are these Deejus vitae longitudine fabulantur neque enim aut gestatio aut incrementum hinnulorum ejusmodi sunt ut praestent argumentum longaevi animalis that is fables are raised concerning the vivassity of Deere for neither are their gestation or increment such as may afford an argument of long life and these saith Scaliger are good mediums conjunctively taken that is not one without the other For of animalls viviparous such as live long goe long with young and attaine but slowly to their maturitie and stature so the Horse that liveth about thirty arriveth unto his stature about six years and remaineth above nine moneths in the wombe so the Camell that liveth unto fifty goeth with young no lesse then ten moneths and ceaseth not to grow before seaven and so the Elephant that liveth an hundred beareth iâ—'s young above a yeare and arriveth unto perfection at twenty on the contrary the Sheep and Goat which live but eight or ten yeares goe but five moneths and attaine to their perfection at two yeares and the like is observable in Cats Hares and Conies and so the Deere that endureth the wombe but eight moneths and is compleat at six yeares from the course of nature wee cannot expect to live an hundred nor in any proportionall allowance much more then thirty as having already passed two generall motions observable in all animations that is it 's beginning and encrease and having but two more to runne thorow that is it 's state and declination which are proportionally set out by nature in every kinde and naturally proceeding admit of inference from each other The other ground that brings it's long life into suspition is the immoderate salacity and almost unparalleld excesse of venerie which every September may be observed in this Animall and is supposed to shorten the lives of Cockes Partridges and Sparrowes certainely a confessed and undeniable enemie unto longaeuitie and that not onely as a signe in the complexionall desire and impetuositie but also as a cause in the frequent act or iterated performance thereof For though we consent not with that Philosopher who thinks a spermaticall emission unto the waight of one dragme is aequivalent unto the effusion of sixtie ounces of blood yet considering the resolution and languor ensuing that act in some the extenuation and marcour in others and the visible acceleration it maketh of age in most wee cannot but thinke it much abridgeth our dayes although we also concede that this exclusion is naturall that nature it selfe will finde a way hereto without either act or object And although it be placed among the sixe non naturals that is such as neither naturally constitutive nor meerly destructive doe preserve or destroy according unto circumstance yet do we sensibly observe an impotencie or totall privation thereof prolongeth life and they live longest in every kinde that exercise it not at all and this is true not onely in Eunuches by nature but spadoes by Art For castrated animals in every species are longer lived then they which retaine their virilities For the generation of bodies is not effected as some conceive of soules that is by Irradiation or answerably unto the propagation of light without its proper diminution but therein a transmission is made materially from some parts and Ideally from every one and the propagation of one is in a strict acception some minoration of another and therefore also that axiome in Philosophy that the generation of one thing is the corruption of another although it be substantially true concerning the forme and matter is also dispositively verified in the efficient or producer As for more sensible arguments and such as relate unto experiment from these we have also reason to doubt its age and presumed vivacity for where long life is naturall the markes of age are late and when they appear the journey unto death cannot be long Now the age of a Deere as Aristotle long agoe observed is best conjectured by the view or the hornes and teeth from the hornes there is a particular and annuall account unto six yeares they arising first plaine and so successively branching after which the judgement of their yeares by particular markes becomes uncertaine but when they grow old they grow lesse branched and first doe lose their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or propugnacula that is their brow Antlers or lowest furcations next the head which Aristotle saith the young ones use in fight and the old as needles have them not at all The same may be also collected from the losse of their Teeth whereof in old age they have few or none before in either jaw Now these are infallible markes of age and when they appeare wee must confesse a declination which notwithstanding as men informe us in England where observations may well be made will happen between twenty and thirty As for the bone or rather induration of the roots of the arterial veyn and great artery which is thought to be found only in the heart of an old Deere and therefore becomes more precious in its rarity it is often found in Deere much under thirty and wee have knowne some affirme they have found it in one of halfe that age and therefore in that account of Plinie of a Deere with a collar about his necke put on by Alexander the Great and taken alive a hundred years after with other relations of this nature we much suspect imposture or mistake and if we grant their verity they are but single relations and very rare contingencies in individualls not affording a regular diduction upon the species For though Uâ—ysses his Dog lived unto twenty two and the Athenian Mule unto fourscore we doe not measure their dayes by those yeares or usually say they live thus long nor can the three hundred years of John of times or Nestor overthrow the assertion of Moses or afford a reasonable encouragement beyond his septuagenary determination The ground and authority of this conceit was first Hieroglyphicall the Egyptians expressing longaevitie by this animall but upon what uncertainties and also convincible falâ—ities they often erected such emblems we have elsewhere delivered and if that were true which Aristotle delivers of his time and Plinie was not afraid to take up long after the Aegyptians could make but weake observations herein for though it be said that Aeneas feasted his followers with Venison yet Aristotle affiâ—ms that neither Deer nor Boar were to be found in Africa and how far they miscounted the lives and duration of Animals is evident from their conceit of the Crow which they presume to live five hundred yeares and from the lives of Hawkes which as Aelian delivereth the Aegyptians doe reckon no lesse then at seven hundred The second which led the conceit unto the Grecians and probâ—bly descended from the Aegyptians was Poeticall and that was a passage of Hâ—siod thus rendred by Ausonius Ter binos deciesque novem super exit in annâ—s Iusta senes centum
compage of bones wee shall readily discover thaâ— mâ—n and women have foure and twenty ribs that is twelve on each side seven greater annexed unto the Sternon and five lesser which come short thereof wherein if it sometimes happen that either sex exceed the conformation is irregular deflecting from the common rate or number and no more inferrible upon mankinde then the monstrosity of the son of Rapha or the vicious excesse in the number of fingers and toes and although some difference there be in figure and the female â—s inominatum be somewhat more protuberant to make a fayrer cavity for the Infant the coccyx sometime more reflected to give the easier delivery and the ribs themselves seeme a little flatter yet are they equall in number And therefore while Aristotle doubteth the relations made of Nations which had but seven ribs on a side and yet delivereth that men have generally no more then eight as he rejecteth their history so can we not accept of his Anatomy Againe although we concede there wanted one rib in the Sceleton of Adam yet were it repugnant unto reason and common observation that his posterity should want the same for we observe that mutilations are not transmitted from father unto son the blind begetting such as can see men with one eye children with two and criples mutilate in their owne persons do come out perfect in their generations For the seed conveigheth with it not onely the extract and single Idea of every part whereby it transmits their perfections or infirmities but double and over againe whereby sometimes it multipliciously delineates the same as in Twins in mixed and numerous generations And to speake more strictly parts of the seed do seeme to containe the Idea and power of the whole so parents deprived of hands beget manuall issues and the defect of those parts is supplyed by the Idea of others So in one graine of corne appearing similary and insufficient for a plurall germination there lyeth dormant the virtuality of many other and from thence sometimes proceed an hundred eares and thus may bee made out the cause of multiparous productions for though the seminall materialls disperse and separate in the matrix the formative operator will not delineat a part but endeavour the formation of the whole effecting the same as farre as the matter will permit and from devided materials attempt entire formations And therefore though wondrous strange it may not be impossible what is confirmed at Lausdun concerning the Countesse of Holland nor what Albertus reports of the birth of an hundred and fifty and if we consider the magnalities of Generation in some things wee shall not controverâ—â—â— possibilities in others nor easily question that great worke whose wonders are onely second unto those of the Creation and a close apprehension of the one might perhaps afford a glimmering light and crepusculous glance of the other CHAP. III. Of Methâ—selah VVHat hath beene every where opinion'd by all men and in all times is more then Paradoxicall to dispute and so that Methuselah was the longest liver of all the posterity of Adam we quietly beleeve but that he must needs be so is perhaps below Paralogy to deny For hereof there is no determination from the Text wherein it is onely particular'd hee was the longest liver of all the Patriarchs whose age is there expressed but that he outlived all others we cannot well conclude For of those nine whose death is mentioned before the flood the Text expresseth that Enoch was the shortest liver who saw but three hundred sixty five yeares but to affirme from hence none of the rest whose age is not expressed did dye before that time is surely an illation whereto we cannot assent Againe many persons there were in those dayes of longevity of whose age notwithstanding there is no account in Scripture as of the race of Caine the wives of the nine Patriarches with all the sons and daughters that every one begat whereof perhaps some persons might outlive Methuselaâ— the Text intending onely the masculine line of Seth conduceable unto the Genealogy of our Saviour and the ante-diluvian Chronology And therefore we must not contract the lives of those which are left in silence by Moses for neither is the age of Abel expressed in the Scripture yet is he conceived farre elder then commonly is opinion'd and if wee beleeve the conclusion of his Epitaph as made by Adam and so set downe by Salian Posuit maerens pater cui à silio justius positum foret Anno ab ortu rerum 130. ab â—bele nato 129. we shall not need to doubt which notwithstanding Cajetan and others confirme nor is it improbable if wee conceive that Abel was borne in the second yeare of Adam and Seth a yeare after the death of Abel for so it being said that Adam was an hundred and thirty yeares old when he begat Seth Abel must perish the yeare before which was one hundred twenty nine And if the account of Cain extend unto the Deluge it may not bee improbable that some thereof exceeded any of Seth nor is it unlikely in life riches power and temporall blessings they might surpasse â—hem in this world whose lives reâ—erred unto the next for so when the seed oâ— Jacob was under affliction and captivity that of Ismael and 〈…〉 and grew mighty there proceeding from the one â—welve Princes from the other no lesse then foureteene Dukes and â—ight Kings And whereas the age of Cain and his posterity is not delivered in the Text some doe salve it from the secret method of Scripâ—â—e which sometimes wholly omits but seldome or never deliveâ—s the entire duration of wicked and faithlesse persons as is observable in the history of Esau and the Kings of Israel and Judah And thereâ—ore that mention is made that Ismael lived 137. yeares some conceive he adhered unto the faith of Abraham for so did others who were not descended from Jacob for Job is thought to be an Idumean and of the seed of Esau. Lastly although we rely not thereon we will not omit that conceit uâ—ged by learned men that Adam was elder then Methuselah in as much as he was created in thâ— perfect age of Man which was in those dayes fifty or sixty yeares for about that time wee reade that they begat children so that if unto 930. we adde sixty yeares he will exceed Methuselah And therefore if not in length of dayes at least in old age he surpassed others he was older then all who was never so young as any for though hee knew old age he was never acquainted with puberty youth or Infancy and so in a strict account he begat children at one yeare old and if the usuall compute will hold that men are of the same age which are borne within compasse of the same yeare Eve was as old as her husband and parent Adam and Cain their son coetaneous unto both Now that conception that no man did ever attaine
especially if they have the advantage to precede it as sixty againe 63. and 63. again 66. for fewer attaine to the latter then the former and so surely in the first septenarie doe most die and probably also in the very fâ—â—st yeare for all that ever lived were in the account of that yeare beside the infirmities that attend it are so many and the body that receives them so confirmed we scarce count any alive that is not past it Franciscus Paduanius in his worke De catena temporis discoursing of the great Climactericall attempts a numeration of eminent men who dyed in that yeare but in so small a number as not sufficient to make a considerable Induction he mentioneth but foure Diogenes Cynicus Dionysius Heracleoticus Xenocrates Platonicus and Plato as for Dionysius as Censorinus witnesseth hee famished himselfe in the 82. yeare of his life Xenocrates by the testimony of Laertius fell into a cauldron and dyed the same yeare and Diogenes the Cynicke by the same testimony lived almost unto ninetie The date of Platoes death is not exactly agreed on but all dissent from this which he determineth Neanthes in Laertius extendeth his dayes unto 84. Suidas unto 82. but Hermippus defineth his death in 81. and this account seemeth most exact for if as hee delivereth Plato was borne in the 88. Olympiade and dyed in the first yeare of the 108. the account will not surpasse the year of 81. and so in his death he verified the opinion of his life and of the life of man whose Period as Censorinus recordeth he placed in the Quadrate of 9. or 9. times 9. that is 81. and therefore as Seneca delivereth the Magicians at Athens did sacrifice unto him as declaring in his death somewhat above humanity because he dyed in the day of his nativity and without deduction justly accomplished the year of eighty one Bodine I confesse delivers a larger list of men that died in this yeare whose words in his methode oâ— History are these Moriuntur innumerabiles anno sexagesimotertio Aristoteles Chrysippus Bocatius Bernardus Erasmus Lutherus Melancthon Sylvius Alexander Jacobus Sturmius Nicolaus Cusanus Thomas Linacer codem anno Cicero caesus est wherein beside that it were no difficult point to make a larger Catalogue of memorable persons that dyed in other yeares wee cannot but doubt the verity of his Induction as for Silvius and Alexander which of that name he meaneth I know not but for Chrysippus by the testimony of Laertius hee dyed in the 73. year Bocatius in the 62. Linacer the 64. and Erasmus exceeded 7â— as Paulus Jovius hath delivered in his Elogie of learned men and as for Cicero as Plutarch in his life affirmeth he was slain in the year of 64. and therefore sure the question is hard set and we have no easie reason to doubt when great and entire Authors shall introduce injustifiable examples and authorize their assertions by what is not authenticall Fourthly they which proceed upon strict numerations and will by such regular and determined wayes measure out the lives of men and periodically define the alterations of their tempers conceive a regularity in mutations with an equalitie in constitutions and forget that variety which Physitians therein discover For seeing we affirm that women doe naturally grow old before men that the cholerick fall short in longaevitie of the sanguine that there is senium ante senectutem and many grow old before they arive at age we cannot â—o reasonably affixe unto them all one common point of danger but should rather assigne a respective fatality unto each which is concordant unto the doctrine of the numerists and such as maintaine this opinion for they affirme that one number respecteth men another women as Bodin explaining that of Seneca Septimus quisque annus aetati signum imprimit subjoynes hoc de maribus dictum oportuit hoc primum intueri licet perfectum numerum id est saextum faeminas septenarium mores immutare Fiftly since we esteeme this opinion to have some ground in nature and that nine times seven revolutions of the Sunne imprints a dangerous Character on such as arive unto it it will leave some doubt behinde in what subjection hereunto were the lives of our forefathers presently after the flood and more especially before it who attaining unto 8. or 900. yeares had not their Climacters computable by digits or as we doe account them for the great Climactericall was past unto them before they begat children or gave any Testimony of their virilitie for we read not that any begat children before the age of sixtie five and this may also afford a hint to enquire what are the Climacters of other animated creatures whereof the lives of some attaine not so farre as this of ours and that of others extends a considerable space beyond Lastly the imperfect accounts that men have kept of time and the difference thereof both in the same and divers common wealths will much distract the certainty of this assertion for though there were a fatality in this yeare yet divers were and others might bee out in their account aberring severall wayes from the true and just compute and calling that one yeare which perhaps might be another For first they might be out in the commencement or beginning of their accouÌ„t for every man is many moneths elder then he computeth for although we begin the same from our nativitie and conceive that no arbitrary but naturall terme of compute yet for the duration of life or existence wee participate in the wombe the usuall distinctions of time and are not to bee exempted from the account of age and life where we are subject to diseases and often suffer death and therefore Pythagoras Hippocrates Diocles Avicenna and others have set upon us numerall relations and temporall considerations in the wombe not only affirming the birth of the seventh moneth to be vitall that of the eighth mortall but the progression thereto to be measured by rule and to hold a proportion unto motion and formation as what receiveth motion in the seventh is perfected in the Triplicities that is the time of conformation unto motion is double and that from motion unto the birth treble So what is formed the 35. day is moved the seaventy and borne the 210. day and therefore if any invisible causalitie there be that after so many yeares doth â—vidence it selfe at 63. it will be questionable whether its activitie onely set out at our nativitie and begin not rather in the womb wherein we place the like considerations which doth not only entangle this assertion but hath already embroiled the endeavours of Astrology in the erection of Schemes and the judgement of death or diseases for being not incontroulably determined at what time to beging whether at conception animation or exclusion it being indifferent unto the influence of heaven to begin at either they have invented another way that is to beginne ab Hâ—ra quaestionis as Haly Messahallach
tabulas proponunt Cumana Cumeae Erythraeae quâ—si trium diversarum Sibyllarum cum una eademque fuerit Cumana Cumaea Erythraea ex plurium doctissimorum Authorum sententia Boysardus gives us leave to opinion there was no more then one for so doth he conclude In tantâ Scriptorum varictate liberum relinquimâ—s Lectori credâ—re an una eadem in diversis regionibus peregrinata cognomen sortita sit ab iis locis ubi or acula reddidissâ— comperitur an plures extiterint And therefore not discovering a resolution of their number from the pens of the best Writers we have no reason to determine the same from the hand and pencill of Painters As touching their age that they are generally described as young women History will not allow for the Sibyll whereof Virgill speaketh is tearmed by him longava sacerdos and Servius in his Comment amplifieth the same The other that sold the bookes unto Tarquine and whose History is plainer then any by Livie and Gellius is tearmed Anus that is properly no woman of ordinary age but full of yeares and in the dayes of doteage according to the Etymology of Festus and consonant unto the History wherein it is said that Tarquine thought she doted with old age which duly perpended the Licentia pictoria is very large and with the same reason they may delineate old Nestor like Adonis Hecuba with Helens face and Time with Absalons head CHAP. XII Of the Picture describing the death of Cleopatra THe Picture concerning the death of Cleopatra with two Aspes or venemous Serpents unto her armes or breasts or both requires consideration for therein beside that this variety is not excusable the thing it selfe is questionable nor is it indisputably certaine what manner of death she dyed Plutarch in the life of Antonie plainly delivereth that no man knew the manner of her death for some affirmed she perished by poyson which she alwayes carried in a little bollow combe and wore it in her hayre beside there were never any Aspes discovered in the place of her death although two of her maids perished also with her only it was said two small and almost insensible prickes were sound upon her arme which was all the ground that Caesar had to presume the manner of her death Galen who was contemporary unto Plutarch delivereth two wayes of her death that is that shee killed her selfe by the bite of an Aspe or bit an hole in her arme and powred poyson therein Strabo that lived before them both hath also two opinions that she dyed by the byte of an Aspe or else a poysonous oyntment We might question the length of the Aspes which are sometimes described exceeding short whereas the Chersaea or land Aspe which most conceive she used is above foure cubits long their number is not unquestionable for whereas there are generally two described Augustus as Plutarch relateth did carry in his triumph the Image of Cleopatra but with one Aspe unto her arme as for the two pricks or little spots in her arme they rather infer the sex then plurality for like the viper the female Aspe hath foure but the male two teeth whereby it left this impression or double puncture behinde it And lastly we might question the place for some apply them unto her breast which notwithstanding will not consist with the history and Petrus Victorius hath well observed the same but herein the mistake was easie it being the custome in capitall malefactors to apply them unto the breast as the Author De Theriaca ad Pisonem an eye-witnesse hereof in Alexandria where Cleopatra dyed determineth I beheld saith he in Alexandria how suddenly these Serpents bereave a man of life for when any one is condemned to this kinde of death if they intend to use him favourably that is to dispatch him suddenly they fasten an Aspe unto his breast and bidding him walke about he presently perisheth thereby CHAP. XIII Of the Pictures of the nine Worthies THe pictures of the nine Worthies are not unquestionable and to criticall spectators may seeme to containe sundry improprieties Some will enquire why Alexander the Great is described upon an Elephant for indeed we do not finde he used that animall in his Armies much lesse in his owne person but his horse is famous in history and its name alive to this day Beside he fought but one remarkable battaile wherein there were any Elephants and that was with Porus King of India In which notwithstanding as Curtius Arrianus and Plutarch report he was on horseback himselfe and if because hee fought against Elephants he is with propriety set upon their backs with no lesse or greater reason is the same description agreeable unto Judas Maccabeus as may be observed from the history of the Maccabees and also unto Julius Caesar whose triumph was honoured with captive Elephants as may be observed in the order thereof set forth by Iacobus Laurus and if also wee should admit this description upon an Elephant yet were not the manner thereof unquestionable that is in his ruling the beast alone for beside the champion upon their back there was also a guide or Ruler which sate more forward to command or guide the beast Thus did King Porus ride when hee was overthrowne by Alexander and thus are also the towred Elephants described Maccab. 2. 6. Upon the beasts there were strong towres of wood which covered every one of them and were girt fast unto them by devices there were also upon every one of them thirty two strong men beside the Indian that ruled them Others will demand not onely why Alexander upon an Elephant but Hector upon an Horse whereas his manner of fighting or presenting himselfe in battaile was in a Chariot as did the other noble Trojans who as Pliny affirmeth were the first inventers thereof the same way of fight is testified by Diodorus and thus delivered by Sir Walter Raleigh Of the vulgar little reckoning was made for they fought all on foote slightly armed and commonly followed the successe of their Captaines who roade not upon horses but in Chariots drawne by two or three horses and this was also the ancient way of fight among the Britaines as is delivered by Diodorus Caesar and Tacitus and there want not some who have taken advantage hereof and made it one argument of their orginall from Troy Lastly by any man versed in Antiquity the question can hardly be avoyded why the horses of these Worthies especially of Caesar are described with the furniture of great sadles and styrrops for sadles largely taken though some defence there may be yet that they had not the use of stirrops seemeth out of doubt as Pancirollus hath observed as Polydore Virgil and Petrus Victorius have confirmed expresly discoursing hereon as is observable from Pliny and cannot escape our eyes in the ancient monuments medals and Triumphant arches of the Romanes Nor is there any genuine or classick word in Latine to expresse them for
seen the expire of Daniels prediction as some conceive he accomplished his Revelation But besides this originall and primary foundation divers others have made impressions according unto different ages and persons by whom they were received for some established the conceit in the disciples and brethren which were contemporary unto him or lived about the same time with him and this was first the extraordinary affection our Saviour â—aâ—e unto this disciple who hath the honour to bee called the disciple whom Iesus loved Now â—om hence they might be apt to beleeve their Mâ—ster would dispencâ— with his death or suffer him to live â—o see him returne in glory who was the onely Apostle that beheld him to dyâ— in dishonour Another waâ— the beliefe and opinion of those times that Christ would suddâ—nly come for they held not geâ—â—ally â—he same opinion with their successors or as descending ages after so many Centuâ—ies but conceived his comming would not be long after his passion according unto severall expressions of our Saviour grossely understood and as we â—â—â—de the same opinion not long after reprehended by St. Paul and thus conceiving his comming would not be long they might be induced to believe his favourite should live unto it Lastly the long liâ—e of Iohn might much advantage this opinion for he survived the other Twelve he was aged 22 yeares when he was called by Christ and 25 that is the age of Priesthood at his death and lived 93 yeares that is 68 after his Saviour and dyed not before the second yeare of Trajane Now having outlived all his fâ—llows the world was confirmed he might live still and even 〈◊〉 the comming of his Master The grounds which promoted it in succeeding ages were especially two the the first his escape of Martyrdome for whereas all the rest suffered some kinde of forcible death we have no history that he suffered any and men might thinke he was not capable thereof for so as History hath related by the command of Domitian he was cast into a Cauldron of burning oyle and came out againe unsinged Now future ages apprehending hee suffered no violent death and finding also the means that tended thereto could take no place they might bee confirmed in their opinion that death had no power over him and easily beleeve he might live alwayes who could not be destroyed by fire and resist the fury of that Element which nothing shall resist The second was a corruption crept into the Latine Text reading for Si Sic eum manere volo whereby the answer of our Saviour becommeth positive or that he will have it so which way of reading was much received in former ages and is still retained in the vulgar Translation but in the Greek original the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying Si or if which is very different from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cannot bee translated for it and answerable hereunto is the translation of Iunius and Tâ—emellius and that also annexed unto the Greeke by the authority of Sixtus quintus The third confirmed it in ages farther descending and proved a powerfull argument unto all others following that in his tombe at Ephesus there was no corps or relique thereof to be found whereupon arised divers doubts and many suspitious conceptions some beleeving he was not buried some that he was buried but risen againe others that he descended alive into his tombe and from thence departed after But all these proceeded upon unveritable grounds as Barooius hath observed who alledgeth a letter of Celestine Bishop of Rome unto the Councell of Ephesus wherein he declareth the reliques of John were highly honoured by that City and a passage also of Chrysostome in the Homilies of the Apostles That John being dead did cures in Ephesus as though he were still alive And so I obseâ—ve that Esthius discussing this point concludeth hereupon Quod corpus â—jus nunquam reperiatur hoc non diserent si veterum scripta diligenter perlustrassent Now that the first ages after Christ those succeeding or any other should proceed into opinions so farre devided from reason as to thinke of Immortality after the fail of Adam or conceit a man in these later times should out-live our fathers in the first although it seeme very strange yet is it not incredible for the credulity of men hath beene deluded into the like conceits and as Ireneus and Tertullian have made mention one Menander a Samaritan obtained beliefe in this very point whose doctrine it was that death should have no power on his disciples and such as received his bâ—ptisme should receive Immortality â—herewith 'T was surely an apprehension very strange nor usually falling either from the absurdities of Melancholy or vanities of ambition some indeed have been so â—ffectedly vaine as to counterfeit Immortality and have stolne their death in a hope to be esteemed immortall and others have conceived themselves dead but surely few or none have falne upon so bold an errour as not to thinke that they could dye at all The reason of those mighty ones whose ambition could suffer them to be called 〈◊〉 would never be flattered into Immortality but the proudest 〈◊〉 have by the daylie dictates of corruption convinced the impropriety of that appellation And surely although delusion may runne high and possible it is that for a while a man may forget his nature yet cannot this be durable for the inconcealeable imperfections of our selves or their dayly examples in others will hourely prompt us our corruptions and lowdly tell us we are the sons of earth CHAP. XI More compendiously of some others MAny others there are which we resigne unto Divinity and perhaps deserve not controversie Whether David were punished onely for pride of heart in numbring the people as most doe hold or whether as Josephus and many maintaine he suffered also for not performing the commandement of God concerning capiâ—ation that when the people were numbred 〈…〉 they should pay unto God a shâ—kell we shall not here contâ—nd Surely if it were not the occasion of this plague wee must acknowledgâ— the omission thereof was threatned with that punishment according to â—he words of the Law When thou takest the summe of the children of Israel then shall they give every man a ransome for his soule unto the Lord that there be no plague amongst them Now how deepely hereby God was defrauded in the time of David and opulent State of Israel will easily appeare by the summes of former 〈◊〉 For in the first the silver of them thaâ— were numbred was an hundred Talents and a thousand seven hundred threescore and 〈…〉 We will not question the 〈…〉 of Lots wife or whether she were transformed into 〈…〉 though some conceive that expression Metaphoricall 〈…〉 thereby then a lasting and durable columne according 〈…〉 of salt which admitteth no corruption in which 〈…〉 of God is termed a Covenant of Salt and it is also said God 〈◊〉 the kingdome unto David
that in strict account Joram was the Abavus or grandfather twice removed and not the father of Ozias and these omitted descents made a very considerable measure of time in the Royall chronology of Judah for though Azariah reigned but one yeare yet Joas reigned forty and Amazias no lesse then nine and twenty However therefore these were delivered by the Evangelist and carry no doubt an incontroulable conformity unto the intention of his delivery yet are they not appliable unto precise numerality nor strictly to be drawne unto the rigid test of numbers Lastly though many things have beene delivered by Authors concerning number and they transferred unto the advantage of their nature yet are they oftimes otherwise to be understood then as they are vulgarly received in active and causall considerations they being many times delivered Hieroglyphically metaphorically illustratively and not with reference unto action or causality True it is that God made all things in number weight and measure yet nothing by them or through the efficacy of either Indeed our dayes actions and motions being measured by time which is but motion measured what ever is observable in any falls under the account of some number which notwithstanding cannot be denominated the cause of those events and so doe we injustly assigne the power of Action even unto Time it self nor doe they speake properly who say that Time consumeth all things for Time is not effective nor are bodies destroyed by it but from the action and passion of their Elements in it whose account it onely affordeth and measuring out their motion informes us in their periods and termes of their duration rather then effecteth or physically produceth the same A second consideration which promoteth this opinion are confirmations drawne from Writers who have made observations or set downe favourable reasons for this climacteriall yeare so have Henricus Ranzovius Baptista Codrâ—nchus and Levinus Lemnius much confirmed the same but above all that memorable Letter of Augustus sent unto his Nephew Caius wherein he encourageth him to celebrate his nativitie for he had now escaped 63. the great Climactericall and dangerous yeare unto man which notwithstanding rightly perpended it can be no singulaâ—ity to question it nor any new Paradox to deny it For fiâ—st it is implicitely and upon consequence denyed by Aristotle in his Politicks in that discourse against Plato who measured the vicissitude and mutation of States by a periodicall fatality of number Ptolomie that famous Mâ—thematician plainly saith he will not deliver his doctrines by pâ—rts and numbers which are ineffectuall and have not the nature of causes now by these numbers saith Rhodiginus and Mirandula he implyeth Climactericall years that is septenaries and novenaries set downe by the bare obseâ—vation of numbers Censoriâ—us an Author of great authority and sufficient antiquitie speakes yet more amply in his booke De die Natali wherein exprâ—sly treating of Climactericall dayes hee thus delivereth himselfe Some maintaine that 7. times 7. that is 49. is most dangerous of any other and this is the most generall opinion others unto 7. times 7. adde 9. times 9. that is the yeare of 81. both which consisting of square and quadrate numbers were thought by Plato and others to bee of great consideration as for this year of 63. or 7. times 9. though some esteeme it of most danger yet do I conceive it lesse dangerous then the other for though it containeth both numbers above named that is 7. and 9. yet neither of them square or quadrate and as it is different from them both so is it not potent in either Nor is this yeare remarkable in the death of many famous men I finde indeed that Aristotle dyed this yeare but hee by the vigour of his minde a long time sustained a naturall infirmitie of stomack that it was a greater wonder he attained unto 63. then that he lived no longer The Psalme of Moses hath mentioned a yeare of danger differing from all these and that is ten times 7. or seventie for so it is said The dayes of Man are threescore and ten and the very same is affirmed by Solon as Herodotus relates in a speech of his unto Câ—aesus Ego annis septuaginta humanae vitae modum definio and surely that yeare most be of greatest danger which is the Period of all the rest and â—ewest safely passe thorow that which is set as a bound for few or none to passe and therefore the consent of elder times setling their conceits upon Climacters not onely differing from this of ours but an another though severall nations and ages do â—ancy unto themselves different years of danger yet every one expects the same event and constant veritie in either Againe though Varro divided the dayes of man into five portions Hippocrates into 7. and Solon into ten yet probably their divisions were to be received with latitude and their considerations not strictly to be confined unto their last unities So when Varro extendeth Pâ—eritia unto 15. Adolescentia unto 30. Iuventus unto 35. there is a large latitude betweene the termes or Periods of compute and the veritie holds good in the accidents of any yeeres betweene them So when Hippocrates divideth our life into 7. degrees or stages and maketh the end of the first 7. of the second 14. of the third 28. of the fourth 35. of the fift 47. of the sixt 56. and of the seventh the last yeare when ever it happeneth herein we may observe he maketh not his divisions precisely by 7. and 9. and omits the great Climactericall beside there is between every one at least the latitude of 7. yeares in which space or intervall that is either in the third or fourth yeere what ever falleth out is equally verified of the whole degree as though it had happened in the seventh Solon divided it into ten Septenaries because in every one thereof a man received some sensible mutation in the first is Dedentition or falling of teeth in the second Pubescence in the third the beard groweth in the fourth strength prevailes in the fift maturitie for issue in the sixth Moderation of appetite in the seventh Prudâ—nce c. Now herein there is a tolerable latitude and though the division proceed by 7 yet is not the totall veritie to be restrained unto the last year nor constantly to be expected the beard should be compleat at 21. or wisedome acquired just in 49. and thus also though 7. times 9. containe one of those septenaries and doth also happen in our declining yeares yet might the events thereof be imputed unto the whole septenarie and be more reasonably entertained with some latitude then strictly reduced unto the last number or all the accidents from 56. imputed unto 63. Thirdly although this opinion many seeme confirmed by observation and men may say it hath been so observed yet we speake also upon experience and doe beleeve that men from observation will collect no satisfaction that other yeares may be taken against it
by Moses who distinctly sets downe this account computing by certaine intervalls by memorable Ara's Epoche's or tearms of time Aâ— from the creation unto the floud from thence unto Abraham from Abraham unto the departure from Aegypt c. Now in this number have only beene Samaritans Jews and Christians for the Jews they agree not in their accounts as Bodine in his method of history hath observed out of Baal Seder Rabbi Nassom Gersom and others in whose compute the age of the world is not yet 5400. yeares and the same is more evidently observable from two most learned Jewes Philo and Josephus who very much differ in the accounts of time and variously summe up these intervalls assented unto by all Thus Philo from the departure out of Aegypt unto the building of the Temple accounts but 920. yeares but Josephus sets downe 1062. Philo from the building of the Temple to its destruction 440 Josephus 470 Philo from the creation to the destruction of the Temple 3373 but Josephus 3513 Philo from the deluge to the destruction of the Temple 1718 but Josephus 1913 in which computes there are manifest disparities and such as much divide the concordance and harmony of times But for the Samaritans their account is different from these or any others for they account from the Creation to the Deluge but 1302 yeares which commeth to passe upon the different accounâ— of the ages of the Patriarks set downe when they begat children For whereas the Hebrew Greek and Latine texts account Jared 162 when he begat Enoch they account but 62 and so in others Now the Samaritans were no incompetent judges of times and the Chronologie thereof for they embraced the five bookes of Moses and it seemeth preserved the Text with far more integrity then the Jews who as Tertullian Chrysostome and others observe did severall wayes corrupt the same especially in passages concerning the prophesies of Christ so that as Jerome professeth in his translation he was faine sometime to relieve himselfe by the Samaritane Pentateuch as amongst others in that Text Deuteronomy 27 Maledictus omnis qui non permansâ—rit in omnibus quae scripta sunt in libro Legis From hence St. Paul Gal. 3. inferreth there is no justification by the Law and urgeth the Text according to the Septuagint Now the Jewes to afford a latitude unto them selves in their copies expunged the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Syncategorematicall terme omnis wherein lyeth the strength of the Law and of the Apostles argument but the Samaritan Bible retained it right and answerable unto what the Apostle had urged As for Christians from whom wee should expect the exactest and most concurring account there is also in them a manifest disagreement and such as is not easily reconciled For first the Latins accord not in their account for to omit the calculation of the Ancients of Austin Bede and others the Chronology of the Modernes doth manifestly dissent for Josephus Scaliger whom Helvicus seemes to follow accounts the Creation in 765. of the Julian period and from thence unto the nativity of our Saviour alloweth 3947. yeares But Dionysius Petavius a learned Chronologer dissenteth from this compute almost 40. yeares placing the Creation in the 730. of the Julian period and from thence unto the Incarnation accounteth 3983. yeares For the Greeks their accounts are more anomalous for if wee recurre unto ancient computes we shall finde that Clemens Alexandrinus an ancient Father and preceptor unto Origen accounted from the Creation unto our Saviour 5664. yeares for in the first of his Stromaticks he collecteth the time from Adam unto the death of Commodus to be 5858. yeares now the death of Commodus he placeth in the yeare after Christ 194. which number deducted from the former there remaineth 5664. Theophilus Bishop of Antioch accounteth unto the nativity of Christ 5515. deduceable from the like way of compute for in his first booke ad Antolycum he accounteth from Adam unto Aurelius Verus 5695. yeares now that Emperour dyed in the yeare of our Lord 180. which deducted from the former sum there remaineth 5515. Julius Africanus an ancient Chronologer accounteth somewhat lesse that is 5500. Eusebius Orosius and others dissent not much from this but all exceed five thousand The latter compute of the Greeks as Petavius observeth hath been reduced unto two or three accounts The first accouâ—t unto our Saviour 5501. and this hath beene observed by Nicephorus Theophanes and Maximus the other accounts 5509. And this of all at present is most generally received by the Church of Constantinople observed also by the Moscovite as I have seene in the date of the Emperours letters wherein this yeare of ours 1645. is from the yeare of the world 7154. which doth exactly agree unto this last account 5509. for if unto that summe be added 1645. the product will be 7154. by this Chronology are many Greeke Authors to be understood and thus is Martinus Crusius to be made out when in his Turcograecian history he delivers the City of Constantinople was taken by the Turks in the yeare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is 6961. and thus unto these Chronologists the Prophecy of Elias the Rabbin so much in request with the Jews and in some credit also with Christians that the world should last but six thousand yeares unto these I say it hath beeâ—e long and out of memory disprovâ—l for the â—aâ—â—aticall and 7000. yeare wherein the world should 〈…〉 on the seventh day unto them is long agoe 〈◊〉 they are proceeding in the eight thousand yeare and numbers 〈…〉 days which men have made the types and shadows of 〈…〉 certainly what Marcus Leo the Jew conceaveth of the end of the heavâ—ns exceedeth the account of all that ever shall be for though 〈◊〉 conâ—eaveth the Elementall 〈◊〉 shall end in the seventh or 〈◊〉 millenary yet cannot he opinion the heavens and more durable part of the Creation shall perish beforâ— seen times seven or 49. thâ—t is the Quadrant of the other seven and perfect Jubilie of thousands And thus may we observe the difference and wide dissent of mens 〈…〉 â—nd there by the great incertainty in this establishment The 〈…〉 onely dissenting from the Samaritans the Latins from 〈…〉 every one from another insomuch that all can be in â—he right it is impossible that any one is so not with assurance deâ—â—â—minable and therefore as Petavius confesseth to effect the same exactly without inspiration it is impossible and beyond the 〈…〉 but God himselfe And therefore also what satisfaction 〈…〉 obtained from those violent disputes and eager enquiâ—ers in what day of the month the world began either of March or October 〈…〉 what face or position of the Moone whether at the prime 〈…〉 let our second and serious considerations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reason and ground of this dissent is the â—â—happy 〈…〉 the Greek and â—ebrew editions of the Bible for unto these two Languages have all Translations conformed the holy Scripâ—ure
of Lydia now doth dresse The sent thereof 〈◊〉 in my nostrills hover From brazen pot closed with brazen cover Hereby indâ—ed he acquiâ—ed much wealth and more honour and was reputed by Craesuâ— as a Diety and yet not long after by a vulgar fallacie he deceived his favourite and greatest friend to Oracles into an irrepâ—â—able overthrow by Cyrus And surely the same successe are liâ—ely all to have that 〈◊〉 or depend upon him 't was the first play he practised on mortaliâ—â—y aâ—d as time hath rendred him more perfect in the Art so hath the invâ—teratenesse of his malice more ready in the execution 'T is therefore the soveraigne degree of folly and a crime not onely against God but also our owne reasons to expect a favour from the Divell whose mercies are more cruell then those of Polyphemus for hee devours his favourites first and the nearer a man â—pproacheth the sooner he is scorched by Moloch In briefe his favours 〈◊〉 deceitfull and double headed he doth apparent good for reall and convincing evill after it and exalteth us up to the top of the Temple but to humble us downe from it CHAP. XIII Of the death of Aristotlâ— THat Aristotle drowned himselfe in Euripus as despairing to resolve the cause of its reciprocation or ebbe and flow seven times a day with this determination Si quidem ego non capio te tu capies me was the assertion of Procopius Naziaâ—zen Iustine Martyr and is generally beleeved amongst us wherein because we perceive men have 〈◊〉 an imperfect knowledge some conceiving â—uripus to be a River others not knowing where or in what part to place it wee first advertise it generally signifieth any strait fret or channell of the Sea running betweene two shoares as Julius Pollux hath defined it as wee reade of Euripus Hellespontiacus Pyrrhaeus and this whereof we treat Euripus Euboicus or Chalcidicus that is a narrow passage of Sea deviding Atticâ— and the Island of Eubaeâ— now called Colâ—o de Negroponte from the name of the Island and chiefe City thereof famous in the warres of Antiochus and was taken from the Venetians by Mahomeâ— the great Now that in this Euripe oâ— fret of Negropont and upon the occasion mentioned Aristotle drowned himselfe as many affirme and almost all beleeve we have some roome to doubt For without any mention of this we finde two wayes delivered of his death by Diogenes Laertius who expresly treateth thereof the one from Eumolus and Phavoâ—inus that being accused of impiety for composing an Hymne unto Hermias upon whose Concubine he begat his sonne Nichomachuâ— he withdrew into Chalcis where drinking poyson he dyed the Hymne is extant in Laertius and the fifteenth booke of Athenaeus Another by Apollodorus that he dyed at Chalcis of a naturall death and languishment of stomack in his sixty three or great Climactericall year and answerable hereto is the account of Suidas and Censorinus Againe beside the negative of Authority it is also deniable by reason nor will it be easie to obtrude such desperate attempts unto Aristotle upon a non ability or unsatisfaction of reason who so often acknowledged the imbecility thereof who in matters of difficulty and such which were not without abstrusities conceived it sufficiant to deliver conjecturalities and surely he that could sometimes sit downe with high improbabilities that could content himselfe and thinke to satisfie others that the variegation of Birds was from their living in the Sunne or erection made by deliberation of the Testicles would not have beene dejected unto death with this He that was so well acquainted with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 utrum and An Quia as we observe in the Queries of his Problemes with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fortasse and plerumque as is observable through all his Workes had certainely rested with probabilities and glancing conjectures in this Nor would his resolutions have ever runne into that mortall Antanaclasis and desperate piece of Rhetorick to be compriz'd in that he could not comprehend Nor is it indeed to bee made out he ever endeavoured the particular of Euripus or so much as to resolve the ebbe and flow of the Sea For as Vicomercatus and others observe he hath made no mention hereof in his Workes although the occasion present it selfe in his Meteors wherein hee disputeth the affections of the Sea nor yet in his Problemes although in the twenty third Section there be no lesse then one and 〈◊〉 Qâ—eries of the Sea some mention there is indeed in a Worke 〈◊〉 the propriety of Elements ascribed unto Aristotle which notwithâ—â—anding is not reputed genuine and was perhaps the same whence this was urged by Plutarch De placitis Philoso phorum Lastly the thing it selfe whereon the opinion dependeth that is the variety of the flâ—x and reflux of Euripus or whether the same doe ebbe and flow seven times a day is not incontrovertible and for my own part I remaine unsatisfied therein For though Pomponius Mela and after him Solinus and Pliny have affirmed it yet I observed Thucâ—dides who speaketh often of Eubaea hath omitted it Pausanias an ancient Writer who hath left an exact description of Greece and in as particular a way as Leandro of Italy or Cambden of Great Britaine describing not only the Country Townes and Rivers but hils springs and houses hath left no mention hereof Aeschines in Câ—esiphon onely alludeth unto it and Strabo that accurate Geographer spâ—akes warily of it that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and as men commonly reported And so doth also Maginus Velocis ac varii fluctus est mare ubi quater in die aut septies ut 〈◊〉 dicunt reciprocantur aestus Botero more plainely I l mar cresce e cala con un impeâ—o mirabile quâ—tro volte il di ben che communimente se dica sette volte c. This Sâ—a with wondrous impetuosity ebbeth and floweth foure times a day although it be commonly said seven times and generally opinion'd that Aristotle despairing the reason drowned himselfe therein In which description by foure times a day it exceâ—ds not in number the motion of other Seas taking the words properly that is twice â—bbing and twice flowing in foure and twenty howres and is no more then what Thomaso Porrcacchi affirmeth in his description of famous Islands that twice a day it hath such an impetuous â—loud as is not without wonder Livy speakes more particulaâ—ly Haud facile infestior classistatio est fretum ipsum Euripi non septies die siâ—ut fama fert temporihus certis reciprocat sed temere in modum venti nunc huc nuncjillve verso mari velut monte praecipiti devolutus torrens rapitur There is hardly a worse harbour the fret or channell of Euripus not certainely ebbing or flowing seven times a day according to common report but being uncertainely and in the manner of a winde carried hither and thither is whirled away as