieged Clâ—stidium besieged A defeate of the Gaules by the Romans Acerras taken by Cornelius The Grecians terrified by the Gaults Asdrubal slaine All Morâ—a reduced into â— league The Name of the Acheiâ—s well entertayned in Morea The Pythà gorians burnt in Italy The Lacedemonians and Thebains Arate A league betwixt the Dymensorins and them of Patra Tisamenes Sygus The alliance of twelue Citties The beginning of the league Iseas King Geryneâ— Arate The Fort of Corinthe taken by Arate Lysidas Aristomacus Xenon Cleomines The enuy of the Etolienâ— against the Acheins Antigonus Tutour to Phiâ—ips Sonne Athenes The Cleomenique Warre A good confideration of Arate The nature of Kings Nicophanes Cercides A good inuention of Arate The fore-sight of Arate Diuers defeatâ— of the Achâ—â—â— Acrocâ—rinthe yeelded to Antigonus Reuolte of Aripote of Argos Argos taken by the Acheins Acrocorinthe taken by Antigonus Tegee yeelded vnto Antigonus Orchomene taken with other Townes Megalopolin razed Thearce The duty of a Historiographer What is required in a Tragedy The reuolte of the Mantiniens The courteous vsage of Arate to the Mantinienâ— The great villany committed by the Mantinienâ— The Mantiniens sold. Aristâ—macus The cruelty of Aristomacus Aristoâ—acus strangled The great 〈…〉 Megalopolitains The third part of the booty is due to the Generall The pillage of Mantinia came to ninescore thousand Crownes An Aâ—â—y leuied by Cleomenes Antigonus blamed The number of Nations which were in Antigonus Army Sellasia Eua. Olympus Euclide Antigonus Campe seated vpon the Bankes of Gorgile The order of Antigonus Battell The courage of Philopomene is the cause of the Victory Philopomene The victory of Antigonus agâ—inst Clâ—omeâ—es Lacedemon taken by Antigonus Sparta or Lacedemon The Victory of Antigonus against the Sclauonians The Death of many great Princesâ— The Countries conquered by the Romanes Hiâ—ron The Warres which Antiâ—chous and Philip made Attalus Mount Taurus Eumenides Ariarate Morea The Conquest of the Romanes in 53. yeares Polybius hath beenâ— preâ—ent at a great part of the things which he hath written Demetrius lost his Râ—â—lme and life by conspiracy Thâ— desire and affection of the Authour vpon the end of his Booke The beginning of a worke and the cause 〈◊〉 The eauses of Alexanders Warre in Persia Agesilaus Phillip The cause of the Etoliens Warre against the Romans A good comparison Fabius The Warre of Hannibal continued 17. yeeres The first cause of the Warre betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians The fore sight of Amilcar Father to Hannibal Sardinia abandoned by the Carthaginians The second Cause The third Cause Antiochu san Enemy to the Romans Hannibal his speech to Antiochus Hanibal swears that when hee came to age he would be an enemy to the Romanes Asdrubal sonne in Law to Hannibal A good consideration and necessary for al Gouernours The causes of the Carthaginians hatred Neuer Commaunder did any thing worthily which was not pleasing to the Souldiers Carteia taken by assault Countries conquered by Hannibal The Toletains The riuer of Tagus Hanibals victory vppon the Barbarians An Army of a hundred thousand men An Embassie from the Romanes to Hannibal Hannibals answer to the Roman Embassadours Demetrius King of Sclauonia The scituation of Sagont The discretion of the head of an interprize Sagont forced by Hannibal Demetrius fortefied Dimale The arriuall of Emilius into Sclauonia The Towne of Sclauonia reduced to the Romane obedience The warlike pollicy or Emilius The victory of the Romans vpon the Sclauonians Demetrius a man of great courage and little iudgement The Towne of Phare razed Roman Embassadours sent to Carthage Hanno's answer to the Romane Embassadours The Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus The Romane tongue changed The first accord betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians I conceiue that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure in Affricke where as now the Citty Clipca stands The Promontory of Beauty The second Accord Other Articles past betwixt the Romanes the Carthaginians The third Accord The manner of Swearing of the Romanes Carthaginians in their treatiâ—s Phisinus a Historiographer Another accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians Another accord Another accord made with Asdrubal The causes propounded by the Romans for the Warre The Sagontins Allied a long time with the Romances The opinion of Polybius in the diligence of a History Polybius hath made forty Bookes The Roman Embassadours signifie Warre vnto the Carthaginians The order which Hannibal gaue for the defence of Spaine The equipage of Warre as well for Sea as Laâ—d left in Spaine by Hannibal to Asdrubal his Brother The number of Hannibals Army in a Table of Copper seene by Polybius The Oration which Hannibal made to his Souldiers The number of Horse and Foot which were in Hannibals Army at his parting from Spaine The number of men which Hannibal