They admonished besides the whole Family of the Alberti Ricci and Medici for ten years except only some few Among those of the Alberti which were not admonished Antonio was one being esteemed a quiet and a peaceable man their jealousie of this plot being not yet out oâ—t their heads a Monk happened to be apprehended who had been observed whilst the conspiracy was on foot to have passed many times betwixt Bologna and Florence and he confessed he had frequently brought Letters to Antonio Antonio being taken into custody denied it obstinately at first but being confronted by the Monk and the charge justified against him he was fined in a sum of mony and banished three hundred miles distance from the City and that they might not always be in danger of the Alberti they decreed that none of that Family above 15 years of age should be suffered to continue in the Town These things happened in the year 1400 two years after Giovan Galezo Duke of Milan died whose death as we have said before put an end to a War that had been prosecuted for twelve years After which the Government having extended its authority and all things at quiet both abroad and at home they undertook the enterprize of Pisa which succeeded so well they took the Town very honourably and enjoyed that and the rest very peaceably till the year 1433. Only in the year 1412 the Alberti having transgress'd against the terms of their banishment a new Balia was erected new provisions made for the security of the State and new impositions inflicted upon that Family About this time the Florentines had War likewise against Ladislaus King of Naples which ended in the year 1416 upon the death of that King During the time of the War finding himself too weak he had given the City of Cortona to the Florentines of which he was Lord but afterwards recovering more strength he renewed his War with them and managed it so that it was much more dangerous than the former and had not his death determined it as the other was by the death of the Duke of Milan doubtless he had brought Florence into as great exigence as the Duke of Milan would have done and endangered if not ruined its liberty Nor did their War with this King conclude with less good fortune than the other for when he had taken Rome Sienna la Marka and Romagna and nothing remained but Florence to hinder his passage with his whole force into Lombardy he died so that death was always a true friend to the Florentines and did more to preserve them than all their own conduct or courage could do From the death of this King this City remained at peace both abroad and at home eight years at the end of that term their Wars with Philip Duke of Milan reviv'd their factions which could never be suppressed but with the subversion of the State which had governed from the year 1371 to 1434 with much honour and maintained many Wars with much advantage having added to their Dominion Arezzo Pisa Cortona Livorno and Monte Pulciano and doubtless would have extended it farther had the City been unanimous and the old humours not been rubb'd up and reviv'd as in the next book shall be more particularly related THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE Book IV. ALL Cities especially such as are not well constituted under the Titles of Common Wealths do sometime or other alter their Government yet not as many think by means of Liberty and Subjection but by occasion of servitude and licentiousness for only the name of Liberty is pretended by popular Persons such as are the instrument of licentiousness and servitude is sought for by those that are Noble neither of them both desiring to be restrain'd either by Laws or any thing else Nevertheless when it does happen as it happens but seldom that a City has the good fortune to produce and advance some Wise Honest and Potent Citizen by whom the Laws may be so order'd that the humors and emulations betwixt the Nobility and the People if not perfectly compos'd may be yet so well circumscrib'd and corrected that they may be check'd from breaking forth to its prejudice Then it is That City may be call'd free and that State pronounce it self durable for being founded upon good Laws and Orders at first it has not that necessity of good Men to maintain it Of such Laws and Principles many Common Wealths were antiently constituted and continued a long time Others have wanted and do still want them which has frequently occasion'd the variation of the Government from Tyranny to licentiousness and from licentiousness to Tyranny for by reason of the powerful animosities in all of them it is not nor can be possible they should be of any duâ—ation one disgusting the Good and the other the Wise. One doing mischief with ease and the other good with difficulty in this the insolent have too much Authority in another the sots and therefore it is convenient that both one and the other be supported and maintained by the fortune and Valour of some Eminent Man though he may be taken from them by Death or made unserviceable by misfortune I say therefore that Government which flourished in Florence from the death of Giorgio Scali which fell out in the year 1381 was supported first by the conduct of Muso di gli Albizi and afterwards by Nicolo Uzano This City from the year 1414 till the end of the 22 remain'd quiet King Ladisâ—ans being dead and Lombardy divided into several Cantons so that neither abroad nor at home had they the least cause of apprehension The next Citizens in Authority to Nicolo Uzano were Bartolmeo Valori Nerone de Nigi Rinaldo de gli Albizi Neri di Gino and Lapo Nicolini The factions which sprung from the animosity betwixt the Albizi and the Ricci which were with so much mischief reviv'd afterward by Salvestro de Medici could never be extinguish'd and although that which was most generally succour'd prevailed but three years and was afterwards depress'd yet the greatest part of the City had imbib'd so much of their humor as could never be wrought out True it is the frequent exprobrations and constant persecutions of the heads of that party from the year 1381 to 1400 had almost brought them to nothing The first Families which were persecuted as the chief of that faction were the Alberti Ricci and Medici who were rob'd of their Men as well as their Money and if any of them continued in the City their imployments and dignities were most certainly taken from them which usage had indeed debas'd that party and almost consum'd it However the memory of the injuries receiv'd and a secret desire of being reveng'd lay close in the Hearts of many of them and having no opportunity to show it they kept it private to themselves Those of the Popular Nobility who govern'd the City so quietly committed two errours which were the ruine of their Government
and offices and emoluments with which heretofore a much greater number was satisfied It is not enough to have the forfitures and confiscations of your Enemies divided among you it is not enough that exempting your selves you load and oppress the rest with taxes and appropriate them to your own private uses when they come in but you must abuse and afflict your neighbours with all the circumstances of injury you rob them of their Estates you sell them justice you abhor the Laws you oppress the peaceable and exalt the insolent I did not think there had been such examples of rapine and violence in all Italy as I find in this City Has this City given us the Authority to Subvert it Has it given us preheminence to destroy it Has it honored us to afflict it I do profess by the Faith of an honest Man and declare here publickly to you all that if you persist in these courses and force me to repent of my Victory I will order things so that you shall have but little comfort in abusing it The Citizens replyed modestly at that time but not a jot reformation whereupon Piero sent privatly to Agnolo Acciaivoli to meet him at Cafaggiolo where they had long discourse about the condition of the City and it is not doubted but if he had lived he would have recalled his Enemies to have restrained the exorbitances of his friends but death would not suffer it for after great conflicts both in his body and mind in the 53 year of his age he died his virtue and his bounty could not be perfectly conspicuous to his Country being eclipsed by his Father who died not long before him and these few years he survived were wholly taken up either by his own sickness or the dissention of his friends He was enterred in the Temple of San. Lorenzo near his Father and his exequies performed with a Pomp proportionable to his quality and deserts He left behind him two Sons Lorenzo and Guiliano pregnant and hopefull enough of themselves but the tenderness of their age was that which made every body apprehensive Among or rather above the principal of that Government was Thomaso Soderini whose prudence and authority was not only eminent in Florence but in the Courts of all the princes of Italy after the death of Piero Tomaso had the respect of the whole City most of the Citizens flocking to his House as their Chief and many Princes directed their correspondencies to him but he being wise and sensible of his own fortune and the fortunes of his Family refused their correspondence received none of their letters and let the Citizens know it was not upon him but the Medici they were obliged to attend and that his actions might quadrate with his exhortations having called all the chief families together in the Convent of S. Antonio he brought in Lorenzo and Guiliano de Medici amongst them where after a long and solid discourse about the condition of that City Italy and the several principalities within it he concluded that if ever they would live happily and in peace secure against foreign invasion and dissention at home it was necessary to continue their observance to the family of the Medici and to give those young Gentlemen the Authority of their predecessors for Men are not troubled at the promotion of ancient familes but upstarts as they are suddenly advanced are suddenly forsaken and it has been always found more easie to preserve a family in power where time has worn out his Enemies than to raise a new one which will unavoidably be subject to new emulations after Tomaso had spoke Lorenzo began and though but young delivered himself with so much gravity and composedness that he gave them great hopes of his future abilities and before they parted both of them were perfectly adopted Not long after they were installed in the dignities of their Father entertained as Princes of the Government and Tomaso appointed their chief Mininister by which means they lived quiety for a while both abroad and at home without the least prospect or apprehension of troubles but on a sudden a new tumult unexpectedly arose to desturb them and given them a hint of their following miseries Among the Families which suffered with Luca Pitti and his party was the Family of the Nardi Salvestro and his brothers the chief of that house were first banished and then upon the War with Bartolomeo Coglione proclaimed rebels Among the Brothers there was one of them called Bernardo a brisk and couragious youth who not being able to subsist abroad by reason of his poverty and having no hopes of returning by reason of the peace resolved to attempt something that might be an occasion of reviving the War ai slight and inconsiderable beginning producing great effects many times because People are generally more prone to assist and improve a commotion than to contrive and begin it Bernardo had good acquaintance in Prato and in the Country about Pistoia but more especially with the Palandre which though a Country family was numerous and brought up like the rest of the Pistolesi in arms and in blood He knew they were highly discontented as having been ill used in the time of the Wars by the Magistrats in Florence he knew likewise the disgusts of the Pratisi the pride and rapacity of their Government and some body had told him how ready they were for any practice against the State so that from all these circumstances he conceived hopes by debauching of Prato of kindling such a fire in Tuscany as by supplying it by fewel they should not be able to extinguish he communicated his design with Diotisalvi and inquired of him in case Prato should be surprized what assistance he could procure him from the Princes of Italy Diotisalvi looked uppon the business as desperate and almost impossible however seeing the part he was to bear in it was secure enough and that the experiment was to be made at another Mans cost he encouraged him to go on and promised him assistance from Bologna and Ferrara if he could but secure the Town for a fortnight Bernardo tickled with his promises and persuading himself his success would be good conveyed himself privatly to Prato and imparting his designs to some persons he found them readily disposed the same compliance and alacrity he found in the Palandre and having agreed with them both of the time and the place he sent the news immediatly to Diotisalvi The Potesta or Governor of Prato at that time was Cesare Pretucci who being put in by them preserved it for the Florentines The Governors of such Towns had a custom to keep the keys of the castle themselves yet especially where there was no jealousie if any of the Town desired to go in or out in the night they were so civil as to suffer them Bernardo understanding the custom came himself and the Palandre with about a hundred armed Men and lay close near the
sometimes more of their Senators with the same power The League continued all the while into which the Cities of Lombardy had entred against Frederick Barbarossa and the Cities were these Milan Brescia Mantua with the greater part of the Cities in Romagna besides Verona Vicenza Padua and Trevigi The Cities on the Emperours side were Cremona Bergamo Parma Reggio Modena and Trenta The rest of the Cities of Lombardy Romagna and the Marquisate of Trevizan took part according to their interest sometimes with this sometimes with the other party In the time of Otto III one Ezelino came into Italy of whose Loyns there remaining a Son call'd also Ezelino being powerful and rich he joyn'd himself with Frederick II who as was said before was become an Enemy to the Pope By the incouragement and assistance of this Ezelino Frederick came into Italy took Verona and Mantua demolish'd Vicenza seiz'd upon Padoua defeated the united Forces of those parts and when he had done advanc'd towards Toscany whilst in the mean time Ezelino made himself Master of the Marquisate of Trevizan Ferrara they could not take being defended by Azone da Esti and some Regiments of the Popes in Lombardy Whereupon when the Siege was drawn off his Holiness gave that City in Fee to Azone da Esti from whom those who are Lords of it at this day are descended Frederick stop'd and fix'd himself at Pisa being desirous to make himself Master of Tuscany and by the distinctions he made betwixt his Friends and his Foes in that Province rais'd such ammosites as proved afterwards the destruction of all Italy For both Guelfs and Gibilins increas'd every day the first siding with the Church the other with the Emperour and were call'd first by those Names in the City of Pistoia Frederick being at length remov'd from Pisa made great devastations and several inroads into the Territories of the Church in so much that the Pope having no other remedy proclaim'd the Croifada against him as his Predecessors had done against the Saracens Frederick left he should be left in the lurch by his own people as Frederick Barbarossa and others of his Ancestors had been before entertain'd into his Pay great numbers of the Saracens and to oblige them to him and strengthen his opposition to the Pope by a party that should not be afraid of his Cursâ—s he gave them Nocera in that Kingdom to the end that having a Râ—treat in their own hands they might serve him with more confidence and security At this time Innocent IV. was Pope who being apprehensive of Frederick remov'd to Genoa and thence into France where he call'd a Counsel at Lyons and Frederick design'd to have been there had he not been retain'd by the Rebellion of Parma Having had ill Fortune in the suppressing of that he march'd away into Tuscany and from thence into Sicily where he died not long after leaving his Son Currado in Sâ—evia and in Puglia his natural Son Manfredi whom he had made Duke of Benevento Currado went to take possession of the Kingdom died at Naples and left only one lâ—â—tle Son behind him in Germany who was call'd Currado by his own Name By which means Manfred first as Tutor to Currado got into the Government and afterwards giving out that his Pupil was dead he made himself King and forc'd the Pope and Neapolitans who oppos'd it to consent Whilst Affairs in that Kingdom were in that posture many Commotions happen'd in Lombardy betwixt the Guelfs and the Gibilins The Guelfs were headed by a Legate from the Pope the Gibilins by Ezelino who at that time had in his possession all that part of Lombardy on this side the Poe. And because while he was entertain'd in this War the City of Padoua rebell'd he caus'd 12000 of them to be slain and not long after before the War was ended died himself in the thirtieth year of his age Upon his death all those Countreys which had been in his hands became free Manfredi King of Naples continued his malevolence to the Church as his Ancestors had done before him holding Pope Urban IV. in perpetual anxiety so that at length he was constrain'd to convoke the Crociata against him and to retire into Perugiâ— till he could get his Forces together but finding them come in slowly and thin conceiving that to the overcoming of Manfred greater supplies would be necessary he address'd himself to the King of France making his Brother Charles Duke of Angio King of Sicily and Naples and excited him to come into Italy and take possession of those Kingdoms Before Charles could get to Rome the Pope died and Clement V. succeeded in his place In the said Clements time Charles with 30 Galleys arriv'd at Ostia having Ordered the rest of his Forces to meet him by Land During his residence at Rome as a Complement to him the Romans made him a Senator and the Pope invested him in that Kingdom with condition that he should pay 50 thousand Florins yearly to the Church and published a Decree that for the future neither Charles nor any that should succeed him in that Kingdom should be capable of being Emperours After which Charles advancing against Manfred fought with him beat him and kill'd him near Benâ—vento thereby making himself King of Sicily and that Kingdom Corradino to whom that State devolv'd by his Fathers Testament gathering what Forces together he could in Germany march'd into Italy against Charles and ingaging him at Tagliacozza was presently defeated and being afterwards discover'd in his flight taken and slain Italy continued quiet till the Papacy of Adrian V. who not enduring that Charles should continue in Rome and govern all 〈◊〉 he did by vertue of his Senatorship he remov'd to Vitâ—rbo and solicited Ridolfus the Emperour to come into Italy against him In this manner the Popes sometimes for defence of Religion sometimes out of their own private ambition call'd in new Men and by consequence new Wars into Italy And no sooner had they advanc'd any of them but they repented of what they had done and sought immediately to remove him nor would they suffer any Province which by reason of their weakness they were unable themselves to subdue to be injoy'd quietly by any body else The Princes were all afraid of them for whether by fighting or flying they commonly overcame unless circumvented by some Stratagem as Boniface VIII and some others were by the Emperours under pretence of Friendship and Amity Ridolfus being retain'd by his War with the King of Bohemia was not at leisure to visit Italy before Adrian was dead He which succeeded him was Nicolas the III. of the House of Ursin a daring ambitious man who resolving to take down the Authority of Charles contriv'd that Ridolfus the Emperour should complain of Charles his Governour in Tuscany of his siding with the Guelfs who after the death of Manfred had been receiv'd and protected in that Province To comply with the
couragious nor can any think be objected sufficient to eclipse these virtues though he was indeed addicted to Women took too much pleasure in the company of witty and satyrical Men and would play at boys play sometimes beneath the dignity of his office for he would play many times with his Children at all the most idle and Childish recreations they would put him to So that if the gravity of his life be considered with its levity he will seem to be composed of two several persons united by an almost impossible conjunction The last part of his days was full of sorrow and disquiet occasioned by the distempers of his body for he was sorely afflicted with intolerable pains at his Stomack which brought him so low that in April 1492 he died in the 43 year of his age Never was there any man not only in Florence but Italy who departed with more reputation for his wisdom nor more lamentation to his Country and because upon his death many desolations were like to ensue the Heavens themselves did seem to presage it The spire of the Church of S. Riparata was struck with thunder with such fury that a great part of the steeple was destroyed by it to the great consternation of the City All the Inhabitants of Florence and the Princes of Italy bewailed him which was particulary manifested by their several compliments of condolency and whether they had reson or not for what they did the effects which succeeded a while after did clearly demonstrate for being deprived of his Counsels Italy could not find one remaining able to satiate or restrain the ambition of Lodovico Duke of Milan for want of which after his death such seeds of dissention brake forth as have perplexed and embroiled all Italy ever since THE PRINCE Together with the ORIGINAL OF THE GVELF and GHIBILIN Life of CASTRVCCIO CASTRACANI Murther of VITELLI c. by Duke VALENTINO State of FRANCE State of GERMANY By NICOLAS MACHIAVEL Faithfully Englished LONDON Printed for Iohn Starkey Charles Harper and Iohn Amery in Fleetstreet 1680. NICOLO MACHIAVELLI TO THE Most Illustrious LORENZO Son of PIERO de MEDICI THose who desire the favour of a Prince do commonly introduce themselves by presenting him with such things as he either values much or does more than ordinarily delight in for which reason he is frequently presented with Horses Arms Cloath of Gold Iewels and such Ornaments as are sutable to his Quality and Grandeur Being ambitious to present my self to your Highness with some testimony of my devotions towards you in all my Wardrobe I could not find any thing more precious at least to my self than the knowledge of the Conduct and Atchievements of Great Men which I learn'd by long conversation in modern affairs and a continual investigation of old after long and diligent examination having reduced all into a small Volume I do presume to present to your Highness and though I cannot think it a work fit to appear in your presence yet my confidence in your bounty is such I hope it may be accepted considering I was not capable of more than presenting you with a faculty of understanding in a short time what for several years with inâ—inite labour and hazard I had been gathering together Nor have I beautified or adorned it with Rhetorical Ornations or such outward imbellishments as are usual in such descriptions I had rather it should pass without any approbation than owe it to any thing but the truth and gravity of the matter I would not have it imputed to me as presumption if an inferior person as I am pretend not only to treat of but to prescribe and regulate the proceedings of Princes for as they who take the Landskip of a Country to consider the Mountains and the nature of the higher places do descend ordinarily into the Plains and dispose themselves upon the Hills to take the prospect of the Valleys in like manner to understand the nature of the people it is necessary to be a Prince and to know the nature of Princes 't is as requisit to be of the people May your Highness then accept this Book with as much kindness as it is presented and if you please diligently and deliberately to reslect upon it you will find in it my extreme desire that your Highness may arrive at that Grandeur which Fortune and your Accomplishments do seem to presage from which pinacle of Honour if your Highness vouchsafes at any time to look down upon things below you will see how unjustly and how continually I have been exposed to the malignity of fortune Machiavel's Prince CHAP. I. The several sorts of Governments and after what manner they are obtained THere never was nor is at this day any Government in the World by which one Man has rule and dominion over another but it is either a Commonwealth or a Monarchy Monarchies are either hereditary where the ancestors of the Soveraign have been a long time in possession or where they are but new The new are either so wholly and entirely as Milan was to Francis Sforza or annex'd to the hereditary Dominions of the Conquerour as the Kingdom of Naples to the Kingdom of Spain These territories thus acquired are accustomed either to be subject to some Prince or to live at liberty and free and are subdued either by his auxiliaries or own forces by his good fortune or conduct CHAP. II. Of Hereditary Principalities I Shall omit speaking of Commonwealths as having discoursed of them largely elsewhere and write in this place only of Principalities and how according to the foregoing division the said Principalities may be governed and maintained I do affirm then that hereditary States and such as have been accustomed to the Family of their Prince are preserved with less difficulty than the new and because it is sufficient not to transgress the examples of their predecessors and next to comply and frame themselves to the accidents that occur So that if the Prince be a person of competent industry he will be sure to keep himself in the throne unless he be supplanted by some great and more than ordinary force and even then when so supplanted fortune can never turn tail or be adverse to the usurper but he will stand fair to be restored Of this Italy affords us an example in the Duke of Ferrara who supported bravely against the invasion of the Venetians in 1484 and afterwards against Pope Iulius 10 upon no other foundation but his antiquity in that Government for a natural Prince has not so much occasion or necessity to oppress his Subjects whereby it follows he must be better beloved and retain more of the affections of his People unless some extraordinary vices concur to make him odious so that the succession and coherence of his Government takes away the causes and memory of innovations for one new change leaves always as in buildings a toothing and aptitude of another CHAP. III. Of mixt Principalities BUt the
to the truth to please all people and it may so fall out I have pleased no body If it should I should not wondder seeing in my judgment it is impossible to write any thing of our own times without offence to several Yet I come forth cheerfully into to the field hoping that as I am honoured and employed by your holiness goodness I shall be defended by your holiness judgment and then with the same confidence courage as I have writ now I shall pursue my engagements if my life lasts your holiness continues amongst us The Author's INTRODUCTION WHen I first took upon me to write the History of Florence and its transactions both at home and abroad I thought to have begun at the year 1434 at which time the Family of the Medici exalted by the merits of Cosimo his father Giovanni was in greater authority that any other in that City believing that Messer Leonardo d' Arezzo and Messer Poggio two excellent Historians had given particular description of all the passages before But upon diligent perusal of their writings to inform my self of their orders and methods that thereby my own might have better approbation I found that in their narratives of the Florentine Wars and foreign negotiations they had been accurate enough but in their civil dissentions their intrinsick animosities and in the effects which followed them they were either totally silent or where any thing was mentioned it was with such brevity and abruptness as could yield neither profit nor recreation to the reader Which I conceive they did either out of an opinion that they were inconsiderable and unworthy to be transmitted to Posterity or else they apprehended a necessity of reflecting upon some great persons whose family would be disobliged thereby both which arguments if I may speak it without offence are beneath the grandeur and magnanimity of a great person For if any thing in History be delightfull or profitable it is those particular descriptions if any thing be usefull to such Citizens as have the Government in their hands it is such as represents the feuds and dissentions in the Cities that thereby they mâ—â—be enabled to maintain their own unity at other peoples expence if the example of any Common-wealth moves a man certainly that which is written of ones own makes a much stronger impression and if the factions of any State were ever considerable the factions in Florence were not to be pretermitted the greatest part of other States have not had above one which sometimes has advanced aud sometimes ruined the Government but Florence has had many divisions Everybody knows how in Rome after the expulsion of their King there arose division betwixt the Nobles and the people which continued till one of them was oppressed So it was in Athens and all the Commonwealths which flourished in those times but in Florence the first dissention was betwixt the Nobles the next betwixt the Nobles and Citizens and then betwixt the Citizens and the Plebs in all which one was no sooner superior but it divided again and the effects of those divisions were Murders and Banishments and dispersion of families such as never occurr'd in any City that can be remembred And truly in my judgment nothing demonstrates the power of our City so much as the consequences of those divisions which were enough to have subverted and destroyed any other in the world But ours grew still greater thereby so remarkable was the courage of the Citizens and so efficacious their industry for the advancement of their Country that those few which surviv'd the miseries of their Predecessors did more by their constancy courage towards the advancement of their interest than the malignity of those accidents could do to depress it And doubtless had Florence been so happy after it had freed it self from the Empire to have assum'd such a form of Government as would have preserv'd it in unity I know not any commonwealth either ancient or modern that would have exceeded it or have been comparable to it either in riches or power For it is observable after the Ghibilins were driven out of the Town in such numbers as all Tuscany and Lombardy were full of those exiles the Guelfs and such as were left behind in the expedition against Arezzo which was the year before the battle of Campaldino were able to drawout of their own Citizens 1200 Horse and 12000 Foot And afterwards in the war against Philippo Visconti Duke of Milan being to try their fortune rather withtheir riches than their arms which at that time were very much weakened in five years space which was the length of that war the Florentines expended five millions and 500000 Florens and when that War was composed to ostentate and publish the power of that Commonwealth they marched out with an army and besieged Lucca I do not see therefore for what reason these divisions should not be worthy of relation and if those Noble Authors were restrained by fear of offending the memory of such as they were to speak of they were mightily out and seem not to have understood the ambition of mankind and their desire to have the names of themselves and ancestors transmitted to Posterity nor did they remember that many people not having opportunity to make themselves eminent by good and laudable acts have endeavoured to compass it by any way how scandalous and ignominious soever Neither did they consider that the actions which carry greatness along with them as those of Governments and States what ends soever they have and which way soâ—ever they are described do still leave more honour than infamy to their Family the consideration of which things prevailed with me to alter my design and to begin my History from the very foundation of the City and because it is not my intention to transcribe what has been done before by other people I shall relate such things only as occurr'd within the City to the year 14â—4 mentioning the accidents abroad only so far as will be necessary for the intelligence of the other after which year I shall give a particular description both of the one and the other Besides for the better and more lasting understanding of this History before I treat of Florence I shall discourse of the means by which Italy fell under the dominion of those Potentates which govern'd it at that time all which shall be comprehended in my four first Books the first shall give a short recital of all transactions in Italy from the dissolution of the Roman Empire to the year 1434. The second shall give an account of all affairs from the foundation of the City of Florence to the end of the War against the Pope which commenc'd upon the expulsion of the Duke of Athens the third shall conclude with the death of Ladislaus King of Naples and in the fourth we shall end with the year 1434 from whence afterwards to our present times we shall give a particular
and it continued in that Agony several years under three Berengarii successively during which time the Pope and the Church were under no the less perturbation having no refuge to fly to by reason of the dissention among the Western Princes and the impotence of the Eastern The City of Genoa and all its Territory upon the Rivers were over-run by the Saraâ—ens which by the resort of multitudes driven thither out of their own Countrey was the foundation of the Grandeur of Pisa. These Accidents happen'd in the year DCCCCXXXI But Ottone Son of Enricus and Matilda and Duke of Saxony coming to the Empire and being a man of great reputation for his Conduct and Prudence Agabito the Pope addressed himself to him imploring his Assistance in Italy against the Tyranny of the Berengarii The States of Italy in those days were Govern'd in this manner Lombardy was under the Jurisdiction of Berengarius the Third and Albertus his Son Tuscany and Romania under the Dominion of a Governour deputed by the Emperour of the West Puglia and Calabria were part under the Greek Empire and part under the Saracens In Rome two Consuls were created out of the Nobility every year according to ancient Custome to which a Prefect was added to administer Justice to the people They had moreover a Counsel of Twelve who provided Governours annually for all Towns under their Jurisdiction The Pope had more or less power in Rome and in all Italy according as his favour was more or less with the Emperour or other persons which were more potent than he Ottone to gratifie his request came into Italy with an Army fought with the Berengarii drove them out of their Kingdom which they had injoy'd 55 years and restor'd the Pope to his former dignity Ottone had a Son and a Grand-Child of his own Name both which one after the other succeeded in the Empire and in the time of Ottone the Third Pope Gregory the Fifth was expelled by the Romans Ottone undertook a new Expedition into Italy in his behalf and having once again re-establish'd him in his Chair the Pope to be reveng'd of the Romans took from them the power of Creating the Emperours and conferr'd it upon six German Princes Three Bishops 〈◊〉 Treves and Colen and Three temporal Princes the Duke of Brandenburg the Prince Palatine of the Rhine and the Duke of Saxony and this happen'd in the year 1002. After the death of Ottone the Third Enrico Duke of Bavaria was created Emperour by the said Electors and was Crown'd twelve years after by Stephanus the Eighth Enricus and Simeonda his Wife were eminent for their Piety having as a Testimony of it built and endow'd several Churches and among the rest that of S. Miniato near the City of Florence In the year 1024 Enrico died was succeeded by Corrado of Suevia and he by Enrico II who coming to Rome and finding a Schism in the Church and three Popes in being at the same time he degraded them all and causing Clement II. to be elected was Crown'd Emperour by him Italy was then govern'd partly by the People partly by Princes and partly by the Emperours Ministers the chiefest of which to whom the rest did in all matters of importance refer had the Title of Chancellor Among the Princes the most powerful was Gottifredus Husband to the Countess Matilda who was Sister to Enricus II. She and her Husband had the possession of Lucca Parma Reggio and Mantua with all that Countery which is now call'd the Patrimony of the Church The Popes at that time had no small trouble upon their hands by reason of the ambition of the people of Rome who having at first made use of the Papal Authority to free themselves of the Emperours as soon as the Popes had taken upon them the Regiment of the City and reform'd things as they thought good themselves of a sudden they became their Enemies and they receiv'd more injury from the people than from any other Christian Prince whatsoever Rebelling and mutining at the same time the Popes by their Censures made the whole West to tremble nor was the design of either of them less than to subvert the Authority and Reputation of the one and the other Nicolas II. arriving at the Popedom as Gregory V. had taken from the Romans the priviledge of creating the Emperour so he depriv'd them of their concurrence to the Election of the Pope restraining it wholly to the suffrage of the Cardinals nor contented with this by agreement with the Princes which Govern'd at that time in Puglia and Calabria for reasons which shall be mentioned hereafter he forc'd all the Officers sent thither by the people to assert their Jurisdiction to pay Allegiance to the Pope and some of them he displaced After Nicholaus was dead there happen'd a great Schism in the Church The Clergy of Lombardy would not yeild obedience to Alexander II. who was chosen at Rome but created Cadalo of Parma Anti-Pope Enrico detesting the extravagant dominion of the Popes sent to Alexander to resign and to the Cardinals that they should repair into Germany in order to a new Election so that he was the first Prince which was made sensible of the effects of their Spiritual Fulminations for the Pope calling together a new Council at Rome depriv'd him both of his Empire and Kingdom Some of the Italians following the Pope's and some of them the Emperours party was the foundation of that famous Faction betwixt the Guelfs and Ghibilins in so much that for want of forreign inundations by the Barbarians they turn'd their Arms upon themselves and tore out their own Bowels Enrico being Excommunicated was forc'd by his own Subjects to come into Italy where bare-footed and upon his knees he begg'd his Pardon of the Pope in the year MLXXX Notwithstanding all this not long after there happen'd a new quarrel betwixt Enrico and the Pope whereupon provok'd by a new Excommunication he sent his Son Enrico with an Army who by the Assistance of the Romans whose hatred the Pope had contracted besieg'd him in his Castle but Roberto Guiscardo coming from Puglia to his relief Enrico had not the courage to attend him but rais'd his Siege and retir'd into Germany However the Romans continued obstinate and Robert was forc'd to sack the Town and reduce it to its ancient Ruines from whence by several Popes it had been lately restor'd And because from this Roberto the Model of Government in the Kingdom of Naples did proceed it will not in my judgment be superfluous to give a particular Narrative both of his Countrey and Exploits Upon the differences betwixt Charlemain's Heirs as is said before a new Northern people call'd Normans took occasion to invade France and possess'd themselves of that part of it which is now call'd Normandy Of this people part went into Italy in the time when it was infested by the Berengarii the Saracens and Hunns setling
as the readiest way to suppress him was glad to discharge Nicholas of his imprisonment and sent him to Rome to resume his old Office whereupon Nicholas undertook the Government once more and caus'd Francesco to be executed But the Colonnesi becoming his Enemies by degrees he himself was put to death by them and the Senate restor'd to the Exercise of its former Authority In the mean time of the King of Hungary having depos'd Queen Giovanna return'd to his own Kingdom But the Pope desir'd to have the Queen his Neighbour rather than that King and order'd things so that the Kingdom was restor'd upon Condition her Husband Lewis renouncing the Title of King should content himself with that of Taranto The Year MCCCL. being come his Holiness thought fit that the Jubilee appointed by Pope Boniface VIII to be kept every hundred years should be reduc'd to fifty and having pass'd a Decree to that purpose in gratitude for so great a Benefit the Romans were contented he should send four Cardinals to Rome to reform their City and create what Senators he pleas'd After which the Pope declar'd Lodovic of Taranto King of Naples again and Giovanna highly oblig'd by that favour gave the Church Avignon which was part of her Patrimony By this time Luchïno Visconti being dead Iohn Arch-Bishop of Milan remain'd sole Lord and making several Wars upon Tuscany and his Neighbours became very considerable After his death the Government fell to his two Nephews Bernardo and Galeazzo but Galeazzo dying a while after he left his Son Iohn Galeazzo to share with his Unkle in the State In these dayes Charles King of Bohemia was created Emperour and Innocent VI. Pope who having sent Cardinal Giles a Spaniard into Italy by his Virtue and the excellence of his Conduct he recover'd the reputation of the Church not only in Rome and Romagna but all Italy over He recover'd Bologna that had been usurp'd by the Arch-Bishop of Milan He constrain'd the Romans to admit a forreign Senator every year of the Popes nomination He made an honourable Agreement with the Visconti He fought and took Prisoner Iohn Aguto an English-man who with four thousand English was entertain'd in Tuscany upon the Ghibilin accompt After these Successes Urban V. being Pope he resolv'd to visit both Italy and Rome where Charles the Emperour came to meet him and having continued together several Months Charles return'd into his Kingdom and the Pope to Avignon Urban died and Gregory XII suceeded and because Cardinal Egidio was dead Italy relaps'd into its former distractions occasion'd by the Caballing of the people against the Visconti Whereupon the Pope at first sent a Legat into Italy with six thousand Britans after whom he follow'd in Person and re-establish'd his Residence at Rome in the year MCCCLXXVI after it had been kept in France LXXI years After the death of this Pope Urban VI. was created Not long after at Fondi ten Cardinals quarrelling with his Election and pretending it was not fair created Clement VII The Genoveses in the mean time who for several years had lived quietly under the Government of the Visconti rebell'd Betwixt them and the Venetian there happen'd great Wars about the Island of Tenedos in which War by Degrees all Italy became concern'd and there it was that great Guns were first us'd they being a German Invention Though for a while the Genoveses were predominant and held Venice blockt up for several Months together yet in the conclusion the Venetian had the better and made an advantagious Peace by the assistance of the Pope In the year 1381 as we have said before there was a Schism in the Church and Giovanna the Queen favour'd the Anti-Pope Whereupon Pope Urban practis'd against her and sent Carlo Durazzo who was of the Royal House of Naples with an Army into her Kingdom who possest himself of her Countrey and drove her away into France The King of France undertaking her quarrel sent Lodovic d' Angio to repossess the Queen and force Urban out of Rome and set up the Anti-Pope But Lodovic dying in the middle of the Enterprize his Army broke up and return'd into France Urban thereupon goes over to Naples and claps nine Cardinals in Prison for having sided with France and the Anti-Pope After that he took it ill of the King that he refus'd to make one of his Nephews Prince of Capua but concealing his disgust he desir'd Nocera of him for his Habitation which as soon as he was possess'd of he fortified and began to cast about which way to deprive him of his Kingdom The King taking the Alarm advanc'd against Nocera and besieg'd it but the Pope escap'd to Genoua where he put the Cardinals which were his Prisoners to death From thence he went to Rome and created 28 new Cardinals In the mean time Charles King of Naples went into Hungary was proclaim'd King there and not long after kill'd He left the Kingdom of Naples to his Wife and two Children he had by her one call'd Ladislao and the other Giovanna Iohn Galeazzo Visconti in the mean time had kill'd his Unkle Bernardo and possess'd himself of Milan and not content to have made himself Duke of Milan he attempted upon Tuscany but when he was in a fair way to have conquer'd it and to have made himself King of all Italy he died Urban VI. died also and was succeeded by Boniface IX Clâ—ment VII the Anti-Pope died likewise at Avignon and Benedict XIII was created in his room Italy all this while was full of Soldiers of Fortune English Dutch and Britans some of them Commanded by Princes which upon several occasions had been invited thither and some of them which had been sent by the Popes when their residence was at Avignon With this medly of Nations the Princes of Italy maintain'd their Wars many times till at length Lodovico da Conio Romagnuolo having train'd up a Party of Italians call'd the Soldiers of Saint George by his Valour and Discipline lessen'd the Reputation of the Forreigners and made them afterwards more useful and considerable in the Italian Wars The Pope upon certain differences which arose betwixt him and the Romans remov'd to Scesi where he remain'd till the Jubilee in the year 1400. at which time to invite him back again for the benâ—fit of their City the Romans condescended that he should have the annual nomination of a forreign Senator and be permitted to fortifie the Castle of St. Angelo upon which Conditions being return'd to inrich the Church he ordain'd That in every Vacancy each Benefice should pay an Annat into the Chamber Ecclesiastical After the death of Iohn Galeazzo Duke of Milan though he left two Sons Giovan-Mari-Angelo and Philip the State was divided into many Factions In the troubles which followed Giovan-Mari-Angelo was slain and Philip for some time kept Prisoner in the Castle of Pavia but by the Valour and Allegiance of the Governour
Garrisons of his friends that though the people were very numerous and press'd hard to have enter'd them they could not prevail The Conflict was smart many kill'd and wounded on both sides and the people finding there was no entrance that way by force got into the houses of his Neighbours and through them they brake unexpectedly into his Corso finding himself inviron'd by his Enemies and no hopes of relief from Ugnccione dispairing of Victory he resolv'd to try what was possible for his Escape advancing therefore with Gherardo Bondini and several other his most faithful and valiant friends he charg'd so furiously upon his Enemies that he brake them and made his way thorow them fighting out of the Pâ—â—ta della Croce Nevertheless being pursu'd Gherardo was slain by Boccaccio Cavicciulli upon the Africa and Corso was taken Prisoner at Rouezano by certain Spanish horsmen belonging to the Signoria But disdaining the sight of his Victorious Enemies and to prevent the torments which they would probably inflict as they were bringing him back towards Florence he threw himself off his horse and was cut to pieces by one of the Company his body was gather'd together by the Monks of S. Salvi and bury'd but without any solemnity This was the sad end of that Magnanimous Person to whom his Country and the Neri ow'd much both of their good fortune and ill and doubtless had his mind been more Moderate his memory would have been more honourable however he deserves a place among the best Citizens this City did ever produce though indeed the turbulency of his Spirit caus'd his Country and party both to forget their obligations to him and at length procur'd his death and many mischiefs to them Uguccione coming to the relief of his Son in Law as far as Remoli and hearing he was taken by the people presuming he could do him no good to save his own stake he return'd back as he came Corso being dead in the year 1308. all tumults ceas'd and every body liv'd quietly till news was brought that Arrigo the Emperor was come into Italy with all the Florentinâ— Exiles in his Company whom he had promis'd to reinstate on their own Country To obviate this and lessen the number of their Enemies the Magistrates thought fit of themselves to reinvite all those who had been rebels but some few which were particularly excepted Those which were excepted were the greatest part of the Ghibilines and some of the faction of the Bianchi among which were Dante Aleghieri the Sons of Veri de Cerchi and Giano della Bella. They sent likewise to desire the assistance of Robert King of Naples but not prevailing in an amicable way without terms they gave him the Government of their City for five years upon condition he would defend them as his subjects The Emperour in his passage came to Pisa and from thence coasting along the shore he went to Rome where he was Crown'd in the year 1312 after which addressing himself to the subduction of the Florentines he marcht by the way of Perugia and Arezzo to Florence and posted himself with his Army at the Monastery of St. Salvi where he continued fifty days without any considerable exploit Despairing of success against that City he remov'd to Pisa confederated with the King of Sicily to make an Enterprize upon Naples and marched forward with his Army but whilst he thought himself sure of Victory and Robert gave himself for lost the Emperour died at Buonconvento and that Expedition miscarri'd Not long after it fell out that Uguccione became Lord of Pisa and by degrees of Lucca where he joyn'd himself with the Ghibilines and by the assistance of that faction committed great depredations upon the Neighbours The Florentines to free themselves from his Excursions desir'd King Robert that his Brother Piero might have the Command of their Army In the mean time Uguccione was not idle To increase his numbers and extend his dominion partly by force and partly by stratagem he had possess'd himself of many strong Castles in the Vallies of Arno and Nievole and having advanc'd so far as to besiege Monte Catini the Florentines thought it necessary to Relieve it left otherwise that Conflagration should consume their whole Country Having drawn together a great Army they March'd into the Val di Nievole gave battel to Uguccione and after a sharp sight were defeated In the battel they lost 2000. men besides Piero the Kings Brother whose body could never be found Nor was the Victory on Uguccione's side without some qualification he having lost one of his Sons and several Officers of Note After this disaster the Florentines fortifi'd at home as much as they could and King Robert sent them a new General call'd the Conte di Andrea with the title of Conte Novello By his deportment or rather by the Genius of the Florentines whose property it is to increase upon every settlement and to fall afterwards into factions upon every accident notwithstanding their present War with Uguccione they divided again and some were for King Robert and others against him The chief of his Adversaries were Simon della Tosa the Magalotti and other popular familes who had greatest interest in the Government These persons sent first to France and then into Germany to raise men and invite Officers that by their assistance they might be able to rid themselves of their new Governour the Conte But their fortune was adverse and neither could be procur'd Nevertheless they gave not their Enterprize over though they had been disappointed both in Germany and France they found out an Officer in Agobbio having driven out King Roberts Governour they sent for Lando from Agobbio and made him Essecutore or indeed Executioner giving him absolute power over their whole City Laudo being naturally cruel and avaritious march'd with arm'd men up and down the City plundering this place and killing in that as those who sent for him gave him directions and not content with this insolence he Coyn'd false money with the Florentine stamp and no man had the power to oppose it to such grandeur was he arriv'd by the dissention of the Citizens Miserable certainly and much to be lamented was the Condition of this City which neither the Consequences of their former divisions their apprehension of Uguccione nor the Authority of a King was sufficient to unite Abroad they were infested by Uguccione at home they were pillag'd by Laudo and yet no reconciliation The Kings friends many of the Nobility several great men of the Populace and all the Guelfs were Enemies to Laudo and his party Nevertheless the Adversary having the Authority in his hand they could not without manifest danger discover themselves however that they might not be deficient in what they were able to do towards the freeing themselves of so dishonourable a Tyranny they writ privately to King Robert to intreat that he would make Conte Guido da Buttifolle his
one of them consisting of three hundred of the Commons the other of two hundred both Commons and Gentlemen the first was call'd the Council of the People and the second the Common Council The Emperour being arriv'd at Rome he created an Anti-Pope decreed many things to the prejudice of the Church and attempted more which he was not able to carry so that at length he removed with no little disgrace from Rome to Pisa where either disdaining his Conduct or for want of their Pay eight hundred German Horse mutiny'd fortifi'd themselves at Monte Ariaro and as he was departed from Pisa towards Lombardy posses'd themselves of Lucca and drave out Francisco Castracani whom the Emperour had left Governour of the Town Being Masters of that City and their intentions to make what profit of it they could they offered it to the Florentines for twenty thousand Florins but by the advice of Simon della Tosa it was refus'd this resolution would have been much to the advantage of our City had the Florentines persever'd but changing it afterwards it prov'd much to their detriment for refusing it at that time when they might have had it so cheap they bad much more for it afterwards and were denied it which was the occasion that Florence chang'd its Government often to its great inconvenience Lucca being refus'd in this manner by the Florentines was purchased for 30000 Florins by Gherardino Spinoli a Genovese and because People are more slow and indifferent in accepting what is offer'd than in conceiving what is not as soon as it was known to be bought by Gherardini and at how cheap a rate the Florentines were much troubled they had it not themselves and blam'd all those who had any way discouraged them To buy it being too late they sought to gain it by force and to that end sent their Army to over-run and spoil the Country about it About this time the Emperour was return'd out of Italy and the Pope by Order of the Pisani sent Prisoner into France The Florentines upon the Death of Castruccio which follow'd in the year 1328 till the year 1340 continued quiet at Home Intent only upon their Wars abroad In Lombardy upon the coming of Iohn King of Bohemia and in Tuscany upon the account of Lucca they adorn'd their City likewise with many new Buildings and particularly the Tower of St. Reparata according to the directions of Giolto the most Famous Painter in his time Moreover upon an inundation of the River Arnus in the year 1333 in which the Water swelling twelve fathoms high in some places of Florence carried away several Bridges and many Houses were ruin'd they repair'd all with great care and expence But in the year 1340 this tranquillity was disturb'd and they had new occasion of alteration The Grandees of the City had two ways to maintain and increase their Authority One was by ordering the Imborsations so as the Magistracy should fall always either to them or their Friends The other was by making themselves chief in the Elections of the Rettori and thereby obliging them to be favourable to them afterwards in all their determinations And of this second way they were so fond and conceited that not content with two Rettori as they had forformerly A while after they set up a third with the Title of the Captain of the Guards in which Office they plac'd Iacomo Gabrieli d' Agobbio with absolute Power over the Citizens Iacomo in the sight of the Government committed daily many Injuries but more especially to Piero de Baldi and Bardo Frescobaldi Being Nobly descended and by consequence proud they could not endure to have a stranger do them wrong in defiance of their other Magistrates To revenge themselves of him and the Government they enter'd into a Conspiracy with several Noble and Popular Families in the City who were disgusted with their Tyranny The manner concluded upon was that every one should get as many Arm'd Men into his House as he could and that on All-Saints Day in the Morning when all the People were at Mass they should take Arms kill the Captain and the chief of their Governours and afterwards make new Magistrates and new Laws for the State But because dangerous enterprizes the more considered are always the less willingly undertaken it happens that Plots which allow too much time for their Execution are generally discover'd There being among the Conspirators a Gentleman call'd Andrea di Bardi whose fear of Punishment prevailing upon him beyond his desire of Revenge he betray'd all to Iacomo Alberti his Kinsman Iacomo imparted it immediatly to the Priori and the Priori to the Governors And because the design was so near Execution All-Saints day being at hand many of the Citizens assembled in the Palace and judging it unsafe to defer they would needs persuade the Signori to cause the great Bell to be rung and the People commanded to their Arms. Taldo Valori was at that time Gonfaloniere and Francisco Salviati one of the Signori Being Relations of the Bardi they dissuaded the sounding of the Bell alledging it was not secure to Arm the People upon trivial Occasions because Authority given to them without some power reserv'd to restrain them was never known to produce any good and that it was much easier to raise a Tumult than to suppress it They judg'd it better therefore to inquire farther into the verity of the thing and punish it rather Civilly if it appear'd to be true than in a furious and tumultuous manner to corrected it perhaps with the destruction of the whole City But these Arguments serv'd not the turn but with Vilanous language and Insolent behaviour the Signori were constrain'd to cause the Bell to be rung upon which the People immediately took Arms and away to the Piazza The Bardi and Frescobaldi perceiving they were discover'd and resolving to overcome with Honour or die without Shame betook themselves to their Arms hoping they would be able to defend that part of the City beyond the Bridge where their Houses were whereupon they broke down the Bridges and fortifi'd themselves till they should be reliev'd by the Nobility of the Country and other Persons their Friends But that design was frustrated by the People which lived among them in the same part of the City who took up Arms for the Signori finding themselves entermixt and that design not like to succeed they abandon'd the Bridges and retreated to the Street where the Bardi dwelt as stronger than the rest where they made a most valient defence Iacomo d' Agobbio knew well enough that all this Conspiracy was against him and having no great inclination to be kill'd in a terrible fright with his hair standing right up he ran to the Palace of the Signori and secur'd himself among the thickest of the Arm'd Men. The other of the Rettori though not so conscious were much more couragious especially the Podesta call'd Maffeo da Maradi
their losses Whilst this War with the Duke was on foot Maso de gli Albizi was made Gonfaloniere di Giustitia who upon Piero's death was become a great enemy to the Alberti and because in all Factions the humour and animosity does still ferment and increase Maso though Benedetto was dead in his banishment had an itching desire before he laid down his Office to be revenged of that Family and he took his opportunity upon the examination of a certain person who impeach'd Alberto and Andrea de gli Alberti of intelligence with the Rebels Upon this accusation they were immediately taken into custody and the whole frame of the City altered The Senate took Arms assembled the people created a Balia by authority of which many Citizens were confined and new imborsation of Officers made most of the Alberti were confined many Artificers admonished and put to death Upon which provocation the Arts and inferior sort of people took Arms in as much heat as if their lives or reputation had been taken from them Part of them ran to the Piazza and part to the house of Veri de Medici who after the death of Salvestro was become the head of that Family To cajole those who were in the Market place the Senate sent Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi and Donato Acciaivoli as persons more acceptable to the people than any else to command them and sent with them the Ensign of the Guelfs and the people Those who went to the house of Veri begg'd of him to take the Government upon him and free them from the Tyranny of those Citizens who were enemies to every thing that was good All those who have left any memorials of the passages of those times do agree in this That had not Veri been more vertuous than ambitious he might have made himself Prince of the City without any impediment for the great damages justly and unjustly sustained by the Arts and their friends had so incensed them that there wanted nothing but an head to satiate their revenge Nor was Veri without those that minded him of his advantage for Antonio de Medici who had long time born him a grudge persuaded him very earnestly to take the Government upon him to whom Veri returned this Answer As your threats when you were mine enemy did never affright me so your Counsels now you are my friend shall never delude me And turning about to the multitude he bid them be couragious for he would secure them if they would follow his direction Then marching in the midst of them into the Piazza he went up to the Senate and told them That he could not be sorry his conversation had been such as had procured him the love of the people but yet he was much troubled they had made a wrong judgment of him not at all â—utable to what his conversation had deserved for never having given the least example of ambition or faction he could not but wonder from whence they should deduce their opinion that as a turbulent person he would be the maintainer of their factions and as an ambitious man the Governor of their State He begg'd of their Lordships that the error of the multitude might not be imputed to him for what ever was in his power he submitted to them with the first opportunity he recommended it to them to use their fortune temperately and content themselves quietly with an imperfect victory rather than to make it intire by the destruction of the whole City Veri was much applauded by the Senate they desired that he would be a means that all Arms might be laid down and that afterwards they would not fail to do what he and the other Citizens should advise After his harangue in the Senate Veri returned into the Piazza and having joyned his Brigade with those under the Command of Rinaldo and Donato he gave this account to them all That he found the Signori very well disposed towards them that many things had been proposed but the shortness of the time and the absence of the Magistrates had prevented any conclusion wherefore he made it his request to them that they would lay aside their Arms and give obedience to the Senate assuring them that with the Senate gentleness would prevail farther then insolence and entreaty than threatning and that they should want neither security nor preferment if they would be directed by him upon which assurance they all returned to their houses Arms being in this manner laid down the Senate secured the Palace with their Guards then they listed 2000 Citizens which were best affected to the State and divided them equally by Companies with orders to be ready to relieve them when-ever they were called the rest which were not listed were not suffered to bear Arms. These preparations being made they imprisoned many of the Artificers and put several of them to death who had been most pragmatical in the late commotions and to add more Majesty and reputation to the Gonfaloniere della Guistitia it was provided that no person should be capable of that Office under 45 years of age to secure their Government they made several other Laws and Ordinances which were in supportable not only to the persons against whom they were made but even to those who were honest aud of their own party for they could not believe a State well grounded or safe that was to be defended with so much violence and severity Nor were the Alberti which remained in the City the only persons dissatisfied with these proceedings nor the Medici who look'd upon the people as meerly over-reach'd many others were with this extravagant severity exceedingly disgusted The first man that opposed them was Donato the son of Acciaivoli This Donato though he was one of the Grandees of the City and rather superior than equal to Maso de gli Albizi who for service done in his Gonfaloniership was become as it were Master of the City yet among so many male-contents it was impossible he should be pleased nor prefer as many people do private advantage before publick convenience and therefore his first project was to try if he could call those who were banished or at least restore the Ammoniti to their old Offices and Commands To this purpose he insinuated with several Citizens whispering it into the ears first of one and then of another that there could be no other way to quiet the people or stop the dissention of the parties concluding that he attended only till he was of the Senate and then he would make it his business to bring it to pass And because in all humane actions delay breeds weariness and haste danger to avoid the one he ran himself upon the other Among the Senators there was Michaele Acciaivoli his confederate and Nicolo Ricovers his friend Donato judged this too fair an opportunity to be slip'd and therefore desired them that they would move to the Council for a Law for restauration of the Citizens Being over-persuaded by
by the meditation of the Florentines by which the Pope was to have in la Marca Osimo Fabriano and Ricanato restored and all the rest were to remain to the Count. After this accommodation in la Marca all Italy had been quiet had not the Bolognesi disturbed it there were two super-eminent families in Bologna the Canneschi and the Bentivogli Hannibal was the head of the latter and Battista of the first To beget the greater confidence betwixt them many matches had been made but among Men that aspire to the same degree of greatness an Allyance is sooner made than a friendship Bologna was in League with the Venetians and Florentines which League was made by Hannibal Bentivogli's means after Francesco Piccinino was expelled Battista understanding how earnestly the Duke desired the friendship of that City contrived how he might kill Hannibal and deliver that City to the Duke and having concluded the circumstances on the 24th of Iune 1445 Battista and his accomplices set upon Hannibal and slew him and when they had done declared themselves for the Duke The Venetians and Florentine commissaries were at the same time in the Town and at the first report of the tumult returned privatly to their houses but finding the people thronging in great numbers in the Market place complaining and exclaiming against the Murderers of Hannibal they took courage joyned themselves with them and putting them into a posture they fell upon the Canneschi and in half an hours time routed them killed part of them and and drove the rest out of the City Battista not having opportunity to get away nor his Enemies to kill him betook himself to his house where hiding himself in a chest or Bing to keep Corn in they searched for him a whole day and could not discover him being assured he was not gone out of Town they came back again and threatened his Servants so that one of his Lacqueys betrayed him and carried them to him then drawing him out of his hole in armour as he was they killed him and dragged him about the Sreets and burned him so that the Victory of the Duke was sufficient to encourage that enterprize but his expedition in relieving it was not great enough to make it good By the death of Battista and the expulsion of the Canneschi their tumults were composed but the Bolognesi remained in no little confusion there being none of the family of the Bentivoglio's left to govern them for Hannibal had only one Son of about six years old called Giovanni and it was feared lest some difference and division might arise betwixt the friends of Bentivoglio in whose power it was to restore the Canneschi to the destruction of their party and Country Whilst they were in this suspence the Conte di Poppi being by accident in Bologna sent word to the principal of the City that if they would be governed by one of Hannibals blood he could direct them where they might have one for about twenty years since Hercules a Cousin-German of Hannibals being at Poppi had the enjoyment of a young Maid in that Town who was brought to bed afterwards of a Son called Santi which Hercules affirmed to him many times was his nor was it to be denied for who ever knew them both must needs ownea more than ordinary resemblance The Citizens giving credit to what he said dispatched some of their Citizens to Florence immediately to see the Youth and to desire Neri and Cosimo that he might be delivered to them the reputed father of Santi was dead and the Son lived with an Uncle called Antonioda Cascese a rich Man without Children of his own and a great friend of Neri's Neri out of respect to his Uncle thinking the business not to be despised nor on the other side rashly accepted proposed that Santi might be sent for and that in the presence af Cosimo and the Bolognian Embassadors they might hear what he could say for himself he was sent for accordingly and behaved himself so well the Bolognesi were ready to worship him so strangely prevalent sometimes is the love of a faction yet there was nothing concluded at this meeting only Cosimo took Santi aside and told him No Body can counsel you better in this case than your self because you may follow your own inclination If you be the Son of Hercules Bentivogli you will apply your self to such things as are worthy and sutable to the honor of that house But if you be the Son of Agnolo da Cascese you will continue in Florence and spend the rest of your days basely in the ordering of Wool This Speech netled the young Man and whereas before he seemed to be irresolute he now declared he would refer himself wholly to Cosimo and Neri and do as they directed him and it being agreed with the Embassadors Clothes and Horses were bought and equipage provided and a while after being honourably conducted to Bolonia he was made Governor both of Hannibals Son and the City which office he executed so well that whereas all his predecessors were killed by their Enemies he lived quietly all his time and died lamented at last After the death of Nicolo and the peace concluded in La Marca Philip wanting a new General to command his Army made private overtures to Ciarpellone one of the most experienced officers in the Counts Army and at last coming to an agreement Ciarpellone desired leave of the Count to go to Milan and take possession of certain Castles which Philip had given him in the late Wars The Count suspecting the business to disappoint the Duke and prevent his serving against him he caused him first to be stopped and afterwards to be killed pretending to have found him engaged in Conspiracy against him at which manner of proceeding the Duke was highly incensed but the Venetians and the Florentines were pleased well enough as apprehending the least amity betwixt the Count and the Duke however this indignity set all La Marca in an uproar and was the occasion of new War there Gismondo Malatesti was Lord of Rimino and being Son-in-Law to the Count he expected to have had the Government of Pesaro but the Count having reduced it gave the Command of it to his Brother which Gismondo took very ill and to make it the worse his mortal Enemy Federico di Monte Feltro by the Counts means had usurped the Dominion of Urbino upon these provocations Gismondo joyned himself with the Duke and solicited the Pope and the King of Naples to make War upon the Count who to give his Son-in-Law a relish of the War to which he had such a mind he resolved to begin and to fall first upon him whereupon the Countries of Romagna and La Marca were in a tumult immediately for Philip the King of Naples and the Pope sent all of them assistance to Gismondo and the Venetians and Florentines though they sent him no Men supplied the Count with what monies he wanted Philip
being made and most of the Princes comprehended the only fear that remained was lest the differences betwixt Alfonso and the Genoeses might disturb it But it prov'd otherwise for Alfonso did nothing openly to molest it it was the ambition and avarice of the Mercenary Souldier which interrupted it the Venetians as their custom is upon the conclusion of peace disbanding their Army Giacopo Piccinino one of their Generals with several other considerable officers without leave departed into Romagna and from thence to Sienna where he began new Hostilities and took several Towns In the beginning of these troubles and of the year 1455 Pope Nicolo died and Calisto 3. was chosen to succeed This Pope to repress these new and approaching Wars rais'd what forces he could under the command of his General Giovanni Ventimiglia and joyning them with the forces of the Florentines and the Duke who were likewise got together to suppress those commotions they march'd together in a Body against Giacopo and coming to an engagement with him near Bolsena notwithstanding Ventimiglia was taken prisoner Giacopo was worsted and got off in disorder to Castiglione della Pescaia where had he not been supplied with money by Alfonso he had been utterly ruin'd Which relief made all People believe that that enterprize was undertaken and prosecuted by Alfonso's order and direction and Alfonso perceiving he was discover'd to reconcile himself to the Colleagues whom he had disoblig'd with that pitiful War he brought it about that Giacopo should restore all he had taken in the territory of Sienna upon the payment of 20000 Florens after which conclusion he receiv'd Giacopo and his forces into the Kingdom of Naples In these times though the Pope was very intent upon the curbing of Piccinino yet not so but he had eye still upon the interest of Christendom which was then much overlaid by the Turk To this end he sent Embassadors and preachers into all the Provinces of Europe to persuade them to arm against the common Enemy of their Religion and with their persons and purses to give what assistance they were able so that in Florence great store of alms were collected and several People wore the red corss to intimate that they were ready in their Persons to engage in that War Besides which several solemn processions were made nor was there any thing in publick or private wanting to show them among the forwardest of the Christians in that enterprize either for Counsel or Money or Men. but the edge of this Croisad was taken off by a late intelligence they receiv'd that the Turk having besieg'd Belgrade a Town in Hungary not far from the Danube was beaten off by the Hungarians and himself wounded so that the terrour which all Christendom conceiv'd upon the taking of Constantinople being abated they went on but cooly in their preparations for War and in Hungary likewise upon the Death of the way-wod their General their Victory was prosecuted but faintly But to return to the affairs in Italy The troubles commenced by Giacopo Piccinino being compos'd in the year 1456 and all humane contention in appearance at an end it pleased God to begin a new War of his own and to send such a storm and tempest of Wind in Tuscany as produc'd most strange and memorable effects above the records of time past or the credit of time to come Upon the 24 of August about an hour before day near the upper Sea towards Anconia a thick dark cloud of about two miles wide was seen crossing over Italy and pointing towards Pisa which cloud being driven by an extraordinary impulse whether natural or supernatural I cannot say was divided into several parts sometimes hurried up to the sky sometimes as furiously towards the Earth sometimes twisting round like a Cylinder knocking and dashing one against the other with unconceivable violence with great lightnings and flashes of fire before them which concussions made a noise more dreadful and loud than ever any thunder or Earthquake was known to have done The terror of this tempest was so great every one believed the World was at an end and that the Heavens the Earth the Waters and the rest of the Elements were resolving into their first chaos and confusion nor were the effects less formidable where it pass'd especially about the Castle of S. Casiana This Castle is about eight miles from Florence situate upon the mountain which parts the vales of Pisa and Grieve betwixt this Castle and the Town of S. Andrea upon the same mountain this whirlwind passing reach'd not to the Town and of the Castle it carried away only the battlements and chimnies but betwixt the said places it laid several houses flat with the ground tore up the Churches from their foundations and carried the Roofs of the Churches of San. Martino a Bagnuolo and of Santa Maria della pace whole and entire above the distance of a mile A Messenger and his mules were hurried out of the way into the neighbouring valley and found dead the next day The sturdiest Oaks and the strongest trees were not only blown down but carried an incredible distance from the place where they grew Insomuch that when day appeared and the tempest was over the people remained stupid and in strange consternation The Country was desolate and wasted The ruines of the houses and Churches terrible The lamentation of those whose houses were subverted and their cattel servants or friends found dead in their ruines was not to be seen nor heard without great horror and compassion But God sure intended rather to affright than chastise the Tuscans for had this tempest happened in any of their Cities where the houses were thick and the inhabitants numerous as it fell upon the hills where the oaks and trees and houses were thin doubtless the mischief and desolation had been greater than the mind of man can comprehend But God Almighty was pleased to content himself with this essay to make mankind more sensible of his power if they persisted to offend him But to return where I left Alfonso as I said before was not at all satisfied with the peace and seeing the War which he had caused Giacopo Piccinino to make upon the Siennesi without any reasonable occasion had produced no considerable effect he had a mind to try what that would come to which by the League he was permitted to undertake So that in the year 1456. desiring to fix that Government in the family of the Adorni and to supplant the Tregosi who were then in possession resolved to invade the Genoesâ— both by Sea and by Land To this end he caused Giacopo Piccinino to pass Tronto with his Forces and fall upon Gismondo Malatesta by way of diversion who having secured his Towns was not much terrified at his reproach so that his enterprize on that side turn'd to little account but his invasion of Genoa created him and his Kingdom more troubles than he ever desir'd Piero Fregosa
they kept themselves upon the defensive part and expected their enemies at home were always victorious but when they began to make war at a distance and send Armies into Sicily they lost their liberty and everything else They produce also the Fable of Antius King of Lybia who being invaded by Hercules the Egyptian was invincible whilst he kept himself within his own borders but being inveigled out by the subtility of his enemy he lost both his Kingdom and Life upon which occasion that story was raised of Antius that being born of the earth as they pretended so oft as he touch'd it so oft he received new vigour from his Mother which Hercules perceiving got him up in his arms crush'd him to death They produce likewise more modern examples Every body knows that Ferrand King of Naples was esteemed a wise Prince in his time and hearing two years before his death that King Charles viii of France was preparing to invade him he let him alone but falling sick afterwards as he lay upon his death-bed he called his Son Alphonso to him and among other things charged him that he should expect the King of France upon his Frontiers and fight him there but that by no means he should be tempted beyond them and it had been better for Alphonso to have follow'd his Counsel for neglecting it afterwards and sending an Army into Romagna he lost both Army and Kingdom without striking a blow But besides these arguments on both sides it is urged in behalf of the Aggressor that he invades with more confidence and courage than his Adversary receives him which is a great advantage and enhancement to his Army That he brings many inconveniences upon the person whom he invades to which he would not be liable if he expected him at home For when the enemies Country is wasted and their Houses plunder'd his Subjects are not much to be trusted nor can any more Taxes be laid upon them without great difficulty by which means as Hanibal said their Magazines will be spent and their fountain dryed up that was to supply them with all Provisions for War Besides if your Army be in the Enemies Country it will be under a greater necessity of fighting and by consequence will fight more desperately than at home But to this it is answered on the other side That it is more for your advantage to attend your enemy in your own Country than to seek him abroad for thereby you may furnish your self with Victuals and Amunition and all other necessaries without any inconvenience and distress him by driving the Country You may likewise with much more ease incommode and frustrate his designs by your better knowledge of the Country and what places are more proper to attack him in as also you may attack him with your whole force at once or give him battel as you please which out of your own Confines is not to be done Moreover if Fortune should be adverse and it be your chance to be beaten more of your Men will escape where their refuge is so near and you will sooner rally them again In short if you fight at home you venture your whole force and not your whole fortune but if you fight abroad you venture your whole fortune with but part of your force Others there have been who with design to weaken the Enemy and fighting him afterwards with more ease and advantage have suffered him quietly to march several days Journey into their Country and possess himself of several Towns but whether they did well or not I will not determine only I think this distinction is to be considered whether my Country be strong in Fortresses and Men as the Romans were of old and as the Swizzers at this day or whether it be weak and unfortified as the Territory of the Carthaginians formerly and France and Italy now In this case the Enemy is by all means to be kept at a distance because your chief strength lying in your Mony and not in your Men whenever you are interrupted in raising or receiving of that your business is done and nothing interrupts you so fatally as an Enemy in your Country And of this the Carthaginians may be an example who whilst they were free at home were able by their Revenue and Taxes to wage War with the Romans themselves whereas afterwards when they were assaulted they were not able to contend with Agathocles The Florentines when Castruccio of Lucca brought his Arms into their Country could not support against him but were forced to put themselves under the Dominion of the King of Naples to procure his protection but Castruccio was no sooner dead but they were agog again and had the confidence to invade the Duke of Milan and to attempt the beating him out of that Province so couragious were they in their foreign War and so abject at home But when Countries are in a posture of defence and people Martial and well disciplin'd as the Romans of old and the Swizzers at this day 't is better to keep off for the nearer they are to their own Country they are the harder to overcome because they can raise more force to defend themselves than to invade another people Nor does the opinion of Hanibal affect me at all for though he persuaded Antiochus to pass into Italy he did it as a thing that would have been more for his own and the Carthaginian than for Antiochus his advantage for had the Romans received those three great defeats which they received of Hanibal in Italy in the same space of time in France or any where else they had been ruined irrecoverably for they could neither have rallyed nor recruited so soon I do not remember any foreign Expedition by the Romans for the Conquest of any Province in which their Army exceeded the number of 50000. But upon the invasion of the Gauls after the first Punick war they brought 118000 Men into the Field for their defence Nor could they beat them afterwards in Lombardy as they did at first in Tuscany because it was more remote and they could not fight them with so much convenience nor with so many men The Cimbri repulsed the Romans in Germany but following them into Italy they were defeated and driven out again themselves and the reason was because the Romans could bring more forces against them The Swizzers may without much difficulty be over-powered abroad because they seldom march above 30 or 40000 strong but to attack and beat them at home is much more difficult where they can bring into the field 100000 and more I conclude therefore that that Prince whose people are in a posture and provided for War does wisely if he expects a Potent and dangerous Enemy at home rather than to invade him in his own Country But that Prince whose Country is ill provided and whose Subjects are ill disciplined does better if he keeps the War as far off as he can and by so doing each of
the principal care in an Officer that neither himself nor his Soldiers do incense and exasperate his Enemy by ill language for that makes him but the more so does not at all hinder him from revenging himself but does the Author more mischief than the Enemy And of this we have a notable example in Asia Gabades the Persian General having besieged Amida a long time without any considerable progress weary of the tediousness of the Leaguer and hopeless of success he resolved to draw off and be gone but as he was raising his Camp the Garison perceiving it got all upon the Walls and with the basest and most provoking circumstances imaginable upbraided them with Cowardize which nettled Gabedes in such manner that he changed his Counsels sate down again and ply'd it with that industry and indignation that he took it in few days and gave it up to the fury of the Soldier The same thing hapned to the Veienti as I said before who not coâ—tenting themselves to make War upon the Romans went up under their very Noses to reproach them and what followed they irritated them so that they settled the courage and united the animosities of the Roman Army and put them into so high a sit of impatience that they forced the Consul to a Battel in which the Veientes received the reward of their contumacy He therefore who is General of an Army or Governour of a Commonwealth and commands or governs discreetly â—hkes particular care that such ill language be not used either in the City or Army to one another nor to the Enemy For to an Enemy they make him but worse unless such remedies be applyed as are practised by wise men The Romans having left two of their Legions at Capoua they conspired against the Capouans as shall be described more largely hereafter which occasioned a great sedition but it was afterwards appeased by Valerius Corvinus and among other things necessary in that juncture an Act of Oblivion was passed with great penalty to any man that should upbraid any of the Soldiers by their Sedition Tiberius Grachus having the command of a certain number of Servants in the time of Hanibal's Wars which the scarcity of men had forced the Romans to Arm made it no less than death for any man to reproach them by their servitude So mindful were the Roman Officers always of preventing such exprobration as knowing that nothing provokes and incenses a man so highly as to have his imperfections rip'd up whether in earnest or in jest 't is the same thing Nam facetiae asperae quando nimium ex vero traxere acrem sui memoriam relinquunt for biting raillery especially with a tincture of truth leaves an ill impression upon the Memory CHAP. XXVII Wise Princes and well governed States ought to be contented with victory for many times whilst they think to push things forward they lose all THat we use our Enemy with rude and dishonorable language proceeds either from insolence upon some victory past or extraordinary confidence of obtaining it which being false perplexes our understanding and makes us err not only in our words but our actions For from the time that error seizes upon our judgments it makes us many times lose the occasion of a certain good in hopes of a better that is but uncertain which is a point not unworthy our consideration seeing thereby our reason is disturbed and our State many times brought in danger of ruine and this I shall demonstrate by examples both ancient and modern because arguments cannot do it so distinctly Hanibal after he had defeated the Romans at Cannas sent Messengers to Carthage with the news of his Victory and to desire Supplies The Senate was a long time in Counsel what was to be done Annon a grave and solid Citizen being present advised them to make wise use of their Victory and think of making Peace with the Romans which they might do upon better conditions now they were Conquerors than they were in reason to expect upon any disaster That the Carthaginians had satisfied the whole world that they were able to balance the Romans for they had fought with them and beaten them and having gone so far with honour and success they ought not at least in his judgment expose what they had got and by hoping for more run a hazard of losing all But this Counsel was not followed though afterwards when too late it was found to be the better Alexander the great had conquered all the East when the Commonwealth of Tyre a great Town situate like Venice in the water amazed at the grandeur of Alexander sent Embassadors to him to offer him their obedience and subjection upon what terms he pleased only they were unwilling either himself or any of his Army should come into their Town Alexander disdaining to be excluded by a private City to whom the whole world had opened their Gates rejected their offers sent their Embassadors back and went immediately to besiege it The Town stood in the Sea and was well provided both with Victual and Ammunition insomuch as at four months end Alexander began to consider that that single Town had deprived his glory of more time than many other of his Conquests of much greater importance Whereupon he resolved to come to an agreement with them and to grant them the conditions which they demanded at first but the Tyrians transported with pride not only refused his proffers but put his Messengers to death upon which in a rage Alexander caused it to be assaulted immediately and it was done with that fury that the Town was taken and sack'd and part of the people put to the Sword and the rest made slaves In the year 1512. a Spanish Army came into the Dominions of the Florentines to restore the Medici in Florence and tax the City and they were called in and conducted by the Citizens themselves who had promised that as soon as they appeared in those parts they would take Arms and declare for them being entered in the plain and finding no body to joyn with them or supply them scarcity of provisions prevailed with the Spaniard to think of a Treaty and propose it to the Enemy but the Florentines were too high and reâ—used it which was the loss of Prato and the ruine of their State So then a Prince that is attack'd by another Prince more potent than himself cannot be guilty of a greater error than to refuse an agreement especially when it is offered for it can never be so bad but it shall have in it something of advantage for him who accepts it and perhaps contribute to his Victory It ought therefore to have satisfied the people of Tyre that Alexander accepted of the conditions which he had formerly denyed them and it had been Victory enough for them that with Arms in their hands they had forced so great a Conqueror to condescend It was the same case with the Florentines they ought to have
which he had disobliged were among others the Cardinals of St. Peter ad Vincula Collonno St. George and Ascanius The rest if any of them were advanced to the Papacy might well be afraid of him except the Spanish Cardinals and the Cardinal of Roan The Spaniards by reason of their obligations and alliance and the other by reason of his interest in the Kingdom of France Wherefore above all things the Duke should have made a Spanish Cardinal Pope and if that could not have been done he should rather have consented to the Election of Roan than St. Peter ad Vincula for 't is weakness to believe that among great persons new obligations can obliterate old injuries and disgusts So that in the Election of this Iulius XI Duke Valentine committed and Error that was the cause of his utter destruction CHAP. VIII Of such as have arriv'd at their Dominion by wicked and injustifiable means NOw because there are two ways from a private person to become a Prince which ways are not altogether to be attributed either to fortune or management I think it not convenient to pretermit them though of one of them I may speak more largely where occasion is offered to treat more particularly of Republicks One of the ways is when one is advanced to the Soveraignty by any illegal nefarious means The other when a Citizen by the favour and partiality of his Fellow-Citizens is made Prince of his Country I shall speak of the first in this Chapter and justifie what I say by two Examples one Ancient the other Modern without entring farther into the merits of the cause as judging them sufficient for any man who is necessitated to follow them Agathocles the Sicilian not only from a private but from a vile and abject Condition was made King of Syracuse and being but the Son of a Potter he continued the dissoluteness of his life thorow all the degrees of his fortune Nevertheless his vices were accompanied with such courage and activity that he applyed himself to the Wars by which and his great industry he came at length to the Pretor of Syracuse Being settled in that Dignity and having concluded to make himself Prince and hold that by violence without obligation to any body which was conferred upon him by consent he settled an intelligence with Amilcar the Carthaginian who was then at the head of an Army in Sicily and calling the People and Senate of Syracuse together one morning as if he had been to consult them in some matter of importance to the State upon a signal appointed he caus'd his Soldiers to kill all the Senators and the most wealthy of the People after whose death he usurped and possessed the Dominion of that City without any obstruction and though afterwards he lost two great Battels to the Carthaginians and at length was besieg'd yet he was not only able to defend that City but leaving part of his forces for the security of that with the rest he transported into Africk and ordered things so that in a short time he reliev'd Syracuse and reduced the Carthaginians into such extream necessity that they were glad to make peace with him and contenting themselves with Africk leave Sicily to Agathocles He then who examines the Exploits and Conduct of Agathocles will find little or nothing that may be attributed to fortune seeing he rose not as is said before by the favour of any man but by the steps and gradations of War with a thousand difficulties and dangers having gotten that Government which he maintained afterwards with as many noble Atchievements Nevertheless it cannot be called Virtue in him to kill his fellow-Citizens betray his Friends to be without faith without pity or Religion these are ways may get a Man Empire but no glory nor reputation Yet if the Wisdom of Agathocles be considered his dexterity in encountring and overcoming of dangers his Courage in supporting and surmounting his misfortunes I do not see why he should be held inferiour to the best Captains of his time But his unbounded cruelty and barbarous inhumanity added to a million of other Vices will not permit that he be numbred amongst the most Fxcellent Men. So then that which he performed cannot justly be attributed to either Fortune or Virtue for he did all himself without either the one or the other In our days under the Papacy of Alexander VI. Oliverotto da Fermo being left young many years since by his Parents was brought up by his Unckle by the Mothers side call'd Iohn Togliani and in his youth listed a Soldier under Paulo Vitelli that having improved himself by his Discipline he might be capable of some Eminent Command Paulo being dead he served under Vitellezzo his Brother and in short time by the acuteness of his parts and the briskness of his Courage became one of the best Officers in his Army But thinking it beneath him to continue in any Man's Service he conspir'd with some of his fellow-Citizens of Fermo to whom the servitude of their Country was more agreeable than its liberty by the help of Vitellesco to seize upon Fermo In order to which he writ a Letter to his Unckle Iohn Fogliano importing That having been absent many years he had thoughts of visiting him and Fermo and taking some little diversion in the place where he was born and because the design of his Service had been only the gaining of Honour That his fellow-Citizens might see his time had not been ill spent he desired admission for a hundred Horse of his Friends and his Equipage and beg'd of him that he would take care they might be honourably received which would redound not only to his Honour but his Unckles who had had the bringing him up Iohn was not wanting in any Office to his Nephew and having caus'd him to be nobly received he lodged him in his own House where he continued some days preparing in the mean time what was necessary to the Execution of his wicked design he made a great Entertainment to which he invited Iohn Fogliani and all the chief Citizens in the Town About the end of the treatment when they were entertaining one another as is usual at such times Oliverotto very subtilly promoted certain grave discourses about the greatness of Pope Alexander and Cesar his Son and of their Designs Iohn and the rest replying freely to what was said Oliverotto smil'd and told them those were points to be argued more privately and thereupon removing into a chamber his Unckle and the rest of his fellow-Citizens followed They were scarce sate down before Soldiers which were conceal'd about the room came forth and kill'd all of them and the Unckle among the rest After the Murder was committed Oliverotto mounted on Horseback rode about and rummaged the whole Town having besieged the chief Magistrate in his Palace so that for fear all people submitted and he establish'd a Government of which he made himself Head Having put such to death
as were discontented and in any capacity of doing him hurt he fortified himself with new Laws both Military and Civil insomuch as in a years time he had not only fix'd himself in Fermo but was become terrible to all that were about him and he would have been as hard as Agathocles to be supplanted had he not suffered himself to have been circumvented by Cesar Borgia when at Singalia as aforesaid he took the Ursini and Vitelli where also he himself was taken a year after his Parracide was committed and strangled with his Master Vitellozzo from whom he had learned all his good qualities and evil It may seem wonderful to some people how it should come to pass that Agathocles and such as he after so many Treacheries and acts of inhumanity should live quietly in their own Country so long defend themselves so well against foreign Enemies and none of their Subjects conspire against them at home seeing several others by reason of their cruelty have not been able even in times of Peace as well as War to defend their Government I conceive it fell out according as their cruelty was well or ill applyed I say well applyed if that word may be added to an ill action and it may be called so when commited but once and that of necessity for ones own preservation but never repeated afterwards and even then converted as much as possible to the benefit of the Subjects Ill applyed are such cruelties as are but few in the beginning but in time do rather multiply than decrease Those who are guilty of the first do receive assistance sometimes both from God and Man and Agathocles is an instance But the others cannot possibly subsist long From whence it is to be observed that he who usurps the Government of any State is to execute and put in practice all the cruelties which he thinks material at once that he may have no occasion to renue them often but that by his discontinuance he may mollifie the People and by his benefits bring them over to his side He who does otherwise whether for fear or ill Counsel is obliged to be always ready with his Knife in his hand for he can never repose any confidence in his Subjects whilst they by reason of his fresh and continued inhumanities cannot be secure against him So then Injuries are to be committed all at once that the last being the less the distaste may be likewise the less but benefits should be distilled by drops that the relish may be the greater Above all a Prince is so to behave himself towards his Subjects that neither good fortune or bad should be able to alter him for being once assaulted with adversity you have no time to do mischief and the good which you do does you no good being looked upon as forced and so no thanks to be due for it CHAP. IX Of Civil Principality I Shall speak now of the other way when a Principal Citizen not by wicked contrivance or intolerable violence is made Soveraign of his Country which may be called a Civil Principality and is not to be attained by either Virtue or Fortune alone but by a lucky sort of craft This Man I say arrives at the Government by the favour of the People or Nobility for in all Cities the meaner and the better sort of Citizens are of different humours and it proceeds from hence that the common people are not willing to be commanded and oppressed by the great ones and the great ones are not to be satisfied without it From this diversity of appetite one of these three Effects do arise Principality Liberty or Licentiousness Principality is caused either by the people or the great ones as either the one or the other has occasion The great ones finding themselves unable to resist the popular torrent do many times unanimously confer their whole Authoriry upon one Person and create him Prince that under his protection they may be quiet and secure The people on the other side when over-power'd by their Adversaries do the same thing transmitting their power to a single Person who is made King for their better defence He who arrives at the Soveraignty by the assistance of the great ones preserves it with more difficulty than he who is advanced by the people because he has about him many of his old Associates who thinking themselves his Equals are not to be directed and managed as he would have them But he that is preferred by the people stands alone without Equals and has no body or very few about him but what are ready to obey Moreover the Grandees are hardly to be satisfied without injury to others which is otherwise with the people because their designs are more reasonable than the designs of the great ones which are fixt upon commanding and oppressing altogether whil'st the people endeavour only to defend and secure themselves Moreover where the people is adverse the Prince can never be safe by reason of their numbers whereas the great ones are but few and by consequence not so dangerous The worst that a Prince can expect from an injured and incensed people is to be deserted but if the great ones by provoked he is not only to fear abandoning but conspiracy and banding against him for the greater sort being more provident and cunning they look out in time to their own safety and make their interest with the Person who they hope will overcome Besides the Prince is obliged to live always with one and the same people but with the Grandees he is under no such obligation for he may create and degrade advance and remove them as he pleases But for the better Explication of this part I say That these great men are to be considered two ways especially That is whether in the manner of their administration they do wholly follow the fortune and interest of the Prince or whether they do otherwise Those who devote themselves entirely to his business and are not rapacious are to be valued and preferred Those who are more remiss and will not stick to their Prince do it commonly upon two Motives either out of laziness or fear and in those cases they may be employed especially if they be wise and of good Counsel because if affairs prosper thou gainest honour thereby if they miscarry thou needest not to fear them or upon ambition and design and that is a token that their thoughts are more intent upon their own advantage than thine Of these a Prince ought always to have a more than ordinary care and order them as if they were Enemies professed for in his distress they will be sure to set him forwards and do what they can to destroy him He therefore who comes to be Prince by the favour and suffrage of the People is obliged to keep them his friends which their desire being nothing but freedom from oppression may be easily done But he that is preferred by the interest of the Nobles against