a thing in it selfe popular hee handled and ordered with such dexteritie that by curing their bodies their minds also and hearts were much sooner gained and reconciled to their Generall And nothing made more for the speedie recoverie of their health than their thankefull acceptation of that care and diligence of his When he had thus refreshed and repaired his armie hee encountred once againe the enemie with assured hope of himselfe and his soldiours to obtaine a finall victorie and so discomfited and put them to flight that the Samnites after that day durst never fight againe with the Dictator Then the victorious armie marched as any hope of bootie pillage guided and directed them and as they overran their enemies countrie they found no force nor resistance either in open shew or covert ambush This also encouraged them the more and cheered their hearts for that the Dictatour had by proclamation given away the whole spoile among the souldiours so that their privat gaine whet them on against their enemie no lesse than the common anger and publicke quarrell The Samnites tamed and subdued by these losses and overthrowes sued to the Dictatour for peace with whom they capitulated and made offer to allow unto everie soldiour one liverie and the full wages of one yeare But being commaunded to goe to the Senate they made answere That they would accompanie the Dictatour recommending and putting their cause and whole estate to his faithfull protection to his vertue and goodnesse onely Thus the armie was withdrawne from the Samnites the Dictatour with triumph entred the citie and when he would have resigned up the Dictatourship the Senate ordained That before hee gaue over hee should create Consuls So C. Sulpitius Longus the second time and Q. Aemylius Caeretanus were elected The Samnites not having concluded peace for that they varied about the conditions and were to treat farther thereupon yet brought with them from the citie of Rome truce for a year Which they observed not faithfully so soone were their stomackes up againe to make warre after they had intelligence that Papyrius was out of government Whiles C. Sulpitius and Q. Aemylius or Aulius as some Chronicles have were Consuls besides the revolting of the Samnites there arose a new warre also from the Apulians Both waies was there a power sent Sulpitius his lot was to go against the Samnites and Aemylius against the Apulians Some write that upon the Apulians themselves no warre was made but contrariwise that the confederate States of that Nation were defended from the violence wrongs of the Samnits Howbeit the low estate of the Samnites at that time hardly able to maintain and defend themselves maketh it more likely and credible that the Apulians were not warred upon by them but that the Romanes made war with both Nations at once But no memorable act or exploit was there performed onely the Apulian countrie and Samnium was wasted and the enemies no where at all to be found But at Rome there happened a scare by night which raised every man so suddainely out of their first sleepe and so affrighted the citie that presently at one instant the Capitoll and the Castle the wals and gates were full of armed men And when as from all places there was running and crying al'arme the morrow morning at the breake of day there appeared neither authour nor cause of this feare The same yeare the Tusculanes were judicially convented before the people of Rome by processe and that by a law that Flavius preferred This M. Flavius Tribune of the Commons exhibited a bill of enditement to the people that some punishment might be inflicted upon the Tusculanes For that through their assistance and counsell the Veliternes and Privernates had taken armes against the people of Rome The Tusculanes with their wives children resorted to Rome Which multitude having changed their apparrell clad in poore array and habit as prisoners at the barre went about from Tribe to Tribe falling downe upon their knees to everie man Whereupon pitie prevailed more to obtaine pardon of punishment than the goodnesse of their cause to the purging of their guilt So all the Tribes except Pollia disanulled and made void the enditement aforesaid But the sentence of the Tribe Pollia was That as many as were of age and undergrowne to wit fourteen yeare old upward should be skourged and put to death Item That their wives and children by martiall law should be sold in open port-sale And for certaine it is reported that the Tusculanes tooke so deepe an anger against the authors of so hard a Censure and cruell doome that they have caried it in mind even to our fathers daies For in dispite thereof no candidate or competitour for an office of the Tribe Pollia was ever woont to get the voices of the Tribe Papyria The yeare following whiles Q. Fabius and L. Fulvius were Consuls A. Cornelius Arvina Dictatour and M. Fabius Ambustus Generall of horse having taken a streighter levie of soldiours than ordinarie for feare of a greater warre in Samnium for it was reported that the whole manhood and floure of the youth were taken up and waged out of the countries adjoining lead forth a goodly and puissant armie against the Samnites But they pitched their camp so carelesly in the enemies ground as if the enemie had been farre of and the Samnite legions came on a suddaine so proudly that they set forward the trench and rampier and encamped close to the Corps de gard of the Romanes Howbeit they night approched so fast that they were hindred for assailing the campe but they gaue it out plainly they would do it the morrow after by day light The Dictator seeing that he must fight neerer than he expected or hoped for feare least the streightnes and disadvantage of the ground might prejudice and hinder the valliancie of his soldiours leaving fires thicke burning in the campe for to disappoint the sight of the enemies in the still night with silence leadeth forth his legions but yet could he not for the neernesse of their camp escape but be espied of them The horsemen forthwith followed upon them in the taile and preased hard upon the armie in their march yet in such sort that before it was day they would not fight nay the verie footmen were not all yssued out of the campe before day light At length when it was broad day the horsemen adventured to charge upon the Romanes and partly by playing upon the taile of the hinmost and partly by skirmishing in places that were hard to be passed over they hindered their march and kept them behind In the meane while their Infanterie also overtooke the Cavallerie so as now the Samnites with all their forces came upon them The Dictatour seeing he could not go farther without his great losse and disadvantage commanded his men to fortifie even in that very place where he stood but for as much as the light horsemen of his enemies were
battailons Neither were all the Numidians placed in the right flanke but such as after the guise and manner of Vaulters led two horses apeece and used often times in the mids of the hottest conflict to leape armed as they were from their wearied horse to another fresh one So nimble are they themselves and so tâ—actable and well taught to their hands are their horses Thus stood they arranged on both sides in order of battaile The Captains of either part for hopes in manner nothing unequall for neither in number or qualitie of souldiours was there any great oddes betweene them Marie for courage and heart there was great difference and inequallitie in the souldiours themselves For the Romanes notwithstanding they fought farre from home were so persuaded by their leaders that they fought for Italie and the cittie of Rome and therefore as if the whole hope of their safe returne into their countrie were to be tried and decided in this one battaile they resolved either to winne the day or do die for it On the other side the soldiours were not so resolute for most of them being Spaniards would have chosen rather to bee conquered and overcome in Spaine than with conquest and victorie to be drawne into Italie And therefore at the first shocke when scarcely the darts and javelins were lanced let flie their maine battaile reculed and so soone as the Romanes with great violence redoubled the charge they turned their backes and fled Howbeit in both flankes the fight was hote enough The Carthaginians of the one side the Affricans on the other charged the Romans very hard and fought sore against them as if they had them invironed round about within their battailons But when as the whole power of the Romanes were once rallied and gathered togither in the mids they were strong enough to remove and set backe the wings of the enemies So they maintained fight in two divers places at once But both in the one the other the Romames after they had discomfited the maine battaile in the mids were no doubt much better as well in number and also in strength and vigour of men Many a tall fellowe was there slaine And had not the Spaniards at the first when the battaile was scarce begun fled amaine by heapes very few of the whole battaile had escaped and remained alive The horsemen fought little or not at all For the Moores and Numidians so soone as they espied the battaile to shrink and loose ground presently all on a suddaine fled as fast as they could left the sides flankes of the said battaile naked driving afore them the Elephants withall And even Asdruball himself who mainteined the medley to the very last escaped with some few out of the thickest massacre and execution The Romanes tooke their campe and rifled it This battaile was of such import and consequence that it caused all the Spaniards who were before but wavering to turne wholly to the Romanes and left Asdruball no hope at all to passe with his forces into Italie not so much as to make abode with safetie in Spaine The newes hereof being bruited abroad and sent to Rome by the letters of the two Scipions great joy there was not so much for the victorie as because Asdruball was tied by the foot and staied for comming into Italie Amids these exploites in Spaine Petelia a citie of the Brutij having endured the siege and many assaults for certaine moneths was finally won by Himilco one of Anniball his captaines But that victorie cost the Carthaginans much bloud and manya sore wound No force nor violence overcame the besieged Petelians more than very famine For having consumed and eaten up all food of corne all flesh of foure footed beasts whatsoever they were driven at length to feede and live upon shoomakers lether weeds and roots tender barkes of trees the crops of briers and brambles and they gave not over so long as they were able to stand on their legs upon the walles and beare their armour Anniball after the winning of Petelia conducted his armie against Consentia which being not so valiantly defended was within few daies surrendred up into his hands Neere about the same time a power of the Brutians also laid siege unto Croton a cittie built and inhabited by the Greekes and in times past mightie in men and munition but now at this time so distressed with manifold and grievous calamities that of all ages one with another they were not able to make twentie thousand men And therefore no mervaile if the enemies were soone maisters of the cittie being so destitute as it was of cittizens to defend it Onely the castle they kept still into which there were some that escaped in that tumult when the cittie was taken out of the mids of the massacre The Locrians likewise revolted unto the Brutij and the Carthaginians by reason that the common multitude were fraudulently betraied by the chiefe and principall cittizens The Rhegines onely of all that countrie continued both true unto the Romanes and also at their owne libertie to the very last The same disposition to revolt was to bee seene even in Sicilie in so much as the very house of Hiero was not cleere and free in all parts from rebellion For Gelo his eldest sonne having in contempt both the olde age of his father and also after the overthrow at Cannae the societie and friendship of the Romanes turned unto the Carthaginians And he had no doubt made a general alteration in Sicilie but that his death came between and cut him off which hapned so jumpeâ— even when he was arming the multitude and soliciting his friends to rebellion that his vâ—â—y father himselfe was drawne into deepe suspition that hee tooke his life away These were the occurrents that fell out that yeare with variable event in Itaâ—ilic Affricke Sicilie and Spaine In the end of the same yeere Q. Fab. Maximus moved the Senate and made request that the temple of Venus Eâ—ycina which he had vowed being Dictatour might now be dedicated And the Senate made a decree That Titus Sâ—mproâ—lus Consull elect should so soone as he was entred into his office propose unto the people that they would creat two Dâ—â—mvirs for the dedication of temples And in honour of 〈◊〉 Lepidus who had bene Consull twiseâ— and Augur his three sonnes Lucius Marcus and Quintus exhibited certeine funerall games for three daies space and a shew in the Common place likewise for three daies togither of two and twentie paire of sword-fensers to fight at sharpe to the utterance The â—uruâ—e Aediles â— Lectorius and â— Sempronius Graccus now Consull elect who in his Aedileship had bene Generall of the horsemen set out the Romane games which were renewed and continued still for three daies Likewise the Plaies of the Commons were thrise exhibited by M. Aurelius Cottâ— and M. Clâ—â—diuâ— Marcellus Now after three yeeres expired of the Punick warre T. Sempranias 〈◊〉 Consull
Aulus Manlius two Colonels also L. Arennius and M. Aulius two captaines of the allies Some authors have set down in writing that Marcellus the Cos. sacrificed that day and when the first beast was killed the liver was found without an head howbeit in the second all things appeared that were wont to be seen But in the head of that liver there shewed I wot not how a kind of extraordinarie excâ—escence which the Soothsaier had no liking to because after those inwards which seemed before short unperfect misliking now those againe were seen too well fed and overgrowne But the Consull Marcellus was so hote and desirous to fight with Anniball that he thought himselfe never encamped neere enough unto him And even then also as he went forth out of the campe he gave order to his souldiours to be readie at a short warning have their eie upon the place that presently if he liked the hill for which they went to view they should dislodge trusse up bag and baggage follow presently Now there was a litle flat and plaine ground before the camp from whence the way that led unto the said hill was on every side very open and evident to the eye where there lay a skout or spie set of purpose to discover any of the enemies gone farre from the camp stragling ranging abroad either for fewell or forage that they might be intercepted not for any hope of so great effect as fell out This fellow gave a signe unto the Numidians that all at once they should arise out of their lurking and starting holes And they that from the top and ridge of the hill were to rise and shew themselves affront never appeared made head before that they had fet a compasse about for to shut up the passage at the back of the Romans And then from all parts they began to start up and with a maine shout charged and ran upon them The Consuls now were in that valley from whence they neither could possibly get up to the pitch of the hill possessed aforehand by the enemie nor had any place of safe retreat behind for that they were invironned and hemmed in on every side Howbeit they might have mainteined skirmish and held out a good while but that the Tuskanes began to run away and put all the rest in a bodily fright Yet the Fregellanes forsaken as they were of the Tuskanes gave not over but fought manfully so long as the Consuls stood on foot unhurt and received the charge of the enemies encouraging their people and fighting themselves right valiantly But when they saw once both their Consuls wounded and Marcellus also run through with the push of a lance and falling from his horse redie to die then they also and few of them God wot remained alive togither with the Consull Crispinus who was wounded with two javelines and young Marcellus who was himselfe also sore hurt fled away and escaped There were slain in this skirmish A. Manlius a Colonell of the two captaines of allies M. Aulus was killed out-right and L. Arenius taken prisoner As for the Lictours belonging to the Consuls five of them then fell alive into the hands of the enemies the rest were put to the sword or escaped with the Consull So there were three and fortie horsemen died either in the conflict or in the flight and eighteen taken prisoners In the campe there was much ado and crying out for to go and succor the Consuls when they saw one of them and the other his sonne grievously hurt and the poore remnant of that unfortunate expedition comming toward the campe The death of Marcellus was much pittied and lamented in many other respects but for this especially that he a man of that age for he was now above threescore years old and who should have had more wit an old captaine leader I say that should have had more wisedome forecast so unadvisedly had brought both his colleague togither with himselfe and also in manner the whole common-wealth into so desperat a daunger I should make much circumstance and fetch many turnes and compasses about one point if I would rehearse all that writers have diversly set downe as touching the death of Marcellus But to let all others go L. Caelius delivereth the thing three manner of waies the one by hearesay onely and a generall report the other extant in an Oration of the praise of Marcellus penned by his owne sonne that was himselfe present at the action the third which Caelius himselfe alleadgeth upon his owne knowledge and after diligent enquirie into the matter But howsoever the voice and fame varieth in some circumstances most of them jump in the occasion That he went forth of the camp to view the place and all agree of the event That he was entrapped and so slaine Anniball supposing that the enemies were mightily terrified as well by the death of the one Consull as the hurt of the other because he would take all advantage omit no good opportunitie offered forthwith removeth his campe and pitcheth upon the very hill where hee had fought There hee found the corps of Marcellus and caused it to be enterred Crispinus affrighted both at the death of his companion in governement and also at his own hurt received dislodged in the dead time of the night following and in the very next mountains that he could come unto encamped and fortified himselfe upon an high ground and surely fensed on every side There the two Generals of both parts beat their braines and occupied all their wits contriving the one to lay traines and the other to avoid them Anniball together with the bodie of Marcellus had gotten his ring or signe manuell Crispinus fearing that Anniball might practise some craftie fetch and beguile some bodie by the meanes of that signet sent messengers to all the cities next adjoining giving them notice that his brother Consull was slaine and that the enemie had gotten his seale ring and warning them that they should give no credite to any letters written in his name or signed with his seale This message was not so soon brought to Salapia but streight after there came letters thither from Anniball framed endited in the name of Marcellus to this effect That he would the next night that immediately followed that present day be in person at Salapia willing the garrison soldiors to bee in readinesse for to bee emploied in some service that should be thought needfull The Salapians perceived whereabout he went and supposing that it was a perrillous plot whereby Anniball sought some opportunitie to bee revenged of them and to punish them for anger not onely that they were revolted from him but because they had killed his horsemen they therefore sending the messenger backe againe who was a Romane fugitive and renegate and had fled from them to Anniball to the end that their souldiors might effect that which they were minded to doe without the knowledge of
enemies much greater and stronger rather than here whereas you may fight with the power of two armies against one toiled out of heart in so many battailes and wearied with long warfare so tedious and grievous withall Consider with your selfe what conformitie and resemblance there is betweene your dessignes and your fathers He as Consull having made a journey into Spaine to the end that he might encounter Anniball as hee came downe the Alpes returned out of his owne province into Italie and you when Anniball is in Italie purpose to abandone and leave Italie And why forsooth not because you judge it good for the common-weale but because you thinke it an enterprise that may emport you in great honour and glorie like as when you being captaine Generall of the people of Rome left your province at randon and your armie at sixe and seven without warrant of law without order or act of Senate hazarded in two bothomes the whole state and majestie of the Empire of Rome which at that time togither with the daunger of your life incurred the perill and jeopardie of the maine chance To conclude for mine own part my lords of the Senat I am of this mind this is my conceit That P. Cornelius was not created Consull privately for himselfe and his owne behouse but for the good of the common-weale and us all and that the armies were levied and enrolled for the guard of the cittie and defence of Italie and not for the Consuls in their owne proud selfe-conceit and overweening of themselves after the manner of absolute KK to transport and lead into what parts of the world they list themselves When Fabius by this Oration premeditate and framed to the time had through his authoritie and the long setled and confirmed opinion that men had of his wisedome drawne unto his side a good part of the Senate and specially the auncients insomuch as the greater number commended the grave counsell of the old man above the lustie and youthfull courage of the other gallant then Scipio by way of answere made these remonstrances and spake in this wise My lords of the Senate even Fabius himselfe in the beginning of his Oration said very well That his opinion which he was to deliver might be suspected of detraction and envie Of which note verily I durst not my selfe taxe and accuse a man of his qualitie reputation so much as me thinkes is not so well cleered as it ought to be the very suspition it selfe and I wote not whither it bee by a default of his speech and oration or that the thing it selfe is so pregnant For in such manner he extolled with goodly words and magnified his owne dignities and renowmed deeds and all to quench the jealousie and crime of envie as if my selfe were to feare the danger of emulation and concurrence of some companion of the basest degree and condition and not of him who because he farre surpasseth other men which height and pitch of honour I denie not but I endevour my selfe to reach unto would not in any hand that I should compare with him So highly hath hee advanced himselfe in regard of his old yeares considering that hee hath gone through all rankes of honour and so low debased me and put me downe even under the age of his own sonne as though the desire and love of glorie should passe no farther than the length of mans life and the greatest part thereof extended not to the memorie of posteritie and the future time This I hold for certaine that it is a thing incident to the most magnanimous men of greatest spirit and courage to have a desire for to match themselves not onely with them that live in their daies but with the most famous and excellent personages that ever were or might be in any age And certes for mine own part ô Q. Fabius I will not make it goodly but frankly bewray my mind that way namely that I would full fain not only attain unto your praise-worthie acts commendable vertues but also with your good leave be it spoken if possibly I can even to excell surmount the same And therefore let us not carrie this mind either you toward mee or I to those that are younger than my selfe To be unwilling and thinke much that any one cittizen among us shouldprove equall to our selves for in so doing wee should offer wrong and doe hurt not onely to them whom we have envied and maligned but also prejudice the common-wealth and in manner the whole state of all mankind And thus much to your selfe He hath now my lords recounted to what great perils I should enter into by the Africk voyage in such sort as he would seem not only to have a carefull regard of the common-wealth and the armie but also to pitie me and tender my case fortune Whence commeth it that you shuld al on a sodain take so great care for me when my father and unckle both were slaine when their armies both twaine were utterly almost diffeated and put all to the sword when Spaine was lost when foure armies of Carthaginians and foure Generals held all in feare by force of armes when there was a captain sought for to undertake that warre and no man durst bee seene to put himselfe forward no man so hardie as to present and offer his service but my selfe and when the people of Rome had committed the charge and government of Spain to me a yong man but foure twentie yeares old how hapned it that no man then tooke exception of my age made mention of the enemies force discoursed of the difficultie and daunger of the warre or laid abroad the late and fresh defeature and death of my father and uncle I would demaund and gladly know Whither we have susteined now lately some greater calamitie and losse in Affricke than we received at that time in Spaine or if the armies at this present in Africke be more puissant or the captaines more in number or better in valour than they were in Spaine at that time or whither mine age then was more ripe and sufficient to mannage warres than now it is Last of all whither it be better more commodious and easie to mainteine warre with the Carthaginian enemie in Spaine than in Africke After that I have discomfited put to flight foure hoasts of Carthaginians after I have either forced by assault or reduced under mine obeisance for feare so many citties after I have vanquished and subdued all even as far as to the Ocean sea so many princes and potentates so many fierce cruell nations after I have so fully recovered Spaine as there is not remaining to be seen there so much as the sooting and bare token of any war an easie matter it is and all one to elevate and depresse the acts past that I have atchieved as also par-die it will be when I returne with conquest out of Africke to debase and make nothing of
enquirie into this matter yea and to proceed against them who had been the cheefetaines and counsellers to persuade them to passe over the Alpes This very yeer died Philip king of the Macedonians worn away to nothing partly for age and partly with griefe of hart after the death of his son Demetrius It fortuned that he kept his winter in Demetrias tormented with anguish of mind for the losse and misse of his sonne disquieted with remorse and repentance for his crueltie against him which stung and pricked his guiltie conscience Besides he saw his other sonne who now was the undoubted heire apparant of the crowne as well in his owne opinion as in the conceit of others how all men turned their eyes and courted to him He considered withall how his old age was despised and forlorne whiles some expected his death others did not so much as looke for it which was the greatest griefe and trouble of all other And togither with him there was Antigonus the son of Echecrates bearing the name of his unkle Antigonus by the fathers side who had been guardian to Philip. This Antigonus the elder had ben a man of princely port regall majestie renowned also for a brave conflict and noble battaile against Celomenes the Lacedaemonian And him the Greeks for distinction sake from other KK of that name surnamed Tutor His nephew or brothers sonne I say Antigonus of all the honourable friends that Philip had was the onely man that continued fast and firme unto him without all corruption But this his loyall fidelitie and truth caused Perseus to be no friend of his but rather the most mortall enemie that he had in the world This said Antigonus forecasting in his spirit in what daungerous tearmes he should stand when the inheritance of the kingdome were devolved upon Perseus waiting his first time and opportunitie when he perceived that the kings mind was troubled that now and then he fetched deepe sighes for sorrow that his sonne was dead one while would give eare onely to the kings words other whiles also would find some talk minister occasion to speak of the act so rashly unadvisedly committed Oftentimes he followed seconded him in his mones complaints and would be thought to lament with him for company And as Truth useth alwaies to give many signs tokens of her selfe comming to light he would enforce and helpe forward every small thing what he could to the end that all might the sooner be discovered and breake foorth The chiefe ministers and instruments of this vilanous fact were Apelles and Philocles who were the embassadours sent to Rome and had brought those pernicious letters under the name of Flamminus which wrought the death of Demetrius For commonly it was given out through all the kings court that those were falsified letters forged by his Secretarie and sealed with a counterfeit signer But the thing being rather deepely suspected than apparantly detected it chaunced that Antigonus upon a time met with Xychus and laying hold upon him arrested his bodie and brought him into the kings house and when he had left him in the safe custodie of certaine persons hee went himselfe directly to Philip. It should seeme to mee and if it please your grace quoth hee by many words which I have observed that you would spend a great deale to know the whole truth as touching your two sonnes and bee resolved whether of them twaine it was that laid wait to take away the life of the other Now the onely man of all other that can undoe the knot and cleare this doubt is in your hands forth comming and that is Xychus Herewith hee advised the king to call before him the said partie since that as it fel out he was alreadie brought into the court Sent for he was and presented before the king being asked the question he denied everything at the first but with such inconstancie as it appeared evidently that upon some little fear of torture offered unto him he would be readie to bewray all for at the very sight of the tormentour and the scourges he relented Then he disclosed shewed in order the whole proceeding maner of this wicked practice and villanie how it was wrought as well by the embassadors as also by his own selfe their minister Immediately there were some of purpose sent to apprehend the said embassadors And Philocles who was present in the way they surprised and took of a suddain as for Appeles who had ben sent to pursue one Chaereas being advertised how that Xychus had bewraied told all sailed over into Italie As concerning Philocles there is no certaintie knowne Some report that at the beginning hee denied the matter stoutly but after that Xychus was brought to his face and confronted him he stood no longer in it Others say againe that being put to torture he endured the paines and continued still in the deniall Philips sorrow and greete was by this meanes renued and redoubled reputing himselfe more unhappie in his sons and his miserie the greater in that one of them was now dead and gone Perseus being certified that all was discovered tooke himselfe for a greater and mightier person than to feare and thinke it needfull for him to flie upon it And therefore hee fought onely to keepe farre ynough out of the way purposing to stand upon his guard all the while that his father lived and avoid the flaming fire as it were of his burning choler Philip seeing that hee could not possibly come by his person for to execute justice thought upon that which onely remained to bee done and studied how Perseus besides impunitie should not bee recompensed and rewarded also for that his wickednesse Hee called therefore Antigonus before him unto whom hee was bounden and beholden alreadie for bringing to light the unnatural murder committed upon Demetrius his sonne and of whom he conceived this opinion in regard of the fresh and late glorie of his uncle Antigonus that the Macedonians should have no cause to be ashamed or repent if they had him for to bee their king And in this wise hee brake with him Since my unhappie fortune is such quoth he ó Antigonus that I ought contrarie to all other fathers to wish my selfe childlesse I have a mind and purpose to make over unto you that kingdome which I received at the hands of your unckle which hee preserved and kept yea and augmented for my behoose during the time of my nonage and wherein whiles I was under his guardianage he bare himselfe not onely valiant but also true and faithfull unto me No man I have but you whom I can esteeme worthie to wear the crowne and if I knew of none at all yet had I rather that both it and the realme perished and were extinct for ever than Perseus should enjoy it as the guerdon of his ungracious and divelish fact I shall imagine yet that Demetrius is risen from death to
that there was a litle book given to my supposed mother sealed with the signe manuell of king Perseus which shee was to deliver unto me when I came once to ripe age and to be 14 yeres old charging her most streightly of all loves to conceale the whole matter until that time were come when I was grown to that age aforesaid then the book was given mee wherin mention was made of two chists of treasure left for mee by my father Then the woman who knew full well that I was no child of hers but onely so reputed bewraied my birth unto me who was aforetime ignorant of mine own descent also the woman laid great wait upon me to depart out of those quarters before that Eumenes a professed enemie to Perseus came to the knowledge thereof for feare to bee murdered In which respect I being affrighted and hoping withall to find some aid at the hands of Demetrius went into Syria and there first I tooke heart unto mee and dared openly to professe who I was and never before Thus much of Andriscus this counterfet kings sonne Of the L. booke THessalie at what time as the foresaid counterset Philip would have invaded and kept it by force of arms was by the means of the Roman embassadors together with the aid of the Achaeans defended Prusias king of Bithynia a favourer of the basest persons and lewdest vices was by his owne sonne Nicomedes murdered with the helpe of Attalus King of Pergamus Another son he had who in stead of the upper row and course of distinct teeth is reported to have had one entier bone for all growing out at his gumbs When the Romans had sent their embassadours to conclude a peace betweene Nicomedes and Prusias of which embassadours the one had his head full of many skarres the other was troubled with the gout in the feet and the third reputed but blockish of spirit by nature and none of the wisest Cato said That there was an embassage head-lesse footlesse and hart-lesse In Syria which at that time had for their king one indeed of the line race of Perseus K. of Macedonie but another Prusias up and downe for cowardise idlenes and base mind it so fell out that whiles he haunted taverns stewes and brothelhouses and lay there altogether Ammonius swaid the scepter and raigned as King by whose practise the kings friends also Loodice the Queene and Antigonus the sonne of Demetrius came to their end and were killed Masanissa king of Numidia a man above foureskore and ten yeeres old a famous prince and every way excellent yeelded to nature and died Among other youthfull parts which hee performed to his dying day this one That in this old age of his he was so lustie that after the foureskore and sixth yeere of his life he got a boy Among his three sonnes Mycipsa the eldest Gulussa and Manastabal who also had good knowledge in the Greeke tongue Publius Scipio Aemylianus divided the administration of the kingdome for their father had left it in common for them all and had given order to part it at the discretion of the same Scipio Likewise he persuaded Phamias the commaunder under Himilco of the Carthaginian Cavallerie a valiant warrior and whom the Carthaginians emploied most of all others in service to revolt with his men of armes and to turne Romane Of those three embassadors abovesaid who were sent to Masanissa Claudius Marcellus was cast away in a tempest upon the sea and swallowed up of the waves in a ghust The Carthaginians murdered in their Counsel-Chamber Asdruball nephew of Masanissa and their Pretour for the time being upon suspition of treason This iealousie of theirs arose hereupon for that hee was neere in kindred and bloud to Gulussa who friended and succoured the Romanes Publius Scipio Aemylianus when hee sued to be Aedile was by the people propounded and nominated for Consull and when as by law he might not for his young yeres be created Consull hard hold there was about him whiles the commons laboured with might and maine for him and the nobles and lords of the Senate gainesaid it a good while but in fine he was dispensed with notwithstanding the law in that behalfe created Consul Marcus Manilius Pro-consull forced certaine citties situate about Carthage Counterfet Philip after he had slaine M. Inventius the Pretor and Q. Caelius together with them defeated the armie was in Macedonie vanquished himselfe and taken prisoner and so Macedonie was recovered againe which had bene lost before Of the LI. booke CArthage which tooke up in circuite the compasse of foure and twentie miles was with exceeding paine and travaile besieged and woon by peece-meale first under the conduct of Mancinus the lieutenant afterwards of Scipio the Consull unto whom without lot the province of Africke was extraordinarily graunted The Carthaginians having made a new peere for that the old haven was choked and stopped up by Scipio and gathered secretly in a small time a good fleet fought a battaile at sea unfortunately Moreover the campe of Asdruball their Generall pitched in a place of most difficult accesse neere the towne Nepheris was forced and his armie defeated by Scipio who also in the end was the very cittie of Carthage in the seven hundred yere after it was first founded The greatest part of the spoile and pillage there found was restored to the Sicilians from whome it had been taken In the utmost extremitie and finall destruction of that citie when Asdruball had yeelded and submitted to Scipio his wife who some daies before could not obtain at her husbands hands to abandon the towne and flie to the conquerour cast her selfe with her two children headlong from the castle into the mids of the flaming fire wherewith the citie burned Scipio following the example of his father Aemylius Paulus who had conquered Macedonie set forth certaine solemn and plaies and pastimes wherein the renegates and fugitives he presented and obiected to savage beasts The causes of the Athaean warre bee heere reported The Romane embassadours who had bene beaten and ill intreated by the Achaeans were sent unto Corinth to sever and disioine those citties which had bene under the seignorie of Philip from the generall diet and parliament of the Achaeans Of the LII booke QVintus Caecilius Metellus fought a battaile at Thermopylae with the Achaeans that had to aid them the Boeotians and Chalcidians who being overcome Critolaus their chiefe captain shortned his owne life by poison and in his place Drachus the first authour of the troubles in Achaea was by the Achaeans chosen Generall of the field and by L. Mummius the Consull vanquished neere to Isthmus who having received all Achaea by surrender rased and destroied utterly Corinth by an Act and commission directed out of the Senate because the Romane embassadours were there abused Thebes also and Chalcis which had aided the Achaeans were overthrown and pulled downe Mummius for his owne part bare
as thereport goeth burning about his head He discomfited the Veientes and Tuscanes in battell He was the first that numbred the people of Rome valued their goods and instituted the Lustrum every five years in which were reported to have been numbered eightie thousand citizens Hee described the Classes and Centuries set out further the bounds of the Pomaerie without and within the cittie wals and put to the cittie the hils Quirinalis Viminalis and Esquilinus He together with the Latines founded the temple of Diana in mount Aventine and when hee had reigned foure and thirtie yeares hee was with the privitie and by the counsell of his daughter Tullia murdered by L.T. Tarquinius the sonne of Priscus After him L. Tarquinius Superbus usurped the kingdome without the election either of the Senators or the people On which day Tullia most wicked and cuâ—sed wretch that sore wâ—s caused her coach to bee driven over the corps of her father lying dead on the ground Hee had about him a troupe of armed men for the guard of his person By a subtile wile he put to death Turnus Herdonius He had warre with the Volscians and of their spoiles edisied a temple to Iupiter on the hill Capitol where the god Terminus and goddesse Iuventas agreed not to be displaced whose alters could not be stirred nor remooved as the others By the fraudulent practice of his son Sex Tarquinius he brought the Gabians to his obeysance Vnto his other two sonnes being gone to Delphi and consulting there the Oracle whether of them should be king of Rome answere was made That be should reigne who first kissed his mother which answer they enterpreting wrong Iunius Brutus who accompanied therin 〈…〉 caught a fall and kissed the ground the mother indeed of all which proved true on 〈…〉 but in the end For when as Tarqumius Superbas by his prowd tyrannicall demeanure had incured the 〈…〉 he at last upon the fâ—cible outrage and villanie done by Sex Tarquinius his sonne in the night 〈…〉 who sending for her father Tricipitinus and her husband Collatinus besought them 〈◊〉 to see her death unrevenged and 〈◊〉 with a knife killed herselfe he I say by the meanes of Brutus especially was 〈…〉 out of Rome when he had raigned five and twentie years Then were the Consuls first created Lu 〈◊〉 〈…〉 and Lu Tarquinius Collatinus WHether in writing the acts and affairs of the people of Rome from the first foundation of the citie I shall performe a worke of importance and woorth my trauaile neither wote I well nor if I wist dare I advouch seeing it is a thing both old and usuall that new Writers alwaies persuade themselues either in matter to deliver more truth and certaintie or in manner of curious penning thereof to outgoe the rudenesse of elder time Howsoever it fall out this yet will doe me good that even I also to the uâ—most of my power have endevoured to eternise the worthie deeds of that people which is the soveraigne of the whole world And if among so manie writers my same chance to be obscure yet may I comforemy selfe in this That they who shall darken and shadow the same are men so highly repuâ—ed and renowned Besides the thing it selfe is of infinite toile and labour as counting and comprising from above 700 yeares past and which arising from small beginning hath proceeded and growne so great as now the bignesse thereof is comberous to itselfe and I doubt not but the readers for the most part will take but small delight and pleasure either in those 〈◊〉 fetched originals or in the times next ensuing for hast they make to these nouelties of â—atter daies where in the puissance of that so mightie people hath wrought long since their owne downefall and ouerthrow But I contrariwise will seeke even this for guerdon of my paines namely to turne away from beholding these calamities which this our age for manie yeare hath seeâ—e so long at least whilest I call to remembrance and wholly employ my spirits in considering those ancient monuments of old time exempt from care and trouble which were able if not to withdraw my mind as I write from the truth yet to make it pensive and heavie As for such things as are reported either before or at the foundation of the citie more beautified and set out with Poets fables than grounded vpon pure and faithfull records â—meane neither to averre nor disprove This leave and priviledge hath antiquitie by interlaâ—ing the acts of gods and men together to make the first rising of cities more sacred and venerable And if it may be lawful for anie people under heaven to consecrate and ascribe vnto the gods their Original certes such is the renowned martiall prowes of the Romans that all nations of the world may as well abide them to report Mars above the rest to be the stockefather both of themselves and of their first founder as they can bee content to liue in subiection vnder them But these and such like matters howsoeuer they shall hereafter be censured or esteemed I will not greatly weigh and regard This would I haue everie man rather to thinke upon in good earnest and consider with me what their life and what their carriage was by what men and meanes both in war and peace their dominion was atcheeved and enlarged Afterwards as their discipline began by little and little to shrinke let him marke how at the very first their behaviour and manners sunke withall and how still they fell more and more to decay and ruine yeâ— and began soone after to tumble downe right even untill these our daies wherein wee can neither endure our owne sores nor salves for the cure For this is it that is so good and profitable in an historie when a man may see and behold as in a conspicuous monument and light 〈◊〉 memoriall the lively examples of all sorts set up in open view for his instruction whereout he may chuse for himselfe and his countrey what to follow as also learne how to eschew a soule enterprise and avoid a shamefull end But unlesse I be deceived with the affectionate loue of mine owne commensed worke never was there Commonweale either more mightie more holie and devout better stored of good precedents or into which covetousnesse and excesse more lately crept or wherein povertie and frugalitie were so greatly or so long time honored insomuch as the more they wanted the lesse they desired Now of late daies wealth hath brought in avarice abundant pleasures haue kindled a desire by riot lust and loose life to perish and bring all to naught But these complaints which will be nothing pleasant no not when perhaps they shall be needfull banish we must howsoeuer we doe at our first entrance of so weightie a matter when as we rather should begin if as the Poets use it were our manner also with good osses and luckie forespeakings with vowes and praiers to gods and goddesses
two kings not onely raigned together but also governed with great unitie and concord But after certaine yeares the kindred of king Tatius chanced to beat and euill intreat the embassadours of Laurentum And when as the Laurentines pleaded the law of nations for satisfaction of this outrage Tatius his kinsfolke what by favour and what by intreatie prevailed more with him than the just complaint of the others Whereby hee brought vengeance due to them upon his owne head For being come upon a time to Lavinium unto a solemne sacrifice and feast there in an uprore or hurliburly the people ran upon him and so was he slaine Which thing they say Romulus made lesse regard of than was meet either for that fellowship in lordship is neuer faithfull or because he esteemed him not unjustly to be made away Wherupon he forbare indeed to make warre yet to the end the wrong done to the Embassadours together with the murder of the king might bee expiate and purged cleane away the league betweene the citties of Rome and Lavinium was renued But whilest peace verily was beyond mens expectation with them concluded behold another fresh warre arose much neerer than the other and hard almost at their very gates For the people of Fidene supposing the Romans power and riches to encrease overmuch so neere unto them before they should grow to such greatnesse as they were like to doe began first to warre upon them and sending a power of lustie tall souldiours invaded and wasted all the countrey betweene the cittie of Rome and Fidene And taking their way on the left hand for that the Tyber kept from the other they forraied and spoiled as they went to the great feare of the pezants and countrey people So as this suddaine tumult and garboile heard out of the fields into the cittie brought the first newes of the warre Romulus raised therewith for so nigh a warre might beare no delay led forth his armie and encamped within a mile of Fidene and leaving there a competent guard hee departed thence with all his other forces commanding part of his souldiours to lie close in certaine covert places among the thickets in ambushment Himselfe with the greater number and all his horse advanced forward and riding up and downe before their gates after a disordered and bragging manner made semblant of a bravado and all to traine the enemie forth which was the thing he onely sought This kind of horse service was a meanes that the Fidenates lesse suspected and marvelled at their flying which they were to counterfet For whilest the Cavallirie stood unresolved as it were in a mammering whither to slie or fight and the infanterie withall began to retire all at once the enemies in thrunging manner sallied forth of the gates and chased the Romanes so fiercely that in their eager pursute they were drawne to the verie place of ambush Thence the Romanes suddainely arose and charged the flocke of the enemies And to encrease their fright they likewise that were left behind to guard the campe shewed themselves with banners displaied So the Fidenates terrified sundrie waies before well neere that Romulus and his men of armes could reine about their horseheads turned their backes and rodefull gallop towards the towne againe and so much the faster for that they fled now in good earnest themselves that pursued them who a little before made but semblance thereof Yet for all this could they not escape the enemie for the Romans hard at their heeles rushed together with them pelmell into the towne before the gates could be shut against them At this Fidenatian warre spreading so dangerously the Veientians grew angrie in their hearts and began to chase Touched they were also in regard of kindred and alliance for the Fidenates were likewise Tuscanes And fearing least if the Romane forces should thus distresse and lie upon all the borderers they being so neere should not goe free they were the rather pricked forward and thereupon made rodes and entred in armes the confines of Rome spoiling and boothaling more like robbers than professed warriors So without pitching any tents or abiding the comming of their enemies but onely driving and carrying away great booties out of the fields they returne againe to Veij The Romanes contrariwise not â—â—â—ding the enemies in the field but yet provided and resolved to give battell and to hazard all passed over the Tybet Whom the Veientians understanding to be encamping themselves fully minded to come against their cittie issued forth and met them intending to trie the quarell by dint of sword and in open field rather than to be mued up within the town to fight defend themselves from off their houses and wals There the Romane king with the strength onely of his old beaten souldiors without anie other helpe and supplie whatsoever without policie or stratagem had the better and having thus discomfited the enemies he chased them even to their verie wals And for that the cittie was exceeding strong fortified as well by naturall situation as by wals he forbare to assault it But in his returne homeward hee wasted the countrey more upon a mind to revenge than hope of spoile With this defeature the Veientians no lesse subdued than if they had lost a field sent Orantours to Rome to sue for peace unto whom truce was graunted for an hundred yeares but they were amerced to lose part of their lands These were in a manner all the acts that were done both at home and abroad during the reigne of Romulus Whereof none seemed to derogate anie jot from the opinion both of his divine birth and beginning and also of his immortalitie or deification after his death Such was his courageous heart in recovering his grandfires kingdome his policie and wisedome in founding the cittie first and after in establishing and governing the same as well in war as in peace By whose good proceedings it got such strength and so sure footing that for fortie yeeres space after it enjoied peace with salatie Neverthelesse of his commons hee was better beloved than of his nobles but above all his souldiours most heartely affected him of whom he had alwaies about him as squires of the bodie three hundred pensioners armed not onely in time of warre but also of peace whom he called Celeres Thus having atcheeved these noble and immortall deeds as he upon a time assembled al the people upon the plaine at the marish Caprae there to number or muster his armie behold upon a suddaine there arose a tempest with great crackes of thunder which with so thick cloudie a storme covered the king that the people lost the sight of him And never after was Romulus seene on earth The Romane youth after their feare was at length past and that upon so darke and troublesome weather it prooved a faire day againe and calme withall seeing the kings throne emptie albeir they credited the Senators that stood
he had with them to give over the Consulship and to depart the cittie The goods of the king and his sonnes he commanded to be seised upon and rifled A field of theirs be consecrated to Mars which was named afterwards Campus Martius or Mars field Hee beheaded certaine young gentlemen of the nobilitie together with his owne and his brothers sonnes for conspiring to receive the king and his complices againe into the cittie Vnto the bondslare Vindicius that bewraied the complot he gave his freedome of whom Vindicta tooke the name Having led an armie against the king who had assembled a power of Veientians and Tarquiniens and made warre he died in battell together with Aruns the sonne of Superbus and for his death the dames of Rome mourned one whole yeare P. Valerius the Consull propounded and made a law concerning Appealing unto the people The Capitoll was dedicated Porsena king of the Clusines warring in the quarrell of the Tarquines and being come to the Iamculum was by the valor of Cocles Horatius empeached that he passed not the Tyber who alone whiles others hewed downe the Sublician bridge withstood the Tuscanes and when it was broken downe leapt armed as he was into the river and swam over to his fellowes Another example of manhood is reported of Mutius who being entred the camp of the enemies with full intent to kill Persona and having slaine his principall Secretarie whom hee tooke for the king was apprehended and thrusting to his hand into the fire of the altars whereupon they had burned sacrifice suffered it there to frie untill it was consumed and said withall that there were behind him three hundred more besides that had sworne the death of the king himselfe Who wondring at their resolution was driven to offer conditions of peace and upon taking of hostages to give over warre amongst whom one virgin Cloelia beguiled her keepers made an escape and swam over Tyber to her friends and being rendred againe was by Porsena sent honorablie home and had her statue or image on horsebacke set up for a memoriall App. Claudius abandoned the Sabines and fled to Rome of whom the tribe Clausia tooke the name and was added to the rest The number of tribes was encreased to be one and twentie Against Tarquinius Superbus who with a power of Latines waged warre A. Posthumius the Dictator obtained a prosperous battell at the lake Regillus The commonsrising for being enthralled unto their creditors retired themselves into the mount Sacer and were by the policie and counsaile of Menenius Agrippa reclaimed from their sedition and appeased The same Agrippa being deceased was by reason of his povertie buried at the citties charges There were created five Tribunes of the Commons Corioli a towne of the Valscians was taken by the valour and industrious meanes of Cn. Martius who thereupon was surnamed Coriolanus T. Latinus a meane Commoner was warned in a dreame to make relation to the Senate of certaine religious ceremonies and for neglecting the same lost his sonne and sell himselfe to bee lame of his lims and being brought into the Senate in a chaire after hee had declared the same returned sound on his feet home againe Cn. Martius Coriolanus after he was banished became general of the Volscians and with an armie of enemies approached the cittie of Rome unto whom first Embassadors were of purpose sent and afterwards the Priests and whole Cleargie persuaded with him not to make warre against his native countrey but all in vaine Howbent Veturia his mother and Volumnia his wife entreated him and obtained that hee should depart backe againe The law Agraria Concerning division of lands among the poore commons was now first put up and proposed Sp. Cassius and Alderman after he had beene Consul was condemned for aspiring to be king and suffered death therefore Oppia á Vest all Nun was for incest buried quicke Against the Veientians neeve enemies and ill neighbours yet indeed troublesome rather than noisome and dangerous the house alone of the Fabij required to be emploied in services and set out three hundred and fixe armed men to the field who everie one were by the enemies slaine neere the river Cremera and left but one onely at home alive of that name under foureteene yeares of age Ap. Claudius the Consull having fought unfortunately against the Volscians and that by meanes of the stubbornesse and unrulinesse of his armie cudgeled everie tenth man of his souldiors Over and besides this booke containeth the exploits against the Volscians Aequtans and Veientians and the seditious discords betweene the Nobilitie and Commons NOw will I describe from henceforth the acts both in war and peace of the people of Rome a free state now from this time forward their yearely Magistrates and governours the authoritie and rule of laws more powerfull and mightie than that of men Which freedome of theirs the last kings pride made more acceptable and welcome As for the other kings before him they raigned so as that they might bee counted all of them and that worthily builders of sundrie part of the cittie one after another according as they everie one by himselfe added still one new place or other for the multitude by them encreased to inhabite Neither is it to be doubted but that even the verie same Brutus who deserved so great honour and glorie for expelling the prowd king Tarquine should have done the same to the exceeding danger of the weale publick if for desire of unripe and untimely freedome he had wrested the roiall dignitie and governement from any of the former princes For what would have come of it if that communaltie consisting of heardmen and fugitive strangers resorting out of their owne countries there to dwell having under protection of a sanctuarie and priviledged place gotten libertie or at leastwise impunitie being now freed and past feare of a roiall majestie had begun to be troubled and disquieted with the ruffling stormes and seditious tempests of the Tribunes and in a new and strange cittie sowen debated and intertained variance with the Nobilitie before that the furest pledges of wives and children the dearest affection of the verie place and soile which requireth long time of liking and loving had united and knit their hearts together Certes the state not yet come to full growth and maturitie had by discord faded and come to naught which a peaceful and gracious governement cherished and fostered and by cherishing and nourishing brought to that passe that now being come to ripenesse and perfection of strength it might be able to bring forth and beare the good and wholsome fruits of libertie The beginning of this freedome you must account in regard hereof That the Consularie regiment was annuall and from yeare to yeare rather than that the roiall power and jurisdiction that the kings had was any whit abated diminished For the first Consuls had the same absolute authoritie held all the former roialties and retained still the regall ensignes
maner and solemn pompe as possibly at that time he could deuise But that which did him the greatest honour after his death was the publicke sorrow and heavinesse of the cittie in this respect above all singular and memorable for that the dames and Matrones of Rome mourned a whole yeare for him as for their own father in that he had ben so sharp a revenger of violence done to the chasthie of women After this the Consull that survived presently upon the great liking and favour that hee was in see how wavering and unconstant the minds are of the common people was not onely envied but also suspected yea and charged with an odious and horrible crime The voice went and bruied it was abroad that he aspired to the crown And why because forsooth he had not chosen unto him a new fellow Consull in the roome of Brutus and began to build aloft on the top of Velia where say they in an high place and strongly scituate hee may make a castle impregnable These things commonly spoken and credited too vexed much and mightily greeved the Consull in his very soule as a great indignitie offered unto him Whereupon hee assembled the people together and causing the rods to be held downewards to the ground went up into the pulpit to make an Oration unto them That sight pleased the multitude passing well taking it for a plaine demonstration that the markes and ensignes of rule and government submitted unto them was a very acknowledging and confession that the people was of greater majestie and power than the Consull Where after silence made and commandement to hearken and give eare the Consull began highly to extoll the fortune and good hap of his Colleague deceased who having with great honour set his countrey free ended his daies fighting manfully in defence of the Weale-publicke even in the prime height and best time of his glorie ere that it became subject unto envie but he himselfe outliving it remained alive exposed unto criminous slanders and spigthfull malice of men and of a deliverer and redeemer of his countrey was now reputed no better than the Aquillij and Vitellij And will you never indeed quoth hee approoue the vertuous and honest conversation of a man so well but it shall be tainted with vnjust suspition What would any man thinke that I being so fierce and fell an enemie of the kings should ever feare to incurre the jelousie of men for seeking to bee king What if I dwelt on the top of Tarpeie cliffe even in the verie Capitoll should I beleeve and thinke it possible that my countreymen neighbours and cittizens would stand in feare of me and will so small a matter as this turne the balance of your opinion and conceit of mee Is your assiance and confidence in mee grounded so slightly and standeth it upon so nice tearms and ticklish points that you force more and make greater reckoning of my dwelling place than of the qualitie of my person Wel P. Valerius his house shall be no hinderance or impeachment unto your libertie O Quirites ye shall not need to feare any harme from Velia for me I will remove my house not only downe into the plaine but even to the valley under the hill foot that you may dwell above me and overlook me a suspected cittizen Let them a gods name build in Velia who may be better trusted with the cities freedom than P. Valerius Then was immediatly the timber and all carried downe beneath Velia where as now Vicus Publicus is in the very bottome of the hill was his house reedified After this were lawes enacted which not only acquit the Consull and cleared him of all suspition of affecting to the kingdome but also contrariwise wrought such effect that he became exceeding popular againe wherupon he was surnamed Publicola or Poplicola And first and formost the Statute passed as touching the appeale unto the people against the rulers and Magistrates Item concerning the cursing condemning of him both bodie and goods that should intend or plot to usurpe princely dominion over them These acts the commons liked well of Which when he had alone ordained that all the thankes and praise might bee his therefore then assembled he a generall Session for the substituting of another Consull unto him in the roome of his colleague departed So Sp. Lucretius was created Consull who being an aged man and of great yeares feeble withall and not able toexecute the office and function of a Consull within few dates pased nature her debt and died And in place of Lucretius was M. Horatius Pulvillus chosen In some ancient writers I doe not find that Lucretius was Consull For immediatly after Brutus they make mention of Horatius But I thinke verily because no act of his made his Consulship memorable thereupon he was forgotten and left out Now as yet was not the temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll dedicated And when Valerius and Horatius the Consuls cast lots whether of them twaine should performe that dutie the charge fell unto Horatius and Publicola went forth to the Veientian warre But the kinsfolke and friends of Valerius tooke it more greevously and impatiently than reason was that the honour of the dedication of so famous a temple was given unto Horatius Devising therfore by all means possible they could to impeach it and seeing they had assaied all in vain and nothing tooke effect even at the very instant whiles the Consull was holding a post of the temple and in his solemne praiers to the god behold they brought unto him heavie and wofull newes that his sonne was dead and that he might not lawfully whiles his houshold mourned and was polluted with a dead corps consecrate the temple Whether it were that he gave no credit to the messenger or rather was of heart so stout neither is it for certaine reported nor easie for a man to divine But for all these tidings never a jot was he turned from his purpose nor said ought els to the messenger but willed that hee should bid the corps to bee had forth to buriall and so holding the pillar or post still said out his praier and dedicated the temple These were the acts done both at home and abroad in the first yeare after the expulsion of the kings Then were P. Valerius the second time and T. Lucretias created Consuls By this time were the Tarquines fled for succour to Lartes Porsena king of Clusium where by many reasons remonstrances intermedled with praier one while they besought him not to suffer them descended from the Tuscans of the same bloud and name to live needie forlorn in perpetual exile otherwhile they advised and warned him not to put up without revenge this new fashion of expelling kings now comming up Saying that libertie in it selfe had sweetnesse ynough and unlesse kings would defend and maintaine their crownes with as great might and maine as citties desired to enjoy freedome there would be a
their owne among themselves such as might have power to assist the Commons ag ainst the Consuls Item that it might not bee lawfull for any Senatour to beare that office So there were created two Tribunes of the commons C. Licinius and L. Albinus And these elected three other fellow officers unto them Of whom Sicinius the author of the sedition or insurrection was one who were the other twaine is not for certaine knowne Some say there were but two Tribunes created and no more in the mount Sacer and that the sacred law was there made concerning their immunitie During this insurrection and revolt of the commons Sp. Casius Post humuis Cominius entered their Consulships In whose time a league was made with the people of Latium For the establishing whereof one of the Consuls staied behinde at Rome the other was sent unto the Volscian warre who discomsited and put to flight the Volscians of Antium Chasing and driving them into the towne Longula which he wonne And immediatlie he tooke Mucamites a towne of the Vilscians and after that with great force assaulted Corioli There was in campe them among the flowre of gallant youths one Caius Martius A Noble yoong gentleman right politicke of advise active besides and tall of his hands who afterwards was surnamed Coriolanius Whiles the Roman armie lay at siege before Corioli and were amazed whollie upon the townsmen within whom they kept fast shut up and feared no present danger at all from anie forraine warre without behold all on a suddaine the Volscian legions that came from Antium assailed them at which verie instant the enemie also fallied out of the towne Which Martius seeing who by good hap quartered and warded there with a lustie band of elect men not onely repressed and stopped the violence of those that issued and brake upon him but also whiles the gate stood open fiercely rushed in himselfe and having made a foule slaughter of people thereby at his first entrance into the cittie and caught up fire at a venture flung it upon the houses that stood upon and about the wals Whereupon arose a great outcrie of the folke within the towne together with lamentable weeping and wailing of women and children as commonly is seene in such a sight Which at the very first both hardened the Romanes and also troubled the Volscians and no marvell seeing the citie taken before their face for which they were come to rescue Thus were the Volscians of Antium defeited and the town Coriolo won And Martius through his praise so much obscured and stopped the light of the Consull his fame that had it not been ingraven in brasse for a remembrance and monument That there was a league with the Latines and the same made by Sp. Cassius alone for that his companion was absent there had been no record at all but forgotten quite it had been that ever Sp. Cominius warred with the Volscians The same yeare died Menenius Agrippa a man all his life time before beloved indifferently of the Senatours and the Commons but after the insurrection much more deere unto the Commons than before This truchman this mediator for civile attonement this Embassadour and messenger from the Senatours to the commons this reconciler and reducer of the commons home againe into the cittie had not at his death sufficient to defray the charges of his funerals the commons therefore made a purse and a contribution of a Sextant by the poll and were at the cost to interre and burie him worshipfully After this were made Consuls T. Geganius and P. Minutius In which yeare when all was quiet abroad for any warre and the dissention at home healed up cleane and skinned another calamitie farre more greevous entred the cittie First a dearth of corne and all manner of victuals by reason that the grounds upon the departure of the commons were forelet and untilled Hereupon issued femine even such as usually is incident to men besieged And verily the meinie of bondservants yea and the commons too had utterly perished for hunger if the Consuls had not in time made the better provision by sending purveiours all abroad to buy up come not only into Hetruria by coasting along the river on the right hand from Hostia and on the left hand by sea passing through the Volscians countrie even as far as Cumes but also into Sicilie there to lay for graine Such was the hatred of the borderers that Rome was enforced to have need of succour and releefe from a farre Now when they had bought certain corne at Cumes it was no sooner embarked but the ships were staied and arrested there by Aristodemus the tyrant for the goods of the Tarquines whose heire in remainder he was In the Volscian country and Pomptinum they could buy none for mony There the very Purveiors themselves were in danger of violence by the men of the countrey Out of Tuscane there came corne up the Tyber wherewith the commons were sustained and refreshed And considering the streights they were in for want of victuals they had been sore distressed and vexed with warres besides and that in a very ill time and unseasonable for them but that the Volscians who now were in readinesse and upon the point to make warre had a pestilence that raigned hote among them Which heavie crosse and affliction the enemies were so discouraged with that when the plague began to stay even then they continued still afraid The Romanes both at Velitree augmented the number of the inhabitants and also at Norba sending a new Colonie into the mountaines to be a fortresse and strength for all the territorie of Pomptinum Moreover when M. Minutius and A. Sempronius were Consuls great store of corne was brought out of Sicilie and it was debated in the Senate house at what price the commons should be served therewith Many thought the time was now come to wring the commons and keep them under and to recover againe those roialties which by their departure were forcibly wrested and dismembred from the nobilitie But above all others Martivus Coriolanus and utter and capitall enemie to the Tribunes power and authoritie If they will quoth hee have their corne and victuals at the old price let them restore unto the Senatours their auncient right and preheminence Why see I as one brought under the yoke of servitude and put as it were unto my ransome by robbers and theeues these Magistrates of the Commons why see I Sicinius so mightie Shall I endure these indignities longer than I needs must I that could not beare T arquinius to bee King shall I brooke and suffer Sicinius Let him depart aside now and take his commons with him the way is open to mount Sacer and other hils let them carrie away with them the corne out of our posessions and Lordships as they did three yeares ago let them enjoy take for their use and spend the store which they in their follerie and furie haue
Senatours supposing verilie that the multitude was furious and outrageous enough and too much of themselves without anie hire and reward stood in great dread and horrour of these largesses as the verie allurements and provocations of rash and headie attempts and the stoutest champions of their side to withstand the lawe were the Consuls That part therefore and State of the citie had the better hand nor onelie this present yeare but for the next ensuing For they chose M. Fabius Caeso his brother for the one Consull and L. Valerius for the other a man of the twaine more odious in the eies of the Commons in regard of his late accusation of Sp. Cassius In which yeare also there was strifeand much adoe with the Tribunes But both law and lawmakers with their glorious bragging and vaunting of their goodlie donative which they could not effect proved vaine and came to nothing Vpon this the name of Fabij who after three Consulships together one after another by them born continuallie without intermission were inured and tried in the broiles and contentions of Tribunes was in great request and reputation and in their house and familie remained still for a good while after that dignitie as an honour well and worthelie bestowed upon them Then began the Veientian warre and the Volscians likewise rebelled But for anie warres abroad whatsoever they had strength enough and to spare is by jarres at home among their owne selues they had not abused the same Besides this disquienes and affliction of all mens minds occasioned by these dissensions there hapned to amend the matter well prodigious and strange tokens from heaven daily in a manner threatning both in citie countrie the heavie hand of God And when as the forhsaiers and wizards were sent out unto to search forth the cause of Gods wrath and indignation both in publike and private as well by inspect of the inwards of sacrificed beasts as by aspect of birds and foules they could assigne it to nothing else but this that there was some errour committed in their sacrifices and divine liturgie Those fearefull and prodigious signes proceeded still so farre that one Oppia a vestale Nun convicted and condemned of incest suffered death After this followed Q. Fabius and C. Tullius Consuls In which yeare the discord at home was nothing lesse and the warre abroad farre greater For the Aequians rose up in armes the Veientians also entered the consines and made much spoile And whiles they were more and more careful about these warres what order to take Caeso Fabius and Sp. Furius were made Consuls By this time the Aequians assaulted Artona a citie in Latium And the Veientians having sped themselues with prises and booties made great cracks that they would give an assault upon the verie citie of Rome These fearefull newes which ought to have abated and taken downe the stomacks of the Commons made them much more fierce fel and they returned of themselves unto their old biace of refusing warfare but Sp. Licinius their Tribune thinking now the time was come to enforce upon the Senatours the law Agraria upon this exigent and extreame point of-necessitie had taken upon him to stop the levying and setting out of an armie But he drew upon his owne head the whole hatred and displeasure of the Tribunes themselves and their auctoritie For the Consuls opposed themselves against him no more bitterlie than his owne companions in office by whose assistance the Consuls went through with the muster And for two warres at once there were enrolled two armies The one under the leading of Fabius against the Aequians the other against the Veientians commaunded by Furius Against whom there was nothing done worthie of remembrance As for Fabius he had somewhat more to doe with his owne men than with his enemies That man himselfe alone was he that being Consull upheld the Common-weale which his armie for hatred of their Consull had as much as in them lay utterly betraied For when as he above many other warlike feats and parts of a right worthie Generall whereof he shewed singular proofe both in preparation and also in managing of the warre had so marshalled and raunged his battaile that with sending out the horsemen onelie he disordred and brake the rankes of his enemies host behold the footmen would not follow on after that disaray neither when the exhortation of their leader whom they hated prevailed not could their owne shame at leastwise and the publicke dishonour for the present no nor yet the imminent danger like to ensue in case the enemie had taken heart againe and made head force them to amend their pace one jot and make more speed Neither could he possiblie make them if to doe nothing else so much as to march still in battaile aray but full against his commaundement they retire with their ensignes and as men sorie in their hearts and ill appaid he that had seene them would have said they had lost the field cursing their Generall one while and the valiant service of the horsemen another while they returne to their Tents Neither wist the Generall what way to remedie this so pestilent an example and dangerous precedent Thus we may see that brave men of singular and excellent wits have beene more to seeke and faile in their skill how to governe a subject than to vanquish an enemie The Consull returneth to Rome having purchased more hatred of his forward and stubbourne soldiors than won honour by his martiall prowesse Neverthelesse the Senatours prevailed so much that the Consultship kept residence still in the name of the Fabij So they created M. Fabius Consull and joine with him Cn. Manlius for his collegue This yeare likewise had one patrone and maintainer of the law Agraria to wit Tiberius Pontificius a Tribune He taking the same course and following the steps of Sp. Licinius hindered the musters for a while And when the Senatours were herewith disquieted againe then Ap. Claudius arose up and said That the yeare before the Tribunes power was overmatched and the neck of it broken in proofe only for that present but in example for ever hereafter for as much as it was well seen then by experience that of it selfe even among their own selves it fell a peeces and never will there want at any time one good Tribune or other that would be glad to get the start and victorie of his fellow yea and the favour also of the better part for to purchase the good of the weale-publike And that there would be more Tribunes if more were needfull readie to assist the Consuls and if there were but one even that one were sufficient to stand against all the rest So that the Consuls and LL. of the Counsell would but do their indevour to win unto the State and Senate some certaine of the Tribunes if they might not compasse all The Senatours being thus schooled and taught their lessons by Appius both all in generall would
prices and hire that should have purchased the kingdome were forfait and confiscate He commanded therefore the Questors to sell those goods to bring the mony into the common Treasurie And then he caused forthwith his dwelling house to be overthrowne and made even with the ground that the plot or floure thereof might be a monument of a wicked attempt smothered and stifled in the very hope and hatching therof This is the place which was called afterwards Aequimelium As for L. Minutius he had an oxe with guilded hornes given him for an honour and reward without the gate Trigemina The Commons therewith were not miscontented for that to them he devided Melius his corn at the price of one Asse a Modius Among some authors I find that this Minutius forsooke the Nobles and went to the Commons and was taken in to be the eleventh Tribune of the Commons and appeased the mutinie that arose upon Melius his death But it was not like that the Senatours suffered the number of the Tribunes to be increased and especially that such an example should be given and taken up by a man of their coat or that the comminaltie would not keepe it still if it had ben once allowed or at least wise attempt it againe But above al this confuteth reproveth the false title of Tribune set upon his image for that a few years before it was by a statute expresly provided That Tribunes might not chuse and take untothem a colleague in office Q. Cecilius and Q. Iunius and Sextus Titinius were the only men of all the colledge of Tribunes that propounded not the law for the honor of Minutius but rather accused unto the Commons both Minutius and Servilius and ceased not to make complaint of the cruell and unworthie death of Melius and in fine prevailed so much that there should be an Election for Militarie Tribunes rather than for Consuls nothing doubting but it six were chosen for so many at that time might be created some of the Commons also by promising to revenge the death of Melius might step in and be elected The Commons for all they were tossed that yeare with many and sundrie troubles chose no more than three Tribunes with Consuls authoritie and among them L. Quintius the sonne of Cincinnatus Vpon the hard conceit and hatred of whose Dictatorship past they thought to picke some occasion ofquarrell and tumult and Mamercus Aemylius a man of great credit and reputation was by voices preferred afore Quintius and obteined the first place And L. Iulius they created for the third Whiles these bare soveraigne rule Fidene the Colonie of the Romanes revolted to Lars Tolumnius the king of the Veientians and to the State of the Veientians And besides their revolting a more horrible fact they committed For at the commandement of Tolumnius they slew C. Falcinius C. Iulius Sp. Nautius L. Roscius the Roman Embassadors who came to demand the cause of this their change and suddaine alteration Some here doe excuse and elevate the act of the king saying that upon a luckie cast of dice he uttered a doubtfull speech which was by the Fidenatians so taken as though he seemed to bid the Embassadours to bee killed and that sorsooth was the occasion of murdering the Embassadours a thing incredible that at the comming in of the Fidenatians his new allies who were to consult with him and ask his advise about a murder that should breake the law of Nations his mind should not be turned away from earnest studying about his game and so this hainous fact proveth to be but an error More credible it is that he had a further meaning and deeper reach namely that the people of the Fidenatians A should be bound unto him and onely relie upon him being attaint with the guiltinesse of so soule a murder and not to looke and hope for any mercie or meed at the Romanes hands The Statues of these Embassadours which were at Fidene murdered were set up openly at the charges of the citie in the Rostra A publick crosse as it were or pulpit in Rome out of which the Magistrats made Orations to the people beautified with the beakheads-of ships and their brasen pikes called Rostra Thus was there like to be a cruel conflict with the Veientians Fidenates Who besides that they were people confining on their frontiers had also in the beginning of their war given so wicked horrible a cause of quarell Therfore when as the common people and their Tribunes in regard of the care for the publicke State were at quiet there was no question but that M. Geganius Macerinus the third time and L. Sergius Fidenas named I suppose so upon the war which afterwards under his conduct was fought should be created Consuls For this man first encountred with the king of the Veientians on this side Anio gat the victory but not without much bloudshead of the Romanes So that the greefe was greater for the losse of his owne souldiors than the joy for the discomfiture of his enemies And the Senate as in all fearfull times and dangerous occurrents ordained Mamercus Aemylius to bee created Dictator Who out of the brotherhood of Tribunes militarie in Consuls authoritie the yeare before named for the Generall of his horsemen L. Quintius Cincinnatus who had beene a Tribune with him a toward young Gentleman and a worthie sonne of so worthie a father To those souldiors that were by the Consull mustered and levied were the old Centurions experienced and skilfull warriors adjoined and the number of those which in that last battaile were slaine was supplied The Dictator commanded to follow him as Lieutenants Quintius Capitolinus and M. Fabius Vibulanus This greater power and authoritie and the man likewise nothing thereto inferiour drave the enemies out of the Romane ground set them farther off even beyond Anio Who removing their campe still backward seized upon the hils betweene Fidene and Anio neither durst they come downe from thence into the open plaines before that the Legions of the Falisci came to succour Then at length the Tuscanes encamped themselves under the wals of Fidene And the Roman Dictator likewise rested and abode upon the banckes of the Confluent where both rivers runne into one and flanked himselfe there by And when he had cast up a trench rampier afront reaching acrosse from the one river to the other the morrow after he brought his power forth set them in order of battaile The enemies were of sundrie minds The Faliscians who hardly could away long souldierie farre from home and trusting withall in their owne selves that they were good ynough required battaile The Veientians and Fidenates had more hope in drawing out the war on length Tolumnius albeit the advise of his owne men liked him better yet because the Faliscians should not indure lingering warfare sendeth a trumpet and proclaimeth battaile against the morrow The Dictator and the Romanes for
as therefore they openly muttered thereat and the Questor or Treasurer P. Sestius thought that the mutinie might be restrained with the same violence by which it was first raised â—he sent an Officer to one clamorous souldior that kept a yauling above the rest Whereupon arose an outcrie and a brawle and he got himselfe a good rap with a stone for his labour that he was faine to goe out of the prease And he that smote him spake alowd besides and bad the Questor take now that for his paines in a mischeefe which the Generall had threatened his souldiours Posthumius in this hurliburlie was sent for and he when he wascome made all worse and worse with his sharpe examinations tortures and cruell punishments At the last when he could not see â—o make an end nor bridle his choler they all ran on heapes together at the lamentable crie of those whom he commaunded to be choked in the mire and killed under the hurdle and he halfe besides himselfe full foolishly stept downe in more hast than good specd from the Tribunall seat to chastise one that contested with him and made a great brawling Now when as the Lictors and Centurions every where laid about them to make way and ill intreated the multitude in the throng they mooved their patience so much that in that furious fit of the souldiours the Militarie Tribune was by his owne armie stoned to death Which horrible act after it was noised at Rome and the Militarie Tribunes by the Senats authoritie were about to fit in commission for the examination of the death of their colleague by way of rigour and torture the Tribunes of the Communaltie opposed themselves and resisted them But that contention depended upon another quarrell For the Senate doubting least that the Commons for feare of those examinations intended would in their anger create Tribunes militarie from out of their owne bodie and degree were very carefull and studied all they could that Consuls might bee chosen againe But when as the Tribunes of the Commons would not suffer an act of the Senate to passe and hindered also the election of the Consuls the matter came to an Interreigne But in the end the Nobles had the upper hand For when as Q. Fabius Vibulanus the Interregent held a Court for the said Election there were created Consuls A. Cornelius Cossus and L. Furius Medullinus In the beginning of these Consuls yeare the Senate made a decree that the Tribunes with all speed possible should propose unto the Commons concerning the inquisition of Posthumius his death and that they should make cheefe Commissioner and Iudge whom they would The Commons by the consent of the whole people gave the Consuls commission to see it done and performed accordingly Who notwithstanding that with exceeding moderation and lenitie they dispatched and ended the matter by punishing a few who as it was crediblie thought made themselves away yet could they not for all that bring about but the Communaltie tooke it very hainously and in the highest degree saying That the Acts Ordinances which had ben propounded concerning their weale commodities those lay a long time asleepe in the deck and nothing done but an order graunted for their bloudshead and death that was presently put in execution Of so great force and importance was it Now this had been the fittest time that after these mutinous souldiours were chastised the division of the Volane territorie should have been offered unto them for to comfort their poore hearts again By which deed no doubt their hote desire and longing after the law Agraria had been abated which tended to dispossesse at length the Nobles of the common grounds which they injuriously were seized of But this indignitie stucke in their stomackes and was taken neerer to the heart when they saw the Nobilitie so stiffely bent not only to keepe the common grounds in their hands which they held by force but also unwilling to devide among the people so much as the wast and voide ground lately gotten by conquest from the enemies but that it was like within a while as all the rest to bee a bootie and dividend to be shared among a few The same yeare were the legions led by Furius the Consull against the Volscians who harried the borders of the Hernicks But finding not the enemie there they wan Ferentinum whether a great number of the Volscians had retired themselves The bootie there was lesse than they hoped for by reason that the Volscians seeing small hope of keeping the towne trussed up and carried away both bag and baggage in the night and quit the towne which was won the morrow after being left well neare destitute and emptie All the lands were given freely to the Hernicks When this year now was passed in good quiet by the modestie peaceable carriage of the Tribunes then in place there succeeded another Tribune of the Commons L. Icilius when Q. Fabius Ambuslus and C. Furius Pacilius were Consuls Whiles this man in the very beginning of his yeare was busie in stirring new seditions as if it had been a taske imposed upon his name and linage by proposing of the Agrarian laws behold there arose a pestilence more fearefull than hurtfull which turned away mens mindes from their publicke assemblies and accustomed contentions to tend their houses and to care for the cherishing of their bodies And as men verily thinke the sicknesse was lesse dangerous than the seditions were like to have been When as the cittie was now excused as it were well escaped with the sicknes only of many and death of very few presently after this pestilent yeare followed as it is commonly seene a great death of corne by reason of the neglect of tillage M. Papyrius Atratinus and C. Nautius Rutilius being Consuls This famine would have been more grievovs than the plague had they not provided well for come by sending forth their Embassadours to the neighbour nations all about inhabiting along the Tuscane Sea the Tyber for to buy graine Proudly were the Embassadors prohibited all commerce and traffique with the Samnits who held at that time Capua and Cumes but contrariwise bountifully were they releeved by the tyrants or potentates of Sicilie And such was the willing endevour of Hetruria that great store of victuals came down the Tyber In what desolation the cittie was during this affliction the Cos. tried by this that when they could not furnish an Embassage but with one Senator they were compelled to adjoine two Knights unto them And setting a side the sicknes dearth there was no trouble either at home or abroad for those two years But when these storms were once overblown that care past then began again the old troubles wherwith the citie had usually bin disquieted dissention at home war abroad When M. Aemylius and C. Valerius Potitus were Consuls the Aequians made preparation for wars and banded with the Volscians Who albeit they
consideration of the weale publicke than of the favour of my brethren Wherefore if the Senat persist still in that mind and resolution of theirs I will the next night following nominate a Dictatour And if any one withstand me I will aske no more than the power and vertue of the Senates Act. By which speech of his having woon deserved praise and thankes of all men he declared Publius Cornelius Dictator and was himselfe by him nominated Generall of the horsemen A singular example to teach as many as beheld him and his Colleagues That otherwhiles favour and honour soonest fall to them that least desire the same The warre was small and nothing memorable for in one easie and slight battaile were the enemies overthrowne and slaine at Antium The armie upon this victorie wasted the Volscians countrie wan by force the castle upon the lake Fucinus and within it took three thousand prisoners having chased all the rest of the Volscians within their wals not able to keepe their frontiers The Dictatour after he had performed this warre in such sort as onely he might not seeme to neglect his wonted fortune but keepe it still in ure returned into the citie with greater felicitie than glorie and resigned up his place The Tribunes militarie making no words at all of the chusing of Consuls for anger I suppose that a Dictator had been created published the Election of Tribunes Militarie But then the Senatours were in greater care and perplexitie seeing their cause betraied even by those of their owne companie Wherefore as in the former yeare by foisting in the basest of the Commons for competitours they had caused even men of good worth to bee despised so now by procuring the principall of the Nobilitie both for honour and for favour to stand for the dignitie they obtained all the places to themselves so as no one Commoner could bee chosen So there were created foure all having afore born that Magistracie L. Furius Medullinus C. Valerius Potitus Cn. Fabius Vibulanus C. Servilius Hala. This man was chosen again to the place as well in regard of other vertues and worthie parts as for the late favour which he woon by his rare moderation and singular carriage of himselfe In that yeare for as much as the time of truce with the Veientian Nation was expired they began by Embassadours and Heraulds of armes to challenge of them amends and restitution Whom as they entred into their territorie the Embassage of the Veientians encountred in the way requesting them not to goe forward to Veij before they had presented themselves to the Senate of Rome Who being thither come obtained of the Senate that for as much as the Veientians were at civile discord among themselves they would not claime any Almendats at their hands Lo how far they were from seeking their own vantage by other mens distresse calamitie Also at the Volscians hands they sustained dammage by losse of their garison at Verrugo But see what a thing it is to slack the time For whereas the soldiors besieged there by the Volscians and sending for aid in due time might have been rescued if speed had been made the armie which was sent for succour came too short and after the fray was ended Onely this exploit they did The enemies who after their fresh massacre committed upon the garison were gone abroad stragling for to raise booties were by them overtaken and put to the sword The cause of this slackenesse was imputed to the Senat rather than the soveraigne Tribunes who because intelligence was given that they in the garrison resisted and defended themselves most manfully little considered That there is no prowesse of man whatsoever but by valour againe it may bee overmatched Most brave and valiant souldiours they that neither whiles they lived nor after death were unrevenged The yeare following when P. and Cornelius both surnamed Cossus C. Fabius Ambustus and L. Valerius Potitus were Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie began the Veientian watre by occasion of a proud arrogant answere returned by the Senat of the Veientians Who commanded that the Embassadors which came to claime a mends should take this for their dispatch That unlesse they departed presently out of the cittie and countrie they would serve them as Lars Tolumnius had done others before The Senatours of Rome hardly could digest that and therefore decreed that the Militarie Tribunes should propose unto the people as speedely as might be even the day before to morrow concerning proclamation of open war and sending defiance to the Veientians Which as soone as ever it was noised and published the younger sort and men of service murmured and muttered in this manner That as yet they had not fully ended the warre with the Volscians that even of late two whole garrisons were lost and their throats cut and the forts kept still with danger and great hazard There is not say they a yeare passeth over our heads but one field or other is fought and as if we had not worke and trouble enough alreadie there was now intended new warre with a most mightie nation confining upon them and which was like enough to raise against them all Hetruria And as they were forward enough of themselves to conceive thus and utter these speeches so the Tribunes of the Commons were not behind to buzze more matters into their heads and set all on a light fire Who gave out stillefrsoons That when al was done the greatest warring was between the Nobles and Commons and that the Commons for the nonce were to be toiled out with travaile orwarfare and exposed to the enemies for to be murdered and that they were to be kept far off from the cittie and as it were confined and sent out of the way least by being quiet at home minding their freedome and colonies they should consult and devise both how to dispose of the common grounds and to give their voices freely And ever as they could meete with any olde beaten souldiours they would hold them with talke take them by their hands reckon up how many yeares they had done service in warre fall to telling of their gashes and skars asking them what whole place they had left in their bodies for to receive new wounds and what bloud was behind to spend and shed in the quarrell of the common-wealth When as by iterating these and such like speeches both in their private talke and conference and also other whiles in their publike assemblies they had turned clean away the hearts of the comminaltie from taking war in hand the foresaid Act propounded was put off untill a farther day and lay still for the time Which no doubt had been nipt in the head and never would have passed farther in case it had been referred and subject to the hard opinion and conceit of men as then they stood affected In the meane whiles agreed it was that the Militarie Tribunes should conduct an armie into the Volscians countrie Câ—
their present perill hee raised therefore a countermure and platformes and rolling frames mounted against the wals but as good hap was by an opportunitie that fell out they had no use of these munitions and fabrikes For M. Fabius a Romane prisoner taking vantage of the negligence of his keepers upon a feastivall holyday and making meanes to breake his bonds let himselfe downe by a long cord fastened at one end to a pinacle or battilment of the wall and slid by the armes among the munitions and fabrikes of the Romanes who so persuaded and prevailed with the Generall that hee caused him to give an assault upon the enemies now being fast asleepe as having filled their bellies with wine and good meats So that with as little a do were the Ausonians and their cittie surprised as they were afore vanquished in fight A great bootie of pillage was there gotten and after a garrison placed at Cales the legions were brought back to Rome The Consull by decree of the Senate triumphed and that Attilius should not bee without his glorie too both Coss. were appointed to lead forth an armie against the Sidicines but before they went they appointed by a decree of the Senat L. Aemylius Mamercus to be Dictator to hold the election of Consuls Who named Q. Publius Philo for his Generall of horsemen In this Election holden by this Dictator there were created Consuls T. Veturius and Sp. Posthumius Who albeit there remained some part behind of the Sidicines warre yet to the intent they might gratifie the Commons by some good turne and prevent their longing before they spake themselves proposed an Act concerning the bringing of a Colonie to Cales and when as the Senate had ordained that two thousand and five hundred men should bee enrolled and assigned thither they created Triumvirs for to bring them thither and to divide the lands namely Caeso Duellius T. Quintius and M. Fabius After this the new Consuls having received the armie of the old entred into the enemies confines wasting all before them untill they came to the very wals of their cittie Now for that the Sidicines had assembled a puissant armie and seemed themselves fully resolute and bent upon utter despaire to put all unto the last adventure and to sight it out to the last man Moreover because it was noised that all Samnium was risen up in armes by authoritie from the Senate the Consuls appointed P. Cornelius Ruffinus Dictator and M. Antonius was nominated Generall of the horse But hereupon grew againe another scruple that there was some errour escaped in the creation so they resigned up their places and because there ensued also a plague hereupon as if all their Auspices for the Elections of Magistrates had been touched and infected with that errour and default the managing of all affaires fell to an Interreigne Which being now entered upon by the fift Interregent M. Valerius Corvinus then Consuls were created L. Cornelius the second time and Cn. Domitius When all things els were at quiet the rumor of the Gauls war was so rife and hot that it was taken for a very Tumult Wherupon it was thought good that a Dictator should be created And M. Papyrius Crassus was nominated who had P. Valerius Publicola for Generall of the horsemen When they had mustered the soldiors more streightly and with greater regard than would have been for wars neare hand the espials who were sent out brought word that all was well and quiet among the Gaules But suspected it was that Samnium now the second yeare was readie to drop out of their allegeance and seeke a change Whereupon the Romane armie was not withdrawne out of the Sidicine countrie Howbeit the warre of Alexander King of Epirus drew the Samnits into the Lucanes countrie which two nations uniting their forces gave the King a battaile as he made rodes from Pestus In which conflict Alexander having gotten the upper hand entred into a league and amitie with the Romanes although it was much doubted with what faithfulnesse he would observe the same if all his affaires prospered as well The same yeare was a solemne Cense or Numbring of the people of Rome holden and the newe citizens were matriculated and enrolled And therefore two Tribes were annexed Melia and Captia the Censors that ordeined them were Publ. Philo and Sp. Posthumius The Acerranes became Romane citizens by an act proposed by L. Papyrius the Pretor by vertue whereof they were enfranchised Denizens but without the priviledge of giving voices These were the acts for this yere both at home and abroad The yeare next following were it through the unkinde distemperature of the aire or by some wicked practise of man was infamous when M. Claudius Marcellus and T. Valerius were Consuls I finde the surname of this Consull to varie in divers Chronicles in some Flaccus in others Potitus But it matters not much whether be true This rather I could willingly have wished and yet all authors doe not record it that it had been falsely recorded That those persons by forcery and poison were made away whose death hath diffamed that yeare with the note of a pestilence But yet as the thing is left in writing I purpose to deliver it left that I should seeme to derogate ought from the credence of any writer When as the chiefe personages of the cittie died upon like diseases and after one and the same manner of symptomes a certaine chamber-maid presented her selfe to Q. Fabius Maximus being for the time an Aedile of State and professed to bewray the cause of that publike and contagious maladie if shee might be assured by faithfull promise from him that by the utterance thereof she should not come to harme nor trouble Forthwith Fabius delivered this matter to the Consuls and the Consuls made relation thereof to the Senate by the consent of which State assurance was made accordingly unto the partie aforesaid to reveale the matter Then shee declared that by the lewd and mischievous wickednes of women the cittie was thus afflicted and namely That certain dames of Rome even their owne wives boiled and tempered ranke poisons to kill their husbands and if they would follow it presently they might be taken in the maner So they went straight waies with the wench and found some women as they were seething and preparing venimous drugs yea and some poisoned confections alreadie put up Which were brought into the market place and about 20 of those dames with whom the poisons were found were sent for by a serjeant Two of them Cornelia and Sergio both noble women borne stoutly standing upon these termes and stiffely avouching That they were soveraine medicines and holsome for the bodie of man were by the chamber-maid aforesaid confuted and enjoyned to drinke therof that they might disprove her and make her a lier and to have devised of her owne fingers ends this false slander Who tooke a time to commune and conferre together and the people were
forces and so mightie in meanes as nowe they were Moreover they came not newly now to wage war without knowledge of the prowesse and martiall skill one of another for triall they had made thereof sufficient alreadie in the first punicke warre Besides so variable was the fortune of the field so doubtfully were their battailes fought that neerer losse and daunger were they who in the end wan the better and atchieved the victorie And to conclude if a man observe the whole course and proceeding of these their warres their malice and hatred was greater in a manner than theirforces whiles the Romans tooke foule skorn and disdaine that they whose hap before was to be vanquished should unprovoked begin warre afresh with the Conquerors and the Carthaginians again were as mal-content and throughlyf offended as taking themselves notwithstanding they were overcome to bee abused too much at their hands by their prowd insolent and covetous rule over them Over and besides all this the report goeth that Anniball being but nine yeares old or thereabout came fawning and flattering as wanton children doe to his father Amilcar that hee would take him with him into Spaine at what time as after the Affricane war ended his father was offering sacrifice readie to passe over thither with an armie where he was brought to the altar side and induced to lay his hand thereupon and to touch the sacrifice and so to sweare that so soone as ever he were able he would be a professed and mortall enemie to the people of Rome Vexed no doubt at the heart was Amilcar himselfe a man of high spirit and great courage for the losse of the islands Sicilie and Sardinia for not onely Sicilie was overhastily yeelded as he thought as despairing too soone of the state thereof and doubting how it should be defended but also Sardinia was by the cunning and fraudulent practise of the Romanes surprised out of the Carthaginians hands whiles they were troubled with the commotion rebellion of Affrick and a Tribute besides imposed upon them He being disquieted I say and troubled with these greefs and discontentments so bare himselfe for five yeares space in the Affricke warre which insued immediately upon the peace concluded with the Romanes and likewise after in Spaine for nine yeares together enlarging ever still the dominion of Carthage that all the world might fee he intended and dessigned a greater warre than that he had in hand and if God had spared him longer life it should have beene well seene that the Carthaginians under the leading of Amilcar would have made that warre upon Italie which afterward they waged by the conduct of Anniball But the death of Amilcar happening in so good season for the Romanes and the childhood and tendernonage of Annibal together were the cause that this war was put off and deferred In the meane time between the father and the sonne Asdruball bare all the rule for the space almost of eight years This Asdruball had ben Amilcar his minion growne highly into his grace and favour at the first as men say for the very prime and flower of his youth but afterwards in regard of the singular towardnesse of a brave and haughtie mind which soone appeared in him and for his forwardnesse to action hee was preferred to be his sonne in law and married his daughter Now for as much as he was Amilcar his sonne in law he was advaunced to the soveraigne conduct of the warre with no good liking at all and consent of the Nobilitie and Peeres but by the meanes and favour onely of the Barchinefaction which bare a great stroke and might do all in all among the souldiours and the common people Who managed all his affaires more by pollicie and sage counsell than by force and violence and using the authoritie and name of the Princes and great Lords of those countries and by intertaining friendship with the cheefe rules woon daily the hearts of new nations still and by that meanes enlarged the power and siegnorie of the Carthaginians in Spain rather than by any warre force of armes But for all this peace with forraine States he was never the more sure of his owne life at hóme For a certaine barbarous fellow for anger that his maister and Lord was by him put to death flew him in open place and being laid hold on by them that were attendant about Asdrubal his person he kept the same countenance still as if he had escaped and gone cleare away yea and when hee was by cruell torments all mangled and torne hee looked so cheerefully and pleasantly on the matter as if he had seemed to smile so far his joy of heart surpassed the paines and anguish of his bodie With this Asdruball for that hee had so singular a gift and wonderfull dexteritie in solliciting and annexing unto his dominion the Nations aforesaid the people of Rome had renued the league upon these two capitulations and conditions first that the river Iberus should limit and determine the siegnories of them both Item that the Saguntines seated in the middest between the territories of both Nations should remaine free and enjoy their auncient liberties No doubt at all there was now but when a new Commander should succeed in the rownie of Asdruball the favour of the people would goe cleare with the prerogative voice and choise of the souldiours who presently brought young Anniball into the Generall his pavilion and with exceeding great acclamation and accord of all saluted him by the name of Captaine Generall For this you must understand that Asdruball by his letters missive had sent for him being verie young and hardly 14 yeares of age yea and the matter was debated first in the counsell house at Carthage where they of the Barchine side laboured followed the matter earnestly that Annihall should be trained in warfare grow up to succeed his father in equal proesse and greatnesse But Hanno the chiefe man of the contrarie faction It is but meet and reason quoth hee that Asdruball doth demaund and yet for mine own part I thinke it not good that his request should be granted When they mused and mervailed much at this so doubtfull speech of his and wist not what construction to make of it Why then quoth Hanno to be plaine That floure and beautie of youth which Asdruball himselfe yeelded and parted with all sometimes unto Annibals father for to use or abuse at his pleasure the same he thinketh by good right he may chalenge and have again from the sonne to make quittance But it be seemeth not us sot to acquaint our yoong youths with the campe that under the colour and in steed of their militarie institution and teaching they abandon and give their bodies to serve the lust and appetite of the Generals What Is this the thing we feare That the sonne of Amilcar should tarie too long erche see the excessive graundeur and soveraintie of his father and
grounds to the end that the Iland might bring forth fruite not only to susteine and mainteine the naturall inhabitants thereof but also to ease the price of corne and victuals in the citie of Rome and throughout all Italie like as it had done many times before he transported over with him into Italie a rable and damned crew of unruly people from Agatirna Some foure thousand there were of them a confused multitude of all sorts a very mish mash and sinke of vile and wretched persons most of them Outlawes Bankrupts and notorious male factors in danger of death by the lawes of their cities where they lived And being fled their countries some for one fact some for another they chaunced all upon like fortune to sort themselves as commonly birds of a feather will flye together and at Agatirna they made choise like outlawes to live by robbing and spoiling and this was their only profession and trade Laevinus thought it no good pollicie to leave behind him these good fellowes in an Iland which began but now upon new peace to knit and unite againe for feare least they would minister matter of innovation and change and besides there was some good use of them among the Rhegines for to foray and rove about the Brutians countrie for such they stood in need of and had laid for a companie which were acquainted with theeving and stealing And so this yeare made an end of the war in Sicilie P. Scipio L. Deputie and Generall in Spaine having in the prime and beginning of Spring put his ships to sea and set them aflote and by an edict summoned all the aides of the allies to repaire to the Rendez vous at Taracon gave order and commaundement that as well the ships of warre as of charge and burden should from thence set forward and shew themselves at the mouth of the river Iberus And after he had given direction and charge that the legions from out of their winter harboroughs should there meere together himselfe accompanied with five thousand of his allies put himselfe on his journey to his maine armie Being thither come he thought it good to make some speech to the old souldiours especially as many as remained alive after so great disfeatures and overthrowes and when he had assembled them all together to an audience in this wise he spake unto them Never was there new Generall before myselfe that could by good right and in regard of desert render thanks unto his souldiours before he had employed them and made triall of their good service But as for me before I ever came within sight of this province before I entred my goverment and saw the camp fortune hath obliged me and made me behoulden unto you First for your kindnesse and zealous affection to my father and to mine unkle both while they lived and when they were dead Secondly in that when the possession of this province was lost after so great foyles and overthrowes ye have by your vertue and valour recovered the same againe and kept it entire to the behoofe of the people of Rome and myselfe the next successor in place of soveraigne rule and commaund But for as much as our full purpose and present resolution is by the leave favour and power of the gods not so much to hold the possession ourselves and abide in Spaine but to dispossesse the Carthaginians that they may have no footing nor abode at al there and since the thing that we go about is not to stand keeping the banke of Iberus for to stop the passage of the enemie but to geve the attempt to passe over ourselves by force yea and there withall to transport the warre over with us into his owne country and to come home unto him I feare me greatly least this will seeme unto some of you a greater designement and more audacious enterprise of mine than may either suite and sort with the fresh rememberance of those late defeatures or stand well with my young and unripe age The soyles and unfortunate foughten fields in Spaine can be of no man in the world forgotten later than of myselfe whose father whose unkle were within the space of 30 dayes there slaine to the end that sorrow upon sorrow funerall upon funerall one mournefull death after another should infortunately be heaped upon our house familie But as this desolate estate and defect almost of all my house and name wherein I onely in manner am left alive of my race woundeth my heart and make it bleed as often as I thinke of it so the publike fortune and vertue of the Commonweale reviveth my spirit againe and will not suffer me to dispaire totally of the state of this Empire considering the destinie and providence of the gods whereby it is a thing given unto us and our lucke hath ever bene that howsoever we have received overthrowes in all great warres and daungerous battailes yet in the end wee have gone away with the victorie I omit to speake of old examples of Porsena of the Gaules Samnites and I will begin at the Punicke warres How many armadaes and fleetes how many brave captains how many valiant and puissant armies were there lost miscarried during the former And what should I say of this in our daies In all the defeatures and overthrowes I was either present myselfe in person or if I were not in any of them yet I am sure I was hee that felt the smart of them more than any man else whatsoever The river Trebia the mere Thrasymenus the town Cannae what are they else but the very sepulchres and tombes of the Romane armies there hewne in peeces and of their Consuls slaine And thereto the generall revolt of Italie the rebellion of Sicilie the falling away of the greater part of Sardiâ—ia Moreover and besides this last afright and terror namely the Carthaginians campe pitched betweene Anio and the walles of Rome and Anniball seene well neere as conquerour at the very gates of our cittie In these so great ruines and adverse distresses of our state yet the vertue alone and valour of the people of Rome hath stood upright sound and immutable yea and hath raised up againe and set on foot all that which lay along on the ground You onely my valorous souldiours were the first that after the discomfiture of Cannae under the leading good fortune of my father withstood Asdruball in his journey and expedition toward the Alpes purposing to go downe into Italie who if hee had joyned with his brother Anniball certainly by this day there had remained no memorie of the Romane name And in very truth these affaires falling out so prosperously made a mends and recompence for all the former losses But now through the goodnes of the gods all things prosper and go well forward and the affaires of Italie and Sicilie both mend daily are every day better than other In Sicilie Saracose Agrigentum are woon and wholly ours the enemies
also was confirmed for a yeer longer the charge of that fleet of seventie ships which rid about Sicilie with commission to ad thereto those thirtie ships which the former yeer lay before Tarentum with this armada consisting of one hundred saile to put over into Affricke if hee thought so good and there to forray and fetch booties Over and besides P. Sulpitius was for one yeere longer to continue in office and to governe the provinces of Macedonie and Greece with the force of the said navie which hee had before As touching the two legions which remained about the citie of Rome there was no alteration Only the Consuls were permitted to levie and enroll a new supplie as need should require Thus the Empire and State of Rome for that yeere was mainteined with the power of 21 legions P. Licinius Varus the Pretour of the cittie was charged to repaire those thirtie old ships which lay at Hostia and to furnish twentie new built with sailers and mariners that with this armada of fiftie saile he might be able to defend all the sea coast neere unto the citie of Rome C. Calpurnius was forbidden to remove his forces from Arretium be fore a successor came in his place The same order was given to Tubulus and to have especially a vigilant eie that no commotion arose from thence And then the Pretours went into their provinces As for the Consuls they were troubled in mind and made some scruple of conscience to go to their provinces upon the report of some prodigious and ominous signes and also because in their sacrifices they found not the gods so propicious and favourable unto them For out of Campania newes came that in Capua two temples to wit of Fortune and Mars and also some tombes and sepulchres were smitten with lightning and besides see how vaine and preposterous superstition imputeth even the least trifling things to the hand of God that certaine mice forsooth in a chappell of Iupiter gnawed the gold Also that in Casinum a great swarme of bees settled in the very market place Moreover that the wall and one of the gates at Hostia was blasted and stricken with lightning That in Caere a gripe fled into the church of Iupiter That at Volsinij there was a poole flowed with bloud In regard of these strange and wonderous tokens there was a devout supplication for one day And for certaine daies together greater beasts were killed for sacrifices without any good token and for a long time the grace and favour of the gods could not be obteined But yet the fortune of the Common-weale stood still upright and all this anger and mischiefe portended by those wonders light upon the head of the Consuls alone and their death excused all the rest The Plaies called Apollinares in the yeere of Q. Fulvius and Ap. Claud. Consuls had ben by P. Cornel. Sulla Pretour of the citie first exhibited after whom all the Pretours ever after did the like But they vowed them a yeare before and performed them upon a day uncertaine The same yeare hapned a grievous plague both in the citie and in the countries about which yet in the end turned rather to long and chronick diseases than to sharp and deadly maladies For this pestilence there was not only solemne going in procession in all the high streets carrefours and crosse waies throughout the citie but also P. Licinius Varus Pretor of the citie was commaunded to propound unto the people that the Plaies abovesaid should be vowed for ever against a set and determinate day Himselfe therefore was the first that vowed them and exhibited them upon the third day before the Nones of Iuly and the same day ever after was observed and kept holiday for that purpose As the rumor of the Arretines revolt encreased daily greater so the LL. of the Senate were carefull about it every day more than other Letters therefore were sent unto C. Hostilius that he should without delay take pledges of the Arretines and C. Terentius Varro was sent with commission to receive the said hostages at his hands and to bring them to Rome He was no sooner come but Hostilius presently commaunded that one legion which lay in camp before the towne should enter the citie with banner displaied and there he put sufficient gards in places convenient Then having called and summoned the Senatours to appeare in the market place he demaunded of them hostages And when the Senate requested but two daies respit to consider of the matter he made proclamation that either they should deliver them presently or els the next day hee would seaze upon all the Senatours children every one Then he commaunded the Colonels the captaines of the Allies and the Centurions toward the gates that none might go forth of the citie by night But this was slackly and negligently executed for seven principall Senatours before the warders were set at the gates escaped forth with their children before night The morrow morning by breake of day when the Senate began to be cited into the Common hall these parties were missed and their goods confiscate and sold in port sale Of the rest of the Senatours their children were taken hostages to the number of 120 and were delivered to C. Terentius for to be conveighed to Rome who when he was come into the Senate made such relation of the matter that the suspition of their revolt was much more pregnant than before And therefore as if some insurrection had like presently to grow from Tuskane C. Terentius himselfe was commaunded to conduct one of the two legions about the citie of Rome unto Arretium and there to lye in garrison with it for to keepe the towne in order And it was thought meete that C. Hostilius with the armie besides should survey and visit the whole Province and to be carefull and circumspect that no occasion nor opportunitie might be given unto them that were minded to seeke alteration and to rebell C. Terentius so soone as he was come to Arretium with the legion when he called unto the Magistrates for the keyes of the gates and they made answere that they were but miscast aside and could not be found supposing that they were rather cautelously laid out of the way for the nonce than lost by negligence caused other keies and locks to be made and set upon every gate and tooke as great heed and care as he could to have all under his owne hand He gave especiall warning also to Hostilius as touching the Tuskanes and told him that he should never hope to rest in securitie that they would not rebell unlesse he tooke order with them aforehand that they possiblie could not rebell After this there was much debate and contention in the Senate about the Tarentines even before Fabius whiles himselfe excused and defended them whom he had conquered and subdued by force and armes but others were mightely offended with them yea and most of them gave out plainely that they were
Decurions petie-captaines Mariners and Ore-men by the way The Perusines the Clusines the Rusellanes offred firre trees for the framing and making of the ships and a great quantitie of corne But for this worke he occupied only the firre hewen out of the publike forests and wasts All the States of Vmbria the Nursines also the Reatines and Amiternines and the whole country of the Sabines made promise to help him to souldiers the Marsi the Peligni and Marrucines in great umber came of their owne free wils and were enrolled to serve at sea in the navie The Camertes being allies and confederate to the Romanes but not tied to any service sent a brave companie of sixe hundred men well armed And when as there were set out the keeles or botomes for thirtie ships twentie Caravels of five course of ores and ten of foure himselfe in person plied the carpenters and shipwrights so and set forward the worke that 45 daies after the timber was brought out of the wood the ships were finished rigged armed and furnished with all things and shot into the water So to Sicilie he sailed with thirtie long ships of warre having embarked therein almost seven thousand of voluntarie servitours P. Licinius also for his part came into the Brutians country unto the two consularie armies of which he tooke unto him and chose that which L. Veturius the Consull had commaunded and suffred Metellus to have the leading still of those legions which had bene under his conduct before supposing that he should more easilie employ them in service because they were acquainted alreadie with his manner of regiment and governance The Pretours likewise went into their sundrie provinces And because money was wanting for to deffray the charges of the warres the high Treasurers were commaunded to make sale of all that tract of the Campane countrey which from the Greeke Fosse extendeth toward the sea And there was graunted out a commission to give notice of those lands and looke what ground so ever belonged to any citizen of Capua it was confiscate to the use of the people of Rome and for a reward to him that gave such notice there was assigned the tenth part of the monie that the land was rated and prised at Also Cn. Servilius the citie Pretour had geven him in charge to take order that the Campanes should dwell where as they were allowed to inhabite by vertue of a decree graunted forth by the Senate and to punish those that dwelt elsewhere In the same summer Mago the sonne of Amilcar being departed from the lesse Baleare Iland where he abode the winter season and having embarked a chosen power of yong lustie men sailed over into Italie with a fleete of thirtie ships headed with brasen piked beakes and many hulks of burden and there he set aland his souldiours to the number of twelve thousand footemen and welneere two thousand horse and with his sodaine comming surprised Genua by reason that there lay no garisons in those parts to guard and defend the seacosts From thence he sailed along and arrived in the river of the Alpine Ligurians to see if he could by his comming raise some commotion rebellion The Ingauni a people of the Ligurians fortuned to warre at that present with certaine mountainers the Epanterij Whereupon Mago having laid up and bestowed safe all the prizes pillage that he had won in Savo a towne upon the Alpes and left ten ships of warre riding in the river for a sufficient guard and sent away the rest to Carthage for to keepe the sea coasts at home because there ran a common rumor that Scipio would passe the seas and over into Affrick himselfe after he had concluded a league and amitie with the Ingauni whose favour he more affected and esteemed than the others set in hand to assaile the mountainers Besides his power increased dayly for that the Frenchmen flocked unto him from all parts upon the noyle and voyce of his name Intelligence here of was geven to the Senate by the letters of Sp. Lucretius who were with these newes exceedingly troubled and perplexed for feare least they had rejoyced in vaine for the death of Asdruball and the defeature of his armie two yeare before in case there should arise from thence another warre as great and dangerous as the other differing in nothing els but the exchange of theGenerall And therefore they gave order and direction both to M. Livius the Proconsull to come forward with his armie of Voluntaries out of Tuskane into Ariminum and also unto Cn. Servilius the citie Pretour if he thought requisite and expedient for the Common-wealth to commit the two legions of citizens attending about Rome to whomsoever he pleased for to be commaunded and led forth of the citie So M. Valerius Laevinus conducted those legions to Aretium About the same time certaine hulks of the Carthaginians to the number of fourescore were bourded and taken about Sardinia by Cn. Octavius governor of that province Caelius writeth that they were loden with corne and victuals sent unto Anniball But Valerius reporteth that as they were carying the pillage taken in Hetruria and certaine prisoners of the Ligurian mountainers into Carthage they were intercepted and surprized by the way There was no memorable thing that yeere done in the Brutians countrey The pestilence raigned as well amongst the Romanes as the Carthaginians and they died thereof alike on both sides Mary the Carthaginian armie besides the plague were afflicted also with famine Anniball passed all that sommer time neere unto the temple of Iuno Lacinia where he built and reared an alter and dedicated it with a glorious title of his worthie acts engraven in Punick and Greeke letters THE XXIX BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the nine and twentith Booke CAius Laelius being sent from Scipio out of Sicilie into Africk brought from thence a huge bootie and declared unto Scipio the credence and message that hee had from Masanissa who complained of him that he had not as yet passed over with his fleet into Africk The warre in Spaine which Indibilis had raised was dispatched himselfe slaine in the field and Mandonius was delivered by his owne men into the Romanes hands that demaunded him of them Mago who was in France and Liguria had out of Africke sent unto him both a great power of souldiours and also money to wage aida with a commission and precept to ioyne himselfe unto Anniball Scipio crossed the seas from Saracose into the Brutii and ecovered the cittie Locri after he had discomsited the garrison there and put to flight Anniball Peace was concluded with Philip. The goddesse Dame Idas was brought solemnely to Rome from Pessinus by occasion of a prophesie found in the bookes of Sybilla to this effect That then the forreine enemie might be driven out of Italic when Dame Cybelic of Ida was
have given you full power and puissance to doe with us according to your pleasure but if it be lawfull for me a poore prisoner and captive woman to open my mouth and make an humble speech unto my Lord in whose onely hands lieth my life and death if I may be so bold as to touch your knees and that victorious right hand of yours I would beseech and pray your for the honour of the roiall majestie of a prince wherin we also ourselves erewhile were interessed in the love and name of the Numidian nation which now is commune to you and Syphax by the domesticall gods protectours of this regall house and princely palace who vouch safe to receive you into it at this present with better presages and more fortunate tokens than lately they sent Syphax out of it to deigne me a lowly suppliant this savour and grunt me this petition as to determine your selfe of me your captive whatsoever pleasant you not to suffer me to fall into the prowd hands and inhumane disposition of any Romane If there were nothing els but this that I was sometime wise and queen to Syphax yet would I rather trie the courtie and humanitie of a Numidian and one borne in Affrick as well as my selfe than of a stranger and alien But what hard measure a Carthaginian lady and the daughter of Asdruball may feare at a Romans hand you see and know full well Wherefore once againe I request and intreate your highnesse upon my knees to regard my suite and if there be no way els to save and keepe me from the will and appetite of the Romanes to do me to death out of hand For beautie she surpassed and was incomparable for yeeres lustie in the very best of her age And therfore when as now she held him fast by the hand and requested his protection and honorable word only for this That she might not be delivered and betrayed to a Romane placing and setting her words so well and couching them so cunningly that they sounded neerer to speeches for to win love than prayers to crave pitie see the fansie and affection of this victorious prince he enclined presently not only to mercy and compassion but also as all the kind of these Numidians are ful of love have no stay of their wanton lust a conquerour otherwise though he were yeelded himselfe prisoner to the love of his captive and so after he had geven her his right hand for assurance to performe her request he went into the palace This done he began to cast about with himselfe how he might make good his promise unto Sophonisba but finding no meanes els to compasse and bring it about he borowed foolish rash and shamelesse counsell of blind love He made no more ado but commaunded in all hast to prepare that very day for the solemnization of a mariage with Sophonisba because he would give neither Laelius nor Scipio himselfe any libertie at all to proceed against her as a prisoner after she were once the wedded wife of Masanissa The wedding was no sooner done but behold Laelius came a guest unsent for and nothing welcome who so little dissimuled how much he misliked the thing that he was once about to have plucked her forth of the bride-bed and sent her away even with Syphax and other prisoners to Scipio But overcome with the earnest prayers of Masanissa who besought and importuned him to referre the matter over to Scipio for to arbitrate and decide unto whether of the two kings Sophonisba should be awarded for to mend their state and better their fortune he sent away Syphax alone with the rest of the prisoners and by the help of Masanissa wan and recovered the other cities in Numidia which were held by the garisons of the king When news came into the camp that they were bringing Syphax thither all the multitude went forth as it were to behold a triumph Himselfe went bound before all the rest and a number of Numidian noblemen and gentlemen followed after Then every man to set forth and amplifie this victorie magnified what he could the greatnesse of king Syphax and the glorious renowme of the nation in these termes That he was the king unto whose majestie the two most mightie and puissant states of the world to wit the Romanes and the Carthaginians attributed so much that Scipio the Generall of the one for to seeke his amitie left the province of Spaine and the armie there and with two Caravels or Gallies ruled with five banks of ores sailed over into Affrick and Asdruball the great commaunder of the Carthaginians not only repaired himselfe in person unto him into his kingdome but also gave him his daughter in mariage so as at one time he had in his power the two grand-captaines of Carthaginians and Romanes both And like as both these nations killed sacrifices unto the immortall gods and craved thereby their grace and favour so of both parties at one time was his friendship sought for and desired And as for his power and puissance it was so great that he expelled Masanissa out of his owne realme and drave him to this narrow point that the best meanes he had to preserve his life was either the running rumor of his death or the lurking holes in the wild woods wherein he was glad to live by rupine and stealth after the guise of savage beasts The king thus talked of in every mans mouth that stood about him was brought at length into the Praetorium or Generals pavilion and there presented unto Scipio And Scipio verily was much moved in mind to consider the former state and fortune of the man compared now with this present condition and to remember withall and call to mind the hospitall interteinment the geving interchangeably of the right hand and the covenant between them made both in publick and private In these regards likewise Syphax tooke hart and spake more frankely unto the conquerour For when Scipio demaunded of him What he meant and for what intent he not only renounced alliance with the Romanes but also began himselfe first to make warre upon them he made answere againe and confessed That he had in deede done amisse and plaid the foole As for his taking armes against the people of Rome that was not the beginning of his follie but rather the very end of his frantick sortishnes Then it was and never els but then that he went besides himselfe and was bereft of his wits then he abandoned out of his mind and cleane forgat as well privat amitie by hospitall enterteinment as all publick alliance by solemne covenants when as he received into his house a Carthaginian ladie for his wife then his royall court and palace was set on fire and burned with those nuptiall torches That furious fiend it was quoth he and pestilent dame that by all kind of pleasant alluring baits and flattering enticements possessed my mind drew away and alienated my hart and never
in other respects so especially in this that it had a watering place within an arrow shot Anniball tooke an hill four miles from thence sure enough and commodious otherwise but only that they were farre from water In the mid way betweene they chose a plaine open on every side where they might discover and see all about them that no ambush there were laid and after they had caused their armed souldiours to retire a like distance from either partie then came together with one truch man or interpretour a peece not only the greatest and bravest captaines of their time but also equall to the mightiest kings or Emperours of realme or nation that ever had beene afore them in any age and remembrance of man For awhile they stood one beholding the other and said never a word ravished and astonied with a mutuall admiration and at last Anniball began and spake in this wise If the gods by destinies have so appointed that I who first levied warre against the Romanes and who so often have had the victorie as it were in mine owne hands must needs of my selfe and mine owne motion come now first likewise to sue for peace glad I am and well pleased that it is my good hap to meete with you above all other men at whose hands I should seeke the same And certes you also for your part among many your singular and excellent praises may skore up this for none of the least namely That Anniball unto whom the gods have vouchsafed the upperhand overso many noble captaines of the Romanes hath yeelded the bucklers and geven place unto your selfe now that you have had the honor to end this warre more notable and renowmed at the first for your losses and overthrowes than ours and that fortune as it is fallen out hath made this pretie sport with me who at the beginning tooke armes when your father was Consull gave him battaile first of all other Romane Generals and am now come unarmed unto his sonne to crave peace Verily much better it had bene and simply the very best that the gods had inspired into our forefathers this mind That both you might have contented your selves with the dominion of Italie and we likewise of Affrick For surely Sicilie and Sardinia both are nothing sufficient to make amends and satisfaction and it were but only of your part in recompense of so many brave fleets so many puissant armies and so many noble captaines that yee have lost But faults done and past may well be blamed and reproved when they can not be corrected and reformed So greedie were we on both sides to conquer the lands of others that in the meane time we have hazarded our owne Neither had ye warre in Italie only or we againe in Affrick alone but both ye have seene the ensignes and armies of enemies hard at your gates and in manner under your owne walls and we likewise from Carthage have heard the noyse and bruit of the Romane camp Now then that which we have cause most to detest and abhorre and you to wish above all other things in the world the treatie of peace is fallen out in time of your better prosperitie and more favourable aspect of fortune unto you We againe are the agents therein whom it most standeth upon and importeth that there should be peace and who are assured whatsoever we conclude that the States and cities from whence we come will approve and ratifie the same There needs no more but a willing mind wel affected and enclined to those courses which tend to repose and quietnes For mine owne part one while age hath taught me who am returned an old man into my countrey from whence I came a child another while prosperitie and adversitie both hath so schooled me that I would now rather be ruled by reason than swayed by fortune But I feare me greatly that you as well in regard of youth as also of your continuall felicitie and fortunate traine of successe are over-hautie and stout for to yeeld unto any peaceable wayes For commonly he fore-casteth no variable chaunces who never tasted of adverse fortune And the same are you at this day that sometimes I was at Thrasymenus and at Cannae You being hardly come to that age which is meete for war-service had the charge and commaund of an armie and looke what enterprises you tooke in hand most venterously the same you ever exploited as happily You pursued the vengeance of fathers and unkles death and wan by the calamitie of your house and familie a notable name and reputation of singular vertue and pietie Spaine full and wholy you have recovered and conquered againe foure armies of Carthaginians you have chased from thence no sooner were you created Consull but when all other mens hearts failed them to defend and keepe Italie you sailed neverthelesse hither over into Affrick and after you had defeated heere two armies forced and burnt in one houre two camps of your enemies taken Syphax prisoner a most mightie and puissant prince wan so many cities both of his kingdome and of our dominion you pulled me maugre my head out of Italie whereof I had bene now sixteene yeeres possessed Well may your hautie mind affect victorie rather than incline to peace Full well I know of what spirit and stomack you are more respective to grandeur and honor than to your good and profit And the time hath bene when I also had the lightsome countenance of fortune lovingly smiling and shining upon me And were we so blessed of God as to have our right wits and perfect senses in time of prosperitie we would consider and thinke not of things only which have hapned but of those also that might happen But if you should forget all other I alone might serve as a sufficient example and mirror of all accidents of fortune whatsoever For whom not long since you either saw or might have seene encamped between the river Anio and your citie and readie in manner to skale the walls of Rome you see me now after the losse of my brethren two right valiant warriours and most renowned Generals even here before the walls of my countrey little better than besieged making meanes in humble manner to avert and avoid those daungers from mine owne citie with which erewhiles I terrified yours Well the greatest and happiest fortune is least to be trusted and never is it worse relying on her than when she is so free and bountifull Now that you flourish and we fade whiles you are aflote and we sinke a peace unto you that geveth it is a glorious and goodly matter to us that crave it more necessarie than honorable Better it is yet and safer of the twaine to enjoy a certaine peace than hope for a doubtfull victorie The one lieth in your hand to effect the other as it pleaseth the gods to dispose Beware therefore how in one houre you hazard the felicitie of so many yeeres And as you
these teares of yours and weeping that you make is absurd and nothing to the purpose Then should yee have wept and shed teares when our armour and weapons were taken from us when our ships were set on fire when wee were interdicted and forbidden to make warre with forraine nations for then had wee our deadly blow then our backes and hearts were broken And never thinke that the Romanes have proceeded hardly against you in comparison of the hatred that ye bare one to another No great citie mightie State can long continue and rest in quiet If it have no enemies abroad it findeth some at home much like unto strong and lustie bodies which seeming sure ynough against all outward accidents and causes of sicknesse are overcharged with their owne strength and fulnesse of humours and thereby subject to most deadly maladies So much forsooth and no more we feele of the publicke miseries and common calamities as toucheth and concerneth our selves in particular wherein nothing pincheth us more nor goeth neerer to the quicke than to for go our monie and part with our pence And therefore when Carthage was conquered and despoiled of all her auncient honours when yee saw her disarmed and stripped naked when yee saw her forlorne of all the armed nations of Affricke no man then sighed no man groned thereat but now when the tribute imposed is to be paied out of your private purses yee keepe a weeping and wailing as in some publicke funerall and mortuarie carried forth But alas I feare me greatly that ere it be long yee shall find and feele That your weeping this day hath been for the least losse of all the rest Thus spake Anniball to the Carthaginians Scipio having assembled his whole armie together before them all restored Masanissa to his fathers kingdome and over and besides endued him with the possession of the citie Cirtha and other townes and territories which belonged to the realme of Syphax and were now in subjection to the people of Rome Vnto Cn. Octavius he gave order to conduct the fleet into Sicilie and there to make it over to Cn. Cornelius the Consull The Carthaginian embassadours he willed to goe to Rome that those acts and capitulations which were concluded by him with the advise of the ten Commissioners might likewise passe under the approbation of the Senat the consent of the people and so be ratified and confirmed for ever Thus Scipio having obtained peace both by sea and land and embarked his armie failed toward Sicilie and arrived at Lilybaeum From whence he sent away a great part of his armie by sea and himselfe passed by land through Italie which now was joifull as well for the peace concluded as the victorie atchieved Where all the way as hee went not onely the people came forth in multitudes out of the cities to do him honor but numbers also of the countrie peasants out of the villages filled all the high waies along untill he came to Rome where he entred the citie riding in the most stately and magnificent triumph that ever had been Hee brought into the citie chamber 100033 pound weight of silver He divided among his souldiors out of the spoile four hundred Asses apeece Syphax by his death rather disappointed the people of a goodly shew pageant in the triumph than diminished any whit the glorie of the triumpher hee died at Tybut not long afore to which place he had been removed from Alba howbeit his death was not obscure by reason that he was solemnly caried to his buriall with the pompe of a publicke funerall at the charges of the citie But Polybius a writer of good account reporteth That this K. was led in the very triumph As Scipio rode triumphant Q. Terentius Cullco followed after with a cap of libertie set upon his head and ever after so long as hee lived hee honoured him as beseeming it was and acknowledged him the author of his freedome But as concerning his surname Africanus I cannot for certaine learne whether it were the favour of his souldiours first or the affectionate love of the people afterwards that brought it up or rather began upon some of his owne house and linage that courted and flattered him therewith like as in our fathers daies Sulla was surnamed Faelix and Pompeius Magnus This is certaine that he was the first Generall that ever tooke his name of the countrie and nation by himselfe subdued and thereby was renowned But by his example afterwards others nothing comparable to him in victorie and conquest woon goodly titles and glorious inscriptions to their images and honoured their houses with noble stiles and additions THE XXXI BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the one and thirtith Booke THe causes of the warre began againe with Philip king of Macedonic which had discontinued are set downe to be these In the time of the holie feast of Ceres two yong men of Acainania who had not been prosessed in those sacred mysteries came to Athens and chaunced among other of their countrimen to goe into the chappel of Ceres For which as if they had committed some hainous fact in the highest degree they were by the Athenians executed The Acarnanians moved with indignation for the death of their neighbors required aid of Philip to be revenged for them Some few moneths after peace granted to the Carthaginians in the five hundred and fiftieth year from the foundation of the citie of Rome when the Embassadours of the Athenians who now were besieged by Philip craved aid of the Senate and they were of advise and resolved to helpe them not withstanding the Commons gainesaid it by reason that they thought the continuall troubles of so many wars were greevous and bravie unto them yet so sarre prevailed the authoritie of the nobles that the people also gave their consent to succom their consederate cittie This warre was committed to the managing of P. Sulpitius the Consull who led an armie into Macedonie and sâ—ought certaine battailes fortunatly against Philip which were performed by horse-service The Abydons being invested and beleaguered round about by Philip following the example of the Saguntines slue their wives and children and their owneselves after them L. Furius the Pretour overthrew in a pight field the Gaules called Insubres that rebelled and likewise Amilcar the Carthaginian who began to make war in those parts where Amilcar was slaine and with him five and thirâ—ie thousand men Moreover this booke containeth the expeditions and voiages of king Philip and Sulpitius the Consull and the winning of certaine citties by than both Sulpitius the Consull warred with the helpe of king Attalus and the Rhodians L. Furius the Pretor triumphed over the Gaules FVll well apaied am I likewise that I am now come to an end once of the Punicke warre as if my selfe had been in person there and borne my part in
part soever of the warre which hee charged and laid upon mee Also when L. Scipio the Consull his successor determined to lead his armie by land to Hellespont I not only gave him leave to passe peaceably through my realme but also caused the high waies to bee paved and gravelled bridges to bee made against his comming yea and furnished him with provision of victuals And this did I not in Macedonie alone but also throughout all Thrace where among other matters this was not of least importance and consequence to restrainethose barbarous nations there from running upon them and to keepe them in peace and quietnesse In consideration now of this kind affection of mine if I may not call it a good desert unto you whether ought yee Romanes in reason to give mee somewhat to that I have to augment and encrease my dominion by your largesse and munificence or to take from mee as you doe that which I have either in mine owne right or by gift from you The Macedonian citties which you confesse to have been parcels of my kingdome are not restored unto mee Eumenes on the other side he comes to make spoile of me as if I were Antiochus and marke I pray you the devise of it he pretendeth a decree of the ten delegates to colour his most shamelesse impudent and cautelous falshood even that by which himselfe may bee most refuted and convicted For in very expresse and plaine tearmes it is thus written That Chersonnesus and Lysimachia are given to Eumenes Where I pray you and in what corner of the instrument and patent stand Aenus Maronea and the citties of Thrace Shall hee obtaine that at your hands and by your meanes as given and graunted from those ten Delegates which hee never durst so much as once demaund and require of them Tell mee if the thing bee worth so much in what place yee would raunge and reckon me If your purpose bee to persecute mee as an enemie and mortall soe spare not but goe on still as yee have begun but if you respect mee as a king as your allie and friend I beseech you repute me not worthie of so notorious and manifest a wrong This Oration of the king in some measure mooved the Commissioners and therefore by framing a meane and indifferent answere they held the matter still in suspence undecided If say they the citties in question were given to Eumenes by vertue of a decree set downe by the tenne Delegates wee will not chaunge nor alter any thing therein But in case Philip acquited them by conquest and force of armes hee should have held them as the guerdon of his victorie If neither wee are of opinion That the hearing and decision of this difference shall bee referred over to the Senate and to the end that all may remaine entire the garrisons in those citties shall bee withdrawne and depart These I say were the causes that principally estraunged the affection of Philip from the Romanes and wrought discontentment in his heart insomuch as evident it is that the warre was not enterprised by his sonne Perseus upon any new quarrels and fresh occasion but upon these motives let unto him by his father to bee pursued No suspition was there at Rome of a Macedonian warre L. Manlius the Pro-consull was returned out of Spaine and when he demaunded a triumph of the Senate assembled in the temple of Bellona the same in regard of his noble and worthie exploits might have beene obtained but for example sake it was not graunted For an order it was in Rome by auncient custome of their forefathers that no man might triumph who brought not his armie backe with him unlesse hee left unto his successour the province fully subdued and settled in peace Howbeit Manlius was allowed an indifferent honour namely to enter into the citie by way of Ovation In which solemnitie he had borne before him in a pompeous pageant two fiftie coronets of gold Moreover in gold a hundred thirtie two pound weight and in silver sixe thousand three hundred Also he pronounced aloud in the Senate that Q. Fabius the Questour was comming and brought with him ten thousand pound weight more of silver and eightie of gold which he meant likewise to bring into the chamber of the citie That yeere a great commotion and insurrection there was of bondslaves in Apulia L. Posthumius the Pretour had the government of Tarentum and he sat in inquisition upon a damned crew of certaine herdmen and grasiers who had conspired together and used to rob by the high way side and in the common pastures belonging to the citie which commission he followed with such severitie and rigor that he condemned seven thousand of them Many escaped and fled but many were executed and suffred death As for the Consuls long were they kept in the citie of Rome about the levie of souldiers but at length they went into their provinces The same yeere C. Calpurnius and L. Quintius the Pretours in Spaine having in the beginning of the Spring led forth their armies out of their wintering holds and joyned their forces togither in Beturia advaunced forward into Carpetaine where the enemies were encamped with a resolution to manage and conduct the warre with one joynt mind and common councell together Not farre from the cities Hippon and Toletum there began a skirmish betweene the foragers of both parts that were gone forth to make provision seconded they were from the one campe and the other by meanes whereof the whole armies of both sides by litle and litle came forth into the field to strike a full battell In this tumultuarie medley the enemies had the vantage as well of the ground wherein they were embattailed as of the manner of fight and service By reason whereof both the Roman armies were discomfited and driven back into their campe but the enemies pressed not upon them notwithstanding they were put in great fright and much disordered The Romane Pretors doubting least their camp the morrow after should be assailed dislodged in the night betwene in great secret silence without any found of trumpet and departed In the morning by breake of day the Spaniards in ordinance of battaile approched the trench and rampier and beeing entred within the campe which they found void and emptie beyond their hope and expectation they rifled and ransacked all that the Romanes left behind them whiles they made hast away in the night season from whence the enemies returned to their owne campe and there for certaine dayes abode in standing leaguer and stirred not In that battell and in the chase together there were slaine of Romans and allies 5000 and with the spoiles of their bodies the enemies armed themselves from thence they marched to the river Tagus The Romane Pretours in the meane season employed all that time to levie and assemble new forces out of the consederate cities of Spaine and in comforting and encouraging the hearts of their own souldiors after
their authoritie with the Romanes in case they went coldly to worke and proceeded in mild tearmes with them Then Appius answered and said That he would gladly advise and persuade them all that he possibly could to be reconciled unto the Lacedaemonians whiles they might doe it with full contentment for fear least soone after they should be constrained and forced to seek unto them against their wills and maugre their hearts At this word they all sighed and groned againe but affraid they were and durst not refuse to doe that which they were commaunded This petition onely they made unto the Romanes that as touching the Lacedaemonians they would chaunge and alter what they thought good and not force the Achaeans to sinne against their conscience in disanulling those things which they had established and ratified with a solemne oth So the sentence of condemnation onely lately passed against Areus and Alcibiades was reversed In the beginning of this yeere when at Rome they had sitten in consultation about the provinces of Consuls and Pretours Liguria was assigned unto the Consuls for their charge and government because there was no warre in any other place Then the Pretours cast lots for theirs To C. Decimius Flavus fell the jurisdiction of the citie and to P. Cornelius Cethegus that other betweene citizens and forreiners C. Sempronius had the government of Sicilie and Q. Naevius Matho of Sardinia with commission also to sit upon the inquisition in case of poysoning A. Terentius Varro was deputed L. governor of high Spain and P. Sempronius Longus of the low Out of those 2 provinces it fell out so that there came much about the same time two lieutenants L. Iuventius Talva and T. Quintilius Varus who having related before the Senat how great a war was now dispatched and finished in Spaine required withall that there should be rendred praise and thanks to the immortall gods for the happie successe in the wars likewise that the Pretors might be permitted to bring away their armies So ther was a solemn procession ordained to be holden two dayes but as touching the reducing of the armies they gave order to refer it wholly to be debated at what time as there should be question about the armies of Consuls and Pretours togither Some few dayes after it was ordained that the Consuls should have with them into Liguria two legions apeece which Ap. Claudius and M. Sempronius had the conduct of As touching the Spanish forces great contention there was betweene the new Pretours and the friends of Calpurnius and Quintius in their absence Both sides had Tribunes and both had Consuls to take part with them The Tribunes threatned to crosse the act of the Senat if they ordained that the armies should be brought home The Consuls againe protested that if the Tribunes thus opposed their negative they would not suffer any other decree and ordinaunce to passe In conclusion the respect of those that were absent was of lesse importance and an act of the Senate was entred That the Pretours should enroll 4000 footmen of Romanes and foure hundred horsemen likewise five thousand foot and as many horse of Latine allies to conduct with them into Spaine And when they had thus enrolled these foure full legions looke what surplusage there remained over and above five thousand foot and three hundred horse in a legion they should give them their congie and dismisse them of souldierie first as many as had served out their full time and then those who had borne themselves most valiantly in the warre under Calpurnius and Quintius After this debate and variance was appeased there arose another in the necke of it occasioned by the death of P. Decimius the Pretour Cn. Licinius and L. Puppius who had been Aediles the last yeere before likewise C. Valerius the Flamine of Iupiter and Q. Fulvius Flaccus laboured to be in his roume late deceased As for the last of these rehearsed because hee was Aedile Curule he shewed not himselfe in his white robe but he made more meanes and laboured above all the rest having to his adversarie and concurrent the Flamine abovesaid At the first he seemed equall only unto him in the suite but afterwards when he began to have the better of him certaine Tribunes of the Commons stood upon this point and alledged That his name was not to be accepted as eligible for that one and the selfesame person might neither take not exercise at one time the function of two magistracies and namely both Curule or of State Others againe said that it was meet and reason that hee were dispensed with and exempt from the lawes in that behalfe to the end that the people might be at libertie to elect whome they would for Pretor L. Porcius the Consull was first of this resolution not to admit his name and afterwards because he would seeme to do by warrant and authoritie of the Senat he assembled the LL. togither and said that he propounded and put to question before them That for as much as an Aedile elect sued to be Pretour without all right or any precedent tollerable in a free-state for his owne part he was minded unlesse they were of a contrarie opinion to hold the generall assembly for the election according to law Then the LL. gave their advise that L. Porcius the Consull should commune and treat with Q. Fulvius that hee would be no hinderance but that the assembly for the substitution of a Pretour in the roume of C. Decimius departed might be holden by order of law As the Consull was thus in hand with him according to the act of the Senat Flaccus made answer That he would do nothing unsitting his own person By this doubtfull and indifferent answer of his he put those in good hope who expounded and construed as they would have it that he would accommodate and apply himselfe to the authoritie of the LL. of the Senat but at the time of the election he sued more earnestly than before complaining of the Consull and Senat That they wrung and wrested out of his hands the benefit of the people of Rome intended unto him and to bring him into ill will and obloquie of the people they made much ado about two offices a double dignitie as if all the world law not that after he were declared pronounced Pretor he would incontinently resigne up the Aedileship The Consull perceiving both him fully resolute and set upon a pitch in the suite also the favor affection of the people enclinedmore and more toward him brake up the assembly aforesaid and called a Senat where in a frequent session of Senators it was ordained That for as much as Flaccus was little or nothing mooved with the authoritie of the LL. of that honourable court he was to be dealt withall in a generall assembly before the bodie of the people When the people were met togither at the summons of the Consull hee proposed the matter unto him before
that the solemne sacrifice as he pretended was the thing that hindered him and nothing els This order being set downe and thus passed in the behalfe of P. Licinius then steps me up M. Cornelius and required them to take an oth of him likewise that hee might not goe into the nether province of Spaine So both these Pretours were sworne according to one and the same forme of oth Whereupon M. Titinius and T. Fontetus were commaunded to remaine in qualitie and place of Proconsuls within Spain and retaine still the same authoritie and power of commaund and order was graunted that for to supplie their forces there should bee sent unto them three thousand citizens of Rome with two hundred horse and also five thousand Latine allies and three hundred horsemen The solemnitie of the Latine holydaies began the third day before the Nones of May wherin because at the sacrificing of one beast the magistrate of Lanuvium in his praier left out these words Populi Romani Qutritium and praied not for the good estate of the people of Rome and the Quirites it bred a scruple The matter was mooved in the Senate and the Senate referred it over to the Colledge of the bishops and prelates of the church And they pronounced this award That for as much as those Latine feasts were not solemnized as they ought they should begin againe a new and that the cittizens of Lanuvium by whose default they were thus to be renewed should bee at the charges of all the beasts for sacrifice Moreover to breed more fearefull scrupulositie in mens minds it fortuned that Cneus Cornelius the Consull as hee returned from that solemnitie out of the Albane mountaine fell downe in a sit of Apoplexie which turned into an Hemiplegia or dead palsey all the one side of his bodie and so hee was conveighed to the bath and hote waters at Cumes where by occasion that his disease grew upon him still hee departed this life from whence hee was brought to Rome and there carried forth in all magnificence of funerall obsequies and right honourably enterred Hee had bene Bishop also as well as Consull Q. Petilius the other Consull being commaunded to hold an assembly for the surrogation of a colleague unto him so soone as possibly hee might bee warranted by the auspices and approbation of the sacred birds and withall to proclaime and publish the Latine seasts and holydaies aforesaid summoned the election against the third day before the Nones of Sextilis and the Latine solemnitie the third day likewise before the Ides of the same month Whiles mens minds were much possessed alreadie with religion and set upon their devotions word was brought moreover of certaine fearfull prodigies to wit that at Tusculum there was seene a burning flame in the skie that at Gabes the temple of Apollo and many private mens houses likewise at Graviscae the towne wall and one of the gates were smitten with thunderbolts For the procuration where of the LL. of the Senate ordained that the Bishops should give order according to their discretion Whiles the Consuls were thus staied first both by their owne scripulous holinesse then one of them by the death of the other afterwards by occasion of the new election the renewing of the Latine festivall solemnitie C. Claudius in the meane time approched with his armie to Modenna which the Ligurians the yeere before had woon Hee had not continued the siege full three daies but he forced the colonie and having thus recovered it from the enemies he restored it againe to the former inhabitants Eight thousand Ligurians died there within the wals upon the sword and immediatly he dispatched his letters to Rome wherein hee not onely declared the simple newes but glorified himselfe and made his boast That through his fortitude and fortune both the Romans had not an enimie that durst shew his head on this side the Alpes and that he had conquered so much land as might serve for to be divided by the poll among many thousands Tib. Sempronius likewise at the same time fought many fortunate battailes in Sardinia and utterly tamed and subdued the Ilanders fifteene thousand enemies he there slew all the States of that nation which had revolted were reduced to obedience under the people of Rome the old tributaries had an imposition and exactation laid upon them of a duple tribute which they surely paid the rest were put to a contribution of corne After hee had set the province in quietnesse and received out of the whole Iland two hundred and thirtie hostages hee sent certain lieutenants as messengers to make report at Rome of all his proceedings who also in his behalfe should make suite unto the Senat That in regard of the happie successe in those exploites under the charge conduct and fortune of Tib. Sempronius first due honour praise and thanksgiving might be rendred to the immortall gods and then that himselfe might bee allowed at his departure out of the province to bring away his armie with him The Senate gave audience to the messengers abovesaid within the temple of Apollo and upon their relation ordained a general procession for two daies commaunding the Coss. to sacrifice 40 head of greater beasts withal enjoyned Tib. Sempronius the pro-Consull to continue that yere with his armie in that province Then the election which had bin published against the third day before the Nones of Sextilis for the substitution of one of the Coss. was the same day accomplished And Q. Petilius the Cos. created for his colleague M. Valerius Lavinus for to enter immediately into his magistracie This Laevinus had bin a long time desirous to be emploied in some province or other and fitly it fell out for his longing desire that letters came importing how the Ligurians rebelled and were gone out againe in armes So after hee once heard the contents of these letters he made no longer stay but upon the very Nones of Sextilis all goodly to be seene in his warriors coat of armes he commanded the third legion by occasion of this alarme to go into France to C. Claudius the Pro-consull also the Duumvirs or two wardens for the ports and navie to goe to sea and with a fleet to make saile for Pisae and from thence to coast about all Liguria and thus by hovering upon the seas to terrifie the enemies that way also Q. Petilius likewise the Cos. had appointed a day for his armie to meet in the same place Moreover C. Claudius the Pro-consull advertised of the Ligurians revolt over and besides those forces which he had about him at Parma levied in hast a strength of more souldiours and so with his complet armie approached the borders of the Ligurians The enemies upon the arrivall of C. Claudius by whose conduct they well remembred how late they had bene discomfited and put to flight neere the river Scultenna minding to seeke for defence rather by the strength of advantageous places
himself most abstinent and uncorrupt for of all that wealth those goods and ornaments wherewith Corinth was mightily enriched there came not one parcell into his house Quintus Caecilius Metellus triumphed for the conquest of Andriscus and Publius Cornelius Scipio Affricanus Aemylianus likewise over Carthage and Asdruball Viriatus in Spaine first of an heardman became an hunter and of a hunter prooved to bee a very theefe and robber and within a while after was chosen Generall of a complete and maine armie and seized to his owne use all Portugall He took prisoner M. Vitilius the Pretor when he had first discomfited his hoast in the field After whom C. Plautius the Pretour sped no better in fight This enemie so terrified the Romanes that to make head against him they found it necessarie to employ a full consular armie and a Consull commander Moreover in this booke be recorded the troubles of Syria and the warres between the kings Alexander an obscure person and base borne having staine as is beforesaid Demetrius the king reigned in Syria Him Demetrius the son of Demetrius slew by the help of Ptolomaeus king of Aegypt whose daughter Cleopatra he had espoused and married This Demetrius in times past had bene sent out of the way into Gnidos by his father fearing the doubtfull chaunces of the war and he entred upon this action by occasion of the contemptible sloth and cowardise of the said Alexander Ptolomeus was grievously wounded in the head and in the cure whiles the Chirurgians went about to trypanize the bones of his skull died under their hand And in his stead Ptolomeus his younger brother who reigned in Cyrenae succeeded and tooke upon him the crowne Demetrius for his crueltie which he exercised upon his people by racking and other torments was vanquished in battaile by Diodorus one of his owne subjects who made claime to the kingdome in the right and title of Alexanders sonne a young child hardly two yeeres old whereupon he fled to Seleucia Lucius Mummius triumphed over the Achaeans in which solemnitie he carried in pompeous shew sundrie images as well of brasse as marble besides pictures and peinted tables Of the LIII booke APpius Claudius the Consull subdued the Salassians a nation inhabiting the Alpes A second Mock-Philip there was in Macedonie who by L. Tremellius the treasurer was with his army defeated and slaine Q. Cecilius Metellus the Pro-consul gave the Celtiberians an overthrow The most part of Portugal was regained by Q. Fabius the Pro consull and many cities therof by assault forced C. Iulius a Senator by calling wrate the Romane historie in the Greeke tongue Of the L IIII. booke QVintus Pompeius the Consull subdued the Termeslines in Spaine with whome verily as also with the Numantines by occasion of his infirmitie and sicklinesse he concluded peace Are-view and numbring of the citizens was taken by the Censors wherein were enrolled foure hundred twentie eight thousand three hundred fortie two polls At what time as the Macedonian embassadours came to complaine of D. Iunius Syllanus the lord deputie over them for that hee tooke their money and neverthelesse made an havocke of the province and thereupon the Senate was willing to have the hearing of their complaints T Manlius Torquatus the father of Syllanus exhibited a request and obtained that the inquirie and decision of such a matter as this might bee referred over and committed unto him And after he had sitten upon this commission at home in his own house and found his sonne guiltie he both condemned him and put him away nay when afterwards as hee had hanged himselfe for that was his end he would not be so much as present at his funerall but according to his ordinarie manner and custome sat in his house attending all clients and commers to him for counsell Q. Fabius the Proconsull after he had managed the warres in Spain right prosperously marred all with this foule blot and spot of dishonour in that he contracted a peace with Viriatus upon even and equal conditions This Viriatus by a practise complotted by Servilius Caepio was trecherously murdered by traitors and of his own armie was much bewailed At his death he was rung out of this world with a notable peale of farewell and right honorably enterred an excellent man and most brave captaine for the space of thirteene yeeres during which time he warred with the Romanes and ever for the most part went away with the winning hand Of the LV. booke VVHiles P. Cornelius Nasica who by way of mockerie was surnamed Serapio by scoffing Curatius a Tribune of the Commons D. Iunius Brutus the Consul took the musters there happened in the very sight of the new and raw souldior an occurrent of great consequence for example sake exceeding profitable For C. Matienus was iudicially accused before the Tribunes of the Commons for that he had abandoned and forsaken his owne armie in Spaine whereupon he being convict was condemned and scourged a long while with rods carrying a forke or crosse upon his shoulders and in the end sold as a slave for a small peece of silver of three halfepence farthing cue The Tribunes of the Commons because they might be allowed to exempt from militarie service tenne souldiors apeece whom it pleased them to chuse commaunded the Consuls to prison Iun. Brutus the Consul whiles he was in Spaine endued those soldiors who had served under Viriatus with land and living and gave them a towne to inhabit called Valentia M. Popilius together with his armie was soiled and put to the rout by the Numantines with whom the peace that was concluded the Senate had passed an act that it should not stand in force The occasion was this As C. Mancinus the Consull was devoutly sacrificing the sacred chickens chaunced to flie away out of their cage or coupe Afterwards as he was about to take sea and goe a shipboord for to passe over into Spain there happened a voice to be heard saying Stay Stay Mancinus These proved in the effect to be unfortunate and heavie presages unto Mancinus for he received an overthrow at the Numantines hands and was turned cleane out of his camp And seeing no-hope els to save his armie he entred into a dishonorable peace with them but the Senat expresly revoked and annulled the same 30000 Romans were defeited by 4000 Numantines no more D. Iunius made a generall conquest of all Portugall even as far as to the Ocean by forcing and sacking their citties and strong townes and when his soldiors were loth to passe over the river Oblivio hee caught up a banner from the port-ensigne and carried it over with him and by this means persuaded them to go through Alexanders son king of Syria a child not above ten yeers old at the most was trecherously murdered by Diodorus his guardian or protector surnamed Tryphon There were physicians by corruption bribed suborned to give it out and beare
Varro also a lieutenant of Pompeius together with his armie came under his obeisance The Gaditanes he enfranchised gave the citie unto The Massilians after two overthrowes in sea fight and a long siege which they had endured submitted at last and were at the devotion of Caesar. C. Antonius a lieutenant of Caesar fought an unfortunate battell against the Pompeians and in Illyricum was taken prisoner during which war the inhabitants of Opitergium beyond the river of Padus who were the auxiliaries of Caesar seeing their chained bridge of boats and lighters locked up and fast shut within the enemies ships rather than they would fall into the hands of their enemies ran one upon another and died every one C. Curio a lieutenant of Caesar in Africk after hee had fought against Varus a captaine of the Pompeians was together with his armie defeited and cut in pecces by Iuba king of Mauritania C. Caesar passed the seas over into Greece Of the CXI booke CAius Caecilius Rufus the Pretour going about to raise commotions and seditions all that ever he could within the cittie and having solicited the commons upon the hope of cancelling all debt-bookes was first deposed from his magistracie and after driven out of the cittie Then hee banded with Milo a banished person who had levied a power of fugitive outlawes but both of them in this preparation of warre came short of their purpose and were slaine Cleopatra queen of Aegypt was by her brother Ptolomaeus expelled out of her kingdome By reason of the avarice and crueltie of Q. Catulus the Pretour the Cordubians in Spaine together with two Varian legions revolted from Caesar his side Cn. Pompeius was besieged by Caesar at Brundusium but having woon his skonces with the guards thereto belonging and that with great losse of the adverse part he was delivered from the siege But after the warre was translated into Thessalie he was at Pharsalia in a battaile overthrowne There remained still within the campe Cicero a man by nature framed for nothing more unfit than war Caesar pardoned all those of the adverse part who after his victorie submitted themselves to his mercie Of the CXII booke HErein is related the fearfull condition of that side which was vanquished and how they fled in sundrie parts of the world Cn. Pompeius being arrived in Aegypt by the commaundement of Ptolomeus the king as yet an infant under age and persuasion of Theodorus his teacher and schoolmaster who might of all other over-rule the K. most also of one Photinus was killed by the hands of Achilla one who had a warrant to execute that feat even in his very barge before hee was landed But Cornelia his wife and Sextus Pompeius his sonne fled backe into Cyprus Caesar three daies after the foresaid victorie pursued Pompeius and when Theodorus presented unto him his head and signet of his finger he was displeased in his heart and wept withall He entred Alexandria without any daunger notwithstanding the troubles and hurliburly therein Caesar was created Dictatour Hee restored Cleopatra unto the kingdome of Aegypt and when Ptolomeus made warre by their advise and counsell who moved him to murder Pompeius Caesar vanquished him with great perill and hazard of himselfe As Ptolomeus fled his vessell wherein he was embarked ran a ground in Nilus and there stucke fast Besides this booke sheweth the painfull and toilsome iourney of Marcus Cato with his legions in Affricke through the desert wildernesse and the war which Cn. Domitius fortunatly managed against Phraates the Parthian king Of the CXIII booke VVHen the side of Pompeius had gathered heart and strength in Affrick the soveraigne command thereof was committed to P. Scipio for Mato who before had equal power commission with him gave place yeelded his right Now when it was debated in counsell as touching the subversion and utter ruine of Vtica for that the cittie was so inclined and favourable to Caesar whiles Marcus Cato stood stifly in this point that it should not be destroyed and Iuba the king was earnest to have it rased the guard and keeping thereof was committed unto Cato The sonne of Pompeie the great having levied forces in-8 paine the conduct and leading whereof neither Asranius nor Petreius were willing to undertake made fresh warre upon Caesar. Pharnaces king of Pontus and sonne of Mithridates endured no time of warre but was soone overcome At what time as P. Dolabella a Tribune of the commons raised seditions in Rome by meanes of a law by him published in the behalfe of bankerouts That the old debts should be strickeâ— off and new order taken with the creditors upon which occasion there ensued a commotion of the commons M. Antonius General of the Cavallerie entred the cittie with a strength of sould ours and eight hundred of the commons lost their lives Caesar discharged all his old souldiours who in a mutinie demanded the same and having sailed into Affricke he fought against the power of king Iuba with exceeding great ieopardie Of the CXXIIII booke CAecilius Bassus a gentleman of Rome and one of Pompeies side levied warre in Syria Sextus Caesar was both forsaken by the legion which revolted and went to Bassus and also slaine Caesar vanquished Scipio the Pretor Afranius and Iuba neer Tapsos and forced their campe Cato bearing thereof wounded himselfe at Viica and when his sonne came betweene and staied his hand his hurt was dressed but in the very cure as the wound was newly launched againe bee yeelded up his vitall breath and died in the nine and fortieth yeere of his age Petreius killed Iuba and himselfe P. Scipio in his ship was beset round and at his death which he tooke manfully he uttered a brave speech for when the enemies made search and enquirie what was become of the General The Generall quoth he is well Faustus and Afranius weere slaine Catoes sonne had his pardon Brutus a lieutenant of Caesar vanquished the Bellovaci in France that rebelled Of the CXV booke CAesar rode in foure triumphs over France Aegypt Pontus and Africa A solemne feast he made and exhibited unto the people shewes of all sorts Vnto M. Marcellus a man of Consular dignitie at the request of the Senate he graunted leave to returne which Marcellus could not enioy the benefite of this grace and favour by reason that hee was murdered at Athens by Cn. Magius Chilo his owne client and vassale Caesar also held a review of the citie wherein were enrolled a hundred and fiftie thousand citizens whereas before there had been numbered foure hundred thousand See the calamitie of civile warre He tooke a voiage into Spaine against Sex Pompeius and after many rodes and expeditions on both sides made and some cities forced in the end he attained one finall victorie for all before the citie Munda but with exceeding perill and daunger Sex Pompeius escaped and fled Of the CXVI booke CAius Caesar triumphed a fift time over Spaine When many
the mutinie of the old souldiours which with great mischiefe was begun he subdued the Iapides the Dalmatians and Pannonians Antonius having upon his word and promise of safetie protection trained unto him Artauasdes the king of Armenia commaunded him to be laid up fast in Irons and gave the kingdome of Armenia to his owne sonne which he had by Cleopatra for now by this time he began to avow her as his wife upon whom long before he was enamoured and doted in love Of the CXXXII booke CAius Caesar subdued the Dalmatians in Illyricum When M. Antonius for the love of Cleopatra who bare him two sonnes Philadelphius and Alexander would neither returne to the cittie of Rome nor after the time of the Trium virat expired resigne up that dignitie government but prepared for warre which he ment to levie against Rome and Italie and thereto had raised a mightie power as well of sea-forces as land and withwall had renounced the marriage with Octavia Caesars sister and sent her a letter of divorcement and so put her away Caesar therupon with an armie sailed into Epirus The battailes at sea afterwards and the horse-fights wherein Caesar had the upper hand be here related Of the CXXXIII booke MArcus Antonius was with his fleet overcome at Actium and thereupon fled to Alexandria where being by Caesar besieged and in utter dispaire of recovering his former state but mooved especially upon a false rumour that was spred how Cleopatra was killed hee slew himselfe When Caesar was now master of Alexandria Cleopatra likewise because she would not fal into the hands of the conquerour willingly procured her owne death Caesar upon his returne to the cittie of Rome had the honour of three triumphs the one over Illyricum another for the victorie at Actium the third in regard of Cleopatra Thus when he had finished all civill warres which had continued one twentie yeeres M. Lepidus the sonne of Lepidus the Triumvir conspired against Caesar and whiles hee went about to make warre was prevented and slaine Of the CXXXIIII booke CAius Caesar having set the state in good order and reduced all provinces into one certaine forme was surnamed also Augustus and the moneth Sextilis to honour his name was likewise so called Whiles he sat in visitation at Narbone he tooke a review of the three provinces of Gaule which his father Caesar had conquered The war which M. Crassus made against the Bastarnians Maesians and other nations is here reported Of the CXXXV booke THe warre which M. Crassus levied against the Thracians as also which Caesar made upon the Spaniards is here set downe Likewise how the Salassians a people in habiting the Alpes were utterly subdued Of the CXXXVI booke RHetia was conquered by Tiberius Nero and Drusus his wives sonne Agrippa Caesars sonne in law died and by Drusus was the generall review and taxe taken Of the CXXXVII THe citties of Germanie situate on either side the Rhene are by Drusus besieged and assailed The tumult and insurrection which arose in France by reason of the foresaid review or tax was appeased An altar was erected unto Divus Caesar at the confluent of the two rivers Arar and Rhodanus and a priest was created to offer thereupon one C. Iulius Vercondaridubius an Heduan Of the CXXXVIII booke HEre is shewed how the Thracians were by L. Piso tamed Likewise how the Therusci Temachateri the Cauci and other nations of Germanie beyond the Rhene were subdued and brought under by Drusus Octavia the sister of Augustus departed this life having buried before her sonne Marcellus whose monuments still remaine namely the Theatre and gallerie bearing his name as if they had bene dedicated by Marcellus Of the CXXXIX booke THe warre which Drusus mannaged against the nations beyond Rhene is heere reported In which warre the chiefe persons that fought were Senectius and Anectius Tribunes of the Norvians state Nero the brother of Drusus subdued the Dalmatians and Pannonians Peace was contracted with the Parthians and upon capitulation the militarie ensignes were delivered up againe to their king which first under the conduct of Crassus and afterwards of Antonius were lost and by them taken Of the CXL booke IN this booke is related the warre which Drusus fought against the citties and states of Germanie beyond the Rhene Himselfe fell from his horse and brake his leg by reason that his horse fell thereon upon which sracture he died thirtie daies after His corps was by his brother Nero who being sent for upon the newes of his sicknesse rode in post brought through to Rome and bestowed in the tombe of C. Iulius Praised he was by Caesar Augustus his father in law and at his funerals for a finall farewell he was entituled with many honourable names To the Reader THe historie of Titus Livius as it was by him passing well penned otherwise and none thereto in Latine comparable so in the calculation date of times which they call Chronologie a singular light to give direction in a storie hee is somewhat defective and unlike himselfe so as he cannot be praised without exception But if a man consider the huge volumes which he wrate and namely in his declining age the varietie and disagreement of former authours whom he followed who before him faulted also in this point and where of he much complaineth he is to be pitied and pardoned if his memorie failed somewhat in this behalfe For where shal we find a man that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnique exparte beatus And in deed if we weigh the thing aright as it was a profession by it selfe required a whole man so many travailed therin alone they that performed well but it only deserved high thanks and commendation And to let many others passe how worthily is T. Pomponius Atticus praised by Cicero his friend for digesting the head magistrates of seven hundred yeeres in one booke As for Verrius Flaccus who lived in the time of Augustus Caesar he collected a catalogue and register of the chiefe rulers of Rome how they were chosen successively and how they governed from time to time which as hee caused to be cut and engraven in a marble wall within the Capitoll for a perpetuall memorie to posteritie so thereby he deserved also to have his owne statue erected neere the temple of Vesta for an everlasting memoriall of so great a benefit But what is there so durable that time wasteth not what so conspicuous and evident but troublesome daies may overwhelme and hide in oblivion Thus amid that havock which the Goths Vandals made in Italie there remained not one fourth part extant of Livies storie thus in that generall confusion of Rome these records of Verrius Flaccus were defaced broken and buried deepe under the ruines of the capitoll and other stately edifices But the revolution of times as it hath brought to light againe some reliques of Livie so it hath discovered also those marbles of
Verrius for in the time of Paule the third Pope of Rome the fragments of the said stones were digged out of the ground betweene the Roman Forum and the broad street Via Sacra brought forth also laid abroad in the capitol to the view of the world To which as the true touch-stone certain learned men of late daies have laid to their owne labours in that kind namely Bartholomew Marliau of Millaine Onuphrius Panvinius of Verona Charles Sigonius of Modena and Francis Robortellus of Vdine comparing the same as also the annales gathered by Henry Glareanus before time with the foresaid antiquities of Verrius late found have recovered much light to the his torie of Livie and supplied his wants in that behalfe I thought it not amisse therefore to gratifie my countriemen in some measure this way also and deliver the same in English which I found annexed to the best editions in Latine as followeth A CHRONOLOGIE TO THE HISTORIE OF T. LIVIVS COMPILED ACCORDING TO THE TABLES AND RECORDS OF VERRIVS FLACCVS IN THE CAPITOLL AND SET OUT VVITH MOST PROFITABLE notes shewing the varietie and disagreement of Authors about the names of the Romane Consuls The causes of dissent and repugnance in Historiographers as touching the computation and relating of the yeeres from the foundation of the citie of Rome SInce wee entend to setfoorth a Kalender or Register of the Consuls mentioned in the historie of Livius which by reason of uncerteintie obscuritie and discordance of the times is so darke and intricate that not onely the learned and most experienced Historians of our age but the best writers of the Romane storie in auncient time estsoones complained thereof we thinke it not impertinent to our purpose briefely to search into the causes of this dissent which beeing once knowne wee may follow that account of the times which seemeth to accord best with the historicall truth and to be grounded upon the authoritie and testimonie of the most authenticall and approoved writers For seeing that an historie as Cicero hath most truly said is the witnesse of times what is more unfitting for it than to misse and want that which is the chiefest point therein and without due and diligent reckoning made to be ignorant what was first and what was last done It seemeth therefore that of this diversitie in the account and computation of the Romane Consuls there be three especiall causes The first is for that the yeere in which the first Consuls entred into that magistracie is by the Romane Historiographers not after one sort but diversly set downe For Dionysius a most diligent writer of the acts of Romans in his first booke in the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth reporteth that the KK reigned 244 yeeres which also is collected out of the yeerely computation gathered by Varro and approoved by the authoritie of others For Messala reporteth how upon the expulsion of the KK which hapned in the 244 yeer after the foundation of the citie the Romans were ruled under the yeerly government of Consuls To which opinion Livie also subscribeth in the end of his first booke saying that the regiment of KK continued 244 yeeres from the foundation of the citie unto the freedome and libertie thereof But Eutropius in his 1 booke writeth that the seven Kings reigned in Rome 243 yeers which account agreeth with Sex Ruffus in his abridgement In which varietie this is to be observed that these two last named reckon the yeeres onely of every kings raigne and out of the whole and grosse summe leave out the yeere of the interreigne which Dionysius Livius Messala and the rest insert betweene and that right truly and upon good reason for after the death of Romulus the interreigne continued one yeere Consider then and examine the thing diligently and yee shall find that in reckoning the yeeres of every kings reigne in severall Eutropius and Sextus Ruffus both attribute as many yeeres to the kings government as Denis Livie and the rest so that this difference is not much But others there be as Eusebius hath delivered in his Chronicles who write that the KK reigned but 243 yeeres and take the interregencie withall whose judgement Orosius Iornandes and Bede seeme to follow For Orosius in the 5. chap. of his second booke recordeth that Brutus the Consull in that very yeere namely the 244 put his owne sonnes to death the KK reigned not precisely so many yeeres just but for that some and namely Romulus went over some months and daies Dionysius and Livius reckoned them for a full yeere and laid it to Tarquinius Priscus but the other above named together with Eusebius left out those odde months and daies because they made not up a complet yere and assigned but onely seven and thirtie yeres to the raign of king Priscus To this may be added another reason of the like nature namely that as divers authours have doubtfully reported the yeere so they are no more certain of the month and day on which the first Consuls began their government For Plutarch in his problemes writeth that they entred upon the first day of Ianuary but Macrobius in the first book of his Saturnalia and seventh chapter seemeth to imply that they tooke their Consuls place the first of Iune saying according to the opinion of others That Iune tooke the name of Iunius Brutus for thaâ— in this month and namely upon the first day thereof according to a vow wherto he was obliged by the banishment of Tarquine hee solemnized a sacrifice to the goddesse Carnea upon mount Coelius Others againe write how this hapned the foure and twentieth of Februarie grounding herein upon the old antiquities and records of stone together with the testimony of Ovid who in the second booke of his Kalender thus writeth King Tarquine with his sonnes then fled The Consuls yeerly beare The soveraigne rule at Rome since that no king ever reign'd there Some there are besides of opinion that they entred the first day of Iulie and of their mind seemeth Ioachimus Perionius to be in his third booke of the Greeke magistrates In this repugnancie therefore of opinions very doubtfull it is which to follow As for that of Plutarch it hath long since bene clearly and learnedly confuted by two great and excellent clerkes Onuphrius Panvinius and Sigonius since it is plaine that it was the sixe hundred yeere from the foundation of the cittie and not before that the Consuls began their government the first of Ianuarie But in setting downe the certaine day they themselves are not well agreed For Sigonius after Marlianus inclineth this way and saith That the first day of the Consuls government was the sixe and twentieth day of May. But Panvinius thinketh that the first Consuls were created the 26 day of Februarie And this diversitie is found not onely in the day when the first Consuls tooke their government but also in the time after ensuing What was the usuall day of any
under an unknowne author hath in it thus written Poplicola III. Pulvillo Ruso Aquilino Valerio Tuberto Livie omitteth these Consuls in their place putteth downe M. Valerius and P. Posthumius but as Sigonius thinketh the fault is in the writers of the booke But that this yeere should necessarily come betweene Onuphrius thinketh according to the booke of M. Tullius Cicero entituled Brutus and certain it is that Verrius Flaccus in his Capitoline tables hath not rejected these Consuls Now this name Lartius is derived of Lars and so ought it to be written and not Largius as corruptly it is to bee seene in some coppies of Livie and Dionysius As for the surname to Herminius Onuphrius supposeth it to have been Esquilinus both for that the mention of that surname appeareth in a fragment of the Capitoline marbles as also because of what familie els it should be no writer ever hath delivered This Sp. Lartius was the brother of Titus Lartius the first Dictator as writeth Dionysius 249 M. Valerius P. Poslumius PLutarch as also Dionysius and Livius writeth that this M. Valerius was brother to M. Valerius Publicola and therefore truly is he said to bee the son of Volusus Postumius for his surname had Tubertus Witnesse Zonaras together with Plutarch in Poplicola and Dionysius in the fifth and sixt bookes Him Dionysius calleth the brother of Quintus where hee treateth of the Consular embassadours sent unto the Commons in the yeere 260. This Postumius as Onuphrius teacheth was by old authours written without the aspiration h either because of Postea Postumus and Postimius and so Postumius is derived or for that in old time they wrote umus without the said h. Now is he called Postumius who was borne last as Cesellius witnesseth in his commentaries of ancient readings Howbeit lawyers pronounce the word with the aspiration and call by that name him only who was born after his fathers death and with them accord Varro and Plutarch in the life of Sylla 250 P. Valerius IIII. T. Lucretius DIonysius Livius Plutarch and Cassiodorus report these for Coss. this yeere But the registers of Cuspinian deliver unto us Poplicola the fourth time and Tricipitinus Valerius Maximus in the fourth booke and fourth chapter writeth thus Valerius Poplicola began his Consulship with Brutus the same man bare three Consulates afterwards to the great contentment of the people 251 Agrippa Menenius P. Postumius DIonysius hath for Coss. this yeer Agrippa Menenius Lanatus L. Postumius the second time Livie Cassiodorus Cuspinians book and the Greek records disagree not from him Valerius Max. 4. booke 4. cap. corruptly calleth him M. Menenius Agrippa Now Agrippae are they called who are born into the world with extraordinarie throwes and birth-travels of their mothers namely not with their heads but their feet forward against nature 252 Opiter Virginius Sp. Cassius LIvius Zonaras Cassiodorus name these Consuls barely thus Dionysius yet is more liberall calling Sp. C. Ssius Vscellinus Opiter Virginius Tricostus But whome Dionysius calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cicero in his Laelius tearmeth Cassius Becillinus And Cuspinians kalender Viscellinus For first of Viscus commeth Viscellus so from thence they derive V. Scellinus Opiter to note that by the way as Sex Pompeius saith is hee whose father died before his grandsire And the word soundeth thus much as if hee were born after his fathers death or because he taketh his grandsire for his father 253 Postumius Commius T. Lartius LIvie Dionysius Zonaras and Cassiodorus name these simply thus But Cuspinians Kalender giveth to Postumius the surname Auruncus and to Lartius Ruffus And those whome Cuspinians booke nameth Ruffi the Greek registers by another word but to the same sence call Flavi 254 Sev. Sulpitius M' Tullius LIvie and Cassiodorus allow to these no surnames at all The Sicilian records give to Salpitius the addition of Camerinus like as the Kalender of Cuspinian and to Tullius of Longus as also doth Dionysius who writeth that Manius Tullius died in the time of his magistracie that in his place there was none substituted because the yeer was welneer at an end Of this M' Tullius Cicero speaketh in his Brutus saying As if I should avouch my selfe to be descended of M' Tullius the Patritian who in the tenth yeer after the expulsion of the KK was Cos. with Ser. Sulpitius This surname Manius as Sext. Pompeius saith commeth hereupon that some one was born mane i. in the morning like as Lucius who entred into the world by day light And in another place this Manius qd he consecrated the field Nemorensis from whom many noble and famous man sprung continued many yeeres Whereupon arose the proverb Multi Manij Aricia â—ther bee many Manij at Aricia Moreover he was called Servius who came of parents either both or one at least whiles they were in bondage or els who when his mother was dead lived still in her wombe and so was saved 255 C. Vetusius T. Ebutius THe forename of this Vetusius or Veturius in some copies of Livie as Marlian sheweth in his annales of Consuls is Caius in other Cneus in Cassiodorus Lucius in Dionysius Publius who also surnameth Veturius Geminus and T. Ebutius Helua and in some place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but faultily for the Latin writers also affirm his surname to be Helua The Greeke records likewise have Helua and Geminus Moreover they that write him Vetusius imitate the auncient manner of putting s. for r. as when they call men Fusij Valesij Papisij But they who call him Veturius follow the latter usage Of this matter Livie speaketh in the yeer 292. 156 Q. Clalius T. Lartius THus say Livie and Cassiodorus but Dionysius surnameth T. Lartius Fâ—avus and Q. Claelius Sâ—culus to whom accord the registers both of Cuspinian Sicilie This T. Lartius is the same as appeareth by Dionysius who before was Consull and therefore is his surname Flavus rightly added The house of the Câ—alij as also of the Iuâ—ij Servilij Geganij Curiatij and Quintilij descended from the Albanes first as Dionysius writeth 257 Au. Sempronius M. Minutius THus Livie and Cassiodorus deliver unto us these Coss. But Cuspinians registers and the Sicilian surname them Atratinus and Augurinus And Dionysius nameth them A. Sempronius Rhaetinus and M. Minutius Augurinus albeit he maketh no mention of Augurinus but in the second Consulship of Minutius As for Aulus hee was so called who being new borne was nourished and fostered by the gods 258 Au. Postumius T. Virginius THus are these Coss. set down by Dionysius Livie and Cassiodorus And to them verily the Greek records put to the surnames of Albus and Caelimontanus But the booke of Cuspinian ad Regillensis and Tricostus besides so that by him they are thus written Au. Posthumius Albus Regillensis T. Virginius Tricostus Caelimontanus 259 App. Claudius and P. Servilius LIvius and Cassiodorus record these for Consuls this yeare The registers as well of
before the Comedie Adelphi in Terence avouch for Coss. L. Anicuss and M. Cornelius The Sicilian and capitoll records put surnames unto them Callus and Cethegus Of Anicius the Consull Cicero speaketh in Brutus and of Cethegus the sixe and fortieth Epitome or breviarie of Florus In their yeere it is for certaine held that L. Paulus who conquered Perseus died 595 Cn. Cornelius Dolabella M. Fulvius THe yeere next following had Consuls as witnesseth Cassiodorus Cn. Cornelius Dolabella and M. Fulvius The Sicilian registers shew Dolobella and Fulvius The capitoll monuments Cn. Cornelius Dolobella and Mar. Fulvius Nobilior The same is to be seene in the life of Terence the poet for there it is written that in their yeere he died 596 M. Aemylius C. Popilius THe Consuls next succeeding were Marcus Aemylius and C. Popilius as Cassiodorus faith The Sicilian catalogue sheweth Lepidus and Lenas The capitoll records have M. Aemylius Lepidus and C. Popilius Laenas the second time Of the same Censorinus maketh mention on his chapter of distinction of ages 597 Sex Iulius L. Aurelius CAssiodorus reporteth that the next Consuls were Sex Iulius and L. Aurelius The Sicilian and capitoll tables yeeld surnames unto them Caesar to Iulius and Orestes to Aurelius Plinie writeth of them in his 33 booke 598 L. Lentulus C. Martius OBsequens and Cassiodorus record for this yeeres Consuls L. Lentulus and C. Martius The Sicilian catalogue Lentulus and Fugulus The capitoll monuments L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus and C. Martius Figulus the second time Cicero in Brutus speaketh of them both And as touching Figulus twise Consull Valerius writeth in his chapter of Wrath. 599 P. Scipio Nasica M. Claudius PVblius Scipio and M. Claudius are by Cassiodorus set down for Coss. The Sicilian registers have Nasica and Marcelius The capitoll records P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica the second time and M. Claudius Marcillus likewise the second time Paedianus writeth that this Marcellus was thrice Consull And that Pub. Scipio Nasica surnamed also Corculum was twise Consull and Censor besides Cicero writeth in his Brutus 600 L. Postumius Q. Opimius THis yeere had Consuls Lu. Postumius and Qu. Opimius as Cassiodorus Obsequens doe witnesse The Sicilian tables shew Opimius and Albinus But the capitoll records Q. Opimius and Lu. Postumius Albinus Mention there is made of this Qu. Opimius Consull by Cicero in his Brutus also in the Epitome of the seven and fortieth booke Moreover that Postumius died in his magistracie besides Verrius Flaccus Obsequens also sheweth in whose steed Manius Acilius Glabrio was chosen 601 Q. Fulvius T. Annius THe Consuls next following as Cassiodorus writeth were Qu. Fulvius and T. Annius In the capitoll fragments they are named Nobilior and T. Annius In the Sicilian registers Nobilior and Luscus Cicero in his Brutus saith that Q. Nobilior sonne of Marcus and T. Annius Luscus were Consuls The Greeke records and Cuspinians booke shew Nobilior Luscus 602 M. Marcellus L. Valerius THis yeere had for Consuls M. Marcellus L. Valerius as Cassiodorus witnesseth The Sicilian catalogue representeth Marcellus and Flaccus Obsequens exhibiteth unto us M. Claudius Marcellus and L. Valerius Flaccus This Marcellus was thrice Consull as Paedian saith upon the Oration for Scaurus Cicero in his booke of divination and destinio 603 L. Licinius Lucullus A. Postumius Albinus CAssiodorus putteth downe for Consuls L. Lucullus and Au. Postumius The Sicilian tables Lucullus Albinus The broken marbles of the capitoll Lucullus and Au. Postumius sonne of Aulus Orosius and the Epitome 48. shew L. Licinius Lucullus and A. Postumius Albinus Cicero in his Brutus and Lucullus both maketh mention of the same 604 T. Quintius M' Acilius THis yeere had for Consuls L. Quintius and M' Acilius as Cassiodorus testifieth whom Plinie in his 7. booke and 36 chap. calleth Caius Quintius and M. Acilius Cicero in his book Cato and the 12 booke of his epistles to Atticus nameth T. Flaminius and M' Acilius saith that they were created Consuls in the 19 yeere after the death of Ennius The Sicilian tables have Flaminius and Balbus The capitoll fragments Flamminius and M. Acilius Balbus 605 L. Martius M' Manilius CAssiodorus avoucheth for the Consuls of this yeere L. Martius and M' Manilius likewise wise the 49 Epitome Cicero in Lucullus maketh mention of Censorinus and M' Manilius of Censorinus and Manilius in his twelfth booke of epistles to Articus The same Consuls Appianus in Libyea nameth L. Maritus Censorinus M' Manilius In like sort Censorinus in his treatise of Nativitie of Birthday The Sicilian tables have Censorinus and Manilius The Capitoll fragments shew Censorinus and M' Manilius sonne of Publius nephew of Pub. Whiles these were Consuls there arose a third war betweene the State of Rome and the Carthaginians as Florus in the 49 Epitome besides Verrius Flaccus doe testifie likewise Solinus but that hee saith with Verrius Flaccus that it was the yeere 64. Cicero also in his eleventh Philippicke and lastly Eutropius with Orosius 606 Sp. Postumius L. Piso. THen were Consuls created Sp. Postumius and L. Piso according to Cassiodorus and Obsequens In the Capitoll fragments they are named Albinus Magnus and Lu. Calpurnius sonne of Caius nephew of Caius surnamed Piso Casonius In Cuspinians kalender Mágnius and Caesonius in the Sicilian catalogue Albius and Piso. As for Magnus and Albinus they be the surnames of Postumius like as Caesonius and Piso of Calpurinius In this yeere the people of Rome entred into armes against Andriscus otherwise tearmed Pseudo-philippus which they call the third Macedonian warre after Florus and Eutropius 607 P. Africanus C. Livius OBsequens and Cassiodorus set soorth for Consuls this yeere P. Africanus and Caius Livius In the Sicilian catalogue they are registred Scipio and Drusus in the capitoll fragments Africanus AEmylianus and C. Livius the one sonne of M. Aemylianus nephew of Marcus the other surnamed Drusus This Pub. Cornelius was the naturall sonne of that Paulus that vanquished Perseus king of the Macedonians and adopted by P. Cornelius the sonne of Scipio Africanus Whereupon he was called Pub. Cornelius sonne of Publius nephew of P. Scipio Africanus the younger AEmylianus as Velleius and others doe witnesse His two last surnames are in the capitoll records out of which the complete name of M. Livius Drusus with his addition was framed Of these Consuls Cicero speaketh after likewise Valerius Paterculus Appian Plutarch Florus both Plinies Eutropius and Orosius 608 C. Cornelius L. Mummius NExt Consuls following were Cn. Cornelius and L. Mummius as witnesseth Cassiodorus and according to Orosius Velieius Censorinus and Cicero in the thirteenth booke of epistles to Atricus Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Mummius they are named In the Sicilian registers Lentulus and Mummius In the fragments of the capitoll Lentulus and L. Mummius nephew of Lucius Lu. Mummius in this magistracie acquired the surname of Achaicus upon a victorie atchieved by him in Achaea as Plutarch in Marius and Velleius doe testifie 609 Q.
Dio calleth these Consuls Lu. Cornelius sonne of Publius Lentulus and C. Claudius sonne of Marcus Marcellus In the broken marbles of the Capitoll it is to bee seene thus C. Claudius sonne of Marcus nephew of Marcus Metellus This is that Lucius Lentulus Crus who as Caelius testifieth in the former election tooke a repulse and by Cicero is called in the Oration against Vatinius Flamen Martialis 706 C. Caesar. P. Servilius VVHen Caius Caesar the Dictator held the solemne assembly for the election in the latter end of the former yeere Consuls there were created Caius Iulius sonne of Caius Caesar and Pub. Servilius sonne of Publius Isauricus For now was the yeere come when as Caesar by the lawes might bee chosen Consull for so in the third booke of his owne Commentaries hee saith himselfe and so Dio in his one and fortieth booke Plutarch Tranquillus Appianus and Cassiodorus doe testifie of him But hee meaneth that law which expressely forbad and debarred that no man might bee within tenne yeeres space chosen Consull twise As for Publius Servilius hee was the sonne of that Pub. Servilius that first tooke the surname Isauricus who this yeere bare his Consulship at Rome while Caesar warred in Macedonie 707 Q. Eusius Calenus P. Vatinius DIo saith that the people of Rome having intelligence that Pompeius was murdered endevoured earnestly that there might passe as honourable decrees for Caesar the conquerour as possibly might bee And therefore they ordained that hee might bee Consull five yeeres together and Dictatour not for sixe moneths as beforetime but an whole yeere and endued with the Tribunes authoritie for ever Now Caesar albeit hee was without Italie immediately entered upon his Dictatourship having sub-ordained under him for his Generall of the horse Mar. Antonius a man who yet had not beene Pretour This appeareth by the Capitoll records Dio Plutarch and Cicero in his second Philippica But under what pretence and colour Caesar tooke upon him this Dictatourship and the rest following Mar. Antonius sheweth in his Oration of Caesars praise in Dio wherein hee saith that Caesar was created Dictator to make head against the enemies and therefore the troubles and dissentions of warre was the cause of this creation But certaine it is that Caesar became Dictatour for another cause namely that by the meanes of that soveraigne power hee might draw unto himselfe alone the whole managing governement of the State which beforetime had beene administred by many persons But Dio addeth moreover and saith that in the beginning of this yeere there were neither Pretours nor Consuls elected For Marcus Antonius Generall of the horse arraied in his purple robes with sixe Lictours making way before him resembled a certaine shew of the auncient libertie But within a while after he departed forth of the cittie and that which never was before done by any maister of the horse hee left Lu. Caesar an aged man Provost and governour of Rome Howbeit in the end of the yeere after the recoverie and conquest of Aegypt when king Ptolomeus was slaine and Pharnaces king of Pontus vanquished Consuls were created Qu. Fusius sonne of Quintus Calenus and Pub. Vatinius sonne of Publius And these the Capitoll tables doe shew and Cassiodorus also Of Pub. Vatinius Consull Macrobius in his second booke maketh mention 708 C. Caesar. M. Lepidus VErrius in his capitoll tables setteth forth Consuls of this yeere onely without ever a Dictatour The stone record of Colatia whereof Onuphrius speaketh heere nameth C. Iulius Caesar the third time and M. Aimilius Lepiaus But Dio in his three fortieth book The next yeere following quoth he hee bare the Dictatourship and the Consulat both the third time tooke unto him for his colleague in both magistracies M. Aimilius Lepidus Of the same mind seemeth Tranquillus to bee in Caesar chap. seventie sixe Likewise Hirtius in the fift booke But Onuphrius supposeth that both Tranquillus and Dio yea and Hirtius also were in an errour For with the capitoll records Plutarch and Eutropius agree who write that Caesar this yeere was Consull the third time with M. Lepidus and Dictatour the second time 709 C. Caesar. Q. Maximus THey who cut the capitoll marbles do shew unto us that Caesar this yeere was third time Dictator with M. Lepidus General of the horse From whome Dio differeth who doth report that this yeere Caesar was Dictator the 4 time and Lepidus second time maister of the horsemen also that Lepidus fellow Consull with Caesar declared himselfe against all law Generall of the horse Thus much of the Dictatour But as touching the Consuls this yeere there is to be seene written in the Index or table of Dio that the same yere Caesar bare his fourth Dictatourship likewise his fourth Consulat without colleague In that historie also it appeareth that Caesar presently entred upon his fourth Consulate but bare it not throughout the whole yeere and that so soone as he was returned to Rome out of Spain he resigned substituted in his place for the rest of the yeere Q. Fabius Max. and Cn. Trebonius With Dio the evidences agree that are written in the capitoll fragments wherein it appeareth that Caesar was the fourth time Consull and that without a colleague as Sigonius maketh interpretation For Cuspinians kalender together with the Sicilian registers doe shew that Caesar was Consull now alone the fourth time In like maner Appian and Plutarch make mention of Caesar who being Consull elect now the fourth time led an armie into Spaine As for Q. Fâ—bius Suetonius calleth him a three month-Consull Dio saith moreover that Caesar upon the death of Q. Fabius the Consull declared the very last day of the yeere C. Cannius to bee the Consull for those few houres that were behind Whereof Cicero in his seventh booke of Epistles writing to Curius Macrobius in his second booke of Saturnalia Tacitus in his eighteenth booke Plinie in his seventh and Suetonius in Caesar do make report 710 C. Caesar. M. Antonius DIo setteth downe for this yere Caesar Dictator the fift time together with M. Aemylius Lepâ—dus maister of the horsemen But the capitoll tables avouch him Dictatour now the fourth time Dio Appian write that hee created himselfe Consull together with M. Antonius Likewise Cassiodorus and the Sicilian registers give record that Caesar was this yeere Consull the fift time together with M. Antonius And Macrobius in his first booke speaketh of them Moreover written it is in the Capitoll and Colotian tables that C. Caesar was Consull the fift time with M. Antonius son of M that in the roum of Caesar there was chosen P. Cornelius son of Publius And this was P. Cornelius Dolabella whom Caesar himselfe if hee had lived meant to have substituted in his owne rowm Plutarch writeth that Caesar Cos. now the fift time tooke unto him for his companion in government M. Antonius And when as he would have subordeined Dolabella in his owne stead Antonie gainesaid it
the hearb-market built a temple in the honour of him To Pietie in the said hearb-market M. Attilius Glabris dedicated a temple in that verie place where at this day standeth the Church of S. Nicholas in the prison for even there Ap. Claudius the Decemvir by a decree of the Senat built a prison for that the common goale whereof wee have written before was not sufficient and called it The prison for the Commons of Rome wherein himselfe afterwards being found guiltie wrought his owne death In which also many yeeres after a certaine sillie poore woman of base and obscure parentage being newly brought a bed being apprehended for an heinous offence was condemned to be starved to death Her daughter being a milch woman and delivered lately of a child made humble request to the goaler that shee might have leave to goe to her mother and when hee had made streight search before whether shee brought with her any food and saw her have nothing about her let her in and so she went and came many times At the last knowne it was that the prisoner within was nourished by the breast-milke of her daughter whereupon the mother was delivered and set free and both mother and daughter were allowed their food ever after by vertue of a decree at the cities charges and in regard of that kindnesse and affection of the child to the mother they consecrated this place to the goddesse Pietas Lavie supposeth that it was not the mother but the father that in this manner was by the daughter nourished CHAP. II. The hearb-market the temple of Iuno Matuta and of Hope the oratorie or chappell of Numa the columne called Lactaria the altar and chappell of Carmenta THis place hath the name of Forum Holitorium for that therein is great store of woorts and pot-hearbs without the gate Carmentalis where in times past was the old market kept and at this day called it is the street Montanaria VVithin the compasse of the said market place C. Cornelius the Consull in the time of the Gaules warre vowed a temple to Iuno Matuta which afterward being Censor hee put out to building in that very place where afterwards stood the church of S. Andrew surnamed in Mentuza The same C. Cornelius built in the Forum Holitorium the temple of Hope and the same adorned with divers and sundrie marbles which afterwards Collatinus consecrated Many a day after it was smitten with lightning and in the end set on fire and burnt A columne also there was in the same market place named Lactaria unto which the sucking babes that were to be nourished with milke were presented The oratorie of Numa stood in the bottome of Argiletum neere the theatre of Marcellus The altar Carmentalis consecrated by Evander to his mother Carmenta stood before the gate Carmentalis In the same place also was the chappell of Carmenta built by the matrons of Rome At the first shee was called Nicostrata but for that shee delivered Oracles in verse shee tooke the name of Carmenta CHAP. III. The fish market and temple of Fortuna Virilis THe fish market standeth along the Tybre neere to the Forum Iunium betweene the Churches of Saint Marie in Porticu and Aegyptiaca within the gate Carmentalis not farre from the Forum Boarium i. the oxe market The Church of S. Marie Aegyptiaca is at this day neere the Tybre and a bridge of the said name Some goe about to affirme and proove that this was sometime the temple of Mercie others of Fortune and Chastitie but all in vaine for those temples were not in this place but in the oxe market as for this temple of Fortuna Virilis whereof we now speak it was neer Tybre In it stood the statue of Serv. Tullius made of wood and guilt all over which in a great skare-fire when all things else were burnt remained only safe and sound CHAP. IIII. The temple of Vesta the Saline and the arch of Cocles NEere the church of Marie surnamed Aegyptiaca there remaineth at this day a most auncient temple now dedicated to S. Stephen the frame whereof is circular and the pillars are set round about and beare up the roufe which being one entire peece of worke carrieth the whole temple Consecrated it was in old time to Vesta and Numa taking that circular platforme from the temple which was at Alba made it with a louver in the top having a hole to give light Howbeit of this goddesse her selfe there is no image nor resemblance for that fire whereof shee is the goddesse can have no certeine and permanent forme As for Vesta the Latines call her so because shee is arrayed with divers and sundrie things Of the Greekes shee is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that her force and power appertaineth to altars and lierthes where fire is kept This is not the temple wherein the sacred fire is preserved but that whereof wee spake before which Romulus built betweene the Capitoll and Palatium Salinae were the store-houses of the salt which served the citie and they stood upon that banke-side of Tybre which from the foresaid temple of Vesta reacheth into the Aventine The arch of Horatius Cocles stood at the very foot of the Aventine hill where the rising thereof beginneth betweene the mount and the Tybre CHAP. V. The Forum Boarium HItherto from the beginning of this fourth book are described those things which on the right hand of Tybre were worth the noting Now forward we will after our manner run through all the memorable things which are on the left side of that river and first as concerning the beast-market The beast-market was neere to Velabrum and Ianus betweene the mount Palatine and the Greeke schoole close to the temple now called S. Gregories church In it there was a most auncient image in brasse of a bull whereupon some thinke it tooke the name Boarium Others for that oxen were there sold or because they used in old time to sacrifice those kind of beasts there or else for that Evander in that place killed an oxe in sacrifice to Hercules for killing Cacus and recovering again his kine and oxen In the same place were kept the instruments wherewith the ministers belonging to sacrifices the sacrificers also themselves were furnished when they went about their sacrifice In this market-place was the first sight exhibited of sword-fencers CHAP. VI. The temple of Hercules Victor and the altar called Maxima THe round temple of Iupiter Victor was built in the beast-market neere the Greeke schoole where sometime Evander reared unto Hercules the altar called Maxima This temple as they say was so religious and venerable that neither flie nor dog would enter into it For Hercules at what time as hee destributed a dole of flesh to his followers and ministers in his sacrifice praied unto Myiagirus the god that gathereth flies He it is therefore that driveth away all flies from this temple and at the dore thereof he left his club behind which so soone
there was in opinion between M. Portius Cato whom they reputed for the wisest and Scipio Nasica who by the Senat was iudged the best honestest man in the city Cato was altogether for the wars advised to destroy Carthage quite Nasica contrariwise dissuaded what he could Neverthelesse in the end ordained it was Thâ—t because against covenant accord they kept a navie at sea had led foorth an armie out of their borders also for that they entred into armes and levied war upon Masanissa a friend and confederat to the people of Rome and received not into their town Gulussa his sonne who was in the companie of the Romane embassadours warre should be proclaimed against them But before that any forces were embarked and had taken the sea the embassadours of Vtica repaired to Rome yeelding themselves and all that they bad That embassage as a speciall presage to the issue and event of the war was acceptable and pleasing to the lords of the Senate but heavie and greevous to the Carthaginians In Terentum a place it was in Campus Martius whereupon the pastimes Terentini tooke their name were plates exhibited to Father Dis the infernall god according to the direction of the bookes of Sibylla These had been set out one hundred yeeres before in the first Punicke war and in the five hundreth yeere and one after the citie was founded Thirtie embassadors came to Rome by whome the Carthaginians presented their submission But the sentence of Cato imported and prevailed to hold still their former determination and that the Consuls with all speed should set forward in their iourney to the warre Who having passed the seas and arrived in Affricke received of them three hundred hostages whome they had required and demaunded and also tooke into their hands all their armors and weapons and what furniture of warre soever they found at Carthage They proceeded moreover after all this to commaund them by warrant and authoritie form the LL. of the Senate to build them a new towne for to inhabite in some other place so that it were tenne miles at least remote from the sea by which indignititie offered they provoked the Carthaginians to rise and take armes againe L. Martius and M. Manilius the Consuls began to besiege and assault Carthage during which siege and assault it fortuned that two Colonels unadvisedly adventured to breake into the citie with their cohorts at one part therof where the wals were neglected when by the townsmen they were sore beaten and killed by the meanes of Scipio Affricanus they were rescued by whome also a certeine scone and fort of the Romanes which the enemies by night assailed with the helpe of a few horsemen was delivered Moreover hee saved the campe against which the Carthaginians sallied forth of their citie to give the assault at once upon it with all their forces by which service hee above the rest woon great honor Over besides when as the Consull for the other was gone to Rome to hold the election of Magistrates seeing the siege and assault of Carthage tooke no better effect minded to lead the armie against Asdruball who with another power of men kept the narrow streights of a certaine passage he counselled the said Cos. first not to give battell in a place of such disadvantage but afterwards overweighed and borne downe by the opinions of the greater number who envied as well his wisedome as vertue hee also entered into the same streights And when the Roman armie according as he foretold was discomfited and put to flight and two cohorts beset round and invested by the enemies hee with certeine small cornets of horse returned into those streight reskued them and brought them away in safetie Which valour of his even Cato a man otherwise more readie of his tongue to find faults so recommended in the Senate that in these terms he gave out and said That all there rest whowere emploied in the warres of Affricke served as shaddowes and dead men but Cato had true vigour and spirit indeed The people of Rome besides cast such a savour and good liking to him that at the next election most of the tribes pricked him for to bee Consull notwithstanding he was by law under age When L. Scribonius a Tribune of the Commons had promulged a law That all the Portugals who according to covenant and composition yeelded to the people of Rome and yet by Sergius Galba were sold in Fraunce should be restored to their freedome M. Cato most earnestly pleaded in the behalfe of that law and maintained it His Oration is extant to be seene included within his Annales Q. Fulvius Nobilior albeit he was by him shaken up and well checked in the Senate answered in the behalfe of Galba Yea and Galba also seeing himselfe at the point to bee condemned tooke in his armes and embraced his owne two sonnes being Praetextati and a sonne of Caius Sulpitius whose Guardian hee was and made such pitteous and rusull mone all the while hee spake in his owne cause that the foresaid law was revoked and cancelled Three Orations of his there are to bee seene two against Libo a Tribune of the Commons and his proposed lawes as touching the Portugales and one against Lucius Cornelius Cethegus in which hee confesseth and avoweth the killing of the Portugales encamped neere unto him for that hee knew certeinly that they after their manner had sacrificed an horse and a man and under a colour of peace entended to set upon and charge his armie Andriscus one of base birth and the most abiect lowest condition who made the world beleeve that hee was king Perseus his son and thereupon chaunged his name and was called Philip having made an escape and fled secretly from Rome whither Demetrius king of Syria had sent him in regard of this his notorious lie had many men come flocking unto him embracing a forged counterfeit fable of his as if it had bene a true same and report by which means hee gathered an armie together and either with the good will of the inhabitants or by force of armes seized all Macedonie and held it in his hands Now had he devised framed the pageant in this wise That Perseus the king had begotten him forsooth of a concubine that he was committed to one Cyrthesa to bee fostered and brought up to the end that if ought should fall out but well unto the K. in that war which he waged with the Romanes there might be yet some seed as it were and yssue remaining of the kings bloud and royall race When Perseus was deceased he had his education at Adramittium until he was 12 yeres old supposing him to be his naturall father who fostered kept him wist not at all from what stocke he was descended Now it sell out saith he that the said foster father of mine lay very sicke beeing at the point of death bewraied at length my birth parentage Moreover