are these Deejus vitae longitudine fabulantur neque enim aut gestatio aut incrementum hinnulorum ejusmodi sunt ut praestent argumentum longaevi animalis that is fables are raised concerning the vivassity of Deere for neither are their gestation or increment such as may afford an argument of long life and these saith Scaliger are good mediums conjunctively taken that is not one without the other For of animalls viviparous such as live long goe long with young and attaine but slowly to their maturitie and stature so the Horse that liveth about thirty arriveth unto his stature about six years and remaineth above nine moneths in the wombe so the Camell that liveth unto fifty goeth with young no lesse then ten moneths and ceaseth not to grow before seaven and so the Elephant that liveth an hundred beareth iâ—'s young above a yeare and arriveth unto perfection at twenty on the contrary the Sheep and Goat which live but eight or ten yeares goe but five moneths and attaine to their perfection at two yeares and the like is observable in Cats Hares and Conies and so the Deere that endureth the wombe but eight moneths and is compleat at six yeares from the course of nature wee cannot expect to live an hundred nor in any proportionall allowance much more then thirty as having already passed two generall motions observable in all animations that is it 's beginning and encrease and having but two more to runne thorow that is it 's state and declination which are proportionally set out by nature in every kinde and naturally proceeding admit of inference from each other The other ground that brings it's long life into suspition is the immoderate salacity and almost unparalleld excesse of venerie which every September may be observed in this Animall and is supposed to shorten the lives of Cockes Partridges and Sparrowes certainely a confessed and undeniable enemie unto longaeuitie and that not onely as a signe in the complexionall desire and impetuositie but also as a cause in the frequent act or iterated performance thereof For though we consent not with that Philosopher who thinks a spermaticall emission unto the waight of one dragme is aequivalent unto the effusion of sixtie ounces of blood yet considering the resolution and languor ensuing that act in some the extenuation and marcour in others and the visible acceleration it maketh of age in most wee cannot but thinke it much abridgeth our dayes although we also concede that this exclusion is naturall that nature it selfe will finde a way hereto without either act or object And although it be placed among the sixe non naturals that is such as neither naturally constitutive nor meerly destructive doe preserve or destroy according unto circumstance yet do we sensibly observe an impotencie or totall privation thereof prolongeth life and they live longest in every kinde that exercise it not at all and this is true not onely in Eunuches by nature but spadoes by Art For castrated animals in every species are longer lived then they which retaine their virilities For the generation of bodies is not effected as some conceive of soules that is by Irradiation or answerably unto the propagation of light without its proper diminution but therein a transmission is made materially from some parts and Ideally from every one and the propagation of one is in a strict acception some minoration of another and therefore also that axiome in Philosophy that the generation of one thing is the corruption of another although it be substantially true concerning the forme and matter is also dispositively verified in the efficient or producer As for more sensible arguments and such as relate unto experiment from these we have also reason to doubt its age and presumed vivacity for where long life is naturall the markes of age are late and when they appear the journey unto death cannot be long Now the age of a Deere as Aristotle long agoe observed is best conjectured by the view or the hornes and teeth from the hornes there is a particular and annuall account unto six yeares they arising first plaine and so successively branching after which the judgement of their yeares by particular markes becomes uncertaine but when they grow old they grow lesse branched and first doe lose their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or propugnacula that is their brow Antlers or lowest furcations next the head which Aristotle saith the young ones use in fight and the old as needles have them not at all The same may be also collected from the losse of their Teeth whereof in old age they have few or none before in either jaw Now these are infallible markes of age and when they appeare wee must confesse a declination which notwithstanding as men informe us in England where observations may well be made will happen between twenty and thirty As for the bone or rather induration of the roots of the arterial veyn and great artery which is thought to be found only in the heart of an old Deere and therefore becomes more precious in its rarity it is often found in Deere much under thirty and wee have knowne some affirme they have found it in one of halfe that age and therefore in that account of Plinie of a Deere with a collar about his necke put on by Alexander the Great and taken alive a hundred years after with other relations of this nature we much suspect imposture or mistake and if we grant their verity they are but single relations and very rare contingencies in individualls not affording a regular diduction upon the species For though Uâ—ysses his Dog lived unto twenty two and the Athenian Mule unto fourscore we doe not measure their dayes by those yeares or usually say they live thus long nor can the three hundred years of John of times or Nestor overthrow the assertion of Moses or afford a reasonable encouragement beyond his septuagenary determination The ground and authority of this conceit was first Hieroglyphicall the Egyptians expressing longaevitie by this animall but upon what uncertainties and also convincible falâ—ities they often erected such emblems we have elsewhere delivered and if that were true which Aristotle delivers of his time and Plinie was not afraid to take up long after the Aegyptians could make but weake observations herein for though it be said that Aeneas feasted his followers with Venison yet Aristotle affiâ—ms that neither Deer nor Boar were to be found in Africa and how far they miscounted the lives and duration of Animals is evident from their conceit of the Crow which they presume to live five hundred yeares and from the lives of Hawkes which as Aelian delivereth the Aegyptians doe reckon no lesse then at seven hundred The second which led the conceit unto the Grecians and probâ—bly descended from the Aegyptians was Poeticall and that was a passage of Hâ—siod thus rendred by Ausonius Ter binos deciesque novem super exit in annâ—s Iusta senes centum
especially if they have the advantage to precede it as sixty againe 63. and 63. again 66. for fewer attaine to the latter then the former and so surely in the first septenarie doe most die and probably also in the very fâ—â—st yeare for all that ever lived were in the account of that yeare beside the infirmities that attend it are so many and the body that receives them so confirmed we scarce count any alive that is not past it Franciscus Paduanius in his worke De catena temporis discoursing of the great Climactericall attempts a numeration of eminent men who dyed in that yeare but in so small a number as not sufficient to make a considerable Induction he mentioneth but foure Diogenes Cynicus Dionysius Heracleoticus Xenocrates Platonicus and Plato as for Dionysius as Censorinus witnesseth hee famished himselfe in the 82. yeare of his life Xenocrates by the testimony of Laertius fell into a cauldron and dyed the same yeare and Diogenes the Cynicke by the same testimony lived almost unto ninetie The date of Platoes death is not exactly agreed on but all dissent from this which he determineth Neanthes in Laertius extendeth his dayes unto 84. Suidas unto 82. but Hermippus defineth his death in 81. and this account seemeth most exact for if as hee delivereth Plato was borne in the 88. Olympiade and dyed in the first yeare of the 108. the account will not surpasse the year of 81. and so in his death he verified the opinion of his life and of the life of man whose Period as Censorinus recordeth he placed in the Quadrate of 9. or 9. times 9. that is 81. and therefore as Seneca delivereth the Magicians at Athens did sacrifice unto him as declaring in his death somewhat above humanity because he dyed in the day of his nativity and without deduction justly accomplished the year of eighty one Bodine I confesse delivers a larger list of men that died in this yeare whose words in his methode oâ— History are these Moriuntur innumerabiles anno sexagesimotertio Aristoteles Chrysippus Bocatius Bernardus Erasmus Lutherus Melancthon Sylvius Alexander Jacobus Sturmius Nicolaus Cusanus Thomas Linacer codem anno Cicero caesus est wherein beside that it were no difficult point to make a larger Catalogue of memorable persons that dyed in other yeares wee cannot but doubt the verity of his Induction as for Silvius and Alexander which of that name he meaneth I know not but for Chrysippus by the testimony of Laertius hee dyed in the 73. year Bocatius in the 62. Linacer the 64. and Erasmus exceeded 7â— as Paulus Jovius hath delivered in his Elogie of learned men and as for Cicero as Plutarch in his life affirmeth he was slain in the year of 64. and therefore sure the question is hard set and we have no easie reason to doubt when great and entire Authors shall introduce injustifiable examples and authorize their assertions by what is not authenticall Fourthly they which proceed upon strict numerations and will by such regular and determined wayes measure out the lives of men and periodically define the alterations of their tempers conceive a regularity in mutations with an equalitie in constitutions and forget that variety which Physitians therein discover For seeing we affirm that women doe naturally grow old before men that the cholerick fall short in longaevitie of the sanguine that there is senium ante senectutem and many grow old before they arive at age we cannot â—o reasonably affixe unto them all one common point of danger but should rather assigne a respective fatality unto each which is concordant unto the doctrine of the numerists and such as maintaine this opinion for they affirme that one number respecteth men another women as Bodin explaining that of Seneca Septimus quisque annus aetati signum imprimit subjoynes hoc de maribus dictum oportuit hoc primum intueri licet perfectum numerum id est saextum faeminas septenarium mores immutare Fiftly since we esteeme this opinion to have some ground in nature and that nine times seven revolutions of the Sunne imprints a dangerous Character on such as arive unto it it will leave some doubt behinde in what subjection hereunto were the lives of our forefathers presently after the flood and more especially before it who attaining unto 8. or 900. yeares had not their Climacters computable by digits or as we doe account them for the great Climactericall was past unto them before they begat children or gave any Testimony of their virilitie for we read not that any begat children before the age of sixtie five and this may also afford a hint to enquire what are the Climacters of other animated creatures whereof the lives of some attaine not so farre as this of ours and that of others extends a considerable space beyond Lastly the imperfect accounts that men have kept of time and the difference thereof both in the same and divers common wealths will much distract the certainty of this assertion for though there were a fatality in this yeare yet divers were and others might bee out in their account aberring severall wayes from the true and just compute and calling that one yeare which perhaps might be another For first they might be out in the commencement or beginning of their accouÌ„t for every man is many moneths elder then he computeth for although we begin the same from our nativitie and conceive that no arbitrary but naturall terme of compute yet for the duration of life or existence wee participate in the wombe the usuall distinctions of time and are not to bee exempted from the account of age and life where we are subject to diseases and often suffer death and therefore Pythagoras Hippocrates Diocles Avicenna and others have set upon us numerall relations and temporall considerations in the wombe not only affirming the birth of the seventh moneth to be vitall that of the eighth mortall but the progression thereto to be measured by rule and to hold a proportion unto motion and formation as what receiveth motion in the seventh is perfected in the Triplicities that is the time of conformation unto motion is double and that from motion unto the birth treble So what is formed the 35. day is moved the seaventy and borne the 210. day and therefore if any invisible causalitie there be that after so many yeares doth â—vidence it selfe at 63. it will be questionable whether its activitie onely set out at our nativitie and begin not rather in the womb wherein we place the like considerations which doth not only entangle this assertion but hath already embroiled the endeavours of Astrology in the erection of Schemes and the judgement of death or diseases for being not incontroulably determined at what time to beging whether at conception animation or exclusion it being indifferent unto the influence of heaven to begin at either they have invented another way that is to beginne ab Hâ—ra quaestionis as Haly Messahallach
compage of bones wee shall readily discover thaâ— mâ—n and women have foure and twenty ribs that is twelve on each side seven greater annexed unto the Sternon and five lesser which come short thereof wherein if it sometimes happen that either sex exceed the conformation is irregular deflecting from the common rate or number and no more inferrible upon mankinde then the monstrosity of the son of Rapha or the vicious excesse in the number of fingers and toes and although some difference there be in figure and the female â—s inominatum be somewhat more protuberant to make a fayrer cavity for the Infant the coccyx sometime more reflected to give the easier delivery and the ribs themselves seeme a little flatter yet are they equall in number And therefore while Aristotle doubteth the relations made of Nations which had but seven ribs on a side and yet delivereth that men have generally no more then eight as he rejecteth their history so can we not accept of his Anatomy Againe although we concede there wanted one rib in the Sceleton of Adam yet were it repugnant unto reason and common observation that his posterity should want the same for we observe that mutilations are not transmitted from father unto son the blind begetting such as can see men with one eye children with two and criples mutilate in their owne persons do come out perfect in their generations For the seed conveigheth with it not onely the extract and single Idea of every part whereby it transmits their perfections or infirmities but double and over againe whereby sometimes it multipliciously delineates the same as in Twins in mixed and numerous generations And to speake more strictly parts of the seed do seeme to containe the Idea and power of the whole so parents deprived of hands beget manuall issues and the defect of those parts is supplyed by the Idea of others So in one graine of corne appearing similary and insufficient for a plurall germination there lyeth dormant the virtuality of many other and from thence sometimes proceed an hundred eares and thus may bee made out the cause of multiparous productions for though the seminall materialls disperse and separate in the matrix the formative operator will not delineat a part but endeavour the formation of the whole effecting the same as farre as the matter will permit and from devided materials attempt entire formations And therefore though wondrous strange it may not be impossible what is confirmed at Lausdun concerning the Countesse of Holland nor what Albertus reports of the birth of an hundred and fifty and if we consider the magnalities of Generation in some things wee shall not controverâ—â—â— possibilities in others nor easily question that great worke whose wonders are onely second unto those of the Creation and a close apprehension of the one might perhaps afford a glimmering light and crepusculous glance of the other CHAP. III. Of Methâ—selah VVHat hath beene every where opinion'd by all men and in all times is more then Paradoxicall to dispute and so that Methuselah was the longest liver of all the posterity of Adam we quietly beleeve but that he must needs be so is perhaps below Paralogy to deny For hereof there is no determination from the Text wherein it is onely particular'd hee was the longest liver of all the Patriarchs whose age is there expressed but that he outlived all others we cannot well conclude For of those nine whose death is mentioned before the flood the Text expresseth that Enoch was the shortest liver who saw but three hundred sixty five yeares but to affirme from hence none of the rest whose age is not expressed did dye before that time is surely an illation whereto we cannot assent Againe many persons there were in those dayes of longevity of whose age notwithstanding there is no account in Scripture as of the race of Caine the wives of the nine Patriarches with all the sons and daughters that every one begat whereof perhaps some persons might outlive Methuselaâ— the Text intending onely the masculine line of Seth conduceable unto the Genealogy of our Saviour and the ante-diluvian Chronology And therefore we must not contract the lives of those which are left in silence by Moses for neither is the age of Abel expressed in the Scripture yet is he conceived farre elder then commonly is opinion'd and if wee beleeve the conclusion of his Epitaph as made by Adam and so set downe by Salian Posuit maerens pater cui à silio justius positum foret Anno ab ortu rerum 130. ab â—bele nato 129. we shall not need to doubt which notwithstanding Cajetan and others confirme nor is it improbable if wee conceive that Abel was borne in the second yeare of Adam and Seth a yeare after the death of Abel for so it being said that Adam was an hundred and thirty yeares old when he begat Seth Abel must perish the yeare before which was one hundred twenty nine And if the account of Cain extend unto the Deluge it may not bee improbable that some thereof exceeded any of Seth nor is it unlikely in life riches power and temporall blessings they might surpasse â—hem in this world whose lives reâ—erred unto the next for so when the seed oâ— Jacob was under affliction and captivity that of Ismael and 〈…〉 and grew mighty there proceeding from the one â—welve Princes from the other no lesse then foureteene Dukes and â—ight Kings And whereas the age of Cain and his posterity is not delivered in the Text some doe salve it from the secret method of Scripâ—â—e which sometimes wholly omits but seldome or never deliveâ—s the entire duration of wicked and faithlesse persons as is observable in the history of Esau and the Kings of Israel and Judah And thereâ—ore that mention is made that Ismael lived 137. yeares some conceive he adhered unto the faith of Abraham for so did others who were not descended from Jacob for Job is thought to be an Idumean and of the seed of Esau. Lastly although we rely not thereon we will not omit that conceit uâ—ged by learned men that Adam was elder then Methuselah in as much as he was created in thâ— perfect age of Man which was in those dayes fifty or sixty yeares for about that time wee reade that they begat children so that if unto 930. we adde sixty yeares he will exceed Methuselah And therefore if not in length of dayes at least in old age he surpassed others he was older then all who was never so young as any for though hee knew old age he was never acquainted with puberty youth or Infancy and so in a strict account he begat children at one yeare old and if the usuall compute will hold that men are of the same age which are borne within compasse of the same yeare Eve was as old as her husband and parent Adam and Cain their son coetaneous unto both Now that conception that no man did ever attaine
Crevinus and many more In Aristotle I confesse we finde no mention but Scaliger in his Comment and enumeration of Serpents hath made supply and in his Exercitations delivereth that a Basilisk was found in Rome in the dayes of Leo the fourth and the like is reported by Sigonius and some are so farre from denying one that they have made severall kinds thereof for such is the Catoblepas of Pliny conceived by some and the Dryinus of Aetius by others But although we deny not the existence of the Basilisk yet whether we do not commonly mistake in the conception hereof and call that a Basilisk which is none at all is surely to be questioned for certainely that which from the conceit of its generation we vulgarly call a Cockatrice and wherein but under a different name we intend a formall Identity and adequate conception with the Basilisk is not the Basilisk of the Ancients whereof such wonders are delivered For this of ours is generally described with legs wings a serpentine and winding taile and a crist or combe somewhat like a Cock but the Basilisk of elder times was a proper kinde of Serpent not above three palmes long as some account and differenced from other Serpents by advancing his head and some white markes or coronary spots upon the crowne as all authentick Writers have delivered Nor is this Cockatrice onely unlike the Basiliske but of no reall shape in nature and rather an Hieroglyphicall fancy to expresse their different intentions set forth in different fashions sometimes with the head of a man sometimes with the head of an Hawke as Pierius hath delivered and as with addition of legs the Heralds and Painters still describe it nor was it onely of old a symbolicall and allowable invention but is now become a manuall contrivance of Art and artificiall imposture whereof besides others Scaliger hath taken notice Basilisci fâ—rmam mentiti sunt vulgo Gallinaceo similem pedibus binis neque enim absimiles sunt caeteris serpentibus nisi maculâ quasi in vertice candidâ unde illi nomen Regium that is men commonly counterfeit the forme of a Basilisk with another like a Cock and with two feet whereas they differ not from other Serpents but in a white speck upon their crowne now although in some manner it might be counterfeited in Indian Cocks and flying Serpents yet is it commonly contrived out of the skins of Thornebacks Scaites or Maids as Aldrovand hath observed and also graphically described in his excellent booke of Fishes Nor is onely the existency of this animall considerable but many things delivered thereof particularly its poyson and its generation Concerning the first according to the doctrine of the Ancients men still affirme that it killeth at a distance that it poysoneth by the eye and that by priority of vision now that deleterious it may bee at some distance and destructive without a corporall contaction what uncertainty soever there be in the effect there is no high improbability in the relation for if plagues or pestilentiall Atomes have beene conveyed in the ayre from different Regions if men at a distance have infected each other if the shaddowes of some trees be noxious if Torpedoes deliver their opium at a distance and stupifie beyond themselves we cannot reasonably deny that beside our grosse and restrained poysons requiring contiguity unto their actions there may proceed from subtiler seeds more agile emanations which will contemne those Laws and invade at distance unexpected That this venenation shooteth from the eye and that this way a Basilâ—sk may empoyson although thus much be not agreed upon by Authors some imputing it unto the breath others unto the bite it is not a thing impossible for eyes receive offensive impressions from their objects and may have influences destructive to each other for the visible species of things strike not our senses immaterally but streaming in corporall rayes do carry with them the qualities of the object from whence they flow and the medium through which they passe Thus through a greene or red glasse all things wee behold appeare of the same colours thus sore eyes affect those which are sound and themselves also by reflection as will happen to an inflamed eye that beholds it selfe long in a glasse thus is fascination made out and thus also it is not impossible what is affirmed of this animall the visible rayes of their eyes carrying forth the subtilest portion of their poyson which received by the eye of man or beast infecteth first the braine and is from thence communicated unto the heart But lastly that this destruction should be the effect of the first beholder or depend upon priority of aspection is a point not easily to be granted and very hardly to be made out upon the principles of Aristotle Alâ—azen Vitello and others who hold that sight is made by Reception and not by Exâ—ramâ—ssion by receiving the rayes of the object into the eye and not by sending any out for hereby although he behold a man first the Basilisk should rather be destroyed in regard he fiâ—st receiveth the rayes of his Antipathy and venemous emissions which objectively move his sense but how powerfull soever his owne poyson be it invadeth not the sence of man in regard he beholdeth him not and therefore this conceit was probably first begot by such as held the contrary opinion of sight by extramission as did Pythagoras Plato Empedocles Hipparchus Galen Macrobius Proclus Simplicâ—us with most of the Ancients and is the postulate of Euclide in his Opticks and of this opinion might they be who from this Antipathy of the Basilisk and man expressed first the enmity of Christ and Sathan and their mutuall destâ—uction thereby when Satan being elder then his humanity beheld Christ first in the â—lesh and so he was destroyed by the Serpent but Elder then Sathan in his Divinity and so beholding him fiâ—st he destroyed the old Basilisk and overcame the effects of his poyson sin death and hell As for the generation of the Basilisk that it proceedeth from a Cocks egge hatched under a Toad or Serpent it is a conceit as monstrous as the brood it selfe for if wee should grant that Cocks growing old and unable for emission amasse within themselves some seminall matter which may after conglobate into the forme of an egge yet will this substance be unfruitfull as wanting one principle of generation and a commixture of the seed of both sexes which is required unto production as may be observed in the egges of hens not trodden and as we have made triall in some which are termed Cocks egges It is not indeed impossible that from the sperme of a Cock Hen or other animall being once in putrescence either from incubation or otherwise some generation may ensue not univocall and of the same species but some imperfect or monstrous production even as in the body of man from putred humours and peculiar wayes of corruption there have succeeded strange and
tabulas proponunt Cumana Cumeae Erythraeae quâ—si trium diversarum Sibyllarum cum una eademque fuerit Cumana Cumaea Erythraea ex plurium doctissimorum Authorum sententia Boysardus gives us leave to opinion there was no more then one for so doth he conclude In tantâ Scriptorum varictate liberum relinquimâ—s Lectori credâ—re an una eadem in diversis regionibus peregrinata cognomen sortita sit ab iis locis ubi or acula reddidissâ— comperitur an plures extiterint And therefore not discovering a resolution of their number from the pens of the best Writers we have no reason to determine the same from the hand and pencill of Painters As touching their age that they are generally described as young women History will not allow for the Sibyll whereof Virgill speaketh is tearmed by him longava sacerdos and Servius in his Comment amplifieth the same The other that sold the bookes unto Tarquine and whose History is plainer then any by Livie and Gellius is tearmed Anus that is properly no woman of ordinary age but full of yeares and in the dayes of doteage according to the Etymology of Festus and consonant unto the History wherein it is said that Tarquine thought she doted with old age which duly perpended the Licentia pictoria is very large and with the same reason they may delineate old Nestor like Adonis Hecuba with Helens face and Time with Absalons head CHAP. XII Of the Picture describing the death of Cleopatra THe Picture concerning the death of Cleopatra with two Aspes or venemous Serpents unto her armes or breasts or both requires consideration for therein beside that this variety is not excusable the thing it selfe is questionable nor is it indisputably certaine what manner of death she dyed Plutarch in the life of Antonie plainly delivereth that no man knew the manner of her death for some affirmed she perished by poyson which she alwayes carried in a little bollow combe and wore it in her hayre beside there were never any Aspes discovered in the place of her death although two of her maids perished also with her only it was said two small and almost insensible prickes were sound upon her arme which was all the ground that Caesar had to presume the manner of her death Galen who was contemporary unto Plutarch delivereth two wayes of her death that is that shee killed her selfe by the bite of an Aspe or bit an hole in her arme and powred poyson therein Strabo that lived before them both hath also two opinions that she dyed by the byte of an Aspe or else a poysonous oyntment We might question the length of the Aspes which are sometimes described exceeding short whereas the Chersaea or land Aspe which most conceive she used is above foure cubits long their number is not unquestionable for whereas there are generally two described Augustus as Plutarch relateth did carry in his triumph the Image of Cleopatra but with one Aspe unto her arme as for the two pricks or little spots in her arme they rather infer the sex then plurality for like the viper the female Aspe hath foure but the male two teeth whereby it left this impression or double puncture behinde it And lastly we might question the place for some apply them unto her breast which notwithstanding will not consist with the history and Petrus Victorius hath well observed the same but herein the mistake was easie it being the custome in capitall malefactors to apply them unto the breast as the Author De Theriaca ad Pisonem an eye-witnesse hereof in Alexandria where Cleopatra dyed determineth I beheld saith he in Alexandria how suddenly these Serpents bereave a man of life for when any one is condemned to this kinde of death if they intend to use him favourably that is to dispatch him suddenly they fasten an Aspe unto his breast and bidding him walke about he presently perisheth thereby CHAP. XIII Of the Pictures of the nine Worthies THe pictures of the nine Worthies are not unquestionable and to criticall spectators may seeme to containe sundry improprieties Some will enquire why Alexander the Great is described upon an Elephant for indeed we do not finde he used that animall in his Armies much lesse in his owne person but his horse is famous in history and its name alive to this day Beside he fought but one remarkable battaile wherein there were any Elephants and that was with Porus King of India In which notwithstanding as Curtius Arrianus and Plutarch report he was on horseback himselfe and if because hee fought against Elephants he is with propriety set upon their backs with no lesse or greater reason is the same description agreeable unto Judas Maccabeus as may be observed from the history of the Maccabees and also unto Julius Caesar whose triumph was honoured with captive Elephants as may be observed in the order thereof set forth by Iacobus Laurus and if also wee should admit this description upon an Elephant yet were not the manner thereof unquestionable that is in his ruling the beast alone for beside the champion upon their back there was also a guide or Ruler which sate more forward to command or guide the beast Thus did King Porus ride when hee was overthrowne by Alexander and thus are also the towred Elephants described Maccab. 2. 6. Upon the beasts there were strong towres of wood which covered every one of them and were girt fast unto them by devices there were also upon every one of them thirty two strong men beside the Indian that ruled them Others will demand not onely why Alexander upon an Elephant but Hector upon an Horse whereas his manner of fighting or presenting himselfe in battaile was in a Chariot as did the other noble Trojans who as Pliny affirmeth were the first inventers thereof the same way of fight is testified by Diodorus and thus delivered by Sir Walter Raleigh Of the vulgar little reckoning was made for they fought all on foote slightly armed and commonly followed the successe of their Captaines who roade not upon horses but in Chariots drawne by two or three horses and this was also the ancient way of fight among the Britaines as is delivered by Diodorus Caesar and Tacitus and there want not some who have taken advantage hereof and made it one argument of their orginall from Troy Lastly by any man versed in Antiquity the question can hardly be avoyded why the horses of these Worthies especially of Caesar are described with the furniture of great sadles and styrrops for sadles largely taken though some defence there may be yet that they had not the use of stirrops seemeth out of doubt as Pancirollus hath observed as Polydore Virgil and Petrus Victorius have confirmed expresly discoursing hereon as is observable from Pliny and cannot escape our eyes in the ancient monuments medals and Triumphant arches of the Romanes Nor is there any genuine or classick word in Latine to expresse them for
the word thus used in Scripture by the Septuagint Greeke vocabulaâ—ies thus expound it Suidas on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 observes it to be that animall whereon the Baptist fed in the desart in this sense the word is used by Aristotle Dioscorides Galen and severall humane Authors And lastly there is no absurdity in this interpretation or any solid reason why we should decline it it being a food permitted unto the Jewes whereof foure kindes are reckoned up among cleane meats Beside not onely the Jewes but many other Nations long before and since have made an usuall food thereof That the Aethiopians Mauritanians and Arabians did commonly â—at them is testified by Diodorus Strabo Solinus Aelian and Plinie that they still feed on them is confirmed by Leo Cadamustus and others John therefore as our Saviour saith came neither eating nor drinking that is farre from the dyet of Jerusalem and other riotous places but faâ—ed coursely and poorely according unto the apparrell he wore that is of Camells haire the place of his abode the wildernesse and the doctrine he preached humilation and repentance CHAP. X. That Iohn the Evangelist should not dye THe conceit of the long living or rather not dying of John the Evangelist is not to be omitted and although it seem inconsiderable and not much weightier then that of Joseph the wandring Jew yet being deduced from Scripture and abetted by Authors of all times it shall not escape our enquiry It is drawne from the speech of our Saviour unto Peter after the prediction of his martyrdome Peter saith unto Jesus Lord and what shall this man do Iesus saith unto him If I will that he tarry untill I come what is that to thee follow thou me then went this saying abroad among the brethren that this disciple should not dye Now the apprehension hereof hath been received either grossely and in the generall that is not distinguishing the manner or particular way of this continuation in which sense probably the grosser and undiscerning party received it or more distinctly apprehending the manner of his immortality that is that Iohn should never properly dye but be translated into Paradise there to remaine with Enoch and Elias untill about the comming of Christ and should be slaine with them under Antichrist according to that of the Apocalyps I will give power unto my two witnesses and they shall prophesie a thousand two hundred and threescore dayes cloathed in sackcloath and when they shall have finished their Testimony the beast that ascendeth out of the bottomelesse pit shall make warre against them and shall overcome them and kill them Hereof as Baronius observeth within three hundred yeares after Christ Hippolytus the martyr was the first assertor but hath been maintained by many since by Metaphrastes by â—â—â—culphus but especially by Georgius Trapezuntius who hath expresly treated upon this Text and although he lived but in the last Centurie did still affirme that Iohn was not yet dead As for the grosse opinion that he should not dye it is unto my judgement sufficiently refuted by that which first occasioned it that is the Scripture it selfe and no further of then the very subsequent verse yet Iesus said not unto him he should not dye but if I will that he tarry till I come what is that to thee and this was written by Iohn himself whom the opinion concerned and as is conceived many yeares after when Peter had suffered and fulfilled the Prophesie of Christ. For the particular conceit the foundation is weake nor can it bee made out from the Text alleadged in the Apocalyps for beside that therein two persons are onely named no mention is made of Iohn a third Actor in this Tragedy the same is overthrowne by History which recordeth not onely the dâ—ath of Iohn but assigneth the place of his buriall that is Ephesus a City in Asia minor whither after hee had beene banished into Patmos by Domitian hee returned in the reigne of Nerva there deceased and was buried in the dayes of Trajan and this is testified by Ierome de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis by Tertullian de Anima by Chrysostome and by Eusebius in whose dayes his Sepulchre was to be seen and by a more ancient Testimony alleadged also by him that is of Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus not many successions after Iohn whose words are these in an Epistle unto Victor Bishop of Rome Iohanâ—es ille qui supra pectus Domini recumbebat Doctor optimus apud Ephesum dormivit many of the like nature are noted by Baronius Jansenius â—stius Lipellous and others Now the maine and primitive ground of this error was a grosse mistake in the words of Christ and a false apprehension of his meaning understanding that positively which was conditionally expressed or receiving that 〈◊〉 which was but concessively delivered for the words of 〈◊〉 Saviour runne in a doubtfull straine rather reprehending then satisfying the cuâ—osity of Peter that is as though he should have said Thou hast thine owne doome why enquirest thou aâ—ter thy brothers what reliefe unto thy affliction will be the society of anothers why pryest thou into the secrets of Gods judgements if he stay untill I come what concerneth it thee who shalt bee sure to suffer before that time and such an answer probably he returned because he foreknew Iohn should not suffer a violent death but goe unto his grave in peace which had Peter assuredly knowne it might have cast some water on his flames and smothered those fires which kindled after unto the honour of his Master Now why among all the rest Iohn only escaped the death of a Martyr the reason is given because all other fled away or withdrew themselves at his death and he alone of the Twelve beheld his passion on the Crosse wherein notwithstanding the affliction that he suffered could not amount unto lesse then Martyrdome for if the naked relation at least the intentive consideration of that passion be able still and at this disadvantage of time to rend the hearts of pious conâ—emplators surely the neare and sensible vision thereof must needs occasion agonies beyond the comprehension of flesh and the trajectioâ—s of such an object more sharpely pierce the martyr'd soule of Iohn then afterward did the nayles the crucified body of Peter Againe they were mistaken in the Emphaticall apprehension placing the consideration upon the words If I will whereas it properly lay in these when I come which had they apprehended as some have since that is not for his ultimate and last returne but his comming in judgement and destruction upon the Iewes or such a comming as it might be said that that generation should not passe before it was fulfilled they needed not much lesse need we suppose such diuturnity for after the death of Peter Iohn lived to behold the same fulfilled by Vespasian nor had he then his Nunc dimittis or went out like unto Simâ—on but old in accomplisht obscurities and having
seen the expire of Daniels prediction as some conceive he accomplished his Revelation But besides this originall and primary foundation divers others have made impressions according unto different ages and persons by whom they were received for some established the conceit in the disciples and brethren which were contemporary unto him or lived about the same time with him and this was first the extraordinary affection our Saviour â—aâ—e unto this disciple who hath the honour to bee called the disciple whom Iesus loved Now â—om hence they might be apt to beleeve their Mâ—ster would dispencâ— with his death or suffer him to live â—o see him returne in glory who was the onely Apostle that beheld him to dyâ— in dishonour Another waâ— the beliefe and opinion of those times that Christ would suddâ—nly come for they held not geâ—â—ally â—he same opinion with their successors or as descending ages after so many Centuâ—ies but conceived his comming would not be long after his passion according unto severall expressions of our Saviour grossely understood and as we â—â—â—de the same opinion not long after reprehended by St. Paul and thus conceiving his comming would not be long they might be induced to believe his favourite should live unto it Lastly the long liâ—e of Iohn might much advantage this opinion for he survived the other Twelve he was aged 22 yeares when he was called by Christ and 25 that is the age of Priesthood at his death and lived 93 yeares that is 68 after his Saviour and dyed not before the second yeare of Trajane Now having outlived all his fâ—llows the world was confirmed he might live still and even 〈◊〉 the comming of his Master The grounds which promoted it in succeeding ages were especially two the the first his escape of Martyrdome for whereas all the rest suffered some kinde of forcible death we have no history that he suffered any and men might thinke he was not capable thereof for so as History hath related by the command of Domitian he was cast into a Cauldron of burning oyle and came out againe unsinged Now future ages apprehending hee suffered no violent death and finding also the means that tended thereto could take no place they might bee confirmed in their opinion that death had no power over him and easily beleeve he might live alwayes who could not be destroyed by fire and resist the fury of that Element which nothing shall resist The second was a corruption crept into the Latine Text reading for Si Sic eum manere volo whereby the answer of our Saviour becommeth positive or that he will have it so which way of reading was much received in former ages and is still retained in the vulgar Translation but in the Greek original the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying Si or if which is very different from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cannot bee translated for it and answerable hereunto is the translation of Iunius and Tâ—emellius and that also annexed unto the Greeke by the authority of Sixtus quintus The third confirmed it in ages farther descending and proved a powerfull argument unto all others following that in his tombe at Ephesus there was no corps or relique thereof to be found whereupon arised divers doubts and many suspitious conceptions some beleeving he was not buried some that he was buried but risen againe others that he descended alive into his tombe and from thence departed after But all these proceeded upon unveritable grounds as Barooius hath observed who alledgeth a letter of Celestine Bishop of Rome unto the Councell of Ephesus wherein he declareth the reliques of John were highly honoured by that City and a passage also of Chrysostome in the Homilies of the Apostles That John being dead did cures in Ephesus as though he were still alive And so I obseâ—ve that Esthius discussing this point concludeth hereupon Quod corpus â—jus nunquam reperiatur hoc non diserent si veterum scripta diligenter perlustrassent Now that the first ages after Christ those succeeding or any other should proceed into opinions so farre devided from reason as to thinke of Immortality after the fail of Adam or conceit a man in these later times should out-live our fathers in the first although it seeme very strange yet is it not incredible for the credulity of men hath beene deluded into the like conceits and as Ireneus and Tertullian have made mention one Menander a Samaritan obtained beliefe in this very point whose doctrine it was that death should have no power on his disciples and such as received his bâ—ptisme should receive Immortality â—herewith 'T was surely an apprehension very strange nor usually falling either from the absurdities of Melancholy or vanities of ambition some indeed have been so â—ffectedly vaine as to counterfeit Immortality and have stolne their death in a hope to be esteemed immortall and others have conceived themselves dead but surely few or none have falne upon so bold an errour as not to thinke that they could dye at all The reason of those mighty ones whose ambition could suffer them to be called 〈◊〉 would never be flattered into Immortality but the proudest 〈◊〉 have by the daylie dictates of corruption convinced the impropriety of that appellation And surely although delusion may runne high and possible it is that for a while a man may forget his nature yet cannot this be durable for the inconcealeable imperfections of our selves or their dayly examples in others will hourely prompt us our corruptions and lowdly tell us we are the sons of earth CHAP. XI More compendiously of some others MAny others there are which we resigne unto Divinity and perhaps deserve not controversie Whether David were punished onely for pride of heart in numbring the people as most doe hold or whether as Josephus and many maintaine he suffered also for not performing the commandement of God concerning capiâ—ation that when the people were numbred 〈…〉 they should pay unto God a shâ—kell we shall not here contâ—nd Surely if it were not the occasion of this plague wee must acknowledgâ— the omission thereof was threatned with that punishment according to â—he words of the Law When thou takest the summe of the children of Israel then shall they give every man a ransome for his soule unto the Lord that there be no plague amongst them Now how deepely hereby God was defrauded in the time of David and opulent State of Israel will easily appeare by the summes of former 〈◊〉 For in the first the silver of them thaâ— were numbred was an hundred Talents and a thousand seven hundred threescore and 〈…〉 We will not question the 〈…〉 of Lots wife or whether she were transformed into 〈…〉 though some conceive that expression Metaphoricall 〈…〉 thereby then a lasting and durable columne according 〈…〉 of salt which admitteth no corruption in which 〈…〉 of God is termed a Covenant of Salt and it is also said God 〈◊〉 the kingdome unto David