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A01615 A discourse vpon the meanes of vvel governing and maintaining in good peace, a kingdome, or other principalitie Divided into three parts, namely, the counsell, the religion, and the policie, vvhich a prince ought to hold and follow. Against Nicholas Machiavell the Florentine. Translated into English by Simon Patericke.; Discours, sur les moyens de bien gouverner et maintenir en bonne paix un royaume ou autre principauté. English Gentillet, Innocent, ca. 1535-ca. 1595.; Patrick, Simon, d. 1613. 1602 (1602) STC 11743; ESTC S121098 481,653 391

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king is good and Plutarch in Apo. excellent when kings use it well but because there were farre more kings which abuse their powers than that use them well he provided for himselfe and his successors certaine Censors and correctors to reprehend them of their faults which were called Ephori Certaine then said unto Theopompus that by this establishment of Ephori he had lessened and enfeeblished his power Nay then said he I have fortified it and made it perdurable meaning to say as true it is that there is nothing which better fortifieth nor which makes more firme and stable a princes estate than when he governes himselfe with such a sweet moderation that even he submits himselfe to the observation of lawes and censures The emperour Severus otherwise endowed with Spart Dion in Carac many great vertues had not this good to be debonaire and clement but rather was rigorous and cruell yet he knew well and himselfe confessed that Clemencie is a vertue most worthie of a prince and he much desired to bee so esteemed although his actions were contrarie I know well that here the Machiavellists may reply upon me that he faigned and only made a shew to esteeme of Clemencie upon a certain kind of playing the Fox and dissimulation which Machiavell holdeth to be convenient for a prince Here unto I make a double answere And I say suppose in this place Severus meant to play the Fox yet when he so much praiseth Clemencie and so faine would seeme clement he therby seemes to approve that vertue as both lowable and good Secondly I say that it is credible that Severus although he was exceeding sanguinarie and cruell during his raigne yet in the end he found that it had been better for him if he had been Clement for with his owne eyes he saw Plautianus his greatest and especiallest friend and Bassianus his eldest son whom with himselfe he associated in the empire both of them though not together conspire to slay him insomuch as he durst not punish them because they had learned of him to be sanguinarie and cruell and at the end of his dayes the last words hee spake were That he left the empire firme and assured to his Antonines meaning Bassianus and Geta which he named Antonines that they might be beloved provided that they proved good princes but if they were wicked and cruell then he left them weak and evill assured And indeede these last words were as a prophecie to his children For Bassianus his eldest sonne who succeeded him in the empire was as cruell as he and begun to exercise his crueltie in slaying with his owne hand Geta his brother and after continued it upon his friends and other notable people a great number which he brought to their deaths and therefore was not his foot long in the empire but according as his father prophecied of his death hee was soone despoyled thereof and of his life withall for he was slaine by Macrinus his lieutenant and lived but nine and twentie yeares whereof he raigned sixe The emperour Domitian also was a very cruell prince yet he greatly praised Clemencie in a prince and ordinarily when he reasoned upon any affaire in the Senat he often enterlaced amongst his speeches some commendations of his owne Clemencie although he was most cruell and wicked And breefely we may say and conclude that this vertue of Clemencie is so excellent and lowable of it selfe that even the wicked which reject it are notwithstanding constrained to have it in estimation and to confesse it is a vertue worthie of a prince From the beginning that Rome was reduced into the forme of a commonweale and delivered from the tyrannie of the Tarquins the people were sent to the warre Dioni Halic lib. 5. without wages and whilest they were at the warre for the commonweale the interests and usuries which they ought to the rich for alwaies the poore are debters to the rich left not to encrease and multiplie insomuch as when the souldiers returned from the warre some being maimed and wounded in stead to have rest in their houses they had the usurers on their backs which demanded the usuries run on during the time of the warre Hereupon arose there in the towne a great sedition for the poore amongst the people could not suffer this rude handling that they thus should be tormented with seisures and pawning of their goods and with imprisonments of their persons for the interests growing during the warre and being in the common-wealths service This cause finally comming in deliberation in the Senate house Valerius Publicola who was one of them which helped away the tyrant from Rome spoke thus This the usurers rigorous dealing is but a new tyrannie and it is but a small thing for us to have expulsed from Rome the tyrannie of the Tarquins if now wee will establish another that it was too unreasonable that souldiers should pay interests running on whilest they served the commonwealth since also they served without wages Therefore he exhorted the Senate to releeve the people of those interests for their content and that afterward they might with so much the better will serve the commonweale at a need For els saith he certaine it is if there be a continuance of this rigorous dealing it will bring the people into a great disobedience a sedition into the commonwealth the estate wherof by this means may be shrewdly shaken and hazarded But if the people be kindly and graciously used in acquiting them of the said interests by this meanes you shall make most assured the estate of the citie The Senate followed this advice of Publicola knowing well that the firmitie and assurednesse of the publicke State is founded upon Clemencie and Gentlenesse Anniball making warre in Italie meaning to goe to Capua commanded one of Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. the prisoners he held to guide him to a place called Casin which was in the way to Capua This prisoner supposing Anniball had bidden him guide him to Casilin and that because Anniball spoke not well the Latine language hee conducted his armie on that side to Casilin farre from the way to Capua Anniball perceiving hee was evill guided caused to whip and hang the prisoner which had done this before he would heare any excuse This rigorous execution and other cruelties that he used never caused such as were allied with the Romanes to breake from them although on every side they saw themselves in great perill because saith Titus Livius they knew that they were commanded by a just and a moderate government and by good people that hated crueltie therefore refused they not to obey which is the true bond of Faith the best most prudent and humane Antiochus king of Syria and a great dominator in Levant having enterprised a Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 3. warre against the Romanes they sent against him Lucius Scipio for captaine generall of their armie although otherwise he
Lacedaemonians insomuch as the Corcyrians feeling themselves weake practised to enter into league and societie with the Athenians shewing them that they might receive them into their societie The Corinthians on the contrary demonstrated to the Athenians That if they received the Corcyrians into their societie to aid them in this warre against them it were to doe against the said article the which was to bee understood in the wholesomest and best sence and not to the detriment and ruine of the confederates and that such as would so interprete it That it were lawfull for the Athenians to receive the Corcyrians into their societie for them to warre upon the Lacedaemonians Corinthians and other confederates comprehended in the said treatie should be an interpretation to an evill sence too easily making an overture to breake the said treatie of peace after the appetite of a third which was no confederate And that therefore the said article must of necessitie bee understood in such manner as the reception of new associates might bee without the domage and prejudice of such as were comprehended in that confederation The Corcyrians replied That although in the said article be not expressed that it should be lawfull to receive associates to make warre against confederates or others yet must it be so understood especially when new associates make warre for a good right and just quarrell as ours is said they against the Corinthians and that the treatie could not be violated neither is the interpretation contrary to equitie whensoever men will maintaine right and reason The Athenians made no account of the interpretation of the said treatie which the Corinthians set before them although it was conformable and agreeing to the sence and equitie of that confederation but rather held it better to sticke unto the Corcyrians On the other side the Lacedaemonians banded themselves for the Corinthians their associates as reason required and by that meanes those two great commonweales were brought to the skirmish of warre one against another by meanes of the Corcyrians and Corinthians which set them together by the eares After the Athenians and Lacedaemonians entred warres together they drew after them all the rest of Greece or the most part into the same skirmish some of the one part some of the other but this Peloponnesiack warre was great cruell long and such as had almost utterly overthrowne the estate of Greece upside downe and all this came upon the captious interpretation contrarie to all equitie and reason which the Corcyrians made of the foresaid article of the treatie of confederation In like manner was the subtill disputation of such as caused Pompeius that famous Plutarch in Pomp. captaine to die After Pompeius had lost the battaile of Pharsalia against Caesar he embarked on the sea with his wife certain of his friends hoovering about Aegypt hoping there to be welcome and entertained by the young king Ptolomaeus in consideration of the pleasures which hee had sometimes done to his father At his approching the land of Aegypt he sent a messenger in a boat to that young king who was in the towne of Pelusium to know if he would receive him in assurance But indeed the kings affaires were then managed by three base persons which understood nothing lesse than well to governe affaires of State whereof the first was a meane chamberlaine of his and the other two Theodotus the Rhetorician his schoolemaster and Achillas his domesticall servant These three venerable persons fel to counsell to deliberate what answere the king their master should make to Pompeius At the beginning they differed in opinion one saying that it were good to receive him and the other not But in the end al three accorded in the worst opinion they could have taken which was to receive Pompey and to slay him Which opinion this goodly Rhetorician Theodotus persuaded to the other two by his subtile reasons If we receive Pompeius saith he certaine it is wee shall have Caesar for an enemie and Pompeius for a master If we receive him not they will be both our enemies Pompey for rejecting him and Caesar because we have not stayed him But if we receive him and put him to death Caesar will thanke us and Pompeius cannot revenge himselfe upon us nor endammage us for a dead man is no warrior Vpon these goodly reasons of that subtile rhetorician the conclusion was taken by these three bad people to put to death this great person Pompeius who had had so many triumphs and victories in his life who had seene to wait on him sometimes five or six great kings at once to entreat him as an arbitror of their contentions and differencies If these bad Counsellors had considered the greatnesse of Pompeius who had so many parents and friends vertuous and great lords as also the magnanimitie of Caesar which would vanquish by true force and not by perfidies and treasons they would never have staied upon the cold and foolish subtilties of this gentle Rhetorician and they would not have concluded the death of so great a man But yet they concluded it and executed their conclusion causing Pompey to die as soone as he had taken port in Aegypt But it was not long ere they received the reward of their perfidie founded upon that subtiltie for Caesar soone after arrived in Aegypt unto whom Pothinus and Achillas presented the head of Pompeius thinking greatly to pleasure him Caesar turned his face backward because he would not see him and begun to weepe and withall commanded to put Pothinus and Achillas to death which had profered him that present which was presently done And that subtile reason of Theodotus who persuaded them that Caesar would thanke them for their murder was not found true Theodotus seeing this execution and finding himselfe very culpable fled and yet lived certaine yeares miserably wandring and begging here and there fearing being known to be massacred of the world which every where had him in execration But in the end after the death of Caesar Brutus by chaunce light upon him and caused him to die miserably after he had made him endure infinit torments Behold the end of those three Counsellors of that young king Ptolomaeus who also by their evill conduction made but a poore end for he was slaine in a battell nigh Nile and none could ever find his bodie Would to God such as resemble at this day these three Counsellors might receive semblable guerdon and reward as they did to learne them to conclude the committing of massacres and the use of perfidies and treasons which will not faile them in the end for God is just But the skoffe which Theodotus alledged in the fore-mentioned counsell That a dead man makes no warre is at this day ordinarily in the mouthes of our Italianized courtiers thereupon they ground their counsels to sley and massacre all such as they hate We must say they sley this and that man it is good to dispatch them for a
gave them all great summes of money for Severus had left great treasure and made them sweare they would be faithfull unto him So that when after they knew the deed done and found themselves all gained and corrupted with silver they obeyed him without contradiction as to one sole emperour And what came of all this Bassianus not ignorant that the Senate of Rome would find this murder very strange that he had committed of his brother desired that great lawyer Papinian who was his kinsman and had beene as the Chancellor or great maister under the Emperour Severus that he would goe to the Senate and make his excuses by an Oration well set out That he had done well to slay his brother and that he had reason and occasion to doe it Papinian who was a good man answered him That it was not so easie to excuse a parricide as it was to commit it Bassianus greeved at this refusall caused one of his attendants straight to cut off his head After this willing to shew to the Senate and to the people that he greeved because he had slaine his brother and that they might see it was done by evill counsell he caused also his Marmoset Laetus his head to be cut off who had counselled him to doe that murder he caused also to die all them which helped him in that businesse which were culpable thereof saying that they were cause thereof This notwithstanding to the end Geta his friends should enterprise nothing against him he made die as many as he could catch of them So that under that title of being a friend servant or favourer of Geta his brother he made die many great and noble persons yea he slew all such as caried themselves betwixt them two as neuter and reconciliators I pray you what was the cause of all this great and horrible butcherie was it not the mortall enmitie which these Marmosets had sowne betwixt the brethren In the time of the Emperour Commodus there happened a like thing and because Dion Lamprid. in Commod Herod lib. 1. the hystorie is memorable I would rehearse it a little at length Marcus Antonius the Emperour was surnamed the Philosopher because he was a prince wise and studious and a lover of good letters In his time there were great plentie of wise and learned men because commonly saith Herodian men doe imitate their prince and give themselves to such things as the Prince loveth There was alwaies about him a great number of good and learned people for his privie Counsell which hee called his faithfull friends as the king of Fraunce also at this day dooth call his privie Counsellors in his pattents This good emperour being in Hungarie at the warre with Commodus his sonne fell into a disease whereof he died But before his death hee caused his Counsell to assemble and to recommend his sonne unto them made a little remonstrance worthy of such a Prince in this manner I doubt not my good friends that you are not anguished and sorrowfull to see me of this disposition For humanitie causeth that easily wee have compassion of mens adversities but especially when we see them with our eyes But yet in my regard there is a more speciall reason for I doubt not but you beare mee alike good will to that which I have ever borne you But now is the time for me to thanke you that you have alwayes been unto me good and faithfull Friends and Counsellors And I pray you also not to forget the honour and amitie which I have borne you You see my son which you your selves have nourished who now entreth into the flower of his youth who as he that entreth into an high sea had need of good Patrones and Governours least by ignorance and evill conduction hee stray from the right way and so come into perill I pray you then my friends whereas he had no more fathers but one in me be you many fathers unto him that he may be alwaies made better by your good counsels For truly neither the force of silver and treasures nor the multitude of guarders can maintaine a prince and make him be obeyed unlesse the subjects which owe obedience doe beare him good affection and benevolence And assuredly they onely raigne long and assuredly which ingrave and instill in their subjects hearts not a feare by crueltie but a love by bountie For they ought not to bee any thing suspected to a prince in that they doe or suffer which are drawne to obedience by their owne will and not by constrained servitude And subjects will never refuse obedience unlesse they bee handled by violence and contumelie Very true it is That it cannot bee but hard for a soveraigne prince who is at his full libertie moderately to guide and bridle his affections But if you alwayes admonish him to doe well and to remember the words which hee heareth now of me that am his father I hope you shall find him a good prince towards you and all others And in thus doing you shall manifestly shew That you alwayes have mee in remembrance by which onely meanes you may make mee immortall Vpon this speech his heart and his word failed with languishment and then all his Counsellors which were there begun to weepe lament yea some could not containe from crying for great sadnesse and bitternesse of heart that they had to see so good a prince faile After his death Commodus his sonne and successor in the empire governed himselfe some little time by the good people and auncient Counsellors of his father but this continued not long for there were straight Marmosets which found subtill meanes and entries to get into him which when they saw their time begun to say unto him What meane you to tarie in this base and barraine countrey of Hungarie better it were for you to bee at Rome to have all the pleasures in the world you have no cause to beleeve these tutors which your father left you you are no child to bee governed by tutors Commodus who was a faire young prince and one that desired nothing but his pleasures and who yet had no great resolution although his father had taken great paines to instruct him wel begun to let himself to be led with Marmosets which never spoke anything unto him but of merry and pleasant things So made he a shamefull and dishonorable peace with the Barbarians against whom his father had commenced warre and retired to Rome being there he begun to become cruell especially against the good and auncient counsellors of his fathers which hee caused almost all to die at the instigation of his Marmosets which reported unto him that they bore him no good will that they blamed his actions and controuled his pleasures He caused also many Senatours to die which his reporters for the same reason disgraced Amongst other Marmosets he had one called Perennis which persuaded him to care for nothing to take his pleasures and to
lib. 15. cap. 9. li. 16. cap. 3 4 13. lib. 17. and Idumia for the favour of Marcus Antonine a Romane capitaine and by decree of the Romane Senate he espoused a noble Ladie who was of the kings race of that countrie called Mariamme by whom he had two children Alexander and Aristobulus but Herodes had a sister called Salome who was a very Tisiphone and served for nothing but to kindle and light fires in the kings court by false reports which she invented and this infernall furie did so much as she perswaded the king her brother that Mariamme sought to poison him by his cup-bearer and brought out certaine false witnesses to proue it so that the king beleeved it and put to death his wife one of the fairest princes of the world and of whose death there was after infinit griefes and repentances But as one sinne draweth after it another Salome fearing that those two aforesaid children would feele afterward the outragious death of their mother she machinated and resolved in hir spirit that they must also dye So began she straight to forge false reports false tokens and false accusations insomuch as she perswaded Herodes the father that these two children Alexander and Aristobulus spake alreadie of revenging the death of their mother and by the same meanes to vsurpe the kingdome Herodes suffering himselfe to be persuaded by the calumniations and slaunders of his sister Salomē tooke his iourney to Rome having his two children with him where he accused them to have fought his death before Augustus Caesar he began to descipher his accusatorie oration and to deduct set out the means whereby he pretended that his two children should go about his death When it came to their turne to speake for their defence they began to weepe and lament Caesar knew well thereby that the poore children were full of innocencie So he exhorted them from thence forward to carry themselues in such sort towards their father that not only they should not doe against him any thing vnworthy or greevous but also should doe so much as to bring themselves farre from all suspition He exhorted also Herodes to use his sonnes well and to keepe them in his favor Then fell the children on their knees before their father with great effusion of teares crying him mercy by which meanes they were reconciled unto their father But after the returne of Herodes and his children this furie Salome not contented with this reconciliation which Caesar had made began to lay new ambushes by false reports that she made to Herodes wherein she mixed some truth to give the better taste Herodes who was very credulous in such matters made Augustus understand that his children had againe conspired his death Augustus answered him That if his children had done against him the thing which merited punishment that he should chastice them as he thought good and that he himselfe gave him power and permission so to do The abovesaid Herodes joyful to have received this power being led with an irreconcileable rage by the meanes of Salome caused the two poore children Alexander and Aristobulus to be strangled Salome ayded her selfe in all this businesse with one other sonne of Herodes borne of another woman called Antipater God would that Herode should discover that the accusations against his two dead children were but slaunders and that Antipater who had aided to forge them had himselfe conspired to poison his father Whereupon he caused him to be called before Guintius Varius the governor of Syria for the emperour The cause being long pleaded and debated Antipater could not purge himselfe of the sayings and proofs against him and did no other thing but make great exclamations nothing appertaining to the matter holding on that God knew all unto whom he recommended his innocencie Varus seeing that he could not wel justifie himselfe wished Herodes to imprison him and so he did Certaine dayes after Herodes fell sicke which comming to the notice of Antipater in prison he rejoyced greatly Herodes advertised that Antipater wished his death and rejoyced at his sicknesse sent one of his guard into prison to slay him which he did Five daies after Herodes died like a mad man for the evill haps he had in his children and this rage lighted a fire in his entrailes which rotted him by little and little wherupon engendred worms which eat him alive with horrible languishments before his death And who was the cause that Herodes thus contaminated his hands and all his house with the bloud of his owne children Even that most wicked reporter Salome who devised false accusations and slaunders which she blew in the king her brothers eares Besides those kind of flatterers whereof we have spoken above which are janglers Coūsellors flatterers and Marmosets there is yet a third kind which under the name and title of principall Counsellors and under the pretext and colour of conducting the affaires by good counsel they abuse the princes authoritie who are greatly to be feared To shun the mischeefe that may come therupon there is nothing better than to follow the precept of Comines namely That the king have many Counsellors and that hee Comines lib. 1. cap. 27. lib. 2. cap. 44. never commit the conducting of his affaires to one alone and that he hold as nigh as he can well his Counsellors equall For if hee commit much more to one than to another he wil be master and the others dare not reason against him freely or els knowing his inclination dare not contradict him Therefore in a criminall cause handled before the Senate of Rome against a gentlewoman of a great house called Lepida accused of treason the emperour Tiberius although he were very rude in Cornel. Tacitus annal lib. 3. li. 5. such cases would not suffer his adoptive sonne Drusus to reason first least sayth Tacitus thereby had been laied and imposed a necessitie for others to have consented unto his opinion And in another cause of like matter where Granius Marcellus was accused in a certaine place to have set his owne image above the emperors When the cause came to handling Piso whose opinion the Emperour desired first began thus to say And you Sir in what place will you reason for if you reason last I feare that by imprudencie I shall not dissent from you For that cause Tiberius declared that he would not reason at all indeed the accuser was absolved although the Emperour had shewed a countenance to be angry against him as he heard the accusation rehearsed And there is no doubt but that the counsell of one alone is Counsell of one alone dangerous perillous to the prince because naturally men are divers waies passionate and that which shall be governed by one alone is often by passion guided Also the indisposition of mens persons causeth that every one hath not alwaies his head well made as they say nor are wise at all seasons and
married into the house of Austriche Now you may see how the duke of Burgoigne did precipitate himselfe into ruine and his countries fell as a prey unto his neighbours by trusting straungers and forsaking his good faithfull and naturall subjects and vassales The emperour Gordian the young prospered greatly whilest his affaires were governed Capito●inus in Gordiano by Misitheus his father in law who was his great master of his houshold and his lieutenant generall Gordian made warre against Sapor king of Persia whom he drave out of Thracia and from the countries of Syria and recovered Antioche Carres Nisibis and other great townes which the Persians held insomuch that the name of Gordian was feared and redoubted through all Persia whereas before Italie it selfe begun to feare the Persians But upon the course of his victories and prosperities arrived by evill hap the death of that good and wise man Misitheus and withall fell another yet greater which was this That that young emperour went to give the estate of his father in law to a stranger an Arabian called Phillippus who straight begun to practise against his master as we have abovesaid of Campobache For the first thing he did was this That he tooke order that victuals should want in the campe to make a mutinie of the souldiers against the emperour and hee himselfe did sow diffamatorie words through the campe against his master as that hee was a young man and knew not what belonged to the conduction of a campe and merited not to be an emperour and who would cause all the armie to be destroyed if they rested upon him Breefely he brought the souldiers and men of war to what point he would by the meanes he tooke For there is nothing more saucie nor more deafe to heare reasons and excuses than an hungrie bellie All the hoast then being angry against Gordian for the want of victuals and the principall captaines thereof being corrupted by this Arabian stranger he did so much as he got himselfe to bee chosen as tutor and governour of the emperour Haying by this meanes gained the authoritie to command he begun to enterprise to make Gordian his master die Which this young prince seeing he besought him humbly that hee would receive him into the participation of the empire and that they two might be together emperours as but a few yeares before had been Maximus and Balbinus But Philippus would not agree to that perceiving himselfe strong of captaines which hee had gained and corrupted Then Gordian demanded of him yet the office which he had given him of the Great master of his houshold Lieutenant generall that in the place of a master he might so be his servant But the fierce Arabian denied it him he was so villanous and ingrate Finally he desired him but to save his life which likewise that wicked Arabian would not accord fearing that one day he might trouble him because he was of a very noble race and that he had many friends as well at Rome as all over the Roman empire and by the contrarie Philippus was of a vile and unknown race Breefely this cruell Barbarian stranger made forcibly to be brought before his face that young prince his master who had advanced him and there caused him to be unclothed naked and so to be massacred and slaine Would any say there could be imagined a barbarousnesse disloyaltie or crueltie more strange so a stranger committed it Trust such people who list The ancient Romans which were wise tooke good heed of granting charges and offices unto strangers nay not to their associates of the same tongue that they were After they had lost the battaile of Cannas where were slaine fourescore Senators the Senate seemed to be utterly overthrowne the number remaining was so small There was then proposed by Marcus Aemilius Praetor that there should be new Senators chosen to supply and encrease the auncient number And upon this proposition he as president of the Senate demaunded first the advice of Spurius Carvilius Senatour Carvilius thought best to chuse some good number of the most notable and wise men of the Latines their associates as well for that there was want of men within Rome as to hold the Latines more united and obedient by the meanes of which union he said the Commonwealth should be much more fortified encreased But Manlius which reasoned after him was of another advice for hee declared high and clear That the first Latine that he saw enter within the Senat to sit down as Senator he would slay him with his owne hand and he could never endure that the Senat should be contaminated with strangers After Manlius reasoned that wise lord Quintus Fabius Maximus who said he never heard nor saw any man argue in the Senat so grossely and evill to purpose as Carvilius had done especially said hee in this time wherein we are brought to such extremitie and that it is more needfull than ever to have in the Senat faithfull and loyall persons and every one may well know that there can never be good trust and assurance in strangers which measure faith and loyaltie by their profit and losse We had need also to take good heed there be no brute or fame of this foolish opinion of Carvilius but to let it bee trodden under our feet for feare the Latines take not occasion to lift up their horns if they perceive any wind or breath thereof Breefely all the companie were of this opinion and 177 Senators were chosen out of the body of the town of Rome which before had made known their vertue without more looking into the nobilitie of their race And Carvilius was much despited that he would have advanced strangers into the offices of Senators We must not be abashed if the ancient Romanes have used this for even at this day there is not so small a commonwealth that useth it not See Venise Gennes and other townes of Italie which are in forme of commonwealths see Strasburg Nuremburg Ausburg Francfort Magdeburg and all the imperiall townes of Almaigne which are governed like commonwealths and the thirteene cantons of the Suisses you shall find that they straitly observe this rule To receive no strangers into offices and publicke charges yea in many places they will not receive strangers for inhabitants wherein it may be they hold too much severitie and rigour For hospitalitie is recommended unto us of God and it is a very laudable vertue for men to entertaine strangers and well to use them in entertainement But strangers also ought to content themselves to be welcommed and entertained in a countrey or towne without an aspiring will to master or hold offices and estates for at the length that can obtaine unto them but envie and evill will The French nation is that which of all christianitie as I thinke receiveth and loveth strangers most for they are as welcome all over Fraunce as they of their owne nation Yet wee have
should not see such changes of one estate into another nor all thing mixed in a confusion as wee see Therefore a strange warre in a strange country seemeth not to be very damageable but something necessary to occupie and exercise his subjects but domesticke and civill wars must needes be shunned and extinguished with all our power for they be things against the right of nature to make war against the people of their countrey as he that doth it against his owne entrails Therefore saith Homer Right wicked are those men which love not parents deare Sottish no lesse are they which familie doth hate Iliad 9. But most ungodly they their countrie which doth feare With civile warres so direfull to a quiet state The prince also ought to consider that by civile warres he more weakeneth himselfe and his subjects in one yeere than by a strange warre he can do in thirtie yeeres civile warres also are without comparison more ruinous and dangerous than strange warres are To this purpose is there in Titus Livius a notable oration made by the Romane deputies unto Marcius Coriolanus which was vnjustly banished from Rome and Lib. 2. Dec. 1 Dionis Halic lib. S. who yeelded himselfe to the Volsques enemies of the Romanes was elected captaine of the Volsques to make warre upon his country for as he laied siege to Rome there were sent to him in ambassage five great Romane lords whereof some were his parents and all his friends the one of which called Marcus Minutius spoke thus for them all Wee are not ignorant deere lord and friend that great wrong hath beene done unto you at Rome to banish and drive you from your countrey for which you have done so much and so many times so well fought for it that you may bee accompted as a second father or founder we know well also that by good right you are greived and despited against us for so unjust a judgement and wrong as is done you For naturallie hee that is injured is watchfull against him that injureth him yet wee cease not to mervaile that with reason you discerne not them upon whom you may justly take revenge from them which have done you no evill nor outrage but you indifferently repute for enimies as much the culpable as the innocent your friends as them that hate you which doing you violate the inviolable lawes of nature you confound right and wrong equitie and iniquitie yea you forget your selfe so much as you make warre upon your selfe in so doing upon your bloud We which are your friends and of the auncientest Patricians are sent hither by your countrey and ours to complaine in her name for that you violate naturall right to pray you to cease from this warre and to hearken unto a good peace offering to agree unto you all that shall be to your honour and utilitie We confesse that great wrong hath beene done you in your banishment but who hath done it unto you The people say you gave the voice for my condemnation True it is wee can not deny it but all the people is but one voice although the most part were against you they then which have given their voices for your absolution doe they merit that you should make war upon them as heretikes And we Senators which have beene so sorrowful at your evill ought you account us as your enemies But women and children what have they done unto you must needes so many innocents fall into perill and danger to bee slaine pilled and saccaged that have done you no wrong but rather favoured you If wee demand of you wherefore you would rase and destroy our goodly buildings framed by our ancestours where are the statues and images of their victories and triumphs and wherefore will you abolish their memories what can you answere assuredly you can have no colour to doe this thing unles you will say that friends and enemies culpable innocents dead and living ought equally to suffer vengeance of the injurie was done you a thing unmeet to bee done yea to be thought on by a man that hath never so little reason you should consider deere lord and friend the inconstancie of the affaires of this world the mutabilitie of mens spirits and to excuse the misfortune which happeneth unto you to our great greefe and accept an honourable returne into your country which desireth you that for it you may continue to imploy your vertue as you have done in times past by this meanes shall you leave after you a good and holie reputation of your vertue to your posteritie and if you doe otherwise you shall leave after your death a remembrance that you were an enemie a saccager and ruiner of your poore countrey where you were borne and wher you have beene tenderlie and honourably nourished yet more there is that so long as you live you shall bee an horror and execration to all the world yea even to the Volsques which are now your friends yea all the world will flie your companie as a theefe or robber We therefore pray you deere lord and friend that you will forget the injurie that you have unjustlie received and accept an happie healthfull honourable returne into your countrie into your house where your poore mother is your deere wife your friends and deere children which extreamely weepe and lament your absence and especially since it was made knowne unto them that you come with a strong hand to put them to the edge of the sword as well as others After these ambassadors had thus spoken there was yet sent to Coriolanus Veturia his mother Volumnia his wife carrying in their armes his little children accompanied with a great number of noble women When Coriolanus see arive in his campe these embassadours and after his mother and wife houlding his little children in their armes were fallen downe on their knees weeping then nature forced and burst that hard and obstinate courage of his so that straight a peace was made and hee ceased to warre upon his countrey If wee know not what mischiefes and calamities comes of civile warres there might be many examples set down thereof but alas we Frenchmen know too much thereof and yet manie are enhardened to persever therein and they cannot bow their hard courage to desist from ruinating and warring against their mother and countrey This Paynim Coriolanus may make them ashamed who did not persever in making war upon his countrey although his courage were rude and full of vengeance but suffered himselfe to bee vanquished by reason but they make warre in a contrary course not making any accompt either of reason love or pietie that they ought all to have towards their countrie parents and friends letting loose the bridle to their passions and vengeances bursting ruinating massacring sleying pilling and destroying from top to bottome their parents friends fellow-citizens neighbours and generally all our poore countrey which our poore ancestours left us so ritch and
death confesseth that hee thought not to have lived so little a while to admonish us to bee alwaies ready prepared to appeere before God Horace himself an heathen poet teacheth us to make no assurance upon the time to come neither to set our care and hope thereon when hee saith God covers as with night obscure Alwaies the end of life future Hor. lib. 3. Car. Ode 29. And laughes to see affraid the man Of that which no waies see hee can Of time present bee carefull then All other things doe flit from men As water in the river But to understand the goodlie patterne which this Atheist proposeth heere for a prince to imitate I thinke it good a little more amplie to discourse the life and genealogie Sabellicus Ennead 10. lib. 9. and Enne 11. lib. 2. of Caesar Borgia Hee was a bastard sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt but it is likelie hee legitimated him for according to the cannon law the Pope may legitimate the bastards of other priests and by consequent also his owne This Pope by nation was a Spaniard and before hee was Pope called himselfe Roderic Borgia but comming to the Popedome he tooke the name of Alexander that he and his son carrying the names of two of the most victorious monarchs that ever were that is of Alexander the great Iulius Caesar they might make al the world tremble under them Hee came to the Popedome by the art of Nigromancie as some have written which say hee made a composition with the divell which appeared to him in the forme of a protonotarie but others write hee came to it by silver in bying cardinals voices Philip de Comines one of that time saith that he came to it by silver as also Iovinianus Pontanus who writt this Epigramme Christ Sacraments altars are sould by Alexander Pope Hee bought them very deare hee deare then may sell them I hope But it is not much respective I hope whether hee came to the Popedome by Nigromancie or by silver for it is not impossible but he might come to it by both This Roderic besides the said Caesar had many other bastards and especiallie one which in the night time during his lascivious whoring in the towne of Rome was massacred and the next morning his bodie was found in a sacke cast into Tiber and it was never knowne who did it Hee had also a bastard daughter called Lucrece which either for that hee avowed her not for his or otherwise was married to one of his bastards yet entertained by him as Pontanus writeth Heere lyeih shee that Lucrece is by name But Thais is indeede also by Fame Pope Alexanders daughter in law shee is His wife most vile his daughter eke iwis But above all his other bastards hee most singularly loved that Caesar Borgia insomuch that as soone as hee came to his papacie hee gave him his bishopricke of Valence in Spaine and made him cardinall and hee was called cardinall of Valence But this cardinall having the winde in his sterne by meanes of the Pope his father began to cast many things in his head as first to cast away his ecclesiasticall state for a temporall and lay state then tooke he armes determining to winne all Tuscane or Hetruria then all Italie and after consequently all the nations which Great and vaine desseignes of Caesar Borgia belonged unto the empire in the time of Iulius Caesar so indeede hee forsooke his red cap and in steede of cardinall of Valence hee was called duke of Valentinois and incontinent by deceits and disloyalties hee adventured upon great enterptises Hee tooke for his device Ou Caesar ou rien as willing to say that he made no account to bee a lesse lord than Iulius Caesar was which device in the end fitted him better than hee thought for in place whereas hee aspired but to one of the two that is to bee Caesar or altogether nothing hee prooved to bee both Caesar by name and nothing in deede Moreover as for the meanes hee tooke to effect his disseines and imaginations Machiavell hath discoursed them before but hystoriographers say that his subtill deceits and devices were at the first suspected and discovered and that all the potentats of Italie knew straight the intention of him and his father to tend unto the usurpation and domination of all Italy and therefore prepared they to hinder them in all they could and after that the pope his father was dead hee was incontinent left and abandoned of every man and had much to doe to finde where to hide himselfe for all his enemies which hee had offended arose against him especially the Vrsins which straight sought meanes to massacre him Fabius Vrsin the son of Paul whom Borgia had caused to be slaine sought him every where and encountring one of Borgia his familiars slew him cut him in pieces and washed his hands and mouth with his bloud heereupon saith Sabellicus I doe not thinke that there can bee found a more notable example than this of Caesar Borgia to admonish us to governe our lives with moderation He might have beene the second after the Pope his father in the ecclesiasticall order and have had rich and good benefices as many as hee would but forgetting himselfe too much and importuning fortune too much as a mother hee straight experimented her a most cruell stepmother hee refused to maintaine himselfe in a right high and honorable degree to bee altogether disgraced and brought to nothing But certainely there is nothing which is of lesse endurance than an evill counselled prosperitie for it or dinarily rejecteth great things to bring upon it selfe calamitous and sad things Secondly hee finding himselfe destitute of friends and meanes in the middest of the cruell enmities of men not being able otherwise to save himselfe when his father was dead hee reputed it great advantage that hee was shut up and guarded in the Popes tower till there was a new chosen Behold the censure of this learned Sabellicus touching the life and cariage of this Caesar Borgia which is full contrary to the minde of Machiavell For where as Machiavell counselleth a prince to imitate the actions of Borgia Sabellicus discounselleth it and faith That his life ought to serve for an example to all men for governing themselves as hee did least they fall into the same downefall that hee did To dispute heere of the disloyaltie crueltie and other vices which Borgia used in all his negotiations and to proove that his life ought not to bee imitated but rather detested were a superfluous thing For the common senses of all men which have never so little judgement doe sufficiently shew to all the world that the said vices are so detestable that the users of them cannot but light on the like end that Borgia did First because God customably doth so reward such wicked tyrants Secondlie because it ordinarily commeth to passe that they are greatly hated of every one insomuch as every
his father made good profit of these excellent commands and maintained the kingdome in good peace and great prosperitie during his raigne For an end heereof I doe note in this good king Lewis That it is very true which the scripture witnesseth unto us That the lust shall spring up and receive of God the blessing of a good and long generation For there were more than three hundreth yeeres that the race of this good king held the crowne of France yea there was no more any other race of the blood royall but his For the house of Valois and the house of Burbon have issued from this good king God by his mercie graunt grace to princes of this time which are discended from so good a roote that they may engrave in their hearts the godly commandements of this king whose meaning verily was not onely to prescribe to the said king Philip his sonne but generally to all his posteritie 36. Maxime Gentlemen which hould Castles and Jurisdictions are very great enemies of commonweales THe Leages and Cantons of Almaigne saith Machiavell live very peaceably and at their ease because they observe Discourse lib. 1. cap. an equalitie amongst themselves and suffer no gentlemen in their country and those fevv they have they so hate them that vvhen by adventure any of them fall into their hands they put them to death and take none to mercie saying they are they vvhich destroy all and hould schooles of wickednesse I call saith hee them gentlemen vvhich live of their revenew without giving themselves to any trade These in a countrey are very dangerous and above all high Iusticers vvhich hould Castles and fortresses and which have a great number of vassailes and subiects which owe them faith and homage The kingdome of Naples the land of Rome Romaigne Lombardie are full of such manner of men and they are the cause that hitherto no good estate politicke can bee constituted in those places for they are formall and capitall enemies of the civile estate of common-weales THey which have frequented the countries of Almaigne and of Suises may well give Machiavell the lie for that he saith in this Maxime for in those countries may bee found many gentlemen great Iusticers having under them men jurisdictions and castles which were not onely maintained in their nobilitie and authoritie but also are there greatly respected and imployed in publike affaires And so much there wanteth that there they hould a schoole of wickednesse that contrary onely they hould the countries in peace every one in his owne countrey and doe see justice administred to their subjects I will not denie but there are gentlemen in Alemaigne in the countrey of Suisses in France and other where which are bad inough and which are violent and vitious yet for some few wee must not condemne all in generall as Machiavell doth heere who saith they bee dangerous people in a countrie and that they are enemies to an estate politicke I know not if those hee named bee such namely the gentlemen of Naples of Romania of Lumbardie and of Rome and I am content to confesse unto him because I will not contest and strive against him upon a fact which hath some appearance of truth But I deny unto him that on this side the mounts they are such but contrary wee see that it is onely the Nobilitie of France and other neighbour countries which authorize protect justice and which make it to bee obeyed Yet will I also confesse that the gentlemen on this side the mounts are very dangerous and great enemies unto such a politicke estate as Machiavell hath builded by his writings that is a Tyrannicall For hystories tell us that our ancestors especially the barons lords gentlemen have vigorouslie alwaies opposed themselves against tyrannies and would never suffer them long to grow up or take roote which is a naturall thing in the French Nobilitie good though evill for the Machiavellistes strangers which are come into France to practise their tyrannies for by Gods grace they shall with much a doe take any deepe roote there 37. Maxime The Nobility of France would overthrow the estates of that kingdome if their Parliaments did not punish them and hould them in feare THe kingdome of France saith Nicholas is a kingdome more living under lawes than any other whereof their Parliaments Discourse lib. 1. cap. 1. are the gardiants and maintainers especially that of Paris And hitherto that kingdome is maintained because the Parliaments have alwaies beene obstinate executors and resisters against the Nobilitie without which the kingdome of France had come to ruine MAchiavell had done much better to have medled onely with the estate of Florence for hee shewes well his ignorance and that hee never knew the estate of France nor how it hath beene governed by our ancestors For I pray you where hath hee found this that the kingdome of France would dissolve and come to ruine but that the Parliaments are executors against the Nobilitie Is not this as much to say as the French Nobilitie will ruinate the kingdome if it bee not brideled and held short by Parliaments and that it were better there were none I doubt not but that Machiavell thus though For wee see it by the practise of the Machiavellists which never shot at other marke than to ruinate in France all the Nobilitie the better to establish their tyrannie at ease without contradiction And for this effect have they cassed violated and overthrowne all the good lawes of the kingdome by the meanes of which it hath alwaies hitherto been maintained and Machiavell confesseth and said true which his disciples having well marked and desiring to ruinate the said kingdome have not fayled to beginne by the lawes thereof knowing well Since what time Parliaments of France were instituted Before Parliaments the kingdome was no lesse florishing in peace and good iustice than since that having ruinated her foundations she will be easily dissolved and overthrowne But to confute this Maxime I will alledge no other thing but that wee see in our French hystories That our kingdome was as much or more flourishing and better governed before there were any Parliaments in France than since For the Parliament of Paris which is the ancientest was established and constituted in the time of king Philip le Bel Anno 1294. That of Tholouse during the raigne of Charles the seventh Anno 1444. That of Bourdeaux in the time of the same king Anno 1451. That of Daulphin in the time also of the same king but by the authoritie of king Lewis the eleventh his sonne then Daulphin and then inhabiting in Dauphine in Anno 1453. The Parliaments of Dijon and of Provence in the time of the said king Lewis the eleventh That of Rovan in the time of king Lewis the twelfth in Anno 1499. And that of Bretaigne was erected onely in the time of king Henry the second in Anno 1553 But before there was any