nothing to be seen in his Book but the Avarice Ambition Ignorance Mistakes and furious Contentions of the Bishops and the Governours of the Church And they being so bad the People that were guided by their Order and Example could not be much better they were but the Instruments of the Episcopal Ambition to fight their Quarrels to kill all that opposed and to burn and destroy all that came before them turbulent seditious Incendiaries and Murderers and what can be the effect of such an History but that men should believe there never was any sort of People so desperately wicked and so great disturbers of the World the Enemy of our Religion will have reason to rejoyce that his work is in great measure done to his hands for this will serve him as a common place book for railing against Christianity and the Christian Reader will be in danger either of loosing all his Patience or a great deal of that Reverence he had for his Religion and those primitive Worthies that profest and defended it But this perhaps will be thought not to concern the Church but the Bishops only who are charged with these Misdemeanours and dishonour'd by this Representation He must have a strange notion of the Church that can think it unconcerned in the dishonour of those by whom it is governed for if one should write a Book and call it the History of the English Nation which should only represent the Vices of our Kings the Contentions and Disagreements of our Parliaments the Weakness and Corruption of our Ministers of State and Justice and represent all persons that were eminent enough to hold any place in Story under mean and infamous Characters he must needs have a very metaphysical Moderation that could think the honour of the Nation unconcerned and that it was no Reflection upon the English name God forbid I should charge the Design of the Author with any disservice to Religion but well-meaning men do sometimes pursue their Resentments too far and so they can be revenged of their Enemies pursue them into the Church and set upon them in the Sanctuary not considering how much it is violated and profaned by the Action But Mr. B. is not insensible of the evil use that may be made of this book and therefore endeavours to prevent it by wholsome Caution and frequently in his History starting like a man affrighted to see that which he though to have been a Rod turn'd into a Serpent streight applies what Remedies he can against the Poyson he does in the first place warm the Reader that he do not abuse this into Diabolisme But alas it is a poor Relief to forbid an Enemy to make use of those Weapons you have put into his hands to leave the Honour of our Religion at his Mercy and then to desire him to be generous not to make use of his Advantage However if the Scorner should prove perverse and take no Warning Mr. B. proceeds to confute his reasoning and his Inference by saying that this scandalous account of the Bishops and their Councils concludes nothing to the discredit of Church or Religion for there were many good men that were not Bishops but Presbyters Monks or Lay-men nay p. 16. 17. c. many Hereticks obscure good men whose Vertues do not shine in Story nay there were some good men among the Bishops themselves with more to the effect God forbid I should endeavour to invalidate the least shadow of reasoning that is urg'd in defence of the Church of Christ I joyn heartily with him in this part and I must profess it is the greatest end of this Treatise to prevent the Contempt of Religion which this Church History might occasion Nor can I think the Author will be offended that I take his part and Religions against his own Book and that I look upon it as a dangerous piece p. 16. 19. § 49.22 c. when he himself has given such frequent and solemn Warnings against it But I must take leave to pursue this point upon another Supposition than he does for he takes all his History to be a true and just representation of things and upon that supposal makes his Vindication of the Church which I hope is a mistake in him and will endeavour to shew is very far from being true nay on the contrary it is the most injurious Character and the most unsuitable to the persons it is fastned upon that can be imagined this I take the great Confidence to do because I am persuaded Mr. B. would be very glad this dishonourable Character even of Bishops should be found a Mistake rather than it should be true to the Disparagement of the Christian Name It is true that in the Western Church the generality of the Clergy as well as Laity were so grievously corrupted as well in Doctrine as Discipline in some of the Ages that were more removed from our Saviour that we must make use of God's Vindication of the Church of Israel to Elijah to excuse it from a total Defection but for the first four or five hundred years thanks be to God there is no need of that refuge for the generality of the Christians of those times and the Bishops more eminently were men of that Holiness and Integrity as reconciled the most obstinate Prejudices against their Religion men of so exact and punctual a Justice of so frank and unstinted a Charity of so severe a Temperance of so grave and weigh'd Conversation that their Memory does still command an universal Veneration and their Examples remain a reproach to the degeneracy of after Ages What sort of men did the World know that were greater Undervaluers of it Upon whom did the Temptations of Wealth or Honour or Pleasure prevail less What Society of men was ever united by so powerful Bands of Friendship and Affection No Religion had ever so constant and faithful Adherers whom no Danger no Loss no Death could fright from the Acknowledgment of the Truth which is after Godliness in hope of eternal Life And all this owing next to the Grace of God and the Precepts of so holy a Religion to the Guidance and Example of the Bishops It was by their Ministry that Churches were multiplyed and the Kingdom of Christ enlarged by their Care that they were preserved in Peace and Unanimity These were the great Champions for Religion that maintainld the Purity of the Faith against Paul of Samosata Arrius Eunomius Photinus Macedonius Pelagius Nestorius Eutyches and innumerable other pestilent Hereticks and Overthrowers of the Foundation of our Religion But with all this they were men subject to the same Passions and Mistakes with us and if some among them were evil men and the best of them had his Failings it is not to be wondered at much less to be aggravated to the Disparagement of the Order They were generally men of severe Lives and that naturally sharpens the Temper and renders it more rigid and uncomplying they had
are transcribed out of Mr. Baxter with little of Improvement or Addition One would think a diligent Man might find good Gleaning after Mr. B. but Dr. O's Book it seems is answered already by an unknown Hand But there is a later Book published under the Title of No Evidence for Diocesan Churches c. in the Primitive Times in Answer to the Dean of St. Paul 's Allegations out of Antiquity for such Churches c. But no Reply being yet made that I know of to those Exceptions I shall endeavor to take off such of them as may concern me 1. I have endeavored to prove that the Church of Carthage in Cyprian's Time was Diocesan and among other things urge for it the Multitude of Presbyters that belong'd to that Church even in the time of Persecution when the greatest part of the Clergy was fallen off The Author above-mentioned excepts against this where it is alleadg'd by the Dean of S. Paul's and offers two things in Answer 1. A Passage out of Bishop Downham That indeed at the first Conversions of Cities the whole Number of the People converted being sometimes not much greater than the Number of Presbyters plac'd among them were able to make but a small Congregation But this Allegation can be of little Vse because 1. This was not the Case of the Church of Carthage it was not a new converted Church but settled long before and in a flourishing Condition 2. Many more Presbyters may be ordain'd in a City than is necessary for the first Beginnings of a Church with respect to future Encrease and for the Service of such as afterwards should believe So that tho' there might be in a new gather'd Church almost as many Presbyters as there are People yet the Design of that number of Officers may be for several Congregations when the Believers of that place should become so numerous as not to be contain'd in one 3. The Multitude of Presbyters belonging to one Congregational Church might be occasioned by the uncertain Abode of most of the Apostles and their Commissioners who are the Principal if not the only Ordainers of Presbyters mentioned in Scripture Therefore they might ordain more than were just necessary for the present Occasions of a Church because they could not be present to ordain as often as the Increase of a Church or Vacancies or other Necessities of it should require But that any Church fix'd and settled having its Bishop always present should multiply Presbyters beyond Necessity in the Circumstances of the Primitive Christians before Constantine is altogether incredible For the necessary Expences of the Church were very great the Poor numerous the generality of Christians not of the Richest and the Estates they had being at the Discretion of their Enemies and ruin'd with perpetual Persecution Is it credible that persons in this Condition would multiply Officers without Necessity who were to be maintain'd out of the Public Stock as Cyprian affirms the Presbyters of Carthage were And lastly if this Opinion of Bishop Downham had any certain Ground in Antiquity We should probably hear of it with both Ears and we should have it recommended upon Ancienter Authority than His But the first which this Author cites is Nazianzen who complains of the Multitude of Presbyters in his Time This has been already alleadg'd by Mr. Baxter and has received Answer and he that cannot answer it to himself from the great difference between the Condition of the Church in Cyprian and in Nazianzen's Time has a fondness for the Argument beyond my Skill to remove The next Instance of the number of Presbyters belonging to the great Church of C. P. St. Sophia the greatest perhaps in the World will do as little Service as the complaint of Nazianzen Justinian says that Gentleman Observing that Officers in Churches were multiply'd beyond reason and measure takes order that they should be reduc'd to the numbers of the first Establishment but in the great Church at C. P. he would have the Presbyters brought down to Sixty And what follows from this That the Number of Presbyters was become extravagant in Justinian's Time but what is this to their Number in Cyprian's For this very Edict of Justinian shews that this multiplying of Church-Officers was an Innovation and therefore would have them reduc'd to the first Establishment but that first Establishment it seems admitted great Numbers for one Church had Sixty True but it must also be noted first that these sixty were to serve more than one Church For there were three more besides St. Sophia to be supply'd by those Presbyters as may be seen in the Constitution Nov. 3. c. 1. viz. St. Mary's Church and that of Theodorus the Martyr and that of Helena as some but of Irene as others read Yet after all there is no Argument to be drawn from this Number for these were Canons of a particular Foundation design'd for the Service of a Collegiate Church and no measure to be taken from hence concerning the Numbers of Presbyters belonging to the Diocess This is evident from the Preface of the said Novel whither I refer the Reader But I must confess that what this Gentleman adds concerning the Church of Constantinople is something surprizing No doubt says he they the Presbyters were more numerous in C. P. in Constantine's Time who endeavor'd to make that City in all things equal to Rome and built two Churches in it Soz. l. 2. c. 2. yet in the latter end of his Reign after the Death of Arrius the Christians there could all meet together for Worship It is said expresly that Alexander Bishop of that Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That Constantine built two Churches in C. P. Sozomen does not say but that he built many and very great Churches there Soz. l. 2. c. 3. Ed. Vales. Euseb de vit Const l. 3. c. 48. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the same manner Eusebius says that he adorn'd the City that he called after his own Name with many Churches and great Temples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some within the City and in the Suburbs of it Nor can we imagine that two Churches much less one could suffice all the Christians in C.P. when the City of Heliopolis being converted to Christianity requir'd more and Constantine built several for them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Soc. l. 1. c. 18. i. e. Having built several Churches he ordered a Bishop but one for all those Churches and Clergy to be ordain'd there Socrates indeed says that Constantine built two Churches in C. P. and names them but does not say either that there were no more there in his Time or that he built no more but these being remarkable for the Magnificence of the Structure are perhaps upon that account only mention'd by this Author But we have shew'd already from other Writers of as good or better Credit That this Emperor built there very many and very Great Churches Nor were these only for State and
the number of Christians at his first Entrance was hardly enough to make a Congregation towards his latter end it was surely too great for one for the multitude of people in the City and the Country that belong'd to it Ubi supra it is said by Gregory Nysser to be infinite The Testimony of Tertullian Apolog. chap. 39. is as little to his purpose his words are these p. 93. Where a Body compacted by the Knowledge of the same Religion the Vnity of Discipline and the League of Hope do come together into one Congregation Conus ad deum Ed. Rigalty and not in caeum Congregationem to offer up Prayers to God we meet for the hearing of the holy Scriptures we feed our Faith with those holy words we raise up our hope we fix our Confidence 〈◊〉 confirm Discipline by the inculcating of 〈◊〉 â—ours Precepts there are likewise there Exhortations as being done in the presence of God that is lookt upon as an Anticipation of future Judgment if any one has so offended as to be banish'd from the Communion of Prayer and the Assembly and of all holy Commerce most approv'd Elders do preside Now let the Reader judge whether Mr. B. has Reason to be so confident of this Passage as to say pag. 94. If I be able to understand Tertullian it is here plain that each Church consisted of one Congregation and yet out of the words there can be nothing brought to favour it unless it be this that Christians used in those days to assemble for Prayer and reading of the Scriptures but whether one or more such Assemblies were under the Discipline of the Bishop and Presbytery is not signified in the least That Elders are said to preside does not at all prejudice the Right of the Bishop for either those are Bishops that are said to preside and so every particular Church will have many which if it be not against Mr B's Notion of Episcopacy is confessedly against the practice of the Church in those times when one Church had no more than one Bishop if they were Presbyters then 't is probable there was more than one Congregation But it appears by what follows that these Presidents were all the Officers of the Church where they are distinguish'd from the people and said to live out of the common Stock and the Deacons as well as Priests did assist at the Sacrament and the Bread and Wine was distributed by their hands aâ—â— shall endeavour to prove in due place 〈◊〉 cites out of the same Author De Corona Militis to put his meaning out of all doubt concludes nothing less than what he would have him to say his words are to this effect Presidentium c. 3. That we must receive the Eucharist at all times but from no other hand but those that preside That those were not Bishops appears from the next passage which he cites out of the same place This Mr. B. mistakes Ch. Hist p. 7. when he says that they took not the Lord's Supper but only Antistitis manu I suppose his Memory deceiv'd him 〈◊〉 where Tertullian speaking of Baptism mentions the form of renouncing the World and the Devil Sub manu Antistitis where we may observe that he uses another Word as well as another Number yet since it is said that Christians ought not to receive the Sacrament but from the hands of those Presidents we must not conceive the Bishop to be excluded but by that general Name to be comprehended together with his Bench of Presbyters but will not this Circumstance of Baptism serve to evince that a Bishop had then but one Congregation and every one to be baptized was to make his Renunciation under the Bishops Hand nothing less for many more might be baptized by a Bishop in the compass of few years than there are in the greatest Diocese in the World Paulinus could not well wish a greater number in his Diocess than he baptized in seven and thirty days Bed l. 2. chap. 14. Pamelius did labour to prove that Antistes is the same with Seniores Presidentes and that Presbyters might baptize as well as Bishops but that is not the thing in Question nor does this Passage suppose every baptism performed by the Bishop but the Renunciation of the Devil c. which was preparatory to it to have been made in his presence he might have a very large Diocess and be at Leisure for this especially when we consider that the generality of Christians in those times had such an awe of that Sacrament and the strict Obligation it lay upon them of more than ordinary Sanctity that they deferr'd it till the last and were baptized on their Death-bed and that not by the Bishop but by any other Presbyter or Deacon nor can we find in all the History of the times we now speak of that Children had any part in the solemn and publick Baptism but they might be privately baptized in case of Necessity and eminent danger of Death without the assistance of the Bishop And long after these times we find in the largest Dioceses where a great many Congregations are affirmed to be under the same Bishop One Baptistry to a Church sufficient for several Congregations there were but three days in the year appointed for solemn Baptism and the Bishops were so far from being unequal to the Multitude that they complain of the general Neglect of the Sacrament and of their not being fully employed at those times so that supposing this Antistes to be the Bishop and every one that was solemnly baptized past under his hand it is far from making out Mr. B's Notion that there was but one Congregation under him The next thing he makes use of to confirm his Conception of Congregational Church is the Consent of the people Disp 95. in the Margin Ch. Hist p. 7. as well in the Election of their Bishops as in several other Ecclesiastical Acts but this â—e rather hints by the Bye than insists upon and I suppose did not value much since he takes no care to improve it whoever will take the pains to examine those passages will find that the people never polled at the Election of their Bishops which was principally the act of the Clergy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but approved it commonly by a general and confused Voice of the Multitude that was present and the Phrase Vniversa Plebs does not denote every particular Christian of the Church but onely a general Assembly and Congregation of as many as could come together or of the most considerable Persons of the Diocese or rather as it is usually express'd all the People that were present at the Action Cornelius elected plebis quae tunc adfuit Suffragio Cypr. l. 4. c. 2. I shall not forget to answer this Argument more particularly hereafter when we shall meet with it confirmed by any Canon of Councils or other passages in his History Basil Ep.
surely never seen it with his eyes open That these gifts were not had in any so great esteem then Apologia pro sentent Hieron Praefat. but all went by seniority and of the Colledge of Presbyters the Senior was as it were the Bishop and when he dy'd the next by seniority took the chair without any more ado no Election or Ordination being necessary If this answer does not satisfie I must profess I cannot help it for want of Authors that speak particularly of these matters All that I can affirm is that the Ancients talk of Bishops in every age up to the Apostles times and make these Bishops their successours but of the occasions of their promotion there is not a word only St. Jerom a great while after their institution ascrib'd it to the inconveniences which parity produc'd But as to the time Mr. B. tells us Treat of Ep. Part 1. c 3. p. 15. Hieron Catalog Scr. in Marco Euseb Chr. Hieron Ep. ad Evagr. But as to the time Mr. B. tells us That if Hierom mistake not it began at Alexandria some years before the death of St. John the Apostle If Mr. B. do's not mistake St. Jerom which is almost impossible he must know that Mark dy'd in the eighth year of Nero which answers the 63. of our Lord. Several years not only before St. John's death but before St. Pauls and before almost any of the Apostles So ancient is Episcopacy at Alexandria according to St. Jerom. His words are these Nam Alexandria a Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam Dionysium Episcopos Presbyteri semper unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant i. e. from the Death of St. Mark which Jerom following Eusebius places in the eighth year of Nero to Dionysius and Heraclas the Presbyters elected their Bishops out of their own body And this some years i. e. almost forty before the death of St. John But does Jerom make this the first Original of Episcopacy surely Mr. B. mistakes him For he makes the divisions of the Church some saying I am of Paul and I am of Apollos and I of Cephas to be the first occasion of this institution and these divisions happened in the Church of Corinth many years before St. Marks death An. Chr. 52. and that we may not think Hierom speaks this by a figure to express such divisions as followed afterwards in imitation of those of Corinth he instances some particulars that require them to be understood of that particular dissension among the Corinthians for he adds After that every one thought those whom he Baptized to be his own and to belong peculiarly to himself Which St. Paul mentions and confutes and thanks God that he had Baptized but few lest they should say He Baptized in his own name Now this determination of the Apostle that Baptizing of Converts did not give the Baptizer any right to Govern them and that they ought not to bear any name of relation to him but his name only in which they were Baptized it is unlikely that this controversy should revive after so clear a determination and therefore the Original of Episcopacy in St. Jerom's opinion must be referred to those dissensions in the Church of Corinth For which he fancies this remedy to have been provided And I cannot but wonder at Blondel Apol. p. 3. who makes St. Jerom to speak in this place of things done almost a hundred years after An. 140. when but a few lines before this passage he shews Episcopacy to have been set up in Alexandria immediately after the death of St. Mark i. e about eleven years after this division in the Church of Corinth Having considered the summ of Mr. B.'s account of the Original of Episcopacy which is partly Fiction partly a mistaking or mincing of St. Hierom I shall proceed to give an Historical account of the rise of Diocesan Episcopacy out of the Scriptures and Antiquity as far as I am able to trace it hoping that some others better acquainted with the Ancients may some time or other give a more full and perfect Deduction Our Blessed Saviour a 1 Pet. 2.25 The Bishop of our Souls laid the first foundation of his Church by his own Preaching b Luke 4.15 Matth. 4.12 Mark 1.14 in the Synagogues of Galilee where he was approved and glorified by all that heard him and now having entred upon that great undertaking of reducing the World to the obedience of faith c Matt. 4.18 Luke 6.13 John 6.70 he made choice out of his followers and Disciples of such Persons as he thought fit to instruct more particularly in the knowledge and to commit to them the great work of the conversion of the World Whom he call'd Apostles d Matt. 13.11 Mark 4.11 Luk. 8.10 e Luke 5.11.28 Matt. 19.27.28 Mark 10.28 Luke 22.28 These as more specially devoted to him did constantly attend his Person and follow him whither ever he went f John 2.11.4.53.11.45 And after that he had converted several out of the great multitudes that followed him by the excellence of his Doctrine and the conviction of his Miracles he gave these Apostles g Joh. 21 15 16. Commission to take care of that Flock which was already gathered to increase it not only by finishing the Conversion of such as the found of his Gospel and the Fame of his miracles had already disposed to receive the Gospel but to propagate it to the ends of the Earth h Matt. 28.19 Mark 16.15 and to Preach to all Nations When he had justified his Doctrine as well as us by his death and resurrection The i Luke 1â— 32 flock of the Church was yet but very small and Peter though he were now allow'd to be universal â—â—stor might easily discharge his duty k 1 Cor. 15.6 The greatest number we read of between â—he Resurrection and Ascension is but â—oo l Actâ— 1.15 and at Jerusalem when they met toâ—ether they were but about a hundred and â—â—enty But it was not long before these â—â—all beginnings this grain of Mustard feed grew up with a prodigious and surprizing increase m Acts 2.41 for on the following Pâ—ntecost there were added unto them about three hundred Souls The first fruits of the Spirit who must be supposed to have been converted not all by the Sermon of St. Peter but by the n Acts 2.4 6 7 8. Ministry of the other Apostles and the number of the Converts makes it more probable that the multitude was divided into several Audiences since the o Acts. 1.13.2.2 upper Room where they were assembled could not hold so great an assembly This accession made the Church too big for the house where it first assembled and the Disciples having yet no publick places of meeting but obliged to p Acts 2.46 break bread from house to house they were by this means divided into several Congregations
to discern the Insincerity of Arrius's Confession since he dissembles the very point in Question and rejects the Terms in which the Council had expressed it self If therefore the good Emperour were imposed upon by a counterfeit Repentance and would restore that Incendiary to Opportunities of doing Mischief Athanasius is not to be blamed who wisely foresaw what Mischiefs were like to follow upon the Reception of that Heretick Compliance with Hypocrites is no likely means to reclaim them and there is a sort of Mercy that is more cruel than Severity if those few that dissented from the Determination of that Council had not been received again without giving greater security of their Faith and Moderation it might perhaps have ended that fatal Controversie In the next place § 2. Mr. B. passes to the case of the Meletians and thinks it useful for our warning in these times to recite the sum of the Story out of Epiphanius The short of it is this Epiph. Haer. Melet Peter Bishop of Alexandria and Meletus Bishop of Lycopolis being Fellow-prisoners for the same Faith disagreed unhappily about the old Question Whether those that denyed the Faith in time of Persecution were to be receiv'd upon their Repentance Epiph. Peter was for Indulgence Meletius for Severity In Conclusion they divided Congregations in the Prison Peter suffer'd Martyrdom but the Schism survived him and the Churches of Aegypt were upon this occasion divided into Parties Meletius is reconciled to the Successor of Peter and lives peaceably with him in Alexandria content with the Title of a Bishop but without any exercise of his Function At last the Spirit of Divsion return'd upon him again and he made new Ordinations and set Church against Church and Bishop against Bishop His Followers after his Death joyn'd with the Arrians against Alexander Bishop of Alexandria and became a great Support to that Heresie p. 46. Just as if the Nonconformists at this time saith Mr. B. should seek by the favour of the Papists to be deliver'd from the silencing and destroying Prelates upon Condition of common Liberty the cases are not much unlike I do not desire to improve this Comparison to the Reproach of the Non-conformists as he endeavours to render Bishops odious under the Name of Tyrants yet I wish they would seriously consider what Support their Separation has been to that Faction they above all men exclame against They have made the Breach and the Enemy has lodg'd and fortified himself in it and yet notwithstanding the common danger that threatens all still choose to pursue their little Scruples and great Animosities to the evident hazard of the Reformed Religion rather than to close with the Church and to make up the Breaches of our City which will be impregnable when it is at Unity in it self But to return to our Story of the Meletians Mr. B. confesses page 48. That Baronius and Petavius say that Epiphanius is deceived in all this History and makes the case of the Meletians better than it was and that some Meletian Knave beguil'd him He answers 1. They give us no Proof of any such Knaves beguiling him at all 2. That he who was so apt to overdoe in suspecting and aggravating Heresies as in Origen and Chrysostom 's Case was not likely to make the case here so much better than it was 3. And how much nearer was Epiphanius in Time and Place than Baronius and Petavius And how easie was it then for him to have true Notice of such publick things 4. And if they make Epiphanius so fallacious in such a Story as this so near him what a shake does it give to the Credit of his copious History of the many other Heresies which he had less opportunity to know and consequently to the Credit of much of Church-History Mr. B. has an easie way of confuting mens Opinions without confuting their Reasons If he had but mention'd any of their Arguments he might have spar'd the Labour of his own As to his first Reason against them they do not stand much upon it whether a Meletian Knave beguil'd Epiphanius or no they prove him to be deceiv'd and it is likelier he should be deceived by a Meletian Knave than any Body else As to the second No body can think he design'd to excuse the Meletians by that Story which he laid down as he found it As to the third it would have some weight if Baronius and Petavius contradicted this out of their own Heads without any Authority ancienter than Epiphanius Is not Athanasius as credible a Witness who lived in those times and was concern'd in some of those Actions that are related by Epiphanius his Relation contradicts this Who then is to be believ'd Epiphanius who writ a long time after Athanas Apol. 2. or Athanasius who was witness of most of these things and must needs have heard of that Quarrel in the Prison if any such thing had been But he gives us this account which how it can consist with Epiphanius's let Mr. B. judge Peter says he was made Bishop with us before and suffer'd Martyrdom under the Persecution of Dioclesian he depos'd in a Synod of Bishops Meletius an Aegyptian Bishop convict of many Crimes and in particular that he had sacrificed to Idols he neither appeal'd to any other Synod nor took care to purge himself before Peter's Successors in Alexandria but made a Schism so that his Followers now instead of Christians are called Meletians then he began to asperse and calumniate the Bishops and Peter in the first place then his Successor Achillas and after him Alexander and that with great cunning borrowing the Instance of Absalon to render the Fact of his Deposition more invidious and to revenge himself by calumniating the innocent What shall we now believe That Meletius who was convict of sacrificing to Idols himself should be so severe against others that had fallen into the same Sin or how should he be imprison'd for his Religion that had sacrificed to Idols This and the Story of that dividing Mantle can no more agree than Peter and Meletius could in the Prison according to Epiphanius his Relation Socrates and Sozomen have the same Story with Athanasius and not one word of this Partition Mantle In short is Peter himself to be believed against Epiphanius He is represented there as one too indulgent to Sinners but his Canons are the severest of any that I have seen and are down-right Novatianism in Mr. B's Opinion He appoints very long Penance for Sins not very hainous and for those that fall away under Persecution Vid. Petr. Alex. Can. ap Bib. Patr. apud Synodic Bever though their Temptations be never so great and the Terrors of Death never so forcible yet he allows them but just Encouragement enough to hope for a Pardon upon their sincere Repentance but for such as prevent the danger and offer themselves to Sacrifice before the Officers hale them to the Temple Petr.
Alex. Can. 4. Argument Canon such were never to be admitted to full Communion no not at the hour of Death Is any man like to find fault with this Bishop for being too indulgent Is this any great Encouragement to Apostates It would be strange after all this that men should depart from his Communion for being too much prostituted to the Betrayers of Religion If all this does not satisfie Mr. B. but that he will still believe those holy Martyrs as unmortified in Prison as the Priests and Jesuits heretofore were at Wisbich let him enjoy his Fancy and contempt of ancient Bishops and be bound to believe all the Stories in Epiphanius Mr. B. confesses that Epiphanius seems not to be very accurate in his Disputes nor his Narratives why then does he maintain him here against the Authority of Athanasius and all Sense and Reason He does acknowledge some Passages in this History to be mistaken as that the Meletians joyned with the Arrians before the Death of Alexander and in his Instance of the time of Arrius's death placing it before the Councel of Nice Besides these there are other Mistakes no less gross which Mr. B. swallows down as true History as first that Constantine the Great banish'd Athanasius into Italy where he remain'd twelve or fourteen years till after the Death of Constantine If Athanasius himself be to be believ'd or Socrates out of him Constantine banish'd him into Gallia and Treves was the place where he abode nor is there any Likelihood that he saw Italy during his first Banishment But the account of the time of it Euseb de Vit. Constant for twelve or fourteen years is intolerable for the Councel of Tyre was not assembled till the thirtieth year of Constantine Epist Praef. Marâ—ot Constantius and Albinus being Consuls which agrees with the three hundred thirty fifth year of our Saviour according to Baronius's Computation Athanasius his Banishment is plac'd the year after Constantine dyes the year ensuing and presently after his death Athanasius is recall'd Baronius places his return in the year 338 but Valesius proves from the style of Constantine junior's Letter in the behalf of Athanasius who was then but Caesar that Athanasius return'd the very same year that Constantine dyed So that the twelve or fourteen years do hardly amount to so many Months which I believe was the true writing of Epiphanius and that Years are put in instead of Months by the mistake of the Copies Theodoret computes his Banishment to be two whole Years and Baronius follows him There are several other things in the same Author no less absurd as that Athanasius is charged with the murther of Arsenius in Constantine's time that Eusebius baptized Valens the Emperour though Eusebius was dead many years before Valens came to the Empire that Constantine was the Son of Valerian that George was put into Athanasius's place in the time of his first Banishment that Achillas succeeded Alexanaer in the See of Alexandria Dallè l. 4. de Imagin p. 394. Epiphanius planè aliter Schisma Meletianum narrat quam rei veritas poscebat and many other such Oversights in History and one would wonder so great a man as Epiphanius could be guilty of or that any one that pretends to Church-History should follow him in those gross mistakes which they may correct out of any Historian that does but make mention of the same things and Times Mr. B. strangely confounds Gregory and George the Arrian Bishops of Alexandria for page 47 he tells us That when Constans had compell'd his Brother Constantius to restore him Athanasius he was again banish'd For George that had been made Bishop by the Arrians and by Constantius was kill'd by the Heathen People in Julian's time and his Corps burnt and the ashes scatter'd into the Wind which increased the suspition of Tyranny against Athanasius I hope George's murther in Julian's time did not bring Athanasius into suspition of Tyranny under Constantius But pag. 62. Sect. 45. this George is call'd Gregory Gregory the Bishop being as is aforesaid murther'd by the Heathen and burnt to ashes We no where read that this Gregory was either murder'd or burn't but that he was turn'd out of the See of Alexandria because he was odious to all and to the Arrians themselves and that George Socr. l. 2. c. 14. who was afterwards murther'd was put in his place Where he says Constans compell'd his Brother Constantius to restore Athanasius he mistakes Constans for his Brother Constantine who was the Author of Athanasius his first restauration for it was long after his first banishment and after the Council of Sardica that Constans threatned his Brother with War if he did not restore Athanasius and Paul into their Churches Page 48. § 4. He gives an account of the Heresie of Arrius and I think heartily condemns him if these words be his own He that denies the Deity of Christ denies his Essence and he that denies his Essence denies Christ and is no Christian Yet he excuses this Doctrine in comparison of Socinianism and that very justly At last after a short sum of the Arrian Doctrine he concludes this was the dangerous Heresie of Arrius I must confess he is so much given to Figures that I can't tell whether he be in earnest here or speaks only Ironically but sure I am that what he sayes in the next Paragraph is very much to the disadvantage of the Doctrine of the Trinity And to say truth Petavius has done it no great kindness by his Defence of it 'T is true that some of the Fathers before the Nicene Council seem'd to speak sometimes in favour of that Doctrine which was afterwards taken up by the Arrians but that they did cadem sentire is more than ought to be granted Before some Controversies have been started men have spoke less warily whom afterwards Disputation has brought to be more Cautious in their Expressions Dallè de usu Patr Dallè makes the Ancient Fathers to be of little Use in the Controversies between us and the Papists because though they may seem to favour sometimes one side sometimes another yet they speak loosly and without any regard to our Controversies which were not then in being Several Passages extolling Communion with the Bishop of Rome were little intended to set him up for an infallible Judge and others speaking with great Veneration of the Eucharist may seem to favour Transubstantiation c. If any such Opinion had then been in the Church their words in probability had been more decisive It is a commendable Charity of Mr. B. to say that it is enough to believe those Fathers to be saved p. 49. though we may not believe them to be without Errour Though that Errour by his confession is very dangerous as implying a denial of Christ yet he adds that God is merciful and requires not knowledge of all alike ibid. But for my part I believe they do
Justification and the Example and Miracles of St. Martin But this Instance could become no man worse than Mr. B. who in a Letter to Dr. Hill confesses himself to have been a man of Blood and therefore despairs of the honour of ever being instrumental in the Peace of the Church If St. Martin was so far in the right why does not M. B. imitate him why does he not renounce Communion with those bloody men that instigated the Long Parliament and People to rebell that pressed the King's death and defended it when it was done why does he not renounce these especially since they never gave the least sign of Repentance These were the men that applied themselves to the Maximi of this Nation to persecute not Priscillianists but a great many Worthy Honest Men And I need not call to Mr. B's remembrance who were the sordid Compliers with these Usurpers who compar'd Cromwel to David Disput 1. Ep. Ded. to R. Cromwel and his wise Son to Solomon but this has transported me a little too far and to say truth who can forbear where men have the confidence to suggest those things against others that they stand most notoriously guilty of themselves The next thing worth Reflection is his Remark upon the Council of Capua §. 20. This Council sayes he had more wit than many others and order'd that both Congregations Flavian 's and Evagriu 's being all good Christians should live in loving Communion O that others had been as wise in not believing the Prelates that perswaded the World that it is so pernicious a thing for two Churches and Bishops to be in one City as Peter and Paul are said to be at Rome Whatever Wit this Council had it seems Mr. B. shews little in mistaking it so grossly for the Council of Capua never order'd that the two opposite Bishops and Congregations at Antioch should joyn in loving Communion but only that the Eastern Bishops that had divided themselves upon that occasion some taking part with Flavianus others with Evagrius Conc. Cap. that these should be received into the Communion of the Catholick Church if they were Orthodox in the Faith so that if the Schism at Antioch could not be compos'd the Mischief should not go any further or divide the Catholick Church Ambros Theoph. Ep. 78. as St. Ambrose writes to Theophilus Alex. Cui bonae pacis naufragio Synodus Capuensis tandem obtulerat possum tranquillitatis ut omnibus per totum Orientem daretur Communio Catholicam confitentibus fidem duobus estis tuae sanctitatis Examen impertiretur And now Mr. B's violent Exclamation against those who would perswade the World that it is so pernicious a thing to have two Bishops in the same City might have been spar'd but this is to be pardon'd when we consider that a Gun makes the same noise whether it hit or miss the mark But this Council condemn'd a new Heresie Hereticating was in fashion viz. of one Bishop Bonosus Ch. Hist § 21. p. 72. denying Mary to have continu'd a Virgin to her death Here Mr. B. makes himself pleasant with his own Dream for surely no man with his Eyes open ever saw this Condemnation of Bonosus by the Council of Capua which determines only that the neighbouring Bishops should judge between him Bonosus and his Accusers Ambr. Ep. 79. sed cum hujusmodi fuerit Concilii Capuensis judicium ut finitimi Bonoso atque ejus accusatoribus Judices tribuerentur praecipuè Macedones qui cum Episcopo Thessaloniensi de ejus factis cognoscerent advertimus quod nobis judicandi forma competere non posset Next sayes our Author we have a strange thing § 23. a Heresie raised by one that was no Bishop but the best is it was but a lit-Heresie that of Jovinian But how is it so strange a thing that a Heresie should be raised by one that is no Bishop or did he not turn Heretick because he was not made one Cerinthus Ebion Marcion Valentinus Artemon Arrius c. were they Bishops I suppose it will be a hard matter to find any Bishops to have been the Authors of any Heresie for a long while after Christ and even those that gave names to Heresies were not the first that gave them being as we shall shew more particularly hereafter It is strange sayes Mr. B. that Binnius vouchsafes next § 24. to add out of Socrates when he hereticates him also a Council of the Novatians And why should it be so strange since Binnius sets down a great many more Councils that were Heretical in his opinion But let Mr. B. enjoy his wonder when he is in the fit he must give others leave to wonder a little too at the Transports of a man that pretends so much to moderation that would say as loud as I can speak if all the proud ambitious hereticating part of the Bishops had been of this mind O what Sin Ch. Hist p. 73. § 24. what Scandal and what Shame what Cruelties Confusions and Miseries had the Christian World escap'd And what is all this about The leaving Easter indifferent i. e. Whether it be to be observ'd with the Jews or the Christian Church And yet Mr. B. in this very Paragraph finds fault with silencing of Ministers that would not keep it at the wrong time If all times be indifferent to observe it in what time is wrong and who changes the nature of things indifferent the Bishops or those that make a Conscience of Observing it upon a mistaken time He is very much here in the Commendation of the Novatians as if none had ever observ'd this Moderation but these Schismaticks Did not Irenaeus and many other good Bishops shew the same moderation before Novatian was born But these Hereticks than whom there never was a more proud Pharisaical sort of men must have the Honour of it when it was their necessity that put them upon this Indulgence one towards another and that you may understand how peaceably they behav'd themselves in this present case take this short account of it out of Socrates and Sozomen who if they were not Novatians as most Learned men both Protestants and Papists are of Opinion were too great Favourers of that Sect as all complain of them The Novatians Socr. l. 5. c. 20. Sozom. l. 7. c. 18. in the time of Valens the Emperour did think fit for Reasons unknown to change the Rule for the Observation of Easter which by the Decree of the Council of Nice was become in a manner Universal It may be they would have no Observance common with the Catholick Church and especially at that time when they were all under the same Persecution and the Catholicks desir'd a Reconciliation with them and therefore they flew off as much as they could to avoid such a Conjunction However this Innovation did not so generally obtain among the Eastern Novatians but that the contrary Usage prevail'd almost every
Pelusuim l. 2. Ep. 126. into which it was brought by the covetousness and ambition of one Martinianus a Presbyter If. Pel. l. 2. Ep. 126. O thou best of men it belongs to thy Wisdom and Authority to rescue the poor Church of Pelusium from the Hands of evil Governours 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor is this only a general complement but he goes on to mention particular instances of his integrity against this Martinianus who after he had robb'd the Church of Pelusium sent some part of the money to Alexandria to endeavour to procure himself the Bishoprick Cyril having intimation of this practice rebukes him sharply and threatens if he go on any further in this base course so dishonourable to Religion that he will not only excommunicate but have him banish'd Whereupon Isidore applys himself to him in expressions of the greatest admiration of his integrity and does not know how to call him by a title good enough What Compe'lation shall I use that may be suitable to so great worth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whoever is the least acquainted with the Spirit and temper of Isidore will hardly suspect him of flattery but that he was the real Convert of this great Bishop and by these commendations of him endeavoured to make honourable amends and to wash off the dirt he had before rashly cast upon his name If I should take the pains to gather the hands of the Fathers and to set down the glorious testimonials they give of Cyril I believe few Saints could shew greater evidence of their merit towards the Church Gloriosissimus fidei Catholicae Defensor Prosper contra collat c. 41. Celest Ep. ad Nest §. 5. and Cyrillus Alexandriae Episcopus vir omni sapientia Sanctitatis exemplo clarissimus probatissimus Sacerdos c. But Theodoret it seems was never truly reconcil'd to him for in his Epistle to Johannes Antioch he looks upon the death of Cyril as a deliverance of the Church from a turbulent enemy of Peace But God only knows says our Author Yes sure there are men that know it too though not Mr. Baxter They that are a little more vers'd in the writings of the Fathers know very well Baron An. 44016. that this Epistle is spurious and that John to whom it was directed was dead four years before which Theodoret could not but know And it is very well known that the Nestorians forg'd several Letters in the name of Theodoret. Leont de Sect. Sect. 5. In short nothing can be a plainer confutation of this Fiction than Theodorets own Letter to Dioscorus the successor of Cyril where besides that he does shew John to be dead seven years before the time of the writing of that Letter Theod. Ep. ad Diosc he does also make it appear that there was a full and sincere reconciliation between him and Cyril before his death That Cyril when he had written his Books against Julian the Apostate and another about the Scape-Goat before he publish'd them sent them to John Bishop of Antioch to communicate them with the greatest Scholars of the East He sent them to me says Theodoret and I read them and sent him an account of them and I received Letters from him after that Ad Flavian which I have still by me And the same man in another Letter gives an account of this to Dioscorus that he had sent to him to acquaint him that he persevered still in that league that had been made between Cyril of happy memory and the Eastern Churches And now let any man judge whether this forg'd Letter that goes under the name of Theodoret be not as great an injury to him as it is to Cyril But with our Author that weeds Church-History any fiction or imposture is authentick that does but contain some scandalous reflections upon great Bishops and this seems to be the mark that directs his choice all along I have been more particular in the Vindication of this great Bishop from those calumnies our Author raked out of all the Libels of his Enemies because all this seems to be brought in on purpose to lessen the reputation of the Council of Ephesus that was chiefly directed by the authority of Cyril and that you may not take this for an uncertain conjecture of his design he explains himself But pardon truth or be deceived still ignorance and pride p. 94. sect 20. and envy and faction and desire to please the Court made Cyril and his party by quarrelsome Heretication to kindle that lamentable flame in the world Can any man that has any ingenuity or knowledge of those times affirm this How could this gratifie the Court since the Emperour was so highly offended with the contention that he ordered Cyril to be imprison'd and was extreamly dissatisfy'd with both parties Or how can that be the effect of Cyril's Envy or Ambition which he himself did endeavour to prevent by all the amicable methods imaginable as may be seen by his Letters to Nestorius But if the Reader will not blindly engage in all the groundless jealousies and malicious suggestions of our Author then he has much ado to forbear calling him Fool but however he dismisses him with that which is equivalent Let him be deceived still as if every one that had any more charitable opinion of Bishops and Councils than he that seems to have read little more than what Binnius has of them lov'd to be deceiv'd and shut his Eyes against the greatest evidence in the World Before we enter upon the Council of Ephesus it is fit some notice should be taken of our Authors account of Nestorius The worst thing he can say of him is That he was hot against Hereticks and desired the assistance of the Civil Magistrate to suppress them that he went about to pull down the Church of the Arians and they set it on fire themselves and then call'd him Firebrand when themselves were the Incendiaries he vex'd the Novatians c. After all we have this Remark Thus Turbulent Hereticators must have the Sword do the work of the Word When our Author lays about him he never minds where the blow falls and deals alike to friends and foes What Hereticators were hotter than the Presbyterians in the year 1646 the Inquisition is not more severe than their Ordinance against Heresies Ordinance against Heresie and Blasphemy presented to the House of Commons which they desir'd should be made Felony and punish'd by death And of other opinions that were to be punish'd by imprisonment were there not many that are yet in dispute between the Reformed themselves Nay he that vindicates that Bloody Ordinance as the Independents call'd it does complain against the Bishops for not being severe enough in the eradication of Heresies Vindication of the Ordin against Heresie p. 23. Impr. James Cranford I will set down the words because they are something remarkable In the Bishops times there were some Arians and
they differ'd widely from the doctrine of Nestorius But though some few men might be transported and mistake one another in the heat of their contention it is strange that all the world should be so blind and undiscerning that no man before our Author should find out this undiscover'd agreement between the contending Bishops and not one have the fortune to stumble upon this observation Mr. B. does endeavour to satisfie this doubt by shewing that besides the factiousness of the generality of the Bishops there were but few among them that had any learning p. 92. and this he offers to make out by several arguments 1. That the Fourth Council of Carthage did forbid Bishops to read any Heathen Authors Mr. B. mistakes it for the 6th But how should this Prohibition make ignorant Bishops in the East where it had no force Nor do we find any such prohibition there unless that of Julian the Apostate to bring Christian Religion into contempt by making the professors of it ignorant of all humane learning 2. When no Bishop was to be remov'd from place to place but they were made in every Church out of an inferiour degree why should this keep them in ignorance since they had the freedom of liberal education and the lower degrees of the Church did no more incapacitate men for learning than they did for Episcopacy 3. Vniversities were rare therefore no wonder if learned Bishops were so rare If University education be so necessary for learning our Author I believe must keep these ignorant Bishops company and he will help them to more if others heed what he writes of the Universities But yet Philosophy Schools were not so rare as he fansies in the Eastern Church for there was hardly a considerable City that had not one and besides all this the great learning of the world being easily intelligible to the Eastern part of the World as being written in their common language they had the less need of Professors and a man might go a great way with his own private Reading 4. When Nectarius must be the great Patriarch that was no Christian and when Synesius because he had Philosophical knowledge is chosen Bishop even before he believ'd the Resurrection Learned men were very scarce he would inferr but it is hard to do so from these instances for 1. I do not find any where that Nectarius was made Patriarch for his learning Socr. l. 5. c. 8. Socrates indeed says he was noble by descent and a Prator by office that he was of a sweet obliging temper and an extraordinary and admirable person 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which rendred him very popular and the Multitude in a fit of kindness would force him to be their Bishop There is not a word of his learning or of the scarcity of learned men that might justifie this extraordinary and irregular election of a Catechumen into the second Bishoprick of the World and if any one should yet fansy that to be the reason let him consult Sozomen l. 7. c. 8. who gives a more particular account of this action and different from Socrates He is so far from thinking that there was no Christian of learning and abilities equal to that dignity that he tells us there was great variety and that several Bishops of the Council that then sate propos'd many as fit for that Charge Diodorus Tarsensis happen'd to be strangely taken with Nectarius his Countrey man and the circumstances if true make it look something like a miracle He propos'd him to the Bishop of Antioch as a sit person for that high charge the Bishop wonder'd at the fancy and to comply with Theodorus puts his name among several others that he offer'd to the Emperour but in the last place little expecting he should be return'd Bishop The Emperour by an unaccountable impulse pass'd all by till he came to his name and fix'd there and nominated him Bishop He was no Christian says our Author He was not yet baptiz'd indeed but he was a Catechumen and a very good man and wanted nothing but that consummation which was Constantine's condition till within a month before his death and now let the shrewdest guesser in the world consider whether the small number of learned Bishops was the reason why Nictarius was chosen to be the great Patriarch Synesius his promotion concludes the ignorance of Bishops no more than that of Nectarius For Synesius besides his learning had a peculiar eloquence and besides that was a person of an extraordinary life and reputation so that it was not his Philosophical learning was the only reason of his preferment but he did not believe the Resurrection and surely there must be a great want of able men when a person under that and several other unqualifying circumstances should be forc'd into a Bishoprick But Theophilus understood the meaning of it that this was but a fiction to avoid being Bishop for his Letter to his Brother was not design'd as a secret Syn. Ep. 105. but as he suggests there that it might be shew'd and become a remedy against that fondness the people had of him and in another to the Presbyters of Ptolemais after he was made Bishop Ep. 11. he does acknowledge that he had us'd all the arts and stratagems that he could devise to escape it Evagrius and Nicephorus did take him at his word Vid. Bar. An. 410. Luc. Holst dissert de fug Ep. and represented him to posterity as he had characterized himself and excuse those that ordain'd him by saying that they had hopes that afterward he would believe more Orthodoxly and correct those errours he confess'd It was not then for want of able men that he was made Bishop but it was the extraordinary affection of Theophilus and the people of Ptolemais and the great reputation he had in the world having been sent long before by the City of Cyrene to Arcadius and deliver'd that noble Oration de Regno that alone were enough to make all ingenious men in love with him for his eloquence and his gravity and to render him eminent in the most learned age of the World though Mr. B. in the second Part of his Church-History part 1. p. 169. affirms That there are divers poor men Weavers Plowmen and others of the Church of Kederminster that can Pray and Teach and Write as methodical pious weighty tractates as Synesius notwithstanding he was a Philosopher and as well as any Eusebius extoll'd as famous Bishops of the second and third age c. not to say of Clemens Ignatius Irenaeus Cyprian yea even as Holy Macarius Ephrem Syrus Synesius Isidore Pelus By this you may judge how well our Author is acquainted with those Ecclesiastical Writers The last thing by which he proves the scarcity of learned Bishops is the ignorance of Nestorius which Socrates that knew him does affirm But here our Author does Socrates wrong for he does not say that Nestorius was ignorant but
Dioscorus cry'd cum Patribus ejicior and his followers were afterwards call'd Eutychians though they did not own his doctrines as some of the Eastern Christians are call'd Nestorians though they do not really hold the doctrine of Nestorius but the very same with the Eastern Bishops that mistook Cyril and with Theodorus Tarsens and Mopsuest who were misunderstood on the other side by Cyril But of this we have said enough already CHAP. VII The Council of Chalcedon NOw comes the great Council of Chalcedon under the new Emperour Martian p. 99. §. 14. where all is chang'd for a time yet Pulcheria who married him and made him Emperour and whose power then was great was the same that before had been against Nestorius in her Brothers reign Thus far our Church Historian It is a marvellous observation that all should be chang'd for a time and yet Pulcheria be the same that condemn'd Nestorius in her Brothers reign She was the same person I suppose though I dare not maintain any identity against the splitting instruments which he borrows of Derodon those Metaphysical terms I mean which we have mentioned before and our Authors charms and imaginary remedies against Heresie those Notions that he bewails the ancient Bishops were so dull as not to be able to find out But if out of special grace he will allow Pulcheria to be the same Pulcheria in and after her brothers reign we must acknowledge his good nature in the concession But where is the wonder all this while that matters should change and yet she be still the same It may be that she might not have always the same credit and authority with her brother and if Nicephorus may be believ'd in a story that hangs very well together and is very probable l. 14. c. 47 c. her interest was very low when the Second Council of Ephesus was call'd for the end of it was to ruine her favourite Flavian who had given her notice of a Court-plot that was form'd against her to shave her and thrust her into a Monastery So that it is not much to be wondred at if Pulcheria when she had the power in her own hands should change some things that had been done against her will and perhaps design'd by the Court on purpose to affront her This then cannot be the wonder and it would vex a man to see one stare and stand agast and yet not be able to find out the subject of the admiration It may be for I will venture to guess once more that the wonder is that the same Pulcheria should condemn Eutyches that had condemn'd Nestorius before But why should we wonder at this in Pulcheria more than in Flavian in Eusebius Doryl and a great many others that did the same thing at that time Nay did not all the world in a manner all the Catholick Church condemn both these Will he say that these are contradictory Doctrines and therefore one must be true and the other false But Mr. B. has determined already that Cyril Nestorius Flavian Eutyches all of them meant the same thing and what wonder then is it if a devout Lady could not find this secret consent of doctrine under appearing contradictions when the learned Bishops could not do it nor after ages nor the subtile distinguishing School-men no nor Derodon himself However since we cannot discern the drift and shrewdness of the observation we ought thankfully to accept what we can understand though that be no great news That Pulcheria that was Empress after her Brothers death was the very same that condemn'd Nestorius in her Brothers reign This profound Remark is immediately follow'd by another of great acuteness p. 100. sect 14. That it was never truer than in the case of general Councils that the multitude of Physicians exasperateth the disease and kills the patient And yet our Author will have these Physicians multiply'd without end If every Congregation have its own Bishop what general agreement can we then expect what unity in a Nation when Bishops are grown so inordinately numerous Since it can be no otherwise than by a consultation of these Physicians that the publick Peace and Unity can be preserv'd Or if this Expedient should fail what other way is there left Our Author comes in here and relieves us in a great strait and offers a remedy more Soveraign than all the Hereticating Councils in the World In short it is this The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the one nature after Vnion the words One Will and one Operation had never done half so much mischief in the Church if the erroneous had been confuted by neglect p 100. sect 14. and Councils had not exasperated enraged and engag'd them and set all the world on taking one side or another It is an admirable way to cure Heresie to neglect it and to preserve the Church by despising such small differences as may be reduced into a Word It was but a word that divided the Arians and the Orthodox It was but the Trinity Servetus said that divided all the World Despise the disputes about this and then Christians Jews and Mahumetans may be comprehended under the same Rule It is but the Import of the word Episcopus that our Dissenters stand so much upon why does not Mr. B. perswade them to despise this Verbal Controversie and study rather to be quiet than to write about it But we find he cannot perswade himself to this otherwise the Shops would have wanted divers books that he hath publisht this year Nay we find that he himself will not be answer'd with Neglect So that we are like to find little benefit of this rare project for confuting the disturbers of the Church For though six of his Books that came out in little more than six months were let pass without any Answer that I know of yet this Patience has been so far from mending his humour that he writes and writes on still runs us down with Repetitions proclaims his own victories and insults over our silence and in short he cannot be more violent and outragious more bitter and malicious under all the provocations imaginable than he is under that Neglect which himself is pleased to prescribe for the cure of them I wish our Author had taken his own advice before this Book was written practic'd this Mortification upon himself And not gone on as he does still to disturb the world with perpetual contentions to no purpose but to shew how much he wants of a Scholar and a Christian But however men may be confuted yet they are seldom convinc'd by neglect and therefore lest that expedient might fail our Projector slurs in another p. 100. ubi supra One skilful healing man that could have explicated ambiguous terms and perswaded men to love and peace until they understood themselves and one another had more befriended Truth Piety and the Church than all the Hereticating Councils did And why may not this skilful man
please But the best of it is that if God permitted a Bishop of so eminent a Church as that of Antioch to fall into Heresie he on the other hand rais'd up Godly and Orthodox Bishops to oppose him and to vindicate not only the Christian Religion but the Order of Episcopacy also which he had dishonour'd For the Neighbour Bishops assembled in the Second Council of Antioch Condemn'd and Depos'd him Dionysius of Alexandria being now very old and unfit for Travel could not be there but writ to him says Theodoret Theod. Haer. Fab. l. 1. Eus l. 7. c. 30. Eusebius cites the Epistle of this Synod that expresly denys that saying that Dionysius of Alexandria had writ to the Council but had not vouchsafed so much as to salute Paulus From which passage Valesius concludes that the Letter of Dionysius to that Heretick Bishop in the Bibliotheca Patrum is forg'd Vales Annot in Eus l. 7. c. 30. notwithstanding Baronius receives it for genuine Now because Mr. B. promises to shew not only Who have been the cause of Heresies c. but also How It will not be impertinent to shew briefly how this Bishop also fell into Heresie It was in short by the way of Comprehension for Zenobia Queen of Palmyrene after her Husbands death being very considerable in the East and being Proselyted to the Jewish Religion for which reason likely Lâ—nginus her Favourite speaks so favourably of Moses this Paul Bishop of Antioch thought that by reducing Christ to be a meer man he might reconcile both Religious and take away the Partition-wall that divided the Jews and Christians nothing being so great an offence to the Jews as that Christ was own'd by his Disciples to be God And thus compliance and vain projects of Comprehension made this man a Heretick But Philastrius is not to be regarded Phil. Haer. 17. Ap. Biblieth Patr. who charges this Bishop with being turn'd Jew and teaching Circumcision and bringing over Zenobia to Judaism Before this time there is another Bishop reckon'd by some Collectors of Heresies as the Author of one Nepos Nepos an Egyptian Bishop who taught out of the Revelation of St. John as he pretended Euseb Hist l. 7. Theod. Haer. Fab. l. 3. that the Saints should live a Thousand years of pleasure here on Earth If this be a Heresie it was much older than this Nepos Just Mart. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 307. Ed. Par. For it was so ancient and so general an opinion that Justin Martyr did not believe they were perfectly Christians that did not believe it For all that were Orthodox did look for the Restauration of Jerusalem and that Christ should reign there gloriously with his Saints a thousand years which he endeavours to prove out of the Revelations and the Book of the Prophet Isaiah Iren. l. 5. c. 33 34 35. Ireneus endeavours to prove the same thing at large and derives the Doctrine from Papias and by him from St. John the Beloved Apostle So that if Nepos prove Heretick for this he is like to find very good company but Author of it he cannot be It is some favour to him that Epiphanius and Philastrius pass him by for I do not remember that either of them mention him However you will say that though he was not the first that taught this Doctrine yet he was the first that divided the Church about it And that is a heavy fault that Mr. B. charges upon the Bishops that they divide the Church about unnecessary nice Speculations But this Nepos is as far if not farther from the Imputation of Schism than that of Heresie For Dionyfius charges him not with Schism but only with writing a book for the Millenary opinion which others afterwards laid a great stress upon and by that means several Churches were divided and some entirely carried away and all this after Nepos his death They might have done the like with Justin Martyr or Irenaeus if they had pleas'd and made the same stir and yet those Fathers not at all concern'd in the Schism this is manifestly the present case there is no account of any Schism made about this point till after this Nepos his death And Dionysius who writes against him thinks himself oblig'd to make his Apology before hand saying that he honour'd the man for many great good qualities and was sorry that he was forc'd to write against his Brother in the defence of Truth And as to the matter of fact it was thus He found in the Region of Arsinoe several Churches distracted about this matter so that they began to make Schisms in several places The Bishops surely must be concern'd where there is any Schism or Heresie they must have a hand in it But here by good fortune no such thing appears Euseb l. 7 here is mention only of Presbyters and Teachers whom this Bishop assembled Presbyters of the Villages and these after some Dispute he at last perswaded to Peace But what became of the Bishop of that Region will you say It may be he was dead and that this Nepos was the man unless one may imagine the Diocess of Alexandria to extend so far for the Country adjoyning to the Lake Mareotes and call'd by that name was part of the Alexandrian Diocess as we have shew'd before out of Athanasius and the Arsinoeites was the next Region to that But however this be our point is sufficiently clear'd that this Nepos was neither Heretick nor Schismatick Nor does it appear that any Bishop was concern'd in that difference save only Dionysius of Alexandria who by his Prudence and Authority did compose it To conclude For the first three hundred years after Christ there is but one Bishop found who was the Author or rather the Reviver of a Heresie and yet Mr. B. looks upon it as a strange thing that there should be a Heresie rais'd by one that was No Bishop The following Ages were not so happy but as Christians generally degenerated so did the Clergy too but yet not so much as our Author would make it appear The beginning of the fourth Century was very unhappy to the Church not only by reason of a most violent Persecution rais'd against it from without but also of Heresies and Schisms from within Meletius an Egyptian Bishop Meletius and the first of that Order that began a Schism forsook the Communion of the Church because they that fell from the Faith under Persecution were receiv'd into it Epiph. as Epiphanius tells his story though others of better Authority give other Reasons that this Bishop had himself deny'd the Faith and being condemn'd by a Synod of Bishops he set up a Schism But of this we have said enough elsewhere Athan. Ap. 2. About the same time started up the Schism of the Donatists Donatus named so from one of their Bishops Aug. de Haeâ—es that lived a good while after the rise of that Faction this was carried
of all the people in the world were the most infamous for Sedition even before they ever had any Bishops 2. That their Bishops did never give any countenance or encouragement to their Sedition The next is the combustion in Constantinople about Chrysostom where Theophilus and Epiphanius were concern'd To this I Answer 1. That these Bishops were indeed the occasion but never intended this tumult or gave their party any incouragement to make this disturbance 2. That what they did although it was very unjust yet it was not done against the civil Government but in complyance with the Emperour 3. That those who began this mutiny were such as favoured Chrysostom but did it against his will and against all his intreaties and observations to the contrary for he conveyed himself away first of all privately to prevent a mutiny and in the whole business he behaved himself so as to indeavour by all means to prevent any mischief He saw the civil power was wrongfully against him and he would not contend but indeavoured to steal away to prevent contention The story of Theophilus his charging Isidore with double Letters that whoever was Conqueror he might apply himself to him in his name is of the same piece with the rest of Socrates his story concerning that Bishop and in all probability an invention of one of the Monks of Nitria He would never have disobliged that man afterwards after such a manner that he had intrusted with such a secret Upon this Mr. B. makes a great outcry What would have been said of one of us now if we had not only complyed with a victorious Tyrant but also juggled with presents and double Letters before hand I did my self disown Oliver Cromwel openly to his death So did John Lilburn So did the Levellers So did the Presbyterians as far as they durst and none of these out of any great affection to their Prince but because they saw things run against their inclination and these had the same quarrel against Cromwel they had before against the King i. e. they could not indure to see the power in any other hands than their own But whatever Mr. B. had with Cromwel to his death It seems he generously forgets it after his death And compares the most barbarous villain in the World to King David in his Epistle to his Son But as for his owning his Son Richard Cromwel because it was given out that he was a Cavalier in his heart will surely find excuse as far as it finds belief The next thing is the Bishops too sudden owning the Barbarian Conquerors Do I need to recite sayes Mr. B. how great Leo himself and other Roman and Italian Bishops owned the Barbarian Conquerors No wonder then if they too early took Theodoricus for their King set over them by God who was a better man than the rest and had at last a better Title The truth is it is not necessary for you to recite this at all because I think their lyes no necessity upon any man to recite that which is not true For how I pray did great Leo himself own the Barbarian Conqueror Vid. Baron ad An. 461. Or who were those that he owned Theodoricus But Leo. was dead a long while before in the year 461. as Baronius or the year before as the Chronicle of Marcellinus fixes it whereas Theodoricus did not invade Itadly till the year 490 Was it Attila that he owned He was indeed a Barbarian Conqueror in Leo's time But how did he own him Attilas when he had laid all Italy wast and was come with his Army before Rome this Bishop is said to have gone out to him Suid Cassiod Chron. Missu Valentiniani Imperatoris sent by the Emperor and prevailed with him to raise the Seige and leave Italy If this be owning Barbarian Conquerors they were very unreasonable that would find fault So Lupus Trecassensis Eusebius of Milan Severinus and several other Bishops of that time prevailed with several of those Barbarous Conquerors to use their victory with moderation and by their intercession saved the lives and fortunes of many thousands But that they flattered these Kings or approv'd of their Titles we do not find But however Leo may escape the Italian Bishops too early took Theodoricus for their King How does Mr. B. conclude that it was too early Had they then any rightful Emperour whose cause they might maintain against this Usurper the Western Empire was now extinct and not so much as the Title remain'd after Augustulus Odoacer had no Title but his Sword and the possession of 13 or 14 years The Eastern Emperor if he had any right he had given it to Theodoricus whom he adopted Jornand de Reb. Get c. 57. adampliandum honorem ejus in arma sibi eumifilium adoptavit c. Annuit quae poscebat dimisit ei populum senatum commendans Rowanum and sent into Italy to drive Odoacer out thence So that if Conquest or resignation can give a Title this King had a sufficient one And besides all this the Western Empire was at that time in such a confusion what by factions within themselves what by invasion of Strangers that it was a very hard matter to know who had the right there being no Law of Succession established and Theodosuis his line being extinct So that this is no parallel with our late Rebellion when there was a lawful King of ancient desent whose right did not depend upon any election of the people to raise War against such a one and to put him to death and own the fact and extol the barbarous Usurper is such an instance not to be parallel'd by any Nation and such as no Christian Sect or Profession out of Popery could have own'd or justified but that of our tender conscience Loyal Protestant Dissenters In the next place we have the story of Theophilus and the Monks of Nitrià which no reasonable man can believe as it is related by Socrates and Sozomen without loving a malicious lye The reasons I have given in another place and do not think it very convenient to repeat them as often as Mr. B. does the story But this is added by way of observation Did ever Presbyterians commit such an Vnchristian Inhuman villany as this by such false dissimulation and Malice Yes much more by the Covenant Who preached up Rebellion under pretence of Religion And destroyed the King under pretence of fighting for him Who sold their Master when they had promised to protect him Were not these Presbyterians But because Mr. B. seems now to have gone over to the Independents he knows much worse can be said of them I am entred upon this much against my inclination being forc'd upon it by the confidence of our Author than which nothing can be more provoking quis tulerit Gracchos de Seditione querentes The next instance is that of Eusebius Samosatenus who when Valens his Officer had brought him an Order
flattering but was compos'd again by the same Person to whose prudence the Unity of that Church is in great measure to be ascribed as the Instrument of the Divine goodness towards them for after his death the peace of those Churches was very much endangered by a new Controversie about Universal Redemption and the Nature of Original sin and the Dissention was not far from a Schism Cameron though he had clear'd himself of all suspition of Heterodoxy at his promotion to the Professourship of Saumur had the bad fortune after his death to fall into suspition of Heresie and his Scholars and followers were brought into no small troubles What had been allow'd by the Synod of Dort as sound Doctrine in the English Divines was now call'd in question in France and what was approv'd in Camero while he was alive Acts Authentiques per Blondel became dangerous and Heretical after his death It is hardly to be imagin'd what great contention this little and to some Imperceptible difference did create or how many Synods it employ'd Amyraldus Dallee Blondel and several others were look'd upon as little better than Hereticks and their Doctrine about Original sin condemn'd in a National Synod at Charenton and an Abjuration of it requir'd by all those that were to enter into holy orders and a stricct Injunction was layd on all Ministers upon pain of all the Censures of the Church not to preach any other wise of this point than according to the Common opinion And all this stir as Blondel deduces it p. 50. was rais'd from little private quarrels between some of the Profesours and from the discontents of the University of Montauban that they of Saumur should be favour'd too much in the distribution of such Pensions as the Churches furnish'd for the maintenance of their Universities and they thought themselves wrong'd and undervalued because their Salaries were less We see that lesser matters than a Bishoprick can sometimes disturb the Church and that others as well as Bishops shops can prosecute their private piques to the hazard of the Publick peace and that there will be contentions where there is no Episcopacy If we Consult the History of the Reform'd Churches in the Vnited Netherlands We shall be farther confirm'd that Heresie Schifm and contention may arise under other forms of Church Government as well as Episcopal and the parity of Ministers cannot remove all occasions of Strise and Disturbance and many eminent men of that Church are said to be very sensible of this truth and to look upon Episcopacy as the most effectual remedy in the world for their Divisions The Church Government of that Country was not establish'd without great trouble and difficulty and occasion'd no small disturbance the Ministers taking an authority to themselves of setling the Church as they thought fit without the consent and Concurrence of the Magistrates The first Synod they held was at Dort assembl'd without the permission of the Civil Authority Brandt Hist vande Reform l. xi where the Heidelberg Catechism was impos'd upon all Ministers and they were farther obliged to subscribe the Netherland Confession and to submit themselves to the Presbyterian Government It seems the Bishops are not the only Church Governours in the world that require subscriptions and Canonical obedience Nor were the Ministers only bound to subscribe but all the Lay Elders and Deacons were to declare Assent and Consent to the Articles of Discipline The Civil Magistrate was very much offended with these Proceedings and would by no means confirm no not so much as take into Consideration the acts of this Synod but said they would take care of Religion themselves and appoint Commissioners to put in and put out Preachers as they should think Expedient and as for their Consistories and Classes they declared they knew of no Power they had The Ministers on the other side Preach'd up their own authority and vilifi'd the States calling them in derision Stakes But the effect of this Contention about Presbyterian Government was very sad for while they were quarreling about Jurisdiction the Spaniards made great Advances and took several Towns in Holland The Synod of Middlebrough An. 1581. Bâ—and 13. was held likewife without the Magistrates leave and the Historian observes that the Eccleslasticks were thought by several to have extended their Jurisdiction here a little too far and to the prejudice of the Civil power Here they distributed their Churches throughout the Country digesting them into Classes and Classes into Synods Here likewise they excluded the Magistrates from any share in the Election of Church Officers and oblig'd all Ministers Elders Deacons Professors of Divinity and School-masters to subscribe the Netherland Confession which was little so known there that several members of this Synod had never seen it and began to enquire what Confession of 37 Articles it was that they talk'd of They order'd likewise that the form of Excommunication should be I deliver thee up to Satan something more harsh than the Anathema's of Bishops and their Councils Here also they condemn'd Kaspers Colhaes Minister of Leyden for unsound Doctrine But he would not stand to the judgment of this Synod that was Judge and Party both and this occasion'd strange disorders in the Church of Leyden which continu'd still a kindness for their Pastor notwithstanding this condemnation and the Excommunication of the Synod at Harlem However prevail'd they so far that he was turn'd out of his Ministry and forc'd to betake himself to a mean employment This caus'd great discontents among the Common people many of them fell off to other opinions and there was no Communion administred in that City for a year and a half and when there was a Communion in the year 82 there were not a hundred persons present at it If these Synods had been Episcopal what Clamour might we have expected What Animadversions But others can disturb the Church as well as Bishops The Synod held at Harlem did but encrease their confusion For by the Excommunication of Colhaes and other proceedings they brought all things to that confusion that the Prince of Orange told the States roundly that unless they took some care to settle the Church which was daily more and more distracted by the Presbyterial Synods they must expect that the Reform'd Religion and their Country would be unavoidably lost They according to his advice empower'd Commissioners to settle the affairs of Religion which establishment the North Holland Ministers in a Synod at Amsterdam publickly protested against At Dort Herman Herberts Minister of the place was accused of having caus'd a Book of D. George to be be printed which he absolutely deny'd and the proceedings were so extraordinary that one of the Commissiners that sate with the Classes upon that occasion said that he had read much of the Spanish Inquisition H. van Nespen but that he never was in any place where he saw so lively and effectual a representation of it as
offering themselves to death he sends them back again desiring them if they had such a passion to dye that they would hang themselves because he had not Executioners enough And at Carthage the number of Christians was so great that they could not have been destroyed without making the City desolate as Tertullian tells Stapula the Governour of the Province If thou shouldest go about to destroy the Christians here what wouldst thou do with so many thousands of people when men and women of all degrees of all ages should offer themselves to the Executioners how many Swords Tertull. l. ad Scap. c. 5. Hoc si placuerit hic furi quid facies de tantis millibus hominum tot viris ac foeminis omnis Sexus omnis â—tatis omnis dignitatis offerentibus se tibi quantis ignibus quantis gladiis opus erit paree tibi si non nobis parce Carthagini si non tibi what fires would be necessary for the Execution of so great a multitude Spare the City by sparing us Nor are we to imagin Carthage to abound more with Christians than the rest of the Empire for the same Author tells us that the whole world was oversprend with Believers and that the Heathen cryed that they had ever run the City and the Country Obsessm vociserantur Civitatem in agris in Castellis in Insulis Christianos omnem sexum 〈◊〉 aâ—â—m dignitatem transgredi ad hoc nomen quasi detrmento moerent Apol. c. 1. and every place was full of Christians that persons of all conditions sexes and age was over to this name Nay so great were their numbers that it was not want of strength but want of will that hindred them from becoming masters of the Empire Loyalty was part of their Religion and that was the reason why they did not force the Government to a Toleration of or a submission to it The barbarous Nations that over-ran the Empire were not near so numerous Plares nimirum Mauri Marcomanni ipsique Parthi omnia vestra implevimus urbes insulas castella municipia contillabula castra ipsa Tribus Decarias Palaâ—ium Senatum forum The Christians had filled all Places their Cities their Towns their Councils their Tribes the Court the Senate and what not and though they had been yet inferiour in number and force yet their contempt of death would render them a very formidable Enemy Nay without Rebellion we might easily ruine our Persecutors should we but withdraw Potuimus inermes nec Rebelles sed tantummodo discordes solius divortii invidia adversus vos dimicasse si enim tanta vis hominum in aliquem orbis remoti sinum abrupissemus à nobis suffudisset vestram dominationem tot qualiumcunque Civium amissio imo etiam ipsa destitutione punisset proculdubio expavissetis ad solitudinem vestram ad silentium rerum stuporem quendam quasi mortuae urbis quaesissâ—tis quibus in ea imperassetis plures bosles quam Civis remansissent nunc autem pauciores hostes habetis prae multitudine Christianorum pene Omnium Civium peâ—e Omnes Cives Christianos habeâ—do Apol. c. 37. and retire to any corner of the World the loss of so many subjects of any kind would unavoidably ruin the Government How you would be astonished at the strange solitude our departure should cause at the silence and stilness of your City as if it had expired by our departure you would be to seek for Subjects to govern and wore enemies than Citizens would remain with you but now your enemies are more inconsiderable by reason of the great multitude of Christians who are your Citizens and almost all your Citizns are Christians And because the Heathens complained that Christian Religion was an enemy to trade and that it would destroy the commerce of the East which depended upon the consumption of Frankincense and Spices in the Temples the Apologist answers that the Arabians sell more for the Christian funerals than they do to the Heathen Temples and the Christian Charity spent more in a street than the Heathen superstition did in a Temple Sciant Sabaei pluris charioris suas merces Christianis sepeliendis profligari quam diis fumigardis Interim plus misericordia nostra insumit vicatim quam vestra Religio Timplatim c. 42. Now the largeness of the Dioceses of those times will appear by comparing the vast multitude of Christians and the small number of Bishops and first no City how great soever had more than one Bishop this is so well known that it would be great impertinence to go about to prove it by instances and I have shewed already how the Fathers were of opinion that there ought to be no more Besides the Bishops of most Cities if not all had a considerable Territory belonging to their jurisdiction which was commonly the Country lying round about their City So Alexandria besides the Ager Alexandrinus which was of very large extent had likewise all the Region called Mareotes containing above an hundred and fifty Villages as Athanasius rightly understood computes them For every Presbyter had ten or more Villages under him Athan. Apol. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Singuli autem Presbyteri pâ—â—prios habent pages â—osque maxemos denos interdum aut plâ—res ex bis apparet singulâ—s Mareotice pages non habuisse snum Presbyterum sed unicum Presbyterum denos pages rexisse atque interdum plures Valesius and probably some Assistants or Curates to take care of some of them This Region alwayes belonged to the Diocess of Alexandria and never had as much as a Chorepiscopus But I have before given a particular account of Rome and Alexandria and therefore I shall say no more here than that there being but one Bishop in each of those Cities his Diocess must be very large and contain several distinct Congregations The African Dioceses which Mr. B. fansies to be no bigger than our Parishes were at first very large till the Schism of the Donatists had divided that Church into small pieces the manner and the reason of this change I shall shew in due place and even then it will appear that there were some very large Bishopricks in Africk Carthage in Tertullians time had an infinite multitude of Christians as we have shewed already and Cyprian who was made Bishop there not long after gives us hints enough of the greatness of his Diocess Tempestas maxima ex parts plebem nostram prostravit ita ut cleri portionem sua strage perstringeret Ep. 6. Multi adbuc de Clero absentes 28. Presbyteri qui illic apud confessores offerunt singuli cum singulis Diaconis per vices alternent quia mutatioâ—ersonarum vicissitudo convenientium minuit invidian Ep. 5. The number of the Clergy there even in time of persecution when he confesses several of them to have fallen away yet even then there were so many Presbyters left in the City that he advises them to