in that War with far greater splendour than if King Eumenes himself had come in person There were two specious pretences that brought him thither the one a Congratulation for that Victory to which he himself had contributed and the other a complaint of a Gallick Tumult viz. That by the Arms of Adverta a petit King of the Gauls their Kingdom was brought into jeopardy He had also some private hopes of some advantages and rewards from the Senate which with safety to his Piety towards his Brother Eumenes he could scarce obtain For there were some of the Romans also who by their ill counsel and false suggestions with hopes increased his desire saying that at Rome the general opinion concerning Attalus and Eumenes was such as though the one were a true Friend to the Romans and the other a faithful Ally neither to the Romans nor to Perseus Wherefore they could hardly tell whether what he should desire for himself or against his Brother were easier to be obtained of the Senate so much they were all inclined to give him and deny his Brother whatever he requested Now Attalus as it prov'd was one of those men who coveted all that hope had promised them and had done so in this case had not the prudent admonition of one Friend put as it were a Bridle upon his ambition which in his prosperity was too luxuriant and unruly For there was with him one Stratius a Physician who was sent by Eumenes on purpose to Rome as a spy upon his Brothers actions and faithfully to admonish him if he saw that he departed from his Fidelity and Allegiance Who coming to him though his Ears were already possess'd and his mind under temptation attack'd him with seasonable discourse and made all well again by saying that other Kingdoms grew great by several means But that their Kingdom being new and founded upon no ancient bottom depended meerly upon their fraternal or Brotherly Concord in that one only bore the name of King and wore the Crown but all the Brothers reign'd But as for Attalus since he was next in Age who did not look upon him as a King and not only for this reason because they see him so great at present but also because there was no doubt but he would e'r long come to be King since Eumenes was so infirm and old besides that he had no Children for he had not as yet acknowledg'd him who afterward was King What reason therefore had he to employ force for a thing that would e'r long be his of course That there was also a new Tempest raised in the Kingdom by the Gallick tumult which could hardly be withstood and over power'd even by the consent and concord of their whole Family But if to a foreign War they added a domestick Sedition it was impossible to make any resistance nor would he thereby do any thing else but lest his Brother should die a King rob himself of the certain hopes of succeeding in the Throne If it were a glorious thing both to preserve his Brothers Kingdom and take it from him yet it was the more commendable of the two to preserve it that being the effect of natural piety and affection But indeed since the other action was detestable and next to Parricidy what room was there for doubt or deliberation For would he have part of the Kingdom or take away all if part they would be both weak when their strength was divided and obnoxious to all injuries if the whole would he have his elder Brother then live a private life or in banishment at that Age with that infirmity of Body or in fine command him to die Perseus 's Exit indeed that I may say nothing concerning the end of impious Brothers deliver'd to us in Fables seemed very egregious who laid down that Diadem which he got by his Brothers Death in the Temple at Samothrace all prostrate at the Feet of a conquering Enemy as though the Gods that were there present had requir'd satisfaction for his crimes That those very men who not out of Friendship to him but hatred to Eumenes incited him to such things would commend his Piety and Constancy if he to the last preserv'd his Allegiance to his Brother This advice prevailed most with Attalus Wherefore when he was brought into the Senate after he had congratulated their Victory he discours'd of his own merits in that War together with those of his Brother if any such there were telling them also of the revolt of the Gauls which had been lately made with a great insurrection Then he desired that they would send Embassadours to them by whose authority they might be awed so far as to lay down their Arms. Having deliver'd this Message for the advantage of the Kingdom he desired that he himself might have Aenus and Maronea by which having disappointed their hopes who thought he would accuse his Brother and desire a division of the Kingdom he went out of the Senate-House There hardly ever was any man either King or private person who was heard with so much favour and so general an assent of all parties and accordingly they not only bestow'd upon him all honours and presents whilst he was at Rome but likewise attended him in his Journey too Among many other Embassies from Greece and Asia the Rhodian Embassadours put the City into the greatest admiration For whereas at first they appeared in a white Garb as became persons that came to congratulate a Victory and if they had had sordid Cloths they might have seemed to have lamented the misfortune of Perseus after the Senate being consulted by M. Junius the Consul whether they would give the usual respects and entertainment to those Embassadours who then stood in the Comitium a Court for publick Assemblies declared that no rights of hospitality were to be observ'd with such people the Consul going out of the Court when the Rhodians saying that they came to congratulate their Victory and to acquit their City of the crimes charg'd against them desired that they might have admission into the Senate declared that the Romans used not only to be very courteous and hospitable to those that were their Allies and Friends but also to admit them into the Senate but that the Rhodians had not deserv'd so well in that War as to be reckon'd in the number of Friends and Allies When they heard this they all fell flat upon the ground desiring of the Consul and all that were present that they would not think it reasonable that their new and false accusations should be more disadvantagious to the Rhodians than their ancient merits of which they themselves were Witnesses might be a benefit to them And thereupon they presently put on sordid Garments and went about to all the Noblemens Houses with Prayers and Tears desiring them that they would hear their cause before they condemn'd them Manius Juvencius Thalna the Praetor whose jurisdiction was between Citizens and Foreigners
demand Justice he desires that all the calamities of this War may fall upon them Which answer of his the Albans related to their King Upon this thre were very great preparations made for a War on both sides which looked much like a Civil War as being a quarrel almost between Fathers and their Children for they both came of the Trojan Race Lavinium from Troy Alba from Lavinium and the Romans from the Albans But the event of the War made the quarrel less considerable because they did not fight in the open field and besides that the houses of one City being lately destroyed those two People were united into one The Albans first with a great Army made an incursion into the Roman Dominions pitching their Camp not above five thousand paces from the City and enclosing it with a ditch which from the name of their General was called Cluilius's Ditch for some ages till by tract of time the name was lost together with the thing it self In this Camp Cluilius the Alban King died in whose stead the Albans created a Dictator Metius Suffetius In the mean time Tullus grew very insolent especially upon the death of the King and saying That the Gods having begun at the head would punish the whole body of the Albans for the unjust War which they had made he passed by the Enemies Camp in the Night-time and with a dreadful Army marched into the Alban Territories This removed Metius from his Camp who drew his men up as near to the Enemy as he could and thence sent an Embassadour before him to tell Tullus That it was convenient before they began the Fight for them to have a parley and that if he would meet him he was well assured that he could tell him something no less advantageous to the Roman than to the Alban State which prosser Tullus did not slight though it was but frivolous and therefore led his men forth into the field where the Albans met him When the two Armies stood in Battalia on both sides the two Generals marched up into the midway between them with some few of the Nobility attending him Then the Alban thus began I understand that certain injuries and the not restoring what was demanded back has made our King Cluilius to seem the cause of this War nor do I doubt O Tullus but you pretend the same thing but if we may speak truth rather than what seems specious and plausible only it is desire of Empire which at present sets two people who are allyed and Neighbours at variance Nor do I pretend to say whether it be well or ill done on either side let him look to that who undertakes the War the Albans have chosen me their General in it But this O Tullus I must needs tell you you have more reason to know how strong the Etrurians are who border very near upon us but are much nearer to you They are very powerful by land but much more by Sea and therefore pray take notice that when you joyn Battel these two Armies will be in their sight only like a show or spectacle so that when we have tired and ruined one another they will set upon the Conquerour as well as on the conquered Wherefore if the Gods have any favour for us or we any care of our selves at this juncture when not content with certain liberty we run the hazard of Empire or Slavery let us take some course to decide the question which of us shall govern the other without any slaughter or bloudshed on either side This proposal did not much displease Tullus though he were heated both by his natural inclination and the hopes of victory They therefore fell to consultation in the affair and fortune herself found out an expedient There happened to be at that time three Brothers in each Army whose age and strength was equal and those were the Horatij and the Curiatij than whose engagement against each other there is scarce any thing more famous in all antiquity but yet even concerning a thing of that moment men are at a loss nor can any body certainly tell which side the Horatij were on or which side the Curiatij Authors are divided in their opinions but I find most make the Horatij to be Romans and I am very much inclined to believe they were so The two Kings treated with these two ternaries of Brethren that they would each fight a combat for their Country and that that side should enjoy the Empire that got the victory They did not at all decline it but agreed upon the time and place Before they fought there was a compact made between the Romans and the Albans upon these conditions that That People whose Citizens won the day should govern the other in peace and quietness Some leagues are made with different Articles but all in the same nature At that time this we hear was thus made nor is there any record of any league more ancient The Herald asked King Tullus this question Does your Majesty command me to strike a league with the Herald of the Albans To which the King complying the Herald made answer and said I demand Vervain of your Majesty The King replyed Take it up clean Whereupon the Herald brought from the Castle some clean leaves of that Plant and then asked the King Sir do you make me the Royal Messenger of the Roman Peâ—ple with all my carriages and retinue The King answered I do all that may be done witâ— Justice to my self and the Roman People The Herald's name was M. Valerius and he made Spurius Fufius the Pater Patratus or Chief Herald by touching his head and his hair with Vervain the Pater Patratus was made to confirm and strengthen their Oath and men he perfected the league in many words and those in verse too which are too long â—o relate After that having recited the conditions he said Hear O Jupiter Hear thou O Herald of the Albans and all ye People of Alba How that all those words which I speaâ— both first and last here in publick frrom these waxed tables without any fraud or design are to be understood according to the plain sense of them and that the Roman People will not first revolt from these conditions by any deceitful dealing though they have gone contrary to publick advice No in that day do thou O Jupiter so smite the Roman People as I this day shall smite this hog nay do it as much more fatally as thy omnipotence is able Having so said he smote an hog with a flint-stone and then the Albans by their Dictator and their Priests repeated their verses and their Oath When the league was thus made the three Brothers on each side according to the agreement took up their Arms and having admonished each other that the Gods of their Country their Country and their Parents and all their fellow Citizens whether at home or in the Army had their eyes fixed upon their Arms and their hands being
induc'd to persuade you neither to grant the Carthaginians Peace nor an exchange of Prisoners The Senate liked the advice well enough if they could but have follow'd it without prejudice to the Adviser but the more he neglected his own Interest to promote the Public the more they pitied him and it was manifest that the Senate was resolved by any means to have a Person of so generous a Soul restor'd to his Country And now 't was the talk of the Town that since Regulus was come to his own again he might rightfully remain or be forced to abide there and the chief Pontif affirm'd That if he would stay at Rome he might do so and not be foresworn To which he with such a Spirit and Aspect as the Senate were amazed at spoke to this effect How long O Romans do you demur upon the point follow my Advice and forego your care of my safety 'T is vain for you to endeavour after that which will prove neither pleasant to you nor profitable to the State nor honourable to my self Perhaps whilst the thing is new you would be well pleased to converse with me but as soon as the impetus of that short-liv'd pleasure had spent it self you would more abhor me for returning upon such dishonest terms than you long'd for me in my absence I am resolv'd not to stay in a place where after my Affrican slavery I am not capable to live suitable to the port of a Citizen of Rome and if I was ever so desirous to remain here yet the Oath I took and reverence of the Gods prohibits me For the Deity by whom I swore to return to Carthage if I am foresworn will punish not onely my self but the Senate and people of Rome for the perjury For certainly if there be a God he must needs be affronted by perjuries and profaneness But if any one imagines that I may be absolv'd from the Oath that such absolutions are recorded in our Augural Books and Rituals That Ceremonies and Sacrifices may attone for false-swearing and perjury I would have him remember that the Majesty of the Deity is not to be appeased with any inventions of men when affronted by perjury nor is it rational to conceive that Spots contracted by sins may be washed away by the blood of Sheep and Oxen. As for me I know the Carthaginians are preparing exquisite tortures for me but I think perjury a more terrible thing than all that For this would really hurt me whereas their tortures and cruelties can only reach the body of M. Regulus not his mind Never think him calamitous who has learn'd to bear his Calamity As for bondage disgrace pain poverty and want I who never thought them evils have ceas'd to think them troublesom after so long endurance For by bearing them I have learn'd that they were supportable but if my Calamities be encreas'd to such a degree that a man cannot bear them Death will quickly put an end to all my troubles I see therefore that that man is proof against all terrours who fears not death whose stroke 't is in every man's power to prevent and I would have done so were it not the part of a man rather to conquer than fly sorrow and grief but I have spoken these few words without any order to let you understand that nothing shall make me swerve from this Principle and that ye might not pity my condition as that of an unhappy and miserable person whereas 't is easie and natural for me to persist in my resolutions for I must take care to return to Carthage and the Gods will take care of what I shall suffer there They say likewise that the more effectually to persuade the Senate to let him go he told them The Carthaginians had given him Poison before he was dismiss'd from Carthage which by degrees preying upon his Vitals would kill him when he was restor'd to his Country after the Exchange was made Certainly this mans steddiness and constancy in Vertue is not parallel'd who rather than swerve from his honest Principle courted Affronts Tortures Death and whatever the World does abhor and that more eagerly than others decline them which may serve for a good Example to instruct us that those men can onely face Death in any shape and will stick to their Principles to the last who are sensible of the Souls immortality and that they are not born merely for the present life For M. Regulus would not have suffered such hard measure unless he had been persuaded that vertuous Actions should be rewarded after this life and those which are vitious punish'd When the Senate had pass'd a Decree accoâ—ding to M. Regulus his Opinion and all might see plainly that the Carthaginians would be aveng'd upon him who had persuaded the Senate to reject their Proposals some were so concern'd at it that they gave Orders for detaining M. Regulus against his will Moreover his Wife Marcia and his Children filling all places with mourning and lamentation the Consuls said That they would neither deliver up Regulus if he were willing to stay nor hinder him from going But he refusing to speak with his Wife and shunning the embraces and kisses of his little Children return'd to Carthage and ended his days in great torments For having cut off his Eye-lids they kept him for some time in a very dark Dungeon and afterwards when the Sun shone hottest he was suddenly brought out and forced to look upon the light At last he was put in a Chest of Wood stuck full of Nails with the points inward which was turned towards the Sun and so narrow that he was always forced to stand upright and thus whilst his wearied body where-ever he turned it was pierced with Nails he dy'd by the extremity of the Torture This was the end of M. Atilius Regulus which was more glorious than his life though led with so much honour He was a Person of incorrupt Integrity an undaunted courage and good Conduct in whom the present or succeeding Ages could find no fault except it were that he bore his prosperous fortune too weakly and by refusing the Carthaginians Overtures entail'd that lasting War to the great prejudice of both Nations However M. Regulus atton'd for that fault by his other Vertues and principally by his admirable constancy in death being more happy by thus supporting his Calamity than if he could have avoided this blow of Fate When the Senate were informed of Regulus his death and the Carthaginians barbarous usage of him they deliver'd up the Prisoners of the greatest note and quality to Marcia and her Children whom they shut up in an Armoury stuck round with Iron Spikes designing to torment them in the same manner as they had done M. Regulus and for five days together they gave them no Meat in which time Bostar the Carthaginian died with pain and hunger but Hamilcar being a stronger Man was inclos'd with the body of Bostar five days more and
he punish them too much For the present therefore as he had begun he thought fit to deal very gently with them and by sending Collectors all about to the Cities that were Tributaries toward the paying of the Army to put them in some nearer prospect and hopes of their pay Thereupon he set forth an Edict That they should come to Carthage for their arrears either in small parties or all together as they pleased But that which totally quieted this Sedition which was already of it self in a languishing condition was the suddain reconciliation of the rebellious Spaniards For Mandonius and Indibilis were come home again having quitted their enterprise when they heard that Scipio was alive nor had the seditious now any Countrymen or Stranger wherewithal to communicate their Fury Wherefore considering all things they found there was nothing left for them to do better than the safest refuge which was To resign themselves either to the just anger or the clemency of their General which was not even yet to be despaired of That he had pardoned even his Enemies with whom he had fought and that their sedition was carried on without any blood or wounds being neither cruel it self nor consequently deserving any very severe punishment Which words of theirs were according to the nature of Mankind who are but too rhetorical when they would lessen their own guilt This only doubt they made Whether they should go to fetch their pay in single Regiments or all together but that opinion took which they thought carryed most safety in it That they should go all at once At the same time when they were in this consultation there was a Council held about them at Carthage where they differed in opinion Whether they should punish only the Authors of the Sedition who were not above five and thirty or whether a defection rather than a sedition of such ill example ought to be revenged upon more But the milder opinion took place That whence the fault first sprung there the punishment should be laid and that any sort of chastisement was enough to keep the multitude in order Having dismissed the Council to shew he minded what he was about Scipio ordered the Army that was at Carthage to go immediately against Mandonius and Indibilis and to take Provisions along with them for several Days Then sending the seven Tribunes of the Soldiers who before also went to Sucro to appease the Sedition to meet the Army there being five Names brought in of such as were Ringleaders of the Sedition he ordered the Tribunes to get them invited into some Inn by Men fit for that purpose with fair words and courteous behaviour and when they were drunk to bind them They were not far from Carthage when those they met told them That the next day the whole Army went with M. Silanus against the Lacetans which News did not only free them from all fear which tacitely lay upon their Spirits but made them exceeding glad because they were like to have a sole General more than to be under his command About Sun-setting they came into the City and saw another Army preparing all things for their March Then having been entertain'd with speeches made on purpose in which they were complemented and told That their arrival was very happy and opportune for the General that they should come just upon the setting out of another Army they refreshed themselves Which when they had done they laid hold of the Authors of the Sedition without any noise when they were brought into the Inns by Men fit for that purpose and bound them At the fourth Watch the carriages of the Army which they pretended would march began to set out At break of Day the Ensigns moved but the Body of the Army was stop'd at the Gate and Guards sent to all the Gates of the City to hinder any Body from going out Then those who came the Day before being summoned to an Assembly ran all together with speed and vehemence into the Forum to the Generals Tribunal designing to frighten them with their shouts At the same time the General also got up upon the Tribunal and the Soldiers being brought back from the Gates planted themselves behind the unarm'd Assembly Thereupon all their courage was cooled as they afterward confessed That nothing terrified them so much as the Generals strength and colour whom they expected to find very ill he having such a complection they said as that they never remembered him to have such an one even in the field He sate silent for a while till word was brought that the Authors of the Sedition were come into the Forum and all things were ready Then the Cryer commanding silence he thus began I thought I should never want words to speak to my Army not that I ever made words more than things my business but because almost from my childhood having lived in a Camp I was always used to military dispositions yet how I shall speak to you I do not know no not so much as by what name to apply my self to you and call you Citizens who have revolted from your Country Or Soldiers who have refused my command and conduct and broken your military oath Enemies I own you have the bodies faces habit and guise of Citizens but I see the actions words designs and inclinations of Enemies For what have you either desired or hoped for but what the Illergetes and Lacetans have done Nay they followed Mandonius and Indibilis who were Princes when they rebell'd but you have conferred the command and conduct of your Persons upon Umbrus Atrius and Calenus Albius Tell me you did not all do so or desired it should be so but that it was the fury and madness of some few I am very willing to believe you when you say so For there have such things been committed as if they were common to all the Army could be atoned for without great Sacrifices But I am loth to touch them as I would be to touch wounds though if they are not touch'd and handled they cannot be cured And indeed since the Carthaginians were driven out of Spain I did not think there had been any place in the whole Province or any Person where or to whom my life had been an eye-sore so cautiously did I behave my self not only in respect to our Allies but even my Enemies also In my own Camp see how I was mistaken the report of my Death was not only well taken but expected too Not that I would have you think every one of them guilty for if I thought my Army wished my Death I would dye here presently before their faces nor would my life do me any good if it wâ—re hateful to my Countrymen and fellow Soldiers But every multitude like the Sea though of its own nature immoveable as the winds and breezes move it is calm or stormy and the original cause of all your fury were the Authors of it for you are mad by
ROMVLVS REX NVMA REX L. IVNIVS BRVTVS FAB MAXIMVS P. C. SCIPIO AFR HANNIBAL C. MARIVS L. C. SVLLA M. T. CICERO CN POMPEIVS MAGNVS C. IVLIVS CAESAR M.I. BRVTVS AVGVSTVS CAESAR M. ANTONIVS MARCELLVS AVG N. ex Imaginibus Fulvij Vrsini THE ROMAN HISTORY Written in LATINE BY TITUS LIVIUS WITH THE SUPPLEMENTS Of the LEARNED John Freinshemius and John Dujatius From the Foundation of Rome to the middle of the Reign of Augustus Faithfully done into English T. LIVIVS PATAVINVS LONDON Printed for Awnsham Churchill at the Black Swan in Ave-Mary-Lane near Paternoster-Row MDCLXXXVI THE Translators Preface I Intend not to enter into a large Discourse of the Excellency and Usefulness of History That Province has been undertaken by a thousand abler hands Tully's short Character is just and very significant when he calls it Times Witness Truths Light The Life of Memory The Herald of Antiquity and the Mistress of Life But as amongst all prophane Histories none can for Greatness of Action prudence of Counsels and Heroick Examples of all sorts of Vertue compare with That of the Commonwealth of Rome so of all Roman Historians Titus Livius both for Copiousness and Elegance for Accuracy and unblemish'd Fidelity is justly preferr'd Whose Excellent Works as far as Extant with Supplements for all that is wanting we undertake to present you with in English and the business of this Preface is to give 1. Some Memoirs of the Authors Life and Writings 2. An Account of this present Translation Titus Livius was born at Padua whence his common Addition is Patavinus a City of Italy renowned for its Antiquity said to be built by Antenor four hundred Years before Rome as well as for its strength having been able to bring into the Field one hundred thousand Combatants and from which as Venice was but a Colony so it still belongs to that Illustrious Republick such being the fate of Towns as well as Persons that sometimes the Mother is forc'd to depend on the Daughter and remains to this day a place famous for Learned Men being honour'd with an University renowned especially for the study of the Noble Art of Medicine He was born about the Year 694. after the building of Rome that is according to the best Chronologers in the Year of the World 3906. and fifty six years before the Incarnation of our Blessed Saviour How he spent his younger years though no Authors particularly mention yet we may easily guess at the Tillage by the Crop and conclude him then laboriously and no less successfully employ'd in the Studies of Literature and Eloquence whereof he gave an early Specimen in certain Philosophical Dialogues mention'd by Seneca Epist 100. which 't is likely he might present to Augustus and thereby first attract the Esteem of that most Illustrious Prince and grand Patron of Learned men For 't is certain our Author was not only well known to him but so much in his Favour that though afterwards he gave him a very free Account of the Civil Wars and spoke so honourably of the Republican Party that the Emperour Caesar jocularly called him Pompeianus one of Pompey's Faction yet that Generous Prince did not for all that refuse him his Friendship as is attested by Tacitus in the fourth Book of his Annals but made choice of him of all the Famous men then at Rome to be Tutor to his Grand-Son Claudius afterwards Emperour Thus he flourisht under the Reign of Augustus and began to write this History after the thirteenth and before the eighteenth year of that Emperour as we may gather from those words in his first Book Since Numa 's time Janus 's Temple has twice been shut once when T. Manlius was Consul after the first Punick War ended and again the Gods vouchsafed the same favour to our Times when after the Actian War the Emperour Augustus Caesar had obtain'd Peace both by Land and Sea Now 't is well known that Janus's Temple was thrice shut up by Augustus First after his Victory over Mark Anthony and Cleopatra at Actium here mentioned which was in his fifth Consulship And again when he had subdued the Calabrians in his tenth Consulship and the third time in the Year of the City 748. within two years after which our Blessed Lord was born of the Virgin Since therefore Livy mentions it to have been then only twice shut 't is plain that he wrote at least that first Part of his History before Augustus's second Closure thereof 'T is likely that he repaired very young to Rome and spent there most of his time For as in that Imperial City he had the best Advantages of Books and all the Records of Antiquity to furnish him with Matter so he had also the best Company both to inform his Judgment and improve his Stile And in this respect never was Author more happy as living in an Age when Letters were at the highest pitch both of Perfection in themselves and Estimation from others For 't is not improbable but he might have seen heard and been acquainted with Cicero that great Master of the Latine Eloquence for he was twenty years old at his death with the most Learned and in Roman Antiquities incomparably skilful Varro with that ingenious Parent of Lyrick Elegance Catullus with Virgil the Prince of Poets and Salust the most excellent at least till this our Livy out-vy'd him of Historians with Cornelius Nepos and Diodorus Siculus both no contemptible Authors in History Certain it is that he was Contemporary not only with those most famous Poets Ovid Horace Propertius and Tibullus but also with Seneca the Declaimer and Vitruvius the Architect and Dionysius Halicarnasseus who wrote the Roman Story most exactly in Greek Nor was he much elder than Strabo the Grecian Geographer than Valerius Maximus and Velleius Paterculus none of the least considerable Roman Historians In a dark Night Glow-worms may shine and Sporad's in the Suns absence cast a glimmering lustre but for a Star to appear in open Day-light is almost miraculous Amongst such a Crowd of Excellent men in the most polite Age that the World can boast of for Wit Learning and Eloquence that our Author should come behind none of them and in his Historical Province outstrip all as in the Judgment of the literate World he has done is certainly an Argument of a most happy Genius and Accomplishments altogether extraordinary Nor is it easie to determine whether his Industry or his Sufficiency were the greater for he wrote the whole History as well Civil as Military of the People of Rome for the space of seven hundred forty five years viz. from the Foundation of that City till the Death of Drusus that is until within eight years of our Saviour's Incarnation This mighty Undertaking which by what hath been said appears to have taken him up at least above twenty years time he performed in one hundred and forty Books or as Petrarch and others think one hundred and forty two which were
would now yield to any thing rather than displease them Therefore under a colour of making Preparations against the Samnites they summoned and held frequent Councils one after another where the chief Persons secretly amongst themselves in all their Consultations mainly intended the settling and adjusting a War against the Romans wherein the Campanians consented to joyn as well as the rest and bear Arms against Those who so lately had preserv'd and protected them Now although these Councils were industriously concealed because they were desirous to have utterly cut off the Samnites behind them before the Romans should take the Alarm yet the Plot was discovered and some hints thereof given at Rome by some amongst them who were obliged to the Romans for private Kindnesses and hospitable Entertainment Hereupon the Consuls were commanded to resign their Office before the usual time that new ones might the sooner be created to make Preparations against the eminent danger threatned but here a scruple of Conscience arose whether it might not be ominous if the Assembly for Election should be held by those whose Government was thus abridged therefore they rather chose to have an Inter-reign and two Inter-regents there were one after another M. Valerius and M. Fabius the later created Consuls T. Manlius Torquatus the third time and P. Decius Mus. That year Alexander King of the Epirots arrived in Italy with a Navy and had his first attempts met with success would no doubt have push'd forwards his Fortune and at last have involv'd the Romans in War In the same Age his Sisters Son Alexander the Great flourish'd who whil'st in another part of the World he shewed himself Invincible by Arms was in the prime of his years conquered by death As for the Romans although they plainly perceived the Revolt of their Associates and all the Tribes of the Latins yet they thought it best to dissemble the matter and make shew as if they were only concerned for the Samnites and not for themselves To which purpose they sent for ten of the Principal Persons amongst the Latins to come to Rome pretending to give them in Charge what their pleasure was to have done The Latines at that time had for their two Praetors L. Annius of Setia and L. Numicius of Circeia both Roman Colonies by whose means not only Signia and Velitre two other Colonies of Rome but the Volscians also were excited to take Arms and joyn in the Confederacy These two Gentlemen therefore it was thought fit to summon by Name nor could they be ignorant what it was they were sent for about However they presently call a Council to whom they Declare how they were cited to Rome and what Treatment they expected desiring the Advice of that Assembly what answer they should make After one had given his Opinion this way and another that Annius stands up and says Although I my self moved you to consult of an Answer yet I conceive it more concerns the main Interest of our State to determine what to do than what to say For when we are once come to a Resolution how to conduct our Affairs it will not be difficult to accommodate Words to our purpose For if even now already under the umbrage of an equal Alliance we can be content tamely to suffer Slavery what hinders but that betraying the Sidicins we truckle to all the Commands not only of the Romans but the Samnites too and fairly tell the Romans that we will lay down our Arms whenever they please to nod us into Obedience But if at length the Natural desire of Liberty make any Impression upon our Hearts or can set an edge upon our Spirits If in truth there be a League between us and if Association ought to be nothing else but an equal Fruition of the same Liberty and Priviledges If we may now glory what heretofore we were asham d to own that we are Kinsmen to the Romans and of their own Blood If that be indeed an Associated Army which they have by whose Accession they double their Strength and which their Consuls in beginning or ending their proper Wars will never separate from their own Why is there not an Equality in all things else Why is not one of the Consuls chosen by the Latins Where there is part of the Burthen why is there not part of the Government Nor would this in it self be any great matter of Honor to us since thereby we shall acknowledge Rome to be the Head of Latium but by our remissness hitherto and truckling wholly under them with patience so long we have made it seem to be an Honorable Demand and worthy to be insisted upon But if ever you wish'd to see the Day wherein you might participate in the Government and assert your Rights and Liberties Behold That time is now presented to you by your own Courage and the Gracious favor of the Gods you try'd their patience by denying to levy Soldiers at their Command who can doubt but they were mad at heart when we brake that Custom which had pass'd uncontroul'd above 200. years yet they calmly pocketed the Affront We waged War against the Peligni in our own Names yet They who heretofore would not allow us a Right to defend our own Borders never Interpos'd That we had taken the Sidicins into our Protection That the Campanians were revolted from them to us That we were raising Forces against the Samnites their own Confederates all this they heard and knew well enough yet still they stirr'd not once out of their City How come they to be thus modest and quiet Can it proceed from any thing but a Consciousness of our Puissance and their own weakness I have it from very good hands That when lately the Samnites made their Complaints against us the Roman Senate returned such a cold Answer as plainly shewed That they themselves pretended not to require that Latium should be under the Roman Empire You have nothing to do but assume and lay Claim to that which they already tacitly yield unto you If any be afraid to be the Speaker Behold here am I who not only in the Hearing of the People of Rome and their Senate but of Jupiter himself who resides in the Capitol am ready to tell them plainly That if they expect we should continue in League and Amity with them They must from us receive one of their Consuls and part of the Senate All that were present hearing him not only perswade but promise to undertake this with so great a Spirit and Resolution signified their Approbation with a Shout and consented That he should do and say whatsoever he thought expedient for the wellfare of the Latine Nation and suitable to the Trust reposed in him When he with the rest came to Rome the Senate appointed to give them Audience in the Capitol where when T. Manlius the Consul by the Direction and Authority of the Senators pressed them earnestly Not to make War on the Samnites who were now the
of these two Armies Soldier with Soldier Centurion with Centurion Tribune with Tribune were well acquainted and had been oft Comrades in the same Garrisons and mix'd in the very same Band or Company therefore that the Soldiers might not fall into any Error the Consuls made Proclamation through the Camp That no man should fight with the Enemy out of his Rank or without Command It happen'd that amongst other Captains of Horse who were sent out every way to discover the Posture of the Enemy young T. Manlius the Consuls Son was got with his Troop beyond the Enemies so that he was almost within a Bows-shot of one of their Corps-du-Guard where was a Party of Tusculane Horse commanded by Geminius Metius a Person famous in his Country both for his high Birth and approved Gallantry He seeing the Roman Horse and the Consuls Son very brave in the Head of them for all the Persons of Quality on both sides were well known one to another called to him What quoth he will you Romans manage the War with the Latines and all their Confederates with one single Troop How shall your Consuls and your two Consulary Armies in the mean time employ themselves They replies Manlius will be with you time enough and with them He that is much more powerful and strong I mean Jupiter himself the Witness of those Leagues which you have violated And as at the Lake Regillus we gave you your Bellies full of Fighting so never doubt it but before you go hence we shall quite put you out of conceit with display'd Banners and pitch'd Battels With that says Geminius advancing as he was on Horse-back a little from his Troop In the mean time till that terrible day come when you will do such Wonders with your two Armies Wilt thou try one Bout with me that by the Event between us two the World may see how much a Latine Cavalier does surpass a Roman The brave young Mans Blood boil'd in his Veins whether out of Rage and Indignation to be thus upbraided or that for shame he could not decline so fair a Challenge or whether it were the unavoidable power of his Destiny that hurried him on So it was That unmindful of his Fathers Command and the express Edict of the Consuls he rashly accepted the Fatal Combat wherein the difference was not much whether he overcame or were vanquish'd The rest of the Horsemen of both Parties retreating to give them room as if they had been to see a Prize in the void space of the plain Field that lay between they set Spurs to their Horses and charg'd each other with the sharp points of their Spears Manlius with his Lance aloft razed the Head-piece of his Enemy and that of Metius lightly touch'd and pass'd by the Horses neck Then bringing about their Horses again Manlius raised himself in the Saddle to Charge first and thrust the others Horse in between the Ears who with the smart of the Wound rear'd his Fore-feet and violently shaking his Head cast his Rider And as he was leaning upon his Spear and Shield to get up again Manlius ran him into the Throat so that the Spear-head came out at his Ribs and nail'd him fast to the ground and then disarming him rode up to his Troop who attended him as in Triumph to the Camp and so directly to his Fathers Pavilion little considering the quality of the Fact and its future dismal Consequence and ignorant whether he had deserv'd Praise or was become obnoxious to punishment Father saith he to shew the World that I am truly your Son and derive not my self from your Blood in vain I bring here the Spoils of a Gentleman of the Enemies Camp that defied and challeng'd me whom I fairly slew in single Combat The Consul had scarce heard him when turning away his Face he commanded an Assembly to be summoned by sound of Trumpet which being met he thus in the presence of them all speaks to his Son Forasmuch as thou O T. Manlius regarding neither the Consular Authority nor Reverencing the Majesty of thy Father hast presum'd without Command and disorderly to Fight the Enemy against our Edict and express Command and as much as in thee lay hast dissolv'd and broken that Discipline of War which hitherto hath been the principal Pillar to support the Roman State and hast reduc'd me to the necessity of this sad Choice That either I must forget my Duty to the Republick or my natural Affection to my self and mine We will undergo the punishment of our own Transgression rather than that the whole State to its mighty prejudice and damage shall pay for our rashness and folly A sad Example I confess 't will be but very profitable to the Youth of after-After-ages As for me as well the in-bred Affection which all Fathers bear to their Children as the present proof thou hast given of thy Courage though deceived with a false appearance of Honor cause no small Emotion in my Breast Yet since there is a Necessity That either by thy Death the Consuls Commands be ratified or for ever slighted and disannull'd by the Impunity of thy Disobedience I cannot think but if thou hast in thee any of my Blood thou will readily yield to re-establish the Military Discipline which thou hast violated by a chearful Submission to the punishment Go Marshal and bind him to the Stake All were amaz'd at the severity of this Sentence as much as if they had seen the edge of the Hatchet levell'd at their own Throats and 't was out of Fear rather than Modesty that they did fall into a Mutiny Having a little recover'd their Spirits dissipated with wonder they had not long stood silent when his Head being chop'd off the Blood gush'd forth before them and their Tongues as freely pour'd out Complaints and mix'd Curses with their Lamentations The Youths Body they cover'd with his own Victorious Spoils they erected a Funeral Pile without the Camp whereon to burn it and celebrated his Obsequies with as much Affection and Honor as ever was paid by Soldiers to the memory of their greatest Commanders And the Manlian Commands were not only dreadful for the present but gave a terrible precedent to all Posterity However the rigor of this Punishment made the Soldiers more obedient and besides rendring the Guards and Sentinels more vigilant did much good in the extremity of the Battel that soon after ensued for their Fight was much like a Civil War the Latines differing from the Roman Commonwealth in nothing almost but Courage Formerly they used long large Roman Shields afterwards becoming Stipendiaries and taking pay they wore instead thereof shorter Targets And whereas afore-time they drew up close and thick together like the Macedonian Phalanges afterwards they rang'd their Battel into Bands more loosely and distinctly and at last came to be divided into thinner and more numerous Ranks and Squadrons each Squadron containing sixty Soldiers two Centurions and an Ensign-Bearer their
it with Reserves and all kind of Warlike skill and policy But the Soldiers went on coldly and on purpose hindered the Victory to discredit their General yet many of the Samnites were slain and not a few of the Romans wounded The Dictator like a prudent and experienced Commander easily perceived where the matter stuck and found it necessary to moderate the harshness of his temper and allay that Severity with a mixture of Courtesie therefore taking with him the Commissary-Generals he himself went to visit the Wounded Men thrusting his Head into their Tents asking them severally how they did and charging the Commissaries Tribâ—nes and Prefects to take particular care of every one of them by Name this being a thing in is self Popular he manag'd so dexterously that by curing their Bodies he also healed the rancour of their Minds and won their Hearts Nor did any thing contribute more to the speedy Recovery of their Health than the pleasure they took to see his care and diligence to procure it Having thus refresh'd his Army he once again encountred the Enemy with an assured hope both in himself and his Soldiers to Vanquish them which he perform'd so effectually that the same was the last day they durst look him in the Face Thenceforwards he march'd his Victorious Army which way soever the hopes of Booty invited and as they over-ran all the Enemies Country met with no Resistence neither of open Force nor yet so much as any attempt by Ambuscade The more to encourage the Soldiers the Dictator had ordered all the Plunder to be divided amongst them so that private Advantage spurr'd them on as well as the publick Quarrel At last the Samnites were so cow'd and brought down that they became Suppliants to the Dictator for Peace offering to new Cloath all his Soldiers and give them a Years pay but being referred to the Senate answered That they would follow him and submit their Cause wholly to his Vertue and Goodness to do with and for them as he thought fit The Dictator entred the City in Triumph and before he laid down his Office by the Order of the Senate Created new Consuls C. Sulpicius Longus the second time and Q. Aemilius Caeretanus The Samnites had not yet concluded Peace for the Articles were still under Debate but had obtained a Truce from Year to Year which yet they did not honestly observe for when they heard that Papirius was out of Command their fingers itch'd to be again in Arms. But besides their playing fast and loose a War broke out with the Apulians the management of which latter fell to the share of Aemilius as that against the Samnites to Sulpicius There are some Authors who write That the War was not against the Apulians but in defence of some of their Allies that were Invaded by the Samnites But the low Condition of the Samnites at that time scarce able to defend themselves makes it more probable that they did not Attack the Apulians but rather the Romans quarrel'd with both the Nations at the same time because they had Confederated with each other against them However there happened no remarkable Action The Country of Apulia and Samnium Forraged but no Enemy either here or there to be met with At Rome there happened one Night a strange and unaccountable Pannick fear which on a sudden raised the whole City out of their Beds so that the Capitol the Castle the Walls and the Gates were fill'd with Armed Men And after there had been every wher evast concourse of People and a general Cry Arm Arm at Break of Day no Author or cause of all this Fear and Distraction could be discovered This Year the Inhabitants of Tusculum were proceeded against upon the prosecution of M. Flavius Tribune of the Commons who proposed That they might be punish'd for having by their Counsel and Assistance excited the Veliternians and Privernates to War against the Romans The People of Tusculum with their Wives and Children resorted to Rome and having changed their Apparel in despicable habit like Prisoners at the Bar went about from Tribe to Tribe before they gave their Suffrages falling down to every Man on their knees to beg favour whereby Pity prevail'd more to Pardon them than the goodness of their Cause to purge their Guilt Insomuch that all the Tribes except that called Pollia Voted to repeal the Law that had been preferr'd against them But the Sentence of the Pollian Tribe was That all the Men of fourteen Years of Age or upwards should be scourg'd and put to death And their Wives and Children by Martial Law to be sold for Slaves Which cruel Doom has stuck in the stomack of the Tusculanians even to the last Age and so great an Antipathy they have always had to the Authors thereof and their Posterity That scarce ever any Man of the Tribe Pollia when he stood Candidate for an Office could get the Voices of the Tribe Papiria into which the Tusculans were cast but in regard of this old Fewd they would right or wrong oppose his Pretensions The Year following Q. Fabius and L. Fulvius Consuls A. Cornelius Arvina Dictator and M. Fabius Ambustus General of the Horse upon apprehensions of a smarter War in Samnium because they were reported to have hired Auxiliaries from the Neighboring Nations there was a greater Levy of Soldiers than ordinary and a gallant Army advanc'd thither but encamp'd carelesly in the Enemies Country as if no Enemy had been near them When on a sudden the Samnites Legions came on so bravely that they carryed up their Trenches to the Romans Out-guards and if not hindred by the approach of Night would have fallen upon their Camp which they resolved to Attack early next Morning The Dictator seeing he was like to be oblig'd to a Battel sooner than he expected lest the disadvantage of the Ground should baulk the Courage of his Men leaving Fires thick burning in his Camp to amuse the Enemy silently dis-lodges and draws off his Troops but being so very near could not avoid being discovered The Horse presently pursued him in the Rere and press'd hard upon the Army in their March yet so as they would not Fight before it was Light nor indeed did the Foot advance out of their Camp till Break of day But then the Horse began to charge upon the Romans and what with Skirmishing continually with the Rere and falling sometimes upon their Flanks in streight and disadvantegeous Passes hindred their March till their own Foot came up so as now the Samnites with all their Forces were ready to Attack them The Dictator seeing he could not March on without great loss and hazard Commanded his Men to fortifie the Ground they stood on but the Enemies Light-Horse were skirting round about upon them so that they could not go out to provide Stakes for a Palizade nor with any safety begin their Trenches When therefore he found that he could neither go on nor abide there without
these Agis is depos'd from the Government and one of the Ambassadours that were return'd was put in his room by a decree of the People Not long after Milo being sent by the King plac'd a Garison in the Fort of Tarentum and requir'd that he should guard the Town himself the simple multitude being glad of it for they thought that Strangers took all the pains and trouble whilst they had ease and security An allowance of Victuals was therefore order'd for the Soldiers and Money for Pyrrhus with all chearfulness Aemilius in the mean time being inform'd of the arrival of these forein Soldiers that he might take his Winter-quarters in places of more security resolves to carry away his Army into Lucania but he was to pass through several defiles which were environ'd with steep and unpassable Rocks on one side and on the other side with the Sea The Tarentines having intelligence of the Roman Generals design put to shoar with several Ships carrying Engines to throw Stones wherewith they gall'd the Roman Soldiers whilst they marched through these narrow Passes which were expos'd to their shot Aemilius seeing Valour could not prevail made his way through by a Stratagem placing in the Flank of his Army which was expos'd to danger those Prisoners which were in the Rear in compassion of whom whilst they fear'd to shoot their own Men the Tarentines spar'd the Enemies also These are almost all the transactions of this Campagn at Tarentum At Rome C. Fabricius Luscinus who in his Consulship had bravely defeated the Samnites Brutians and Lucanians enter'd the Capitol in Triumph and not many days after Q. Marcius the Consul had the same honour being return'd from Hetruria where he fought with good success what the reason was that brought him back from that Province the Hetrurian War being as yet not ended at such an inconvenient time for he trumph'd the 11th of March is not recorded I guess he was call'd by the Senate who being then much concern'd with the expectation of Pyrrhus drew from every part all their Forces to oppose him For then first of all whilst this terrible War forced the Romans to put out several Armies for their defence the common Subjects who were anciently exempt from warfare were listed and Arms were given them upon the public charge they being too poor to buy for themselves So that whilst the Legions were elsewhere employed several Squadrons of these being posted upon the walls and in the Market-place might guard the City Nor could all these Methods have prevented imminent ruin had not the fortune of a People design'd by Fate to be Sovereign of the World reserv'd for these dangerous times very great Men and perhaps the bravest of any that State ever had being not renown'd for Wealth or Parentage but for their Valour and contempt of Riches For this Age bred up the Curii and the Coruncanii persons not esteemed for Wealth or Extraction but of eminent Renown which they being persons of great integrity acquir'd by their experience in War and an equal probity of Manners doing good service to their Country both ways which against a King to be fear'd on either account had as great need of Men that would contemn his Gold as of such as would put back his Sword Pyrrhus in the mean while not tarrying 'till Spring as he was bringing with him an Army of 22 thousand Foot and 3000 Horse besides twenty Elephants and a company of Archers and Slingers met in the midst of his Voyage with a great storm wherein he was almost cast away the Navy being dispersed and several Ships wrack'd when the Admiral also was in danger Pyrrhus threw himself into the Sea and with much ado swam to shore his courage supporting his loss of strength and the good attendance of the Messapians who treated him being cast out upon their shore with all kindness and civility some of the Ships that had escap'd were recover'd by their means and a few Horsemen two Elephants and under two thousand Foot were got together With these Forces he marches towards Tarentum where Cyneas with his Men went out to meet him and waited on him into the Town where being receiv'd by the Tarentines with all expressions of joy he repos'd himself a few days in which time when he observ'd the manners of this People to be such that unless they were reform'd they could not be preserv'd by any body but would be like to undo their own defenders he took no more notice of it for the present till the Ships that had been scatter'd by the storm were arriv'd so that he had Forces enough Then he shut up their Galleries and Theaters where the idle youth spent whole days in walking and pastime and prohibited all Feasts and Clubs and retrench'd the excesses of their solemn Games After which he strictly muster'd their young Men commanding the Press-masters as he us'd to do to list Men that were big set and he would make them valiant These being mingled among his own Troops lest if they were separated from the rest they should mutiny were train'd by him with the same exactness of discipline none being permitted to be often absent from his Colours upon pain of death And as for those that bore Arms already he compell'd them for the greatest part of the day to keep guard in the Market-place The unwontedness of which usage to Men of soft effeminate lives was mighty troublesom so that they call'd it Slavery thus to be constrain'd to save themselves whilst they were willing to perish by their idleness and Luxury And that which offended them more was the rudeness of some of the King's Guards who taking up their Quarters where they fancy'd kept them against the Masters will and afterwards behaved themselves with the same incivility towards their Wives and Children Many therefore being weary of such a life left the Town and departed into the Country till the Gates were shut up and a Guard was set to hinder them Then the Tarentines understanding too late that they had received a Master instead of a Confederate with anger and murmuring deplor'd their condition and that more freely when they had assembled together upon some necessary occasions and besides their usual passion were heated also with Wine and some informed Pyrrhus of the same who sent for several that were charged for railing against him at a Feast But the downright confession of one Person among them brought off the rest saying We own our selves to have spoken these words and if our Wine had not been out we had said worse than this Then Pyrrhus who had rather have the fault imputed to the Wine than to the Men smiling at the matter discharged them But still mistrusting the humours of this people where he saw any Person esteem'd either for his Authority or Counsel by the Tarentines he upon just or pretended causes sent him away to his Son Ptolomy a Youth of fifteen years of age to whom at his
for no great difference there was either in numbers or kinds of the Souldiers but in their Courage and Resolution there was abundance of odds for the Romans though they fought far from their Country yet were easily perswaded by their Officers That it was for no less a prize than Italy and the City of Rome it self that they were that day to contend therefore as if all their hopes of ever seeing their Country again depended on this one Battel they had fix'd their minds either to conquer or die Nothing so resolute were the Souldiers of the other side being for the most part Spaniards willing rather to be overcome at home than with Victory to be drawn into Italy therefore at the very first push almost before there was a Dart thrown their main Battel retreated and being then so much the more fiercely press'd upon by the Romans plainly ran away however in both Wings the service was hot enough the Carthaginians on the one side and the Africans on the other charg'd the Romans briskly and had them in a manner enclosed but the Roman Army being rallied altogether in the middle of them was strong enough to keep off both Wings for facing several ways they maintain'd the fight in two places at once but both in one and the other having before routed the Enemies main body were superiour in numbers as well as Courage a power of men were kill'd that day and if the Spaniards had not fled so fast before the Battle was well begun there had very few of the whole Army escap'd The Horse were not at all engag'd to speak of for as soon as the Numidians saw their main Battel shrink they presently fled as fast as they could driving the Elephants before them and left the Flanks naked Asdrubal himself maintain'd the Fight till he plainly saw all was lost and then accompanied with a very few got away out of the midst of the slaughter his Camp the Romans took and plunder'd and if any people of Spain stood Neuters before the success of this day turn'd the Scale and brought them over to the Romans and so far was Asdrubal from pursuing his march to Italy that he had no hopes to continue long with safety in Spain The two Scipio's sending Intelligence of this action to Rome the whole City was overjoy'd not so much for the Victory it self though very considerable but because Asdrubal was prevented from coming into Italy Whilst this was doing in Spain Petelia a City of the Bruttii after several months Siege was taken by Himilco one of Annibals Captains yet it cost him dear many of his men being kill'd or wounded nor was it his Force abroad so much as Famine within that subdued the Town for having eaten up all their Provisions of Corn and flesh of what Creatures soever they liv'd at last upon Shoomakers-Leather Weeds Roots the Inward Barks of Trees tops of Briars and Brambles and the like nor did they submit as long as they were able to stand on their Legs or wield their Swords After the taking of this Town the same Party of Carthaginians marcht to Consentia which made nothing so brave a Defence but surrendred in few days About the same time an Army of the Bruttii sat down before Croton a City built and inhabited by the Greeks heretofore rich and potent but now so weakned by several losses and disasters that there were not in it twenty thousand Souls of all sorts so that for want of men to defend it the Enemy easily got possession of the City but some that fled to the Castle held out still The Locrians also by the treachery of some of their Grandees revolted to the Bruttii and Carthaginians and only the Rhegines of all that Country continued true to the Romans and had the good luck to preserve all along their own liberty nay this deserting humour like an infection spread into Sicily nor was the Family of King Hiero free from the Contagion for his eldest Son Gelo contemning both the old Age of his Father and also after the defeat at Cannae the Friendship of the Romans turned unto the Carthaginians and had no doubt made a great alteration in Sicily had he not been taken off by Death so very opportunely just in the nick when he was arming the multitude and soliciting the Allies to Rebellion that his own Father did not escape some Censures as if he had hastned his end These were the remarkable Actions that happen'd in Italy Afric Sicily and Spain that year towards the end of which Q. Fabius Maximus desired leave of the Senate to dedicate that Temple which he had vow'd to Venus Erycina when he was Dictator Accordingly it was decreed that T. Sempronius the Consul Elect as soon as he came into his Office should move the people to create Duumvirs for that affair In honour of Aemilius Lepidus lately deceased who had twice been both Consul and Augur his three Sons Lucius Marcus and Quintus exhibited certain Funeral Games and caused two and twenty couple of Fencers to play at sharps for three dayes space in the publick Market place The Aediles of the Chair C. Laetorius and Tib Sempronius Gracchus Consul Elect who during his Aedileship had been General of the Horse celebrated for three dayes together the Roman Games and the like was done for the Commons by M. Aurelius Cotta and M. Claudius Marcellus At the end of the third year of the Punick War Tib. Sempronius the Consul entred upon his Magistracy on the fifteenth of March. The Praetors were Q Fulvius Flaccus for the City and M. Valerius Laevinus for the Foreigners Ap. Claudius Pulcher for Sicily and Q. Mucius Scaevola for Sardinia M. Marcellus was by the people continued in his Command as Vice-Consul as being the only General that since the loss at Cannae had fought the Enemy with success The first day the Senate met in the Capitol it was resolv'd That a double Tax should this year be levied the first to be immediately collected for paying all Arrears to the Souldiers except those that were at Cannae Then concerning the Aâ—mies it was ordered That the Consul Sempronius should appoint a day for the two City Legions to Rendevous at Cales That six Legions should be conducted to the Camp of Claudius above Suessula and the Legions that were at present there being for the most part the Cannian Army should be carried over into Sicily by Ap. Claudius the Praetor and those that were now in Sicily brought home to Rome To the Army appointed to Muster at Cales M. Claudius Marcellus was sent and commanded to lead the Detachment of the City Legions from thence to the Camp of Claudius and lastly to receive the charge of the old Army and conduct it into Sicily T Metilius Croto was dispatcht by Ap. Claudius People silently expected when the Consul should appoint the Elections for chusing him a Partner and when they saw Marcellus whom they pitcht upon for that place in reward of
fiercely That they would Sacrifice the Blood of the Conspirators to the Ghost of the King But hearing often the sweet sound of their Liberties restored being in hopes a Largess would be bestow'd on them out of the Royal Treasury and that they should have better Commanders and withal amused with prodigious stories of the Tyrants lewd actions and lewder Lusts their minds were so far chang'd that they let the Corpse of their King whom but now they seem'd so fond of to lye unburied Whilst others of the Conspirators staid behind to secure the Army Theodotus and Sosis ride Post to Syracuse on the Kings Horses to surprize the Royalists before they should know any thing of the matter but not only Fame the swiftest thing in the World in such Cases but a Currier one of the Kings Servants was got before them whereupon Andronodorus had set Guards both in the Isle and the Castle and all other advantagious Posts Theodotus and Sosis in the Dusk of the Evening came riding into that Qâ—arter of the City call'd Hexapylum and exposing the Kings bloody Vest and his Crown pass'd through the street Tycha calling out to the people to take Arms and for recovery of their Liberties to Assemble in the Acradine The Rabble some ran out into the streets others stood at their Doors others looking out from the tops of their Houses and Windows inquir'd what the matter was The Town was full of Lights Flambeaus and Clamour Those that had Arms got together in open places and those that wanted pull'd down the Weapons that were hung up in the Temple of Jupiter Olympius taken from the Gauls and Illyrians and bestow'd as a Present on King Hiero by the Romans beseeching Jupiter that he would willingly and propitiously afford his sacred Arms to those that were to use them only for their Country for the Temples of the Gods and their own Liberties This multitude join'd themselves with the Guards placed in the principal places of the City and whereas in the Isles Andronodorus had amongst other things secured the publick Granaries a place enclosed round with four-square stone like a Fortress those that were appointed to keep guard there sent Messengers into the Acradine that themselves and all the Corn there should be at the disposal of the Senate By break of day all the people arm'd and unarm'd were Conven'd in the Acradine before the Altar of Concord there situate where one of the chief men of the City named Polyaenus made a Speech to them free enough and yet temper'd with a discreet moderation as follows Those that have endur'd servitude and suffer'd indignities 't is no wonder if they rise up in fury against the Authors thereof as known Evils but what the mischiefs are which attend civil discords you can only know by hearsay from your Ancestors having not hitherto been so unhappy as to have smarted under them your selves I applaud your Courage in taking up Arms so valiantly but shall more commend you if you will not make use of them till inforc'd thereunto by the last necessity At present my Advice is that we send to Andronodorus requiring him to submit himself to the Senate and People to open the Gates of the Isle and dismiss his Guards and to let him know that if under pretence of securing the Kingdom for another he shall go about to usurp it for himself we are resolv'd much more sharply to vindicate our Liberties against him than against Hieronymus Accordingly Messengers were sent and then the Senate met which as in Hiero's time it was the publick Council of the Kingdom so from the time of his Death till that very day it had scarce ever been convened or consulted with Andronodorus was not a little startled both with the unanimous Consent of the People against him and several parts of the City already seized and especially because the most fortified part of the Isle and of greatest importance was revolted but when the Messengers called him forth his Wife Demarata the Daughter of Hiero retaining still the Spirit of a Princess and the Ambition of a Woman disswaded him putting him often in mind of that common Saying of Dionysius the Tyrant That a man ought to be led leisurely on foot and not gallop on Horse-back when he is to quit his Dignity and be deposed from Power That it was an easie matter for a man when he list to relinquish the possession of a mighty Fortune but to gain such a point was rare and difficult therefore he would do well to require time to consider in a matter of such importance and in the mean time might send for the Souldiers from Leontinum to whom if he would but promise the late Kings Treasure he might rule and order all things at his pleasure These feminine Counsels Andronodorus did neither wholly slight nor for the present follow thinking it more easie to attain his Ends if he gave place a while to the humours of the people therefore he order'd the Messengers to carry back word That he would entirely submit to the Senate and People Accordingly next morning by break of day he caused the Gates of the Isle to be flung open and came into the Market-place of the Acradine and getting up on the Altar of Concord whence Polyneus the day before made his Speech he began an Oration wherein first he excused his not coming sooner telling them That he had hitherto kept the Gates shut not that he meant ever to set up any Interest of his own different from that of the whole City but when once Swords were drawn he was apprehensive where they would hold their hands or when put a stop to Execution and Slaughters Whether they would be satisfied with the Death of the Tyrant which was sufficient for regaining their Liberties or might not in a wild fury knock all those o' th head that were any way related to him by Blood or Affinity or enjoy'd any Office in the Court whereby the innocent might lose their lives for anothers Crimes But since I now perceive that those who have deliver'd their Country are willing also to preserve its Liberty and manage things by publick Council and Advice I no longer doubted to yield up my person and restore to my Country all that I had in Charge since he that committed the same to me is by his own folly and madness brought to destruction Then turning to those that kill'd the late King and calling unto Theodotus and Sosis by name You have done says he a gallant Action and worthy to be recorded but believe me your Glory is yet but begun not perfected and there is yet mighty danger behind unless by consulting the common Peace and Concord you prevent the Commonwealth now it has obtain'd its liberty from falling into licentiousness and unruly insolence With which words he laid the Keys both of the Gates and of the Kings Treasure at their feet and so the multitude was for that day dismiss'd very joyful and
endeavour That there might be a sufficient Body of Horse to oppose him T. Gracchus was Commanded to march with the Cavalry and light-arm'd Foot out of Lucania to Beneventum deputing some other to command in Chief during his absence and govern the Legions and standing Camp left there for the Lucans Defence But before Gracchus could remove out of Lucania one day as he was sacrificing a terrible Prodigy happen'd for after the Sacrifice was perform'd two Snakes creeping out of some private hole got to the Entrails and eat part of the Liver and as soon as they were espied scrabled away immediately out of sight and when by the Aruspices Advice a new Sacrifice was kill'd and the Bowels more narrowly watcht yet they came again and so the third time and having bitten a piece of the Liver vanisht And though the Soothsayers declar'd that this was an Ill omen to the General and forewarn'd him to take heed of treacherous persons and private Conspiracies yet the imminent danger could by no foresight be prevented There was one Flavius a Lucan the Head of that Party which when some of their Countrymen revolted to Annibal continued firm to the Romans and being by them Created Praetor had continued a year in that Office but now of a sudden having chang'd his mind and Courting Annibal's Favour thought it not enough to desert the Romans himself and draw the rest of the Lucans to the same defection unless he ratified his Alliance with the Enemy with the Blood of the Roman General who was also his Guest and Quarter'd in his House In order to which he found means to hold a private Conference with Mago who then presided over the Bruttians and having receiv'd assurances That if he would betray the Roman General and deliver him into his hands the Lucanians should be received into Friendship upon even Terms and enjoy all their old Laws as before He leads the Carthaginian to a place to which he would bring Gracchus under colour of a Treaty of Peace with others and advises Mago to plant Horse and Foot there in Ambuscade there being room enough to hide as many as he pleas'd The place being throughly view'd and search'd a day was agreed upon for putting the design in Execution Then comes Flavius to the Roman General tells him That he had begun an Enterprize of great consequence but to compleat it should need his Excellencies helping hand That he had prevailed with all the Praetors and Governours of the several Nations who in that general conturbation of Italy had revolted to Annibal to abandon his Interest and return to their old Friendship with the Romans seeing the Roman State and power which by the blow at Cannae seem'd to be at the lowest ebb had of late began to flourish again and every day grew more strong and formidable whereas Annibal 's dwindled away and was like to come to nothing That there was no reason they should apprehend the Romans would prove implacable for their former offence since there was not on the face of the Earth a Nation better-natur'd more ready to be reconcil'd and pass by Injuries for how oft to go no further for Examples have they forgiven the open Rebellions of your own Forefathers These Arguments says he I have used to them but they were desirous to have the same confirm'd from Gracchus 's own mouth and that he would be pleas'd to ratify the Agreement with them in person with his own right hand than which they desired no better pledge That he had assign'd them a place for this congress not far from the Roman Camp but out of sight where the Treaty might be dspatcht in very few words which would reduce all the several Nations of the Lucans to the obedience and alliance of the people of Rome Gracchus not in the least suspecting any Treachery either in his Discourse or the matter it self proposed both the one and the other being highly probable and proceeding from an old try'd friend as he thought suffers himself only attended with his Lictors and one Troop of Horse to be plunged headlong by the Villany of his Host into the prepared Snares of the Enemy who on a sudden start out upon them and to put him out of doubt that it was not accident but design Flavius joins himself to their Party who let fly Arrows Darts and Javelyns against Gracchus and his Troop on every side whereupon Gracchus alights and commands the rest to do so too exhorting them That they would by their valour render honourable the only course which fortune had left for what can we few circumvented here by a multitude in a Valley encompass'd with Woods and Hills expect but certain Death This only is left to our choice whether in a stupid amazement we shall cheaply part with our Lives and like Beasts suffer our Throats to be cut without opposition and revenge or whether turning wholly our timorous expectations of death into a gallant fury we shall acquit our selves like men and bathing our hands in the blood of our Enemies fall dead upon heaps of their Bodies lying gasping under us But especially aim all of you at the heart of that Traiterous Renegado Lucanian whoever shall send his Soul to the Devil before he is kill'd himself shall certainly have his own death attended both with Comfort and Honour Saying this he wrapt his Robe of State about his left Arm for they had not so much as brought their Shields along with them and charged with admirable Gallantry upon the Enemy The Fight was much fiercer on their part than could be expected from such an handful of men but as the Romans being naked without their Armour were the more liable to the Enemies Darts so they were under the disadvantage of receiving them from the higher ground whereby they were soon pierc'd through and destroy'd Gracchus surviving now as it were alone and his Guard dead at his Feet the Punicks endeavour to take him alive but he discovering his Lucan Host amongst them flew in through the thickest of them with such fury that they could not spare his Life without many of them losing their own He was no sooner dead but Mago sent his Corpse to Annibal and order'd the same together with the Rods Ensigns of his Magistracy taken with him to be presented before the Generals Tribunal This is the most certain Relation of the end of Gracchus and that he lost his Life in Lucania about the Plains which are call'd The old Downs Not but there are some report it otherwise viz. That going out of the Camp with his Lictors and three Servants to wash himself in the River Calôre a Party of the Enemies lurking amongst the Willows that grew on the Banks seiz'd him naked and unarm'd and that having nothing to defend himself with but the stones which the River afforded he was slain Others say That by advice of the Aruspices he went half a mile from the Camp into a void solitary place
great matter of consequence like in the interim to be perform'd at their Leaguer one of them if they thought fit should repair to Rome for chusing new Magistrates Upon the receit of which Letters the Consuls agreed between themselves That Claudius should manage the Elections and Fulvius remain before Capua The new Consuls created by Claudius were Cn. Fulvius Centimalus and P. Sulpicius Galba the Son of Servius a man that had never born any Curule Office of State before The Praetors were L. Cornelius Lentulus M. Cornelius Cethegus C. Sulpitius and C. Calpurnius Piso This last had the City-Jurisdiction Sulpitius the Government of Sicily Cethegus of Apulia and Lentulus of Sardinia The Consuls had their Commands over the Armies continued for another year DECADE III. BOOK VI. The EPITOME 10. Annibal Encamps on the River Anio but three miles from Rome himself in person with two thousand Horse rode up to the Gate Capena to take a view of the Cities situation 11. The Armies on both sides two dayes together facing each other in Battalia stormy weather each time hindred them from an Engagement though as soon as ever they were retreated to their respective Camps it prov'd fair 14. Capua is taken by Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius the Consuls and the chief men of that City hasten their own deaths by poison 15. The Senators of Capua being tied up for Execution Q. Fulvius the Consul receiving Letters from the Senate containing a Pardon as to their Lives pockets them up unread and proceeds to put them to Death 18 19. A Common-Hall being Assembled to chuse a Governour for Spain and none being willing to accept that Charge P. Scipio the Son of him of the same name that was lately slain there offers himself and with a general consent is dispatcht thither who being but a young man not twenty four years old in one day took the City call'd New Carthage and was supposed to be of some Divine Descent both because always after he came to Mans Estate he constantly frequented the Capitol as also because a strange Snake was wont to be seen in his Mothers Bed-Chamber 21. This Book likewise contains the Actions perform'd in Sicily the League with the Aetolians and the Wars against the Acarnanians and Philip King of Macedonia U. C. 542 CN Fulvius Centumalus and P. Sulpicius Galba the Consuls entring upon their Office on the fifteenth of March summon'd a Senate and consulted the Fathers touching the management of the War and the disposal of the Provinces and the Armies Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius last years Consuls were continued in their Commands over the same forces and besides had Orders Not to depart from Capua which they were then besieging until the same was taken For above all other Affairs the Romans at that time were most intent upon that not so much out of anger and revenge though they had never juster cause given them by any City as out of interest For being a City so rich and illustrious as by its Revolt it drew away with it several of the Allies so by its being again reduced to Obedience it was like to incline many of their minds to the same awful respect as they had formerly for the Roman Empire The last years Praetors also had their Commands continued M. Junius in Etruria and P. Sempronius in Gallia with two Legions apiece and so Marcellus remained as Proconsul in Sicily to dispatch what remained of the War there with the same Army he had and if he wanted any Recruits was to be re-inforced out of those Troops which were under the Conduct of P. Cornelius the Propraetor in the same Island provided that he should chuse none of those Souldiers that escaped at Cannae whom the Senate had refused to dismiss or suffer to return home before the end of the War Unto C. Sulpicius whose Lot it was to have the Government of Sicily were assign'd those two Legions which P. Cornelius had before with a fresh Supply out of the Army of Cn. Fulvius which the last year was so shamefully routed in Apulia which Souldiers by a Decree of the Senate were not to be dismissed the Service sooner than those of Cannae and for a further disgrace to them both it was Order'd That they should lye all the Winter abroad in the Field and their Camp not to be within ten miles of any City L. Cornelius in Sardinia had those two Legions that Q. Mucius had commanded and if they wanted any Recruits the Consuls were to make new Levies T. Otacilius and M. Valerius with the same Forces and Ships which they had already were appointed to secure the Sea-Coasts of Sicily and Greece The Greeks had fifty Sail in their Fleet man'd with one Legion The Sicilians an hundred Ships and two Legions to furnish them so that the Romans this year maintain'd three and twenty Legions to carry on the War by Sea and Land In the beginning of the year Letters from the before-mentioned L. Marcius being taken into Consideration by the Senate the Contents thereof were very acceptable and all agreed he had perform'd excellent Service but most of their Lordships were offended in that he had assumed to himself a Title of Honour and wrote in this Stile L. Marcius the Propraetor to the Senate Greeting when neither the People nor Senate had bestow'd that Character upon him 'T was alledged It would be a very ill Precedent to have Generals of the Field chosen by Armies and the Solemnity of Elections always hitherto celebrated in the Name of the Gods and with Religious Auspices now transferr'd into Camps and Provinces far from Laws and Magistrates and committed to the Capricio's of the rash inconsidâ—rate Souldiery But when some urged to bring that matter presently to a Judicial Hearing it was thought better to defer it until those Gentlemen whom Marcius had sent were gone back As touching the Corn and Cloaths which he desired it was Order'd to return Answer That the Senate would take care to supply him But they would by no means direct their Letter to him with the Title of Praetor lest they might seem to approve and confirm his Pretensions which were left to be determined of afterwards And indeed after his Messengers were departed the first thing the Consuls did was to propound that Affair and it was unanimously agreed That the Tribunes of the Commons should with all expedition assemble them and put it to the Vote Who they would please to send into Spain to command that Army which lately was under the Conduct of Cn. Scipio The Tribunes were made acquainted herewith and a Bill preferr'd to the Commons But all mens minds were taken up with another more important Controversie then on Foot for C. Sempronius Blaesus had commenc'd a Criminal Process against Cn. Fulvius for the loss of the Army in Apulia and ceased not in all the Assemblies of the People to inveigh against him That by ignorance and rashness many Generals had precipitated their Forces
replied Since after my Country is over-run my Relations and Friends destroyed and that with my own hands I have dispatcht my Wife and Children because they should suffer no Villainous Indignities I my self cannot obtain so much as to die the same Death which my Country-men have here suffer'd before my face Let me by my own Courage revenge my self of this Life which is so odious to me At which words drawing forth a Sword which he had hid under his Vest he ran himself through the Breast and fell down gasping at the Generals Feet But forasmuch as the Capuans Execution and most other affairs there were transacted by Flaccus alone and without the consent of his Collegue some Authors write that App. Claudius died about the time of that Cities surrender as also that this Taurea neither came of his own accord to Cales nor fell by his own hand but that being with the rest bound to a Stake and the noise of the people hindring the hearing of what he said silence was commanded and that then he spake the before-mention'd words viz. That he was basely put to death by a fellow nothing comparable to himself for Courage and Vertue whereupon by the Pro-Consuls Order the Cryer said to the Executioner Go Lictor and see you let this valiant man have the preeminence begin with him first and let him have a greater share of your pains than his fellows Likewise there are some Authors that say the Senates Ordinance was read before they were Beheaded but because the same run That if he thought good he should refer the whole matter to the Senate he interpreted it That he was notwithstanding at liberty to act as he thought most for the Interest of the Commonwealth From Cales he return'd to Capua having by the way taken the Towns Atella and Calatia upon submission where the principal persons suffer'd the like punishment Thus there were about fourscore Senators of Capua put to death and near three hundred Noblemen of Campania shut up close Prisoners others committed to the Custody of several associate Cities of the Latines came to sundry unhappy ends and as for the main multitude of the vulgar Inhabitants they were sold for Slaves Touching the City it self and Territories there was great Debate some were for having a City so strong so near so dangerous and mortal an Enemy to Rome to be utterly rased and destroyed but the consideration of present advantage prevailed For in regard of the Country lying round it which is well known to be the most fertile in all Italy the City was preserv'd to furnish the Husbandmen both with convenient Dwellings and a Market Therefore to inhabit it a multitude of the meaner Inhabitants as enfranchiz'd Bondmen ordinary Shop Keepers and Mechanicks were suffer'd to continue there but all the Land belonging to the City and the publick Buildings the Romans reserv'd in their own hands as forfeited Besides though Capua was inhabited like a City yet it was Ordered That there should be no Corporation no Senate no Common-Hall nor Magistrates without which the Rabble could never be able to combine together to recover their Liberties and for giving them Laws and administring Justice amongst them a Provost was every year to be sent from Rome Thus were the affairs of Capua setled by a course every way commendable for as the guilty were severely and speedily punisht and the vast number of Citizens dispers'd several ways without any hopes of return so the City it self was spared the innocent Houses not destroy'd with fire nor pull'd down with violence whereby the Romans besides their own profit gain'd the reputation of Clemency amongst their Allies in preserving such a most rich and antient City whose ruins not only all Campania but the neighbouring Nations round about would very sensibly have bemoan'd and lamented In the mean time the same was a sufficient Monument to all the World both how able the Romans were to chastize their faithless Allies and how vain Annibal's Protection was like to prove to any that he should undertake to secure The Senate of Rome having dispatcht what was necessary touching Capua assign'd unto Claudius Nero six thousand Foot out of those Legions which he had at Capua and three hundred Horse which himself had levied as also a like number of Foot and eight hundred Horse out of the associate Latine Forces which Army he Embarqu'd at Puteoli and transported into Spain landed them at Tarracon and having laid up his Ships in the Dock to augment his Forces put all the Mariners in Arms and so marching to the River Iberus received the Army there from the hands of T. Fonteius and L. Marcius and from thence advanc'd towards the Enemy Asdrubal the Son of Amilcar lay Encamp'd at a place call'd The Black Stones in Ausetania between the Towns Illiturgis and Mentissa and Nero had possess'd himself of the mouth of the passage into that Forrest whereupon Asdrubal that he might not be so closely pent up and at last reduc'd to some great extremity sent an Herald offering That if he might be permitted freely to march from thence he would withdraw all his Forces out of Spain The Roman General was overjoy'd at this overture and Asdrubal desired there might be a Conference held the next day where the Romans might set down Conditions and Articles in writing touching the Surrender of the Fortresses in every City and appointing the respective days when the Garrisons should be drawn out and that the Carthaginians might carry away all their Bag and Baggage without any fraud or interruption Which being consented to as soon as 't was dark and all the night long afterwards Asdrubal caused the heaviest part of his Army to be getting forth of the Straits by the best ways they could find but gave special directions that no great number should go that night because a few would better pass undiscover'd and more easily get through those Thickets and narrow By-paths Next Morning the Parley was begun but by long Conferences and drawing up Articles in writing and making exceptions and other designed delays the whole day was spent and adjourn'd till the morrow That night gave the Carthaginians opportunity to send off more of their Forces nor was the matter brought to a conclusion the day following but several days wasted in adjusting the Articles and the nights in privately emptying the Enemies Camp who having got away the greatest part of their men began now to wrangle and would not stand to things which before they themselves had voluntarily offer'd so that they were still further and further from agreement for their fears being over so was their Faith By this time almost all his Foot were got out of the pound when at break of day happen'd a mighty thick Fog that cover'd the whole Forrest and Plains adjacent which Asdrubal perceiving sent a Message to Nero desiring to put off the Conference till the morrow because that was an Holy-Day amongst the Carthaginians on which they
say Annibal burst out of laughing for which when Asdrubal Haedus reproved him he being himself the cause of all their grief he replyed If as the face appears to the outward so also a Mans Soul could be seen within you would easily be convinced that this laughter of mine which you reprove me for did not proceed from joy but almost madness it self wherewith I am possess'd upon such dismal thoughts as in my heart I conceive and yet it is not so unseasonable neither as those your absurd and effeminate tears are You should then have cryed when our Arms were taken from us our Ships burnt and we forbid the making of any foreign Wars for by that wound we fell nor do you think that the Romans have so ordered things out of hatred to you No great City can be long at quiet if it have not an Enemy abroad it finds one at home as strong Bodies seem safe from all outward annoyances but are oppressed by their own weight We are so far sensible of the publick misfortunes as concerns our own private affairs in which nothing stings us more than the loss of Money Wherefore when Carthage being vanquished was also pillaged when you saw it unarmed and destitute amidst so many armed Nations of Africa none of you gave one groan but now seeing you must pay a tribute out of your private Estates you make as much lamentation as at a publick funeral I am very much afraid that you e're long will find you have cryed this day for your least misfortune Thus spake Annibal to the Carthaginians Then Scipio calling an Assembly presented Massinissa besides his Fathers Kingdom with the Town of Cirtha as also other Cities and Lands that the Roman People had then possession of as formerly belonged to the Dominions of King Syphax He ordered Cn. Octavius to deliver the Navy which he conducted into Sicily to Cn. Cornelius the Consul and the Carthaginian Embassadors to go to Rome to get what he had done according to the opinion of the ten Embassadors confirmed by Authority of the Senate and consent of the People Having now made Peace both by Sea and Land he shipped off his Army and went over to Lilybaeum in Sicily From whence sending great part of his Soldiers by Sea himself went through Italy which was no less rejoyced at the Peace than at his Victory and where not only all Inhabitants of the Cities came out to do him homage but the Country People too with crowds fill'd up the Roads and came to Rome whereinto he was carried with the greatest Triumph that ever was seen He brought into the Treasury a hundred thirty three Thousand Pound of silver Bullion and gave forty Asses apiece to all his Souldiers Syphax at that time was taken off by Death being an example of hâ—mane frailty rather than of triumphant Glory who dyed not long before at Tyber whither he had been from Alba carried over yet his Death was remarkable because he was buried at the publick Charge Polybius an Author of very good credit says that this King was led in triumph Q. Terentius Culleo followed Scipio in his Triumph with a Cap upon his Head and respected him all his life after as the author of his Liberty Whether the favour of the Souldiery or popular breath first gave him the sir-name of Africanus or whether as that of Foelix Sulla and Pompey the Great fore fathers it first arose from the usage of his sawning Familiars I am not certain But this is evident that he was the first General who was ennobled with a sir-name taken from a Nation which he himself had vanquished by whose example other Families not at all equal to him in Victories made themselves Glorious Titles upon their Images and famous Sirnames DECADE IV. BOOK I. The EPITOME 14. Why the war against King Philip of Macedon which had been intermitted was renewed these are the reasons at the time of the Initia i. e. holy Rites in honour of Ceres two young Men of Acarnania who had not as then been initiated came to Athens and went into Ceres's Temple with others of their own Country For which as though they had committed the greatest wickedness that could be they were slain by the Athenians Wherefore the Acarnanians being concern'd for the death of their Countrymen desired aid of King Philip in order to revenge it 5. A few Months after the Peace was concluded with the Carthaginians in the five hundred and fiftieth Year after the building of Rome when the Athenian Embassadors their City being besieged by Philip came to desire the Senates assistance the Senate agreed to give it them but the Commons who were tired with the continual fatiegue of Warfare dissented from them Notwithstanding the Authority of the Senate prevailed so far that the People at last ordered Auxiliaries to be sent to them as being a City then allied to the Romans 6. The manage of that War was committed to P. Sulpicius the Consul who having led an Army into Macedonia engaged with Philip very succesfully in several Horse Battels 16 c. The Abydenes being besieged by Philip like the Saguntines kill'd themselves and all their fellow Citizens 21. L. Furius being Praetor overcame the Gauls of Insubria that then rebell'd and Amilcar the Carthaginian who made War in that Country in a set Battel In that War Amilcar and thiry five Thousand Men were slain 15 c. It further shews the expeditions of King Philip and Sulpicius the Consul with the taking of several Cities by them both 46. Sulpicius the Consul made War with the help of King Attalus and the Rhodians 49. L. Furius the Praetor triumphed over the Gauls I AM as glad as if I also had been a sharer in the trouble and danger that I am come to the end of the Punick War For though I dare say it is not convenient for one that writes all the Roman History to be tired in the compiling each part of such a vast Work yet when I consider that sixty three Years for so many they are from the first Punick War to the end of the second has taken me up as much Paper as four Hundred eighty eight did from the building of the City to the time of Appius Claudius's being Consul who first made War upon the Carthaginians I already foresee like those who going into the shallow Water next the Shore are entering into the Sea that whatsoever steps I make forward I shall still be plunged into a vaster depth and as it were a main Ocean yea that that Work does even grow upon my hands that seemed when I had done all the first parts to be much less The Peace with Carthage was attended by a War with Macedonia though not to be compared with the other either in respect to the danger the courage of the General or strength of the Souldiers and yet in regard to the renown of those ancient Kings the celebrated Fame of that Nation and the greatness of
my self and my men to be overcome After that from an Hostile Engagement as if it had been but a Brotherly sort of sport you would have drawn me in to Sup with you Do you believe Father that I should have supp'd among unarm'd persons when there came arm'd men to Feast with me Do you believe I was in no danger in the night time whom they almost kill'd in the day even whilst you looked on Why camest thou at this time a night what like an Enemy to one that was angry or with Companions all girded with Swords I durst not trust my self with you as a Guest shall I entertain you when you come with arm'd men to Feast with me If the Gate had been open you must have been preparing for my Funeral Father at this time that you hear me complaining to you I do not say any thing maliciously as an Accuser nor from arguments make doubtful deductions For what Does he deny that he came to my Gate with a multitude or that there were arm'd men with him Pray send for those that I shall name They indeed may dare to do all things that durst do this but yet they will not dare to deny it If I having laid hold of them within my threshold with their Swords in their hands should have brought them to you you would have thought it true and therefore take them for as good as caught when they confess it Now Curse Ambition for the Kingdom and heighten Brotherly rage but let not your Execrations Father be blind but discern and distinguish between an Assassinate and he that was designed upon That he is guilty He that would have kill'd his Brother let him lie under the displeasure of his Fathers Gods and let him that was like to fall by his Brothers wickedness find a refuge in the Mercy and Justice of his Father For whither else shall I fly whom neither the solemn lustration of thy Army the exercise of thy Souldiers nor his own House nor a Feast nor the Night which was by natures kindness design'd for mortals to rest in can secure If I go upon his invitation to my Brother I must die if I receive my Brother to an entertainment within my Gate I must die also So that I cannot avoid his evil designs upon me either by going or staying Whither shall I betake my self I have paid homage to none Father but the Gods and you I have not the Romans to fly to They desired my destruction because I am sorry for their injuries because I am vext that so many Cities so many Nations and now of late that the Seâ— Coast of Thrace was taken from thee They do not hope that Macedonia will be there whilst either you or I am alive If my Brothers wickedness take off me and old Age you or that they have not the patience to stay till that time they know that the King and Kingdom of Macedonia will be theirs If the Romans had left you any thing out of Macedonia I should believe that left as a receptacle for me also But there is security enough you 'll say among the Macedonians You saw yesterday the Souldiers violence against me What did they lack but Swords But that which they wanted in the day my Brothers guests took up in the Night What should I speak of great part of the Nobility who have reposed all their hopes of honour and Fortune in the Romans and in him who can do what he pleases with the Romans Nor do they only prefer that Boy before me who am his Elder Brother but almost even before you that are his King and Father For 't is he forsooth upon whose account the Senate remitted your penalty who now protects you from the Roman Arms and think fit that your Age should be obliged and obnoxious to his Youth For him the Romans stickle for his sake all the Cities were freed from thy command and all the Macedonians too that enjoy the Roman Peace But for me Father what hopes or security is there save in you only What do you think is the design of that Letter which T. Quintius just now sent you in which he sayes that you did your self great Service in sending your Son Demetrius to Rome and advises you to send him again with more Embassadours and those the chief men of Macedonia too T. Quintius is at present his Counsellor and Master in all affairs He hath renounced you as a Father and taken him in your stead There first of all their sacred designs are contrived And now they seek assistance to carry on their Counsels when he â—dvises thee to send more and those the best men in Macedonia along with him They that go hence entire and sincere to Rome believing that they have Philip for their King return from thence ting'd and infected by Roman Arts. Demetrius with them is all in all and him they call King though his Father be yet alive Now if I resent these things I ought immediately to hear not only from others but from you Father also an accusation against ambition for a Kingdom But I if it be laid to my charge do not acknowledge it For whom do I put out of his place that I may succeed him my self My Father is the only person before me and that he may long be so I beseech the Gods May I so survive him if I deserve it as he would have me If my Father deliver to me the Inheritance of the Kingdom I 'll take it But he desires the Kingdom and that wickedly too who hastens to leap over the order of Age of nature the Macedonian Customs and the Law of nature His elder Brother to whom the Kingdom not only of right but according to the will of his Father belongs stands in his way I 'll take him off says Demetrius I shall not be the first man that has got a Crown by killing of a Brother My Father being an old man and alone when he has lost his Son will be more afraid upon his own account than to revenge his Sons death The Romans will rejoice at it and defend the fact These Father are uncertain but not vain hopes For so the case stands you may remove all danger of life from me by punishing those who took up Swords to kill me but if he should second their wickedness thou couldst not revenge my death When Perseus had made an end of speaking the Eyes of them that were present were set upon Demetrius as though he had been going immediately to Answer him But for a good while they were all silent till mere necessity at last though they all saw that before he could not speak for crying overcame his grief and since he was bid to speak Demetrius thus began All those things which formerly have been the greatest help to persons accused my Accuser Father hath anticipated For by pretended tears shed in order to anothers ruine he hath render'd all my real tears suspected to you
Fleet of King Antiochus was before so conquer'd routed batter'd and put to flight and there that day sixty two long Ships taken with all their Allies After which fight * King Antiochus and his Kingdom * For that reason he vow'd to build a Temple to the Sea Gods In the same manner there was another Table with the like Inscription was set up over the Gates of the Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol Two dayes after the Censors had chosen a new Senate Q. Fulvius the Consul went into Liguria and having passed with his Army over pathless Mountains Vales and Forests fought a pitch'd Battle with the Enemy in which he not only won the day but at the same time forced their Camp too Thereupon three thousand of the Enemies and all that part of Liguria came and surrender'd themselves to him All which the Consul planted in the Champaign part of the Country placing Garisons upon the Hills About this affair there were Letters brought in all hast to Rome where upon the score of those Atchievements there was a Supplication appointed for three dayes during which time the Praetors sacrificed forty of the bigger sort of Victims By the other Consul L. Manlius there was nothing done in Liguria worth taking notice of Three thousand Transalpine Gauls passed over the Alpes into Italy without offering any act of Hostility to desire of the Consul and the Senate that they might be quiet under the Command of the Roman People But the Senate order'd them to depart out of Italy and commanded the Consul Q. Fulvius to make inquiry into that matter and to punish them who had been the Authors and Ring Leaders of their passage over the Alpes This same year King Philip of Macedon who was consumed partly for Age and partly for grief about the death of his Son Demetrius died He Winter'd at Demetrias tormented for want of his Son as well as with remorse for his own Cruelty His other Son also stung his mind who was no doubt on 't to be King both in his own and other Peoples Opinion He saw how all men fix'd their Eyes upon his Son but forsook him as being old some expecting his death and others not so much even as that That troubled him so much the more and with him Antigonus Son of Echerates who bore the name of his Uncle Antigonus that had been Philips Tutour or Guardian and a man of a Kingly presence renowned for a famous Battle against Cleomenes of Lacedaemon The Greeks called him Guardian to distinguish him by his surname from all the other Kings of Macedonia His Brothers Son Antigonus was the only man that continu'd firm to Philip's Interest and without corruption among all the honourable Friends or Favourites that he had which fidelity of his made Perseus who indeed never was his Friend then the greatest Enemy to him that could be He therefore foreseeing what danger he was in if the Inheritance of the Kingdom came to Perseus when he first perceiv'd the King to be troubled in mind and that he sigh'd now and then for the loss of his Son he one while gave attention and another time provoked the mentioning of that rash act and was himself oftentimes a Companion to him in his sorrow And as truth uses to afford many tokens of it self whereby it may be traced out he usually promoted the business with all the industry he could that all things might the sooner be brought to light The persons most suspected to be the Instruments in that villanous action were Apelles and Philocles who had been sent Embassadours to Rome and had brought those Letters under the name of Flaminius that had been so fatal to Demetrius For they generally talk'd about the Court that those Letters were counterfeit forged by the Kings Secretary and sealed with a false Signet But this thing being rather suspected than evident it happen'd that Antigonus met with Xychus the Secretary probably that forged the Letter and laying hold upon him brought him into the Court where having left him in custody he went directly on to Philip and said I have heard your Majesty often talk as if you would give a good deal to know the truth concerning your two Sons and be satisfied which of them it was that sought to take away the others life Now the only person that can unty that knot and free you from that doubt is now in your power namely Xychus whom he advised the King since he was by chance already brought into the Court to summon into his presence When he was brought at first he deny'd it but with such inconstancy that it appeared if he were put into some little fright he would readily discover the whole matter for at the very sight of the Executioner and the Rods he was dismay'd and declared all the contrivance of that wicked act both as to the Embassadours and his own performance in it Thereupon there were certain persons immediately sent to lay hold on the Embassadours of whom they took Philocles who was hard by upon surprize but Apelles who had been sent to pursue one Chaereas being inform'd that Xychus had discover'd all the business went over into Italy Concerning Philocles there is no certain account given Some say That at first he boldly deny'd it but afterward when Xychus was brought before him face to face he persisted in it no longer others say That he deny'd it even upon the rack By this means Philip's sorrow was renew'd and doubled who thought his unhappiness in respect to his Children so much the greater in that one of them was lost in such a manner Perseus though sure that all was detected yet lookt upon himself as too great a person to think it necessary for him to sly and therefore only took care to keep out of the way intending to secure himself as long as Philip lived from the fire as it were of his wrath Philip seeing that he could not take his body to punish it consider'd upon the only way which was left him how to prevent Perseus from having besides impunity a reward for his wicked deeds He therefore called Antigonus to him to whom he was already obliged for discovering that barbarous murder nor did he think that he would prove a King of whom the Macedonians would have any cause to repent or be ashamed by reason that his Uncle Antigonus had been of late so renowned a person and thus he open'd his mind to him Antigonus said he since I am fallen into that condition that to be Childless which other people detest and abhor ought to be my greatest wish I do design to deliver up into thy hands this Kingdom which I received from thy valiant Vncle after he had been my faithful Guardian yea and augmented it during the time of my nonage You are the only person that I can think deserves the Crown but if there were no body at all I had rather the Kingdom should perish and be utterly extinct than that