thou expect from these poor Laity so he goes on these beasts all belly shall these amend thee who are themselves laborious in evil doings shalt thou see with their Eyes who see right forward nothing but gain Leave them rather as bids our Saviour lest ye fall both blind-fold into the same perdition Are all thus Perhaps not all or not so grosly But what avail'd it Eli to be himself blameless while he conniv'd at others that were abominable who of them hath bin envi'd for his better life who of them hath hated to consort with these or withstood thir entring the Ministry or endeavour'd zealously thir casting out Yet som of these perhaps by others are legended for great Saints This was the state of Goverment this of Religion among the Britans in that long calm of peace which the fight at Badon Hill had brought forth Wherby it came to pass that so fair a Victory came to nothing Towns and Citties were not reinhabited but lay ruin'd and wast nor was it long ere domestic War breaking out wasted them more For Britain as at other times had then also several Kings Five of whom Gildas living then in Armorica at a safe distance boldly reproves by name First Constantine fabl'd the Son of Cador Duke of Cornwall Arturs half Brother by the Mothers side who then reign'd in Cornwall and Devon a Tyrannical and bloody King polluted also with many Adulteries he got into his power two young Princes of the Blood Royal uncertain whether before him in right or otherwise suspected and after solemn Oath giv'n of thir safety the year that Gildas wrote slew them with thir two Governours in the Church and in thir Mothers Arms through the Abbots Coap which he had thrown over them thinking by the revernce of his vesture to have withheld the murderer These are commonly suppos'd to be the Sons of Mordred Arturs Nefew said to have revolted from his Uncle giv'n him in a Battel his Deaths wound and by him after to have bin slain Which things were they true would much diminish the blame of cruelty in Constantine revenging Artur on the Sons of so false a Mordred In another part but not express'd where Aurelius Conanus was King him he charges also with Adulteries and Parricide cruelties worse then the former to be a hater of his Countries Peace thirsting after civil War and Prey His condition it seems was not very prosperous for Gildas wishes him being now left alone like a Tree withering in the midst of a barren field to remember the vanity and arrogance of his Father and elder Brethren who came all to untimely Death in thir youth The third reigning in Demetia or South Wales was Vortipor the Son of a good Father he was when Gildas wrote grown old not in years only but in Adulteries and in governing full of falshood and cruel Actions In his latter dales putting away his Wife who dy'd in divorce he became if we mistake not Gildas incestuous with his Daughter The fourth was Cuneglas imbru'd in civil War he also had divorc'd his Wife and tak'n her Sister who had vow'd Widdowhood he was a great Enemy to the Clergy high-minded and trusting to his wealth The last but greatest of all in power was Maglocune and greatest also in wickedness he had driv'n out or slain many other Kings or Tyrants and was called the Island Dragon perhaps having his seat in Anglesey a profuse giver a great Warrior and of a goodly stature While he was yet young he over-threw his Uncle though in the head of a compleat Army and took from him the Kingdom then touch't with remorse of his doings not without deliberation took upon him the profession of a Monk but soon forsook his vow and his wife also which for that vow he had left making love to the wife of his Brothers Son then living Who not refusing the offer if she were not rather the first that entic'd found means both to dispatch her own Husband and the former wife of Maglocune to make her marriage with him the more unquestionable Neither did he this for want of better instructions having had the learnedest and wisest man reputed of all Britain the instituter of his youth Thus much the utmost that can be learnt by truer story of what past among the Britans from the time of their useless Victory at Badon to the time that Gildas wrote that is to say as may be guess't from 527 to 571 is here set down altogether not to be reduc't under any certainty of years But now the Saxons who for the most part all this while had bin still unless among themselves began afresh to assault them and ere long to drive them out of all which they yet maintain'd on this side Wales An. Dom. 571 For Cuthulf the Brother of Reaulin by a Victory obtain'd at Bedanford now Bedford took from them 4 good Towns Liganburgh Eglesburh Besington now Benson in Oxfordshire and Ignesham but outliv'd not many months his good success And after 6 years more Keaulin and Cuthwin his Son An. Dom. 577 gave them a great overthrow at Deorrham in Glostershire slew three of thir Kings Comail Condidan and Farinmaile and took three of thir Cheif Citties Glocester Cirencester and Badencester An. Dom. 584 The Britans notwithstanding after some space of time judging to have out-grown thir losses gather to a head and encounter Keaulin with Cutha his Son at Fethanleage whom valiantly fighting they slew among the thickest and as is said forc'd the Saxons to retire But Keaulin reinforcing the fight put them to a main rout and following his advantage took many Towns and return'd lad'n with rich booty The last of those Saxons who rais'd thir own acheivments to a Monarchy was Crida much about this time first founder of the Mercian Kingdom drawing also his Pedigree from Woden Of whom all to write the several Genealogies though it might be done without long search were in my opinion to encumber the story with a sort of barbarous names to little purpose This may suffice that of Wodens 3 Sons from the Eldest issu'd Hengist and his succession from the second the Kings of Mercia from the third all that reign'd in West-Saxon and most of the Northumbers of whom Alla was one the first King of Deira which after his death the race of Ida seis'd and made it one Kingdom with Bernicia usurping on the Childhood of Edwin Alla's Son Whom Ethelric the Son of Ida expel'd An. Dom. 559 Notwithstanding others write of him that from a poor life and beyond hope in his old Age coming to the Crown he could hardly by the access of a Kingdom have overcome his former obscurity had not the fame of his Son preserv'd him An. Dom. 588 Once more the Britans ere they quitted all on this side the Mountains forgot not to shew some manhood for meeting Keaulin at Wodens Beorth An. Dom. 592 that is to say Wodens
pretext of what was due to the religious service wasted and imbezl'd each mans substance upon themselves And Catus Decianus the Procurator endeavour'd to bring all thir goods within the compass of a new confiscation by disavowing the remittment of Claudius Lastly Seneca in his Books a Philosopher having drawn the Britans unwillingly to borrow of him vast summs upon faire promises of easy loan and for repayment to take thir own time on a sudden compells them to pay in all at once with great extortion Thus provock't by heaviest sufferings and thus invited by opportunities in the absence of Paulinus the Icenians and by their Example the Trinobantes and as many else as hated servitude rise up in Armes Of these ensueing troubles many foregoing signes appear'd the image of Victorie at Camalodunum fell down of it self with her face turn'd as it were to the Britans certaine women in a kind of ecstasie foretold of calamities to come in the Counsel-House were heard by night barbarous noises in the Theater hideous howlings in the Creek horrid sights betok'ning the destruction of that Colony heerto the Ocean seeming of a bloody hew and human shapes at a low ebb left imprinted on the sand wrought in the Britans new courage in the Romans unwonted feares Camalodunum where the Romans had seated themselves to dwell pleasantly rather then defensively was not fortifi'd against that therefore the Britans make first assault The Souldiers with in were not very many Decianus the Procurator could send them but 200 those ill arm'd and through the treachery of some among them who secretly favour'd the insurrection they had deferr'd both to entrench and to send out such as bore not Armes such as did flying to the Temple which on the second day was forcibly tak'n were put all to the Sword the Temple made a heap the â—est rifl'd and burnt Petilius Cerealis coming to his succour is in his way met and overthrown his whole Legion cut to peeces he with his Horse hardly escaping to the Roman Camp Decianus whose rapine was the cause of all this fled into Callia But Suetonius at these tideings not dismay'd through the midst of his Enemies Countrie marches to London though not term'd a Colony yet full of Roman Inhabitants and for the frequency of trade and other commodities a Town eev'n then of principal note with purpose to have made there the seat of Warr. But considering the smallness of his numbers and the late rashness of Petilius he chooses rather with the loss of one Town to save the rest Nor was he flexible to any prayers or weeping of them that besought him to tarry there but taking with him such as were willing gave signal to depart they who through weakness of Sex or Age or love of the place went not along perish'd by the Enemie so did Verulam a Roman free Town For the Britans omitting Forts and Castles flew thether first where richest bootie and the hope of pillageing toald them on In this massacre about 70 thousand Romans and thir associats in the places above-mention'd of a certaine lost thir lives None might be spar'd none ransom'd but tasted all either a present or a lingring Death no crueltie that either outrage or the insolence of success put into thir heads was left unacted The Roman Wives and Virgins hang'd up all naked had thir Breasts cut off and sow'd to thir mouthes that in the grimness of Death they might seem to eat thir own flesh while the Britans fell to feasting and carousing in the Temple of Andate thir Goddess of Victorie Suetonius adding to his Legion other old Officers and Souldiers thereabout which gatherd to him were neer upon ten thousand and purposing with those not to deferr Battel had chos'n a place narrow and not to be overwing'd on his rear a Wood being well inform'd that his Enemies were all in Front on a plain unapt for ambush the Legionaries stood thic in order impal'd with light armed the Horse on either Wing The Britans in Companies and Squadrons were every where shouting and swarming such a multitude as at other time never no less reckon'd then 200 and 30 thousand so feirce and confident of Victorie that thir Wives also came in Waggons to sit and behold the sport as they made full account of killing Romans a folly doubtless for the serious Romans to smile at as a sure tok'n of prospering that day a Woeman also was thir Commander in Chief For Boadicea and her Daughters ride about in a Chariot telling the tall Champions as a great encouragement that with the Britans it was usual for Woemen to be thir Leaders A deal of other fondness they put into her mouth not worth recital how she was lash'd how her Daughters were handl'd things worthier silence retirment and a Vail then for a Woeman to repeat as don to hir own person or to hear repeated before an host of men The Greek Historian setts her in the field on a high heap of Turves in a loose-bodied Gown declaming a Spear in her hand a Hare in her bosome which after a long circumlocution she was to let slip among them for luck 's sake then praying to Andate the British Goddess to talk again as fondly as before And this they do out of a vanity hoping to embellish and set out thir Historie with the strangness of our manners not careing in the mean while to brand us with the rankest note of Barbarism as if in Britain Woemen were Men and Men Woemen I affect not set speeches in a Historie unless known for certain to have bin so spok'n in effect as they are writ'n nor then unless worth rehearsal and to invent such though eloquently as some Historians have done is an abuse of posteritie raising in them that read other conceptions of those times and persons then were true Much less therefore do I purpose heer or elsewhere to Copie out tedious Orations without decorum though in thir Authors compos'd ready to my hand Hitherto what we have heard of Cassibelan Togadumnus Venusius and Caractacus hath bin full of magnanimitie soberness and martial skill but the truth is that in this Battel and whole business the Britans never more plainly manifested themselves to be right Barbarians no rule no foresight no forecast experience or estimation either of themselves or of thir Enemies such confusion such impotence as seem'd likest not to a Warr but to the wild hurrey of a distracted Woeman with as mad a Crew at her heeles Therefore Suetonius contemning thir unruly noises and fierce looks heart'ns his men but to stand close a while and strike manfully this headless rabble that stood neerest the rest would be a purchase rather then a toil And so it fell out for the Legion when they saw thir time bursting out like a violent wedge quickly broke and dissipated what oppos'd them all else held only out thir necks to the slayer for thir own Carts and Waggons were so plac'd by themselves
hearing themselves entreated by the Britans to that which gladly they would have wish't to obtain of them by entreating to the British Embassy return this answer Be assur'd henceforth of the Saxons as of faithful friends to the Britans no less ready to stand by them in thir need than in thir best of fortune The Embassadors return joyful and with news as welcome to thir Countrie whose sinister fate had now blinded them for destruction The Saxons consulting first thir Gods for they had answer that the Land whereto they went they should hold 300 years half that time conquering and half quietly possessing furnish out three long Gallies or Kyules with a chos'n company of warlike youth under the conduct of two Brothers Hengist and Horsa descended in the fourth degree from Woden of whom deify'd for the fame of his acts most Kings of those Nations derive thir pedigree These and either mixt with these or soon after by themselves two other Tribes or neighbouring people Jutes and Angles the one from Jutland the other from Anglen by the City of Sleswich both Provinces of Denmark An. Dom. 450 arrive in the first year of Martian the Greek Emperor from the birth of Christ 450 receav'd with much good will of the people first then of the King who after some assurances giv'n and tak'n bestows on them the I le of Tanet where they first landed hoping they might be made heerby more eager against the Picts when they fought as for thir own Countrie and more loyal to the Britans from whom they had receav'd a place to dwell in which before they wanted The British Nennius writes that these Brethren were driv'n into exile out of Germany and to Vortigern who reigned in much fear one while of the Picts then of the Romans and Ambrosius came opportunely into the Hav'n For it was the custom in old Saxony when thir numerous off-spring overflow'd the narrowness of thir bounds to send them out by lot into new dwellings wherever they found room either vacant or to be forc't But whether sought or unsought they dwelt not heer long without employment For the Scots and Picts were now come down som say as far as Stamsord in Lincoln-shire whom perhaps not imagining to meet new opposition the Saxons though not till after a sharp encounter put to flight and that more than once slaying in fight as some Scotch Writers affirm thir King Eugenius the Son of Fergus Hengist percaeving the Iland to be rich and fruitful but her Princes and other inhabitants giv'n to vicious ease sends word home inviting others to a share of his good success Who returning with 17 Ships were grown up now to a sufficient Army and entertain'd without suspicion on these terms that they should bear the brunt of War against the Picts receaving stipend and some place to inhabit With these was brought over the Daughter of Hengist a Virgin wondrous fair as is reported Rowen the British call her she by commandment of her Father who had invited the King to a Banquet coming in presence with a Bowle of Wine to welcome him and to attend on his Cup till the Feast ended won so much upon his fancy though already wiv'd as to demand her in mariage upon any conditions Hengist at first though it fell out perhaps according to his drift held off excusiing his meanness then obscurely intimating a desire and almost a necessity by reason of his augmented numbers to have his narrow bounds of Tanet enlarg'd to the Circuit of Kent had it streit by donation though Guorangonus till then was King of that place and so as it were overcome by the great munificence of Vortiger gave his Daughter And still encroaching on the Kings favour got furder leave to call over Octa and Ebissa his own and his Brothers Son pretending that they if the North were giv'n them would sit there as a continual defence against the Scots while himself guarded the East They therfore sayling with forty Ships eev'n to the Orcades and every way curbing the Scots and Picts possess'd that part of the Ile which is now Northumberland Notwithstanding this they complain that thir monthly pay was grown much into arrear which when the Britans found means to satisfie though alleging withall that they to whom promise was made of wages were nothing so many in number quieted with this a while but still seeking occasion to fall off they find fault next that thir pay is too small for the danger they undergo threatning op'n Warr unless it be augmented Guortimer the Kings Son perceaving his Father and the Kingdom thus betray'd from that time bends his utmost endeavour to drive them out They on the other side making League with the Picts and Scots and issuing out of Kent wasted without resistance almost the whole Land eev'n to the Western Sea with such a horrid devastation that Towns and Colonies overturn'd Preists and people slain Temples and Palaces what with fire and Sword lay alltogether heap'd in one mixt ruin Of all which multitude so great was the sinfullness that brought this upon them Gildas adds that few or none were likely to be other then lew'd and wicked persons The residue of these part overtak'n in the Mountains were slain others subdu'd with hunger preferr'd slavery before instant death som getting to Rocks Hills and Woods inaccessible preferr'd the fear and danger of any Death before the shame of a secure slavery many fled over Sea into other Countries some into Holland where yet remain the ruins of Brittenburgh an old Castle on the Sea to be seen at low water not far from Leiden either built as Writers of thir own affirm or seis'd on by those Britans in thir escape from Hengist Others into Armorica peopl'd as som think with Britans long before either by guift of Constantine the Great or else of Maximus to those British Forces which had serv'd them in Forein Wars to whom those also that miscarried not with the latter Constantine at Arles and lastly these exiles driv'n out by Saxons fled for refuge But the antient Chronicles of those Provinces attest thir coming thether to be then first when they fled the Saxons and indeed the name of Britain in France is not read till after that time Yet how a sort of fugitives who had quitted without stroke thir own Country should so soon win another appears not unless joyn'd to som party of thir own settl'd there before Vortiger nothing better'd by these calamities grew at last so obdurat as to commit incest with his daughter tempted or tempting him out of an ambition to the Crown For which beeing censur'd and condemn'd in a great Synod of Clercs and Laics and partly for fear of the Saxons according to the Counsel of his Peers he retir'd into Wales and built him there a strong Castle in Radnorshire by the advice of Ambrosius a young prophet whom others call
or against thir whole powers the second time returning obtain'd this Victory Thus Ambrose as cheif Monarch of the I le succeeded Vortigern to whose third Son Pascentius he permitted the rule of two Regions in Wales Buelth and Guorthigirniaun In his daies saith Nennius the Saxons prevail'd not much against whom Arthur as beeing then Cheif General for the British Kings made great War but more renown'd in Songs and Romances then in true stories And the sequel it self declares as much An. Dom. 477 For in the year 477. Ella the Saxon with his three Sons Cymen Pleting and Cissa at a place in Suffex call'd Cymenshore arrive in three Ships kill many of the Britans chasing them that remain'd into the Wood Andreds League An. Dom. 485 Another Battell was fought at Mercreds-Burnamsted wherin Ella had by far the Victory but Huntingdon makes it so doubtful that the Saxons were constrain'd to send home for supplies An. Dom. 489 Four year after dy'd Hengist the first Saxon King of Kent noted to have attain'd that dignity by craft as much as valour and giving scope to his own cruel nature rather then proceeding by mildness or civility His Son Oeric surnam'd Oisc of whom the Kentish Kings were call'd Oiscings succeeded him and sate content with his Fathers winnings more desirous to settle and defend then to enlarge his bounds he reign'd 24 years By this time Ella and his Son Cissa beseiging Andredchester An. Dom. 492 suppos'd now to be Newenden in Kent take it by force and all within it put to the Sword Thus Ella 3 years after the death of Hengist began his Kingdome of the South-Saxons peopling it with new inhabitants from the Country which was then old Saxony at this day Holstein in Denmark and had besides at his command all those Provinces which the Saxons had won on this side Humber Animated with these good successes as if Britain were become now the field of Fortune Kerdic another Saxon Prince the tenth by Linage from Woden an old and practis'd Souldier who in many prosperous conflicts against the Enemy in those parts An. Dom. 495 had nurs'd up a Spirit too big to live at home with equals coming to a certain place which from thence took the name of Kerdic-shoar with 5 Ships and Kenric his Son the very same day overthrew the Britans that oppos'd him and so effectually that smaller skirmishes after that day were sufficient to drive them still furder off leaving him a large territory An. Dom. 501 After him Porta another Saxon with his two Sons Bida and Megla in two Ships arrive at Portsmouth thence call'd and at thir landing slew a young British Nobleman with many others who unadvisedly set upon them An. Dom. 508 The Britans to recover what they had lost draw together all thir Forces led by Natanleod or Nazaleod a certain King in Britain and the greatest saith one but him with 5000 of his men Kerdic puts to rout and slaies From whence the place in Hantshire as far as Kerdicsford now Chardford was call'd of old Nazaleod Who this King should be hath bred much question som think it to be the British name of Ambrose others to be the right name of his Brother who for the terror of his eagerness in fight became more known by the Sirname of Vther which in the Welch Tongue signifies Dreadful And if ever such a King in Britain there were as Vther Pendragon for so also the Monmouth Book surnames him this in all likelyhood must be he Kerdic by so great a blow giv'n to the Britans had made large room about him not only for the men he brought with him but for such also of his friends as he desir'd to make great for which cause and withall the more to strengthen himself An. Dom. 514 his two Nefews Stuf and Withgar in 3 Vessels bring him new levies to Kerdic shoar Who that they might not come sluggishly to possess what others had won for them either by thir own seeking or by appointment are set in place where they could not but at thir first coming give a proof of themselves upon the Enemy and so well they did it that the Britans after a hard encounter left them Maisters of the field And about the same time Ella the first South-Saxon King dy'd whom Cissa his youngest succeeded the other two failing before him Nor can it be much more or less then about this time for it was before the West-Saxon Kingdome that Vffa the 8th from Woden made himself King of the East-Angles who by thir name testifie the Country above mention'd from whence they came in such multitudes that thir native soil is said to have remain'd in the daies of Beda uninhabited Huntingdon deferrs the time of thir coming in to the ninth year of Kerdic's Reigne for saith he at first many of them strove for principality seising every one his Province and for som while so continu'd making petty Warrs among themselves till in the end Vffa of whom those Kings were call'd Vffings overtop'd them all in the year 571 then Titilus his Son the Father of Redwald who became potent And not much after the East-Angles began also the East-Saxons to erect a Kingdom under Sleda the tenth from Woden But Huntingdon as before will have it later by 11 years and Erchenwin to be the first King An. Dom. 519 Kerdic the same in power though not so fond of title forbore the name 24 Years after his arrival but then founded so firmly the Kingdome of West-Saxons that it subjected all the rest at length and became the sole Monarchie of England The same year he had a Victory against the Britans at Kerdics-Ford Ford by the River Aven An. Dom. 527 and after 8 years another great fight at Kerdics Leage but which won the day is not by any set down Hitherto hath bin collected what there is of certainty with circumstance of time and place to be found register'd and no more then barely register'd in annals of best note without describing after Huntingdon the manner of those Battels and Encounters which they who compare and can judge of Books may be confident he never found in any current Author whom he had to follow But this disease hath bin incident to many more Historians and the age wherof we now write hath had the ill hap more then any since the first fabulous times to be surcharg'd with all the idle fancies of posterity Yet that we may not rely altogether on Saxon relaters Gildas in Antiquity far before these and every way more credible speaks of these Wars in such a manner though nothing conceited of the British valour as declares the Saxons in his time and before to have bin foyl'd not seldomer then the Britans For besides that first Victory of Ambrose and the interchangeable success long after he tells that the last overthrow which they receav'd
and built another at Temsford judging that place more opportune from whence to make thir excursions and soon after went forth with design to assail Bedford but the Garrison issuing out slew a great part of them the rest fled After this a greater Army of them gatherd out of Mercia and the East-Angles came and beseig'd the City call'd Wigingmere a whole Day but finding it defended stoutly by them within thence also departed driving away much of thir Cattel wherupon the English from Towns and Citties round about joining Forces laid Seige to the Town and Castle of Temsford and by assault took both slew thir King with Toglea a Duke and Mannan his Son an Earl with all the rest there found who chose to die rather then yeild Encourag'd by this the men of Kent Surrey and part of Essex enterprise the Seige of Colnhester nor gave over till they won it sacking the Town and putting to Sword all the Danes therein except some who escap'd over the Wall To the succour of these a great number of Danes inhabiting Ports and other Towns in the East-Angles united thir Force but coming too late as in revenge beleaguerd Maldon but that Town also timely releiv'd they departed not only frustrate of thir design but so hotly persu'd that many thousands of them lost thir lives in the flight Forthwith King Edward with his West-Saxons went to Passham upon Ouse there to guard the passage while others were building a stone Wall about Torchester to him there Earl Thurfert and other Lord Danes with thir Army thereabout as far as Weolud came and submitted Wherat the Kings Souldiers joyfully cry'd out to be dismiss't home therfore with another part of them he enterd Huntingdon and repair'd it where breaches had bin made all the people thereabout returning to obedience The like was done at Colnchester by the next remove of his Army after which both East and West-Angles and the Danish Forces among them yeilded to the King swearing Allegiance to him both by Sea and Land the Army also of Danes at Grantbrig surrendring themselves took the same Oath The Summer following he came with his Army to Stamford An. Dom. 922 built a Castle there on the South-side of the River where all the people of those quarters acknowledg'd him supream Dureing his abode there Elfled his Sister a martial Woman who after her Husbands Death would no more marry but gave her self to public affairs repairing and fortifying many Towns warring sometimes dy'd at Tamworth the Cheif Seat of Mercia wherof by guift of Alfred her Father she was Lady or Queen wherby that whole Nation became obedient to King Edward as did also North-Wales with Howel Cledaucus and Jeothwell thir Kings Thence passing to Nottingham he enterd and repair'd the Town plac'd there part English part Danes and receav'd fealty from all in Mercia of either Nation The next Autumn coming An. Dom. 923 with his Army into Cheshire he built and fortifi'd Thelwel and while he staid there call'd another Army out of Mercia which he sent to repair and fortifie Manchester About Midsummer following An. Dom. 924 he march'd again to Nottingham built a Town over against it on the South-side of that River and with a Bridg joyn'd them both thence journied to a place call'd Bedecanwillan in Pictland there also built and fenc'd a City on the Borders where the King of Scots did him honour as to his Sovran together with the whole Scotish Nation the like did Reginald and the Son of Eadulf Danish Princes with all the Northumbrians both English and Danes The King also of a people thereabout call'd Streatgledwalli the North Welch as Camden thinks of Strat-Cluid in Denbigh-shire perhaps rather the British of Cumberland did him homage and not undeserv'd For Buchanan himself confesses that this King Edward with a small number of men compar'd to his Enemies overthrew in a great Battel the whole united power both of Scots and Daâ—es slew most of the Scotish Nobility and forc'd Malcolmb whom Constantine the Scotch King had made General and design'd Heir of his Crown to save himself by flight sore wounded Of the English he makes Athelstan the Son of Edward Chief Leader and so far seems to confound times and actions as to make this Battel the same with that fought by Athelstan about 24 years after at Bruneford against Anlaf and Constantine wherof hereafter But here Buchanan takes occasion to inveigh against the English Writers upbraiding them with ignorance who affirm Athelstan to have bin supream King of Britain Constantine the Scotish King with others to have held of him and denies that in the Annals of Marianus Scotus any mention is to be found therof which I shall not stand much to contradict for in Marianus whether by Surname or by Nation Scotus will be found as little mention of any other Scotish affairs till the time of King Dunchad slain by Machetad or Mackbeth in the year 1040. which gives cause of suspition that the affairs of Scotland before that time were so obscure as to be unknown to thir own Countryman who liv'd and wrote his Chronicle not long after But King Edward thus nobly doing and thus honour'd the year following dy'd at Farendon An. Dom. 925 a builder and restorer eev'n in War not a destroyer of his Land He had by several Wives many Childern his eldest Daughter Edgith he gave in marriage to Charles King of France Grand-Child of Charles the Bald above-mention'd of the rest in place convenient His Laws are yet to be seen He was buried at Winchester in the Monastery by Alfred his Father And a few days after him dy'd Ethelwerd his Eldest Son the Heir of his Crown He had the whole Iland in subjection yet so as petty Kings reign'd under him In Northumberland after Ecbert whom the Danes had set up and the Northumbrians yet unruly under thir yoke at the end of 6 years had expell'd one Ricsig was set up King and bore the name 3 years then another Ecbert and Guthred the latter if we beleeve Legends of a Servant made King by command of St. Cudbert in a Vision and enjoyn'd by another Vision of the same Saint to pay well for his Royalty many Lands and privileges to his Church and Monastery But now to the story Athelstan AThelstan next in Age to Ethelward his Brother who deceas'd untimely few days before though born of a Concubine yet for the great appearance of many vertues in him and his Brethren being yet under Age was exalted to the Throne at Kingstone An. Dom. 926 upon Thames and by his Fathers last Will saith Malmsbury yet not without some opposition of one Alfred and his Accomplices who not likeing he should reign had conspir'd to seise on him after his Fathers Death and to put out his Eyes But the Conspiratours discoverd and Alfred denying the Plot was sent to Rome to assert his innocence before the Pope where taking his Oath on
the King who still laid at him and little expected such assassination mortally into the brest The matter was done in a moment ere men set at Table could turn them or imagin at first what the stir meant till perceaving the King deadly wounded they flew upon the murderer and hew'd him to peeces who like a wild Beast at abbay seeing himself surrounded desperatly laid about him wounding some in his fall The King was buried at Glaston wherof Dunstan was then Abbot his Laws yet remain to be seen among the Laws of other Saxon Kings Edred EDred the third Brother of Athelstan the Sons of Edmund being yet but Children next reign'd not degenerating from his worthy predecessors and Crown'd at Kingston Northumberland he throughly subdu'd the Scots without refusal swore him Allegiance yet the Northumbrians ever of doubtfull Faith soon after chose to themselves one Eric a Dane Huntingdon still haunts us with this Anlaf of whom we gladly would have bin ridd and will have him before Eric recall'd once more and reign fowr years then again put to his shifts But An. Dom. 950 Edred entring into Northumberland and with spoils returning Eric the King fell upon his rear Edred turning about both shook off the Enemy and prepar'd to make a second inroad which the Northumbrians dreading rejected Eric slew Amanous the Son of Anlaf and with many presents appeasing Edred submitted again to his Goverment nor from that time had Kings but were govern'd by Earls of whom Osulf was the first About this time Wulstan An. Dom. 953 Archbishop of York accus'd to have slain certain men of Thetford in revenge of thir Abbot whom the Townsmen had slain was committed by the King to close Custody but soon after enlarg'd was restor'd to his place Malmsbury writes that his crime was to have conniv'd at the revolt of his Countrymen but An. Dom. 955 King Edred two years after sick'ning in the flowr of his youth dy'd much lamented and was buried at Winchester Edwi EDwi the Son of Edmund now come to Age after his Uncle Edred's Death took on him the Goverment and was Crown'd at Kingston His lovely person sirnam'd him the Fair his actions are diversly reported by Huntingdon not thought illaudable But Malnisbury and such as follow him write far otherwise that he married or kept as Concubine his neer Kinswoman some say both her and her Daughter so inordinatly giv'n to his pleasure that on the very day of his Coronation he abruptly withdrew himself from the Company of his Peers whether in Banquet or Consultation to sit wantoning in the Chamber with this Algiva so was her name who had such power over him Wherat his Barons offended sent Bishop Dunstan the boldest among them to request his return he going to the Chamber not only interrupted his dalliance and rebuk'd the Lady but takeing him by the hand between force and persuasion brought him back to his Nobles The King highly displeas'd and instigated perhaps An. Dom. 956 by her who was so prevalent with him not long after sent Dunstan into banishment caus'd his Monastery to be rifl'd and became an Enemy to all Monks Wherupon Odo Archbishop of Canterbury pronounc't a separation or divorce of the King from Algiva But that which most incited William of Malmsbury against him he gave that Monastery to be dwelt in by secular Preists or to use his own phrase made it a stable of Clerks at length these affronts done to the Church were so resented by the people that the Mercians and Northumbrians revolted from him and set up Edgar his Brother leaving to Edwi the An. Dom. 957 An. Dom. 958 West-Saxons only bounded by the River Thames with greif wherof as is thought he soon after ended his daies and was buried at Winchester Mean while Elfsin Bishop of that place after the Death of Odo ascending by Simony to the Chair of Canterbury and going to Rome the same year for his Pall was froz'n to Death in the Alps. Edgar Edgar by his Brothers Death now King of all England at 16 years of Age call'd home Dunstan An. Dom. 959 out of Flanders where he liv'd in exile This King had no War all his Reign yet allways well prepar'd for War govern'd the Kingdom in great Peace Honour and Prosperity gaining thence the Sirname of Peaceable much extoll'd for Justice Clemency and all Kingly Vertues the more ye may be sure by Monks for his building so many Monasteries as some write every year one for he much favour'd the Monks against secular Preists who in the time of Edwi had got possession in most of thir Covents His care and wisdome was great in guarding the Coast round with stout ships to the number of 3600 Mat. West reck'ns them 4800 divided into fowr Squadrons to sail to and fro on the fowr quarters of the land meeting each other the first of 1200 sail from East to West the second of as many from West to East the third and fowrth between North and South himself in the Summer time with his Fleet. Thus he kept out wisely the force of Strangers and prevented Forein War but by thir too frequent resort hither in time of peace and his too much favouring them he let in thir vices unaware Thence the people saith Malmsbury learnt of the out-landish Saxons rudeness of the Flemish daintiness and softness of the Danes Drunk'ness though I doubt these vices are as naturally home-bred heer as in any of those Countries Yet in the Winter and Spring time he usually rode the Circuit as a Judge Itinerant through all his Provinces to see justice well administerd and the poor not oppress'd Theeves and Robbers he rooted almost out of the Land and wild Beasts of prey altogether enjoining Ludwal King of Wales to pay the yearly tribute of 300 Wolves which he did for two years together till the third year no more were to be found nor ever after but his Laws may be read yet extant Whatever was the cause he was not Crown'd till the 30. of his Age but then with great An. Dom. 973 An. Dom. 974 splendor and magnificence at the City of Bath in the Feast of Pentecost This year dy'd Swarling a Monk of Croyland the 142. year of his Age and another soon after him in the 115th in the Fenn and watrish air the more remarkable King Edgar the next year went to Chester and summoning to his Court there all the Kings that held of him took homage of them thir names are Kened King of Scots Malcolm of Cumberland Maccuse of the Iles five of Wales Duswal Huwal Grifith Jacob Judethil these he had in such aw that going one day into a Gally he caus'd them to take each man his Oar and row him down the River Dee while he himself sat at the Stern which might be done in meriment and easily obei'd if with a serious brow discoverd rather vain glory and insulting haughtiness then
to divide the Kingdome this offer pleasing both Armies Edmund was not difficult to consent and the decision was that he as his hereditary Kingdome should rule the West-Saxons and all the South Canute the Mercians and the North. Huntingdon follow'd by Mat. West relates that the Peers on every side wearied out with continuall warfare and not refraining to affirm op'nly that they two who expected to reign singly had most reason to fight singly the Kings were content the Iland was thir lists the Combate Knightly till Knute finding himself too weak began to parle which ended as is said before After which the Londoners bought thir peace of the Danes and permitted them to winter in the City But King Edmund about the Feast of St. Andrew unexpectedly deceas'd at London and was buried neer to Edgar his Grandfather at Glaston The cause of his so sudden death is uncertain common fame saith Malmsbury laies the guilt therof upon Edric who to please Canute allur'd with promise of reward two of the Kings Privy Chamber though at first abhorring the fact to assassinate him at the stool by thrusting a sharp Iron into his hinder parts Huntingdon and Mat. West relate it done at Oxford by the Son of Edric and something vary in the manner not worth recital Edmund dead Canute meaning to reign sole King of England calls to him all the Dukes Barons and Bishops of the Land cunningly demanding of them who were witnesses what agreement was made between him and Edmund dividing the Kingdome whether the Sons and Brothers of Edmund were to govern the West-Saxons after him Canute living they who understood his meaning and fear'd to undergo his anger timorously answerd that Edmund they knew had left no part therof to his Sons or Brethren living or dying but that he intended Canute should be thir Guardian till they came to age of reigning Simeon affirms that for fear or hope of reward they attested what was not true notwithstanding which he put many of them to death not long after Canute or Knute CAnute having thus sounded the Nobility and An. Dom. 1017 by them understood receav'd thir Oath of fealty they the pledge of his bare hand and Oath from the Danish Nobles wherupon the House of Edmund was renounc't and Canute Crown'd Then they enacted that Edwi Brother of Edmund a Prince of great hope should be banish't the Realm But Canute not thinking himself secure while Edwi liv'd consulted with Edric how to make him away who told him of one Ethelward a decay'd Nobleman likeliest to do the work Ethelward sent for and tempted by the King in privat with largest rewards but abhorring in his mind the deed promisd to do it when he saw his opportunity and so still deferr'd it But Edwi afterwards receav'd into favour as a snare was by him or some other of his false freinds Canute contriving it the same year slain Edric also counsel'd him to dispatch Edward and Edmund the Sons of Ironside but the King doubting that the fact would seem too foul done in England sent them to the King of Sweden with like intent but he disdaining the Office sent them for better safety to Solomon King of Hungary where Edmund at length dy'd but Edward married Agatha Daughter to Henry the German Emperour A digression in the Laws of Edward Confessor under the Title of Lex Noricorum saith that this Edward for fear of Canute fled of his own accord to Malesclot King of the Rugians who receav'd him honourably and of that Country gave him a Wife Canute settl'd in his Throne divided the Government of his Kingdom into fowr parts the West-Saxons to himself the East-Angles to Earl Turkill the Mercians to Edric the Northumbrians to Eric then made peace with all Princes round about him and his former Wife being dead in July married Emma the Widow of King Ethelred The Christmas following was an ill Feast to Edric of whose Treason the King having now made use as much as serv'd his turn and fearing himself to be the next betray'd caus'd him to be slain at London in the Palace thrown over the City Wall and there to lie unburied the head of Edric fixt on a pole he commanded to be set on the highest Tower of London as in a double sence he had promis'd him for the murder of King Edmund to exalt him above all the Peers of England Huntingdon Malmsbury and Mat. West write that suspecting the Kings intention to degrade him from his Mercian Dukedome and upbraiding him with his merits the King enrag'd caus'd him to be strangl'd in the room and out at a Window thrown into the Thames Another writes that Eric at the Kings command struck off his head Other great men though without fault as Duke Norman the Son of Leofwin Ethelward Son of Duke Agelmar he put to death at the same time jealous of thir power or familiarity with Edric and notwithstanding peace kept still his Army to maintain which the next An. Dom. 1018 year he squees'd out of the English though now his subjects not his Enemies 72 some say 82 thousand pound besides 15 thousand out of London Mean while great War arose at Carr between Vthred Son of Waldef Earl of Northumberland and Malcolm Son of Kened King of Scots with whom held Eugenius King of Lothian But heer Simeon the relater seems to have committed some mistake having slain Vthred by Canute two years before and set Eric in his place Eric therfore it must needs be not Vthred who manag'd this War against the Scots About which time in a Convention of Danes at Oxford it was agreed on both parties to keep the Laws of Edgar Mat. West saith of Edward the Elder The An. Dom. 1019 next year Canute sail'd into Denmarke and there abode all Winter Huntingdon and Mat. West say he went thether to repress the Swedes and that the night before a Battel to be fought with them Godwin stealing out of the Camp with his English assaulted the Swedes and had got the Victory ere Canute in the morning knew of any fight For which bold enterprise though against Discipline he had the English in more esteem ever after In the Spring An. Dom. 1020 at his return into England he held in the time of Easter a great assembly at Chirchester and the same year was with Turkill the Dane at the dedication of a Church by them built at Assendune in the place of that great Victory which won him the Crown But suspecting his greatness the year following banish'd An. Dom. 1021 An. Dom. 1028 him the Realm and found occasion to do the like by Eric the Northumbrian Earl upon the same jealousie Nor yet content with his Conquest of England though now above ten years enjoy'd he pass'd with 50 Ships into Norway dispossess'd Olave thir King and subdu'd the land first with great summes of money sent the year before to gain him a party then coming with an Army to compell
thy advantage that after these words choak't with the morsel tak'n he sunk down and recover'd not His first wife was the sister of Cannute a woman of much infamy for the trade she drove of buying up English Youths and Maids to sell in Denmarke whereof she made great gain but ere long was struck with thunder and dy'd The year ensuing Siward Earl of An. Dom. 1054 Northumberland with a great number of horse and foot attended also by a strong fleet at the Kings appointment made an expedition into Scotland vanquish't the Tyrant Macbeth slaying many thousands of Scots with those Normans that went thether and plac'd Malcolm Son of the Cumbrian King in his stead yet not without loss of his own Son and many other both English and Danes Told of his Sons Death he ask'd whether he receav'd his Deaths wound before or behind when it was answerd before I am glad saith hee and should not else have thought him though my Son worthy of Burial In the mean while King Edward being without Issue to succeed him sent Aldred Bishop of Winchester with great presents to the Emperour entreating him to prevail with the King of Hungary that Edward the remaining Son of his Brother Edmund Ironside might be sent into England Siward but one year surviving An. Dom. 1055 his great Victory dy'd at Yorke reported by Huntingdon a man of Giant-like stature by his own demeanour at point of Death manifested of a rough and meer souldierly mind For much disdaining to die in bed by a disease not in the field fighting with his enemies he caus'd himself compleatly arm'd and weapon'd with battel-ax and shield to be set in a chair whether to fight with death if he could be so vain or to meet him when far other weapons and preparations were needful in a Martial bravery but true fortitude glories not in the feats of War as they are such but as they serve to end War soonest by a victorious Peace His Earldom the King bestow'd on Tosti the Son of Earl Godwin and soon after in a Convention held at London banish't without visible cause Huntigdon saith for treason Algar the Son of Leofric who passing into Ireland soon return'd with eighteen ships to Griffin Prince of South Wales requesting his aid against King Edward He assembling his Powers enter'd with him into Hereford-shire whom Radulf a timorous Captain Son to the Kings Sister not by Eustace but a former husband met two miles distant from Hereford and having hors'd the English who knew better to fight on foot without stroke he with his French and Normans beginning to flie taught the English by his example Griffin and Algar following the chase slew many wounded more enter'd Hereford slew seven Canons defending the Minster burnt the Monasterie and Reliques then the City killing some leading captive others of the Citizens return'd with great spoils whereof King Edward having notice gather'd a great Army at Gloster under the conduct of Harold now Earl of Kent who strenuously pursuing Griffin enter'd Wales and encamp'd beyond Straddale But the enemy flying before him farther into the Country leaving there the greater part of his Army with such as had charge to fight if occasion were offer'd with the rest he return'd and fortifi'd Hereford with a wall and gates Mean while Griffin and Algar dreading the diligence of Harold after many messages to and fro concluded a Peace with him Algar discharging his fleet with pay at West Chester came to the King and was restor'd to his Earldom But Griffin with breach of faith the next year set upon An. Dom. 1056 Leofgar the Bishop of Hereford and his Clerks then at a place call'd Glastbrig with Agelnoth Vicount of the shire and slew them but Leofric Harold and King Edward by force as is likeliest though it be not said how reduc'd him to Peace The next year An. Dom. 1057 Edward Son of Edmund Ironside for whom his Uncle King Edward had sent to the Emperour came out of Hungary design'd Successor to the Crown but within a few days after his coming dy'd at London leaving behind him Edgar Atheling his Son Margaret and Christina his Daughters About the same time also dy'd Earl Leofric in a good old age a man of no less vertue then power in his time religious prudent and faithful to his Country happily wedded to Godiva a woman of great praise His Son Algar found less favour with King Edward again banish't the year after An. Dom. 1058 his Fathers death but he again by the aid of Griffin and a fleet from Norway maugre the King soon recover'd his Earldom The next year Malcolm An. Dom. 1059 King of Scots coming to visit King Edward was brought on his way by Tosti the Northumbrian Earl to whom he swore brotherhood yet the next year An. Dom. 1061 but one while Tosti was gone to Rome with Aldred Archbishop of York for his Pall this sworn brother taking advantage of his absence roughly harrass'd Northumberland The year passing to an end without other matter of moment save the frequent inrodes and robberies of Griffin whom no bonds of faith could restrain King Edward sent against him after Christmas Harold now Duke of West-Saxons An. Dom. 1062 with no great body of Horse from Gloster where he then kept his Court whose coming heard of Griffin not daring to abide nor in any part of his Land holding himself secure escap't hardly by Sea ere Harold coming to Rudeland burnt his Palace and Ships there returning to Gloster the same day But by the middle An. Dom. 1063 of May setting out with a fleet from Bristow he sail'd about the most part of Wales and met by his brother Tosti with many Troops of Horse as the King had appointed began to waste the Country but the Welch giving pledges yeilded themselves promis'd to become tributary and banish Griffin thir Prince who lurking somewhere was the next year tak'n and An. Dom. 1064 slain by Griffin Prince of North Wales his head with the head and tackle of his Ship sent to Harold by him to the King who of his gentleness made Blechgent and Rithwallon or Rivallon his two Brothers Princes in his stead they to Harold in behalf of the King swore fealty and tribute Yet the next year An. Dom. 1065 Harold having built a fair house at a place call'd Portascith in Monmouth-shire and stor'd it with provision that the King might lodge there in time of hunting Caradoc the Son of Griffin slain the year before came with a number of men slew all he found there and took away the provision Soon after which the Northumbrians in a tumult at York beset the Palace of Tosti their Earl slew more then 200 of his Souldiers and Servants pillag'd his Treasure and put him to flie for his life The cause of this insurrection they alledg'd to be for that the Queen Edith had commanded in her Brother Tosti's behalf
Gospatric a noble man of that Country to be treacherously slain in the Kings Court and that Tosti himself the year before with like treachery had caus'd to be slain in his Chamber Gamel and Vls two other of thir noble men besides his intolerable exactions and oppressions Then in a manner the whole Country coming up to complain of their grievances met with Harold at Northampton whom the King at Tosti's request had sent to pacifie the Northumbrians but they laying op'n the cruelty of his Government and thir own birth-right of freedom not to endure the tyranny of any Governour whatsoever with absolute refusal to admit him again and Harold hearing reason all the complices of Tosti were expell'd the Earldom He himself banish't the Realm went in Flanders Morcar the Son of Algar made Earl in his stead Huntingdon tells another cause of Tosti's banishment that one day at Windsor while Harold reach'd the Cup to King Edward Tosti envying to see his younger Brother in greater favour then himself could not forbear to run furiously upon him and catching hold of his Hair the scuflle was soon parted by other attendants rushing between and Tosti forbidd'n the Court He with continu'd fury rideing to Hereford where Harold had many Servants preparing an entertainment for the King came to the House and set upon them with his followers then lopping off Hands Armes Legs of some Heads of others threw them into Butts of Wine Meath or Ale which were laid in for the Kings drinking and at his going away charg'd them to send him this word that of other fresh meats he might bring with him to his Farm what he pleas'd but of Sowce he should find plenty provided ready for him that for this barbarous Act the King pronounc't him banish'd that the Northumbrians taking advantage at the Kings displeasure and sentence against him rose also to be reveng'd of his cruelties done to themselves but this no way agrees for why then should Harold or the King so much labour with the Northumbrians to re-admit him if he were a banish'd man for his Crimes done before About this time it happ'nd that Harold putting to Sea one day for his pleasure in a Fisher Boat from his Mannor at Boseham in Sussex caught with a Tempest too far off land was carried into Normandy and by the Earl of Pontiew on whose Coast he was driv'n at his own request brought to Duke William who entertaining him with great courtesie so far won him as to promise the Duke by Oath of his own accord not only the Castle of Dover then in his tenure but the Kingdome also after King Edwards Death to his utmost endeavour therupon betrothing the Dukes Daughter then too young for marriage and departing richly presented Others say that King Edward himself after the Death of Edward his Nephew sent Harold thether on purpose to acquaint Duke William with his intention to bequeath him his Kingdom but Malmsbury accounts the former story to be the truer Ingulf writes that King Edward now grown old and perceaving Edgar his Nephew both in body and mind unfit to govern especially against the pride and insolence of Godwins Sons who would never obey him Duke William on the other side of high merit and his Kinsman by the Mother had sent Robert Archbishop of Canterbury to acquaint the Duke of his purpose not long before Harold came thether The former part may be true that King Edward upon such considerations had sent one or other but Arch-bishop Robert was fled the land and dead many years before Eadmer and Simeon write that Harold went of his own accord into Normandy by the Kings permission or connivence to get free his Brother Wulnod and Nephew Hacun the Son of Swane whom the King had tak'n hostages of Godwin and sent into Normandy that King Edward foretold Harold his journey thether would be to the detriment of all England and his own reproach that Duke William then acquainted Harold how Edward ere his coming to the Crown had promisd if ever he attain'd it to leave Duke William Successor after him Last of these Mathew Paris writes that Harold to get free of Duke William affirm'd his coming thether not to have been by accident or force of Tempest but on set purpose in that privat manner to enter with him into secret confederacie so variously are these things reported After this King Edward An. Dom. 1066 grew sickly yet as he was able kept his Christmas at London and was at the Dedication of St. Peters Church in Westminster which he had rebuilt but on the Eve of Epiphanie or Twelftide deceas'd much lamented and in the Church was Entoomb'd That he was harmless and simple is conjecturd by his words in anger to a Peasant who had cross'd his Game for with Hunting and Hawking he was much delighted by God and Gods Mother said hee I shall do you as shrew'd a turn if I can observing that Law-Maxim the best of all his Successors that the King of England can do no wrong The softness of his Nature gave growth to factions of those about him Normans especially and English these complaining that Robert the Archbishop was a sower of dissention between the King and his people a traducer of the English the other side that Godwin and his Sons bore themselves arrogantly and proudly towards the King usurping to themselves equall share in the Government oft-times making sport with his simplicity that through thir power in the land they made no scruple to kill men of whose inheritance they took a likeing and so to take possession The truth is that Godwin and his Sons did many things boistrously and violently much against the Kings minde which not able to resist he had as some say his Wife Edith Godwins Daughter in such aversation as in bed never to have touch'd her whether for this cause or mistak'n Chastitie not commendable to enquire further is not material His Laws held good and just and long after desir'd by the English of thir Norman Kings are yet extant He is said to be at Table not excessive at Festivals nothing puft up with the costly Robes he wore which his Queen with curious Art had woven for him in Gold He was full of Alms-deeds and exhorted the Monks to like Charitie He is said to be the first of English Kings that cur'd the Disease call'd thence the Kings Evil yet Malmsbury blames them who attribute that Cure to his Royaltie not to his Sanctitie said also to have cur'd certain blinde men with the water wherin he had wash'd his hands A little before his Death lying speechless two days the third day after a deep sleep he was heard to pray that if it were a true Vision not an Illusion which he had seen God would give him strength to utter it otherwise not Then he related how he had seen two devout Monks whom he knew in Normandy to have liv'd and dy'd well who appearing told him