when you cannot see those things that are at your feet that you can understand the heavens He was also for preferring this study before wealth reproved by some friends not without reproach to the Science as conferring no advantage on its professors whereupon he thus vindicated himselfe and the art from that aspersion When they upbraid him saith Aristotle with his proverty as if Philosophy were unprofitable it is said that he by Astrology foreseeing the plenty of Olives that would be that year before the winter was gone antequam florere caepissent saith Cicero gave earnest and bought up all the places for oyle at Miletus and Chios which he did with little mony there being no other chapman at that time to raise the price and when the time came that many were sought for in hast he setting what rates on them he pleas'd by this means got together much money and then shew'd that it was easie for Philosophers to be rich if they would themselves but that wealth was not their aim To this Plutarch alludes when he said that Thales is reported to have practised Merchandise CHAP. IX His Morall Sentences Of his Morall Sentences those are first to bee remembred which Plutarch mentions upon this occasion Amasis King of Egypt entring into contestation with the King of Aethiopia concerning wisedome propounded these questions to be resolved by him what is oldest of all things what fairest what greatest what wisest what most common what most profitable what most hurtfull what most powerfull what most easie The answers of the Aethiopian were these the oldest of things is time the wisest Truth the fairest Light the most common Death the most profitable God the most hurtfull the Devill the most powerfull Fortune the most easie that which pleaseth Thales demanded of Niloxenus whether Amasis approved these solutions Niloxenus who was sent by Amasis into Greece with these other questions to be resolved by the Sages answered that with some he was satisfied with others not and yet replyes Thales there is not one but is erroneus and betrayes ignorance As for the first how can it be defended that Time is the oldest of things when one part of it is past the other present the third yet to come for that which is to come must in reason be esteemed younger then all men or things Next to to affirme the truth is wisedome is as much as if we should say that the Light and seeing are all one Againe if he esteeme Light faire why doth he forget the Sunne His answers concerning God and the Devill are bold and dangerous but that of Fortune most improbable for if she be so powerfull how comes it that she is so easily changed Nor is Death the most common for it is not common to the Living The most ancient of things is God for he never had beginning or birth the greatest place of the world containeth all other things place containes the world the fairest the world for whatsoever is order dispos'd is part thereof The wisest is time for it hath found out all things already devis'd and will find out all that shall be the most common hope for that remaines with such as have nothing else the most profitable vertue for it muketh all things usefull commodious the most hurtfull vice for it destroyeth all good things the most powerfull Necessity for that onely is invincible the most easie that which agreeth with nature for even pleasures are many times given over and cloy us To which Apothegmes these are added by Laertius The swiftest of things is the mind for it over-runs all Hee affirmed that there is no difference betwixt life and death being there upon asked why hee did not die because saith he there is no difference to one who asked which was eldest night or day he answered night by a day Another enquiring whether a man might do ill and conceale it from the Gods not think it said he To an Adulterer questioning him if hee might not cleare himselfe by oath perjury saies he is no worse then Adultery Being demanded what was difficult he answered To know ones selfe what easie to bee ruled by another what sweet to follow ones owne will what divine that which hath neither beginning nor end At his returne from travell being demanded what was the strangest thing he had seen hee answered a Tyrant old What will helpe to beare ill fortune to behold our enemies in worse How shall a man live iustly by avoiding what he blames in others Who is happy he who hath a sound body a rich fortune and a docile nature Plutarch adds these we may well report probable newes but improbable should not be related We ought not to beleeve our enemies incredible things nor to distrust our friends in incredible Periander being much troubled at a monster which a youth brought him born of a Mare with the head onely of a horse the rest resembling a man he advised him not to take care for expiation of what the prodigy portended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Stobaeus these Being demanded how far falshood was distant from truth as far saith he as the eyes from the eares It is hard but good to know ourselves for that is to live according to nature His morall precepts are thus delivered by Demetrius Phalereus if thou art a surety losse is nigh Be equally mindfull of friends present and absent study not to beautifie thy face but they mind enrich not thy selfe by unjust meanes Let not any words fall from thee which may accuse thee to him who hath committed anything in trust to thee Cherish thy parents Entertaine not evill What thou bestowest on thy Parents thou shalt receive from thy children in thy old age It is hard to understand well The sweetest thing is to enjoy our desire Idlenesse is troublesome Intemperance hurtfull Ignorance intolerable Learne and teach better things Be not idle though rich Conceale thy domestick ills To avoid envie be not pitiable Use moderation Beleeve not all If a Governer rule thyselfe I follow those copies of Stobaeus that ascribe these to Thales rather then to Pittacus because the greater part are confirmed by Laertius Ausonius hath reduced these into verse under his name Feare ere thou sin thy selfe though none elsenigh Life fades a glorious death can never die Let not thy tongue discover thy intent T is misery to dread and not prevent He helps his foes that justly reprehends He that unjustly praiseth harmes his friends That 's not enough that to excesse extends His Motto was according to Laertius Know thyselfe according to Didymus and Higynus if thou be a surety losse is nigh By Hermippus this is ascribed to him though by others to Socrates He gave thanks to fortune for three things first that he was born rationall not a beast secondly that a man not a woman thirdly that a Grecian not
children also Hereby saith Laertius they became eager of â—ame and honour in war as Polyzelus as Cynegirus as all those in the Marathonian fight to whom may be aded Harmodius Aristogiton Miltiades and infinite others Let not a guardian marry the mother of his ward nor let not any one be ward to him who if he die shall inherit his estate confirm'd by Syrianus Marcellinus and others who adde that the same law forbad the ward to marry her guardians son Let not a graver keep the impression of any seal after he hâ—th sold it If any man put out the eye of another who had but one he shall lose both his own His law concerning theft Laerâ—ius expresseth thus What thou laidst noâ— down take not up otherwise the punishment death Aeschines addes if they confessed themselves guilty others affirm the punishment was only to pay double the value of whom is Agellius and Hermogenes who affirme the law made that distinction betwixt sacriledge and theft punishing the first with death the latter with double restitution Demâ—sthenes cleers this reciting this law exactly in these words If any man steal in the day time above fiftie drachms he may be carried to the eleven officers if he steâ—l any thing by night it shall be lawfull for any to kill him or in the pursuit to wound him and to carry him to the eleven officers Whosoever is convict of such offences as are liable to chaines shall not be capable of giving bail for his theft but his punishment shall be death and if any one steal out of the Lyceum or the Academy or Cynosarges a garment or a small vessell of wine or any other thing of little value or some vesell out of the Gymnasia or havens he shall be punished with death but if any man shall be convict privately of theft it shall be lawfull for him to pay a double value and it shall be also at the pleasure of the convictor besides payment of mony to put him in chaines five daies and as many nights so as all men may see him bound Even those who stole dung were by Solon 's law liable to punishment That if an Archon were taken drunk he should be punisht with death To those recited by Laertius adde these collected from others He allowed brothers sisters by the same father to marry prohibited only brothers sisters of the same venter Whereas contrariwise saith Philo the Lacedaemonian law-giver allowed these and prohibited those Hence Cornelius Nepos affirmes Cimon married his sister Elpinice invited not more by love then the Athenian custom which allowes to marry a sister by the same father He writ according to the manner of the antients severally concerning the discipline of Matrons for a woman taken in Adultery he permiâ—ted not to weare ornaments nor to come into publick Temples lest by her presence she should corrupt modest women if she came into a temple or adorned her selfe he commanded every one to rend her garments to tear off her ornaments and to beat her but not to kill or maim her By this means depriving such a woman of all honour and giving her a life more bitter then death This is also â—â—â—firmed by Demosthenes who addes If any man surprise an Adulterer it shall not be lawfull for him who took them to have the woman in marriage if he continue to keep her as his wise let him be infamous Let the dead bodie be laid out within the house according as he gave order and the day following before Sun-rise carried forth whilst the body is carrying to the grave let the men go before the women follow it shall not be lawfull for any woman to enter upon the goods of the dead and to follow the body to the grave under threescore years of age excepting those within the degree of cosens nor shall any woman enter upon the goods of the deceased after the body is carried forth excepting those who are within the degree of cosens Concerning sepulchers he saith no more then that no man shall demolish them or bring any new thing into them and he shall be punished whosoever violates casts down or breaks any tomb monument or columne If any one light upon the dead body of a man unâ—uried let him throw earth upon it Whosoever shall dislike a received Law let him first accuse it then if it be abrogated substitute another The manner whereof is largely expressed by Demosthenâ—s He ordained according to Libanius that Children should be obliged to persorm all due offices to their parents Sextus saith he made a Law of indemnity whereby he allowed any man to kill his son but Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirmes he permitted them to turn their children out of dores and to disenherit them but nothing more He ordained that all such as dâ—clined to be engaged in war or forsook the Army or was a Coward should have all one punishment to be driven out of the bounds of the forum not permitted to wear a garland or to enter into publick Temples If any one be seized on for having abused his parents or forsaken his colours or being forbidden by law hath gone into places where he ought not let the eleven officers take and bind him and carry him into the Heliaea it shall be lawfull for any one that will to accuse him and if he be cast it shall be at the judgment of the Heliaea to impose what punishment or fine they should think sit if a fine let him be kept in setters till it be paid He permitted not a man to sell unguents as being an effeminate office As concerning Orators he ordered that the Eldest of the citizens should goe up first into the pleaders chaire modestly without tumult and perturbation to move he out of experience should conceive best for the commonwealth then that every Citizen according to his age should severally and in order declare his judgement He ordered that a Citizen of Athens should be tried no where buâ— at Athens He commanded that no young man should beare the office of a Magistrate nor be admitted to counsell though he were esteemed exceeding wise For the common people he ordained slow punishments for Magistrates and Rulers of the people sodaine conceiving those might be punished at any time but that the correction of these would admit no delay As for the Gods and their worship hee decreed nothing nor against Parricides answering those who questioned him about it he did not thinke any could be so wicked CHAP. VII Of the Axes and Cyrbes Senators Oath and other institutions of Solon THese Lawes he ratified for a hundred yeares They were 〈◊〉 in different tables Those which concerned private actions in oblong quadrangular tables of wood with cases which reached from the ground and turned about upon a pin like
naturall Philosopher for first bringing that kind of learning to Athens but how that consists with his relation to Anaxagoras who as he acknowledgeth studied naturall Philosophy thirty years in Athens Casaubone justly questions Euripides as the writer of his life affirms son of Mnesarchus born at the first time of Xeâ—xes's expedition into Greece the same day that the Grecians overthrew the Persians was first a Painter then an Auditor of Anaxagoras but seeing him persecuted for his opinâ—ons lastly converted himself to Tragick poesy Socrates Son of Sophroniscus was according to Aristoxenus an Auditor of Anaxagoras till he left the City and thereupon applyed himself to Archelaus which Porphyrius reckons above the 17th year of his age or rather the ninteenth Democritus also is by some affirmed being younger then Anaxagoras forty years to have applyed himself to him but Laertius affirms he could not endure Democritus shunn'd his conversation Phavorinus likewise attests that because he would not admit him Democritus profess'd himself his Enemy and denyed his opinions of the Sun and Moon but said they were ancient and that he stole them as likewise his description of the world and assertion concerning the mind Meâ—rodorus of Lampsacum is likewise mentioned by Laertius as friend to Anaxagoras CHAP. V. OF his triall Death sentences and writings Of his tryal saith Laertius there are several reports Sotion in his treatise of the succession of Philosophers saith he was accused by Cleon of impiety for asserting the Sun to be a burning plate but being defended by Pericles his Scholar hee was fined five Talents and banish'd Satyrus that he was cited to the Court by Thucydides who was of the contrary faction of Pericles accused not onely of impiety but of holding intelligence with the Persians and in his absence condemned to death when news was brought him at the same time both of the death of his Sons which according to Aelian were two all that he had and his own condemnation of the latter he said Nature long since condemned both them me to death of his Sons with a calm look You tell me nothing new or unexpected I knew that I beget them mortall which some â—scribe to Solon others to Xenophon Demetrius Phalereus saith hee buried them with his own hands Hermippus he was imprison'd to be put to death but Pericles appearing before the Judges asked if they knew any thing in his life that they could accuse to which they answered nothing but I saith he am his disciple then be not tansported by Calumnies to kill the man but believe me and set him at liberty so he was dismissed but not able to brook the disgrace hee kill'd himself Hieronymus saith that Pericles brought him into the Court in poor garments extenuated with sicknesse an object â—itter for compassion then Justice And thus much saith Laertius of his Tryall Suidas that he was cast into Prison by the Athenians for introducing a new opinion concerning God and banish'd the City though Pericles undertook to plead his cause and that going to Lampsacum he there starv'd himself to death Iosephus that the Athenians believing the Sun to be God which he affirm'd to be without sense and Knowledge hee was by the votes of a few of them condemned to death But if we credit Plutarch he was neither condemned nor accused but by Pericles who fear'd the Ordinance of Diopithes which cited those that held prophane or sublime Opinions sent out of the City Yet else-where hee confesseth he was accused His departure from Athens being 30. years after his coming thither falls the third year of the 82. Olimpiad the 63. of his age Thence he went to Lampsacum where he continued the rest of his age which extended to 22. years more so little mindfull of Aâ—hens or of his Country as to one who told him that he was deprived of the Athenians he answered no but they of me and to his friends who when hee fell sick asked if hee would be carried to Clazomonae his Country no said he there is no need the way to the grave is alike every where Before he died the Magistrates of the City asked him if he would they should do any thing for him hee answered that his onely request was that the boyes might have leave to play yearly on that day of the month whereon he died which custom saith Laertius is continued to this time Those of Lampsacum buried him magnificently with this Epitaph Here lies who through the truest paths did passe O' th world Celestiall Anaxagoras Aelian mentions two altars erected to him one inscribed to the mind the other to truth Laertius concludes his life with this Epigram Fam'd Anaxagoras the Sun defin'd A burning plate ' for which to die design'd Sav'd by his Scholar Pericles But he Abandon'd life to seek Philosophie He is observed never to have been seen either to laugh or smile Being demanded if the Mountains of Lampsacum would in time become Sea he answered yes if time fail not first Beholding the tomb of Mausolus he said a sumptuous Monument was a sign the substance was turned into stone He first affirmed the poesy of Homer to consist of virtue and Justice to which Metrodorus added that the Poet was skilfull in naturall Philosophy He conceived that there are two lessons of death the time before our birth and sleep Laertius and Clemens Alexandrinus assert him first of the Philosophers that put forth a Book He writ Of Natural Philosophy out of which Aristotle cites these fragments All these things were together which was the beginning of the book and â—o be such is to be changed Plato this The mind is the disposer and cause of all things Athenaeus this what is commonly called the milk of the hen is the white of the egge Plato censures the book as not using the mind at all nor assiging any cause of the order of things but aeriall aetheriall and aquatick Natures and the like incredible things for causes The quadrature of the Circle which treatise Plutarch saith hee composed during his imprisonment There were three more of the same name the first an Oratour follower of Isocrates the second a statuary mentioned by Antigonus the last a Grammarian Scholar to Zenodotus ARCHELAVS ARchelaus was either an Athenian or a Milesian his Father Apollodorus or according to some Mylon he was Scholer to Anaxagoras Master to Socrates He first transferr'd naturall Philosophy out of Ionia to Athens But how that can be when Anaxagoras his Master taught there thirty years Casaubone justly questions and therefore was called the Natural Philosopher in him naturall Philosophy ended Socrates his Scholer introducing morality but hee seemeth also to have touched morall Philosophy for he treated of lawes of things honest and just from whom Socrates receiving his learning because he increased it is therefore thought
Nicanor and his Mother and Proxenus which I gave order for to Gryllius as soon as they are perfected be set up Let likewise the Statue of Arimnestus be set up that this monument may remain of him since he died without Children I will likewise that the Statue of my Mother be consecrated to Ceres in the Nemaean Temple or where else shall be thought fitting Wheresoever my Body is buried by the Executors thither let the bones of â—ythais according as she desired be brought and laid with mine Let likewise Nicanor if he continue well in health dedicate at Stagira to Jupiter Soter and Minerva Sotira Statues of Beasts of stone of four cubits in performance of the vow which wee vowed for him He died at Chalcis in the third year of the 114th Olympiad Philocles being Archon in the 63. the great Climactericall year of his age not as Eumelus 70. years old as appeareth by the computation of Apollodorus and Dionysius Halicarnâ—ssaeus thus  y. He came to Athens at 18. Heard Plato 20. Lived with Hermias 3. With Philip and Alexander 8. Taught in the Lyceum 12. Lived at Chalcis 2. in all 63. The manner of his life is variously related Strabo Hâ—sychius Illustris and from him Suidas relate that he drunk Hemlock either being condemn'd thereunto by the Athenians as Socrates was or to prevent their Judgement Iustine Martyr Gregory Nazianzene Coelius Rhodoginus the Greek Etymologist Nonnus and othâ—rs follow the common report that a question was propos'd to him of the wonderfull nature of Euripus an arm of the Sea coming into Chalcis as Lucian averrâ— which ebbeth and floweth seven times in 24. hours Not being able to resolve it he died of shame and anxiety Some affirm that as he sate on the bank having considered long upon it he at last threw himself headlong into the River saying siâ—ce Aristotle could not take Euripus Euripus take thou Aristotle But the Authors of greatest credit Apollodorus Dionysius Halicarnassaeus Ceâ—soriâ—us Laer ius and others affirm that he died of a pain in his stomach caused by over-watching and excesse of study For Laertius affirms he was a most indefatigable student and when he went to bed he held a brazen ball in his hand that when he fell asleep the noise of it falling into a Basin set under it for that purpose might awake him which Alexanâ—er his Disciple imitated To this pain of the stomach he was very subject and somtimes asswaged it by applying a bottle of hot oile to his Breast Notwithstâ—nding this naturall infirmity of his stomach saith Censorinus and the frequent indisposition of a sickly constitution hee preserved himself a Long time through his Vertue and Temperance for it is much more strange that he attained the aâ—e of 63. years then that he lived no longer The Author of the book de Pomo affirmeth that when he was dying he said to his Disciples standing about him it was not without reason that Homer said the Gods came down to earth to relieve mankinde Coelius Rhodâ—ginus adds from the same Author that when he felt the pangs of death to come upon him weeping between griefe and hope he often repeated these words Thou Cause of Causes have mercy on me And his Disciples when they saw he was departing said He who receiveth the souls of Philosophers may â—e take thine likewise and lay it up in his own Treasury as the soul oâ— a right and perfect man as we have known thee to be Of this there is no testimony more antient then that of the Author of the book de Pomo who as Patricius clearly observes from his writings was a Christian. The Stagirites fetch'd his body from Chalcis to Stagira where they buried it with much solemnity building a magnificent Tombe for him and erecting an Altar to his memory CHAP. XII His Person and Vertues AS concerning his person he was slender having little eyes and a small voice When he was young Laertius and Plutarch affirm he had a great hesitation in his speech He went in a rich habit and wore rings his beard was shaven his hair cut short he had a high nose if we credit the head put up by Fulvius Ursinus found at Rome at the bottome of the Quirinall hill He was of a sickly constitution troubled with a naturall weaknesse of stomack and frequent indispositions which he over-mastered by his Temperance Saint Hierome affirmeth he was the Prince of Philosophers an absolute Prodigie and great miracle in nature into whom seemeth to have been infused whatsoever mankinde is capable of He was extreamly pious towards God and Man upon which subject Fortunius Licetus hath lately written two books Eusebius Cassiodorus and others affirm that many persons eminent for sanctity especially followers of School-learning have through the means of Aristotles Philosophy been carried on to Inspection into the highest doctrines of true Faith as that there is one God c. As concerning his gratitude to men besides those instances already mentioned to Proâ—enus and his sonne to Hermias and his sister to his Master Plato to his own Mother Brother and Country and infinite others many Philosophers whose opinion he takes occasion to alledge he mentions with their due praise of which were his Master Plato of whom we have already spoken whom as we have said he sometimes mentioned honourably and sometimes concealeth his name where he preferreth his own opinion Amongst others of whom he maketh honourable mention are observed Democritus in his first book de Generatione Diogenes Apolloniates in the same book Anaxagâ—ras in the first of his Metaphysicks For that he was very moderate the Interpreter of his life confirmes instancing in his book of Caâ—egorems where he saith We ought not to deâ—ermine any thing hastily but to consider often and to doubt oâ— eâ—ery thing is not unusefull And again in his book of Good We muâ—â— remember being men not only that we are happy but that we ought to be able to prove it by firm reason And again in his Ethicks to Nicomachus Man is our friend Truth our friend but above all we ought to honour Truth And in his Meteorologicks As concerning thâ—se we doubâ— of some of them others we touch superficially And in the same not once or twice but infinite times Men do happen upon the same opinions therefore we ought not to be proud of our owne wisdome in any thing whereof we conceive our selves to be â—he Inventors The common report therefore grounded upon no authority that he collected the books of the antient Philosophers and having taken out of them what he intended to confute burnt them is manifestly false for any one that reads Cicero will finde they were most of them extant in his time CHAP. XIII His Wives and Children HE had two wives the first Pythais sister to Hermias the Eunuch Tyrant of Atarna and his adopted heir Of the scandals that were cast upon him by this marriage
Aristotle fully acquits himselfe in his Epistles to An ipater where he professeth that he married her only out of tâ—e good will which he bore unto Hermias and out of a compassion for the great misfortunes that had happened to her Brother adding that she was a woman endowed with extraordinary modesty and all other vertues His second wife was named Herpylis a woman of Stagira whom Apellico cited by Eusebius and perâ—aps from him â—uâ—das affirm he married after the death of Pythais With her he lived to his end as Hermippus cited by Athenaeus and â—imothaeus by Laertius affirm Timaeus a profess'd calumniator of Aristotle saith she was his Concubine and that Aristoâ—le lived with her following the counsell of Hesiod in his Georgiâ—ks from which calumny Hesiod is fully vindicated by Proclus By Herpylis he had one son as Apellico affirmeth whom he named after his own Father Nicomachus To him he dedicated his great Moralls which Cicero thinks to have been written by Nicomachus himselfe For I see not saith he why the son might not be like the Father This Nicomachus was a disciple of Theophrastus and much beloved by him under whom he profited exceedingly in Philosophy and arrived at much eminence therein Suidas saith he writ eight Books of Physick four of Ethick Cicero compares him both with his Tutor and Father Aristocles cited by Eusebius affirmeth he was bred up an Orphan by Theophrastus afterwards died young in the Warrs which relation agrees not with Aristotle's Will nor with Suidas or Cicero who averr that he writ Books out of which Laertius brings a citation in Eudoxo He had a Daughter also called Pythais who as Sextus Empericus affirmes was thrice married First to Nicanor the Stagirite friend to Aristotle Secondly to Procles who derived his pedigree from Demaratus King of Lacedemonia By him she had two Sons Procles Demaratus who studied Philosophy under Theophrastus Her last husband was Metrodorus Disciple of Chrysippus the Gnidian Master of Erastratus By him she had a son named after her Father Aristotle Of this Aristotle there is mention in the Will of Theophrastus where he is called the Son of Midias not Metrodorus Suidas affirmeth he died before his Grandfather CHAP. XIV His Disciples and Friends THe Disciples of Aristotle were so many and so eminent that Nicander of Alexandria wrote an expresse Book upon that subject which had it been extant would doubtlesse have given us an exact account of them whereas now we must rest satisfied with an imperfect Catalogue To omit the three Princes that were his Disciple Hermias Alexander of whom already and Antipâ—ter Successor to Alexanander in Macedonia who amongst other things wrote two books of Epistles in one whereof he related the death of Aristotle in the first place is mentioned Theophrastus of Eressus a City of Leshos the most eloquent of his Disciples Him he appointed to succced him in the School Phanias of Eressus also He wrote many Books often cited by Athenaeus amongst the rest Ammonius cites his Categories Analyticks and of Interpretation Eudemus of Rhodes esteemed by Aristotle in the second place next to Theophrastus His life was written by Damias as Simplicius affirmes who often mentions him He wrote Analyticks and a Geometricall History both cited by Simplicius and some other Histories cited by Laertius wherein hee said the Magi were of opinion that men should rise again after death He survived Aristotle Eudemus of Cyprus who died in Sicily where he took Dion's part as appeareth from Plutarch Aristotle in honour of him called his Dialogue of the Soul after his name Pasicrates Brother of Eudemus the Rhodian To him some ascribe the first lesser Book of Metaphysicks as Philoponus affirmeth Theodectes To him Aristâ—â—le dedicated some Books of Rhetorick mentioned by Valerius Maximus which hee afterward retracted Patricius conceives hee was rather a companion then a Disciple of Aristotle because he mentions him seven times in his Rhetorick which he is never observed to have done of any Disciple Clearchus of Soli. He wrote many Books often cited by Atheâ—aeus Dicaearchus Son of Phidias of Mâ—ssena in Sicily a Philosopher Oratour and Geometriâ—ian as Suiâ—as affirmeth He is cited by Cicero mention'd often by Plutarch amongst the best Philopâ—ers Arisloxenus Son of Mâ—esias a Musician of Tarentum in Italy who going to Maâ—tinia there studied Philosophy and Musick He heard his Father and Lamprus an Erythraean and Xenopholus a Pythagorean and last of all Aristoâ—le whom after his death he calumniated and wronged much because he had left Theophrastus his successour in the School whereas himimself was in great esteem amongst the Disâ—iples Thus Suidas Nicanor mentioned in his Will Philo who wrote against one Sophocles who caused the Philosophers to be voted out of Attica Plato the younger mentioned by Laertiâ—s and Philâ—pâ—nus Socrates a Bithynian mentioned by Laâ—râ—ius Mâ—ason a Phocian mentioned by Aelian as one of hose who assisted Aristotle in the ejection of Plaâ—o out of the Academy Galen likewise mentions him as Author of some mâ—dicinall writings ascribed to Aristotle Phrasidemus a Phocian mentioned by Laertius as a Peripatetick Philosopher It is likely he was a Disâ—iple of Aâ—â—stâ—â—le for he was contemporary with Theopâ—rastus Palaephatus of Abydas an Historian much beloved of Aristotle Callisthenes an Olynthian Aristotles Sisters Sonne of whom already Hipparchus a Stagirite of kin to Aristotle He wrote as Suidas affirmeth oâ— the distinctions of Sexes amongst the Gods of mariage and the like Leoâ— a Byzantine a Peripatetick Philosopher and Sophist Some aâ—firâ— he was a Disâ—iple of Aristoâ—les He was so excessively fat that coming to Athens upon an Embassy the people laught at him to whom he said do you laugh to see me thus fat I have a wife a great deal 〈◊〉 yet when we agree one bed will hold us both but when we disagree not the whole house The people suspecting him of conâ—ederacy with 〈◊〉 upon a 〈◊〉 of his came in a tumult to his house whereupon fearing to be stoned he strangled himselfe Aeschrion of Mitylene a heroick Poet loved much by Aristotle as Suidas saith Callippus an Athenian who also heard Plato Satyrus whose books of lives and characters are cited by Athenaeus Hieronimus the Rhodiaâ— eminent in Philosophy That he was Aristotle's disciple is acknowledged by Athenaeus Heraclides of Pontus a great Philologist To these add of lesse note Echecratides a Methymnaean and Adrastus a Macedonian both mentioned by Stephanus Euxithius mentioned by Plutarch Clitus a Milesian Menon the Historian Diâ—teles and Timarchus CHAP. XV. His Detractours AS the friends and followers of Aristotle were more in number then those of any other Philosopher so were also his detractours of whom having already had occasion to make some mention we shall not need to give any further account then this of Aristotles alledged by Eusebius How then is it possible that what Epicure relates of Aristotle can be true that when he was a young man
for this reason he ascribed the honour thereof unto Solon naming the Citie which before was called Aepea from him Soli. This foundation he mentions in his Elegies addressing his speech to Philocyprus Maist thou in Cyprus long as King abide And ore this people and this Town preside In a fleet vessell from this haven may Cythera crownd with violets me convey Her kind aspect and happinesse may she Grant to this Town a safe return to me He visited Thales also at Miletus whose imposture towards him related already in Plutarchs words receive from Tzetzes Solon's friend Thales lead a single life By Solon often mov'd to take a wife These a Milesian Thales so contriv'd Meeting pretends from Athens late ariv'd Solon asks curiously what newes was there One that 's abroad saith he hath lost his heir The Cittie waited on his obsequies was it not Solon 's son Solon replies To this the stranger as suborn'd assents He with torn hair in cries his passion vents whom Thales tenderly embracing leave This grief saith he I did thee but deceive ' â—is for these reasons Marriage I decline which can deject so great a soule as thine Whether it belong to this deceit or to a real loss Dioscorides and Stobaeus report that weeping for the death of his Son one told him but this helps nothing he answered and therefore I weep At Delphi he met with the rest of the wise men and the year following at Corinth by Perianders invitation which was as Plutarch implies long before Pisistratus came to raign nor doth Dion Chrysostom intend the contrary though so interpreted by a learned person his words importing only this Solon fled not the Tyranny of Periander though he did that of Pisistratus That he went also to Creet perhaps to visit Epimenides is evident from an Epistle of Thales CHAP. IX The attribute of wise conferred on him his morall Sentences WHen Damasius the second was Archon in the yeare of the 49. Olympaid all the seven received the attribute of wise of these was Solon upon whom Themistius saith it was conferr'd as an honorable title full of dignity Plutarch avers that all of them except Thales were so called from their skill in civill affaires And againe In Philosophy Solon chiefly affected as did likewise most of the wise men that part of morality which concerns politicks and speaking of Muâ—sipâ—â—ilus he was not saith he an orator of those Philosophers who are called naturall but embraced that wisedome which teacheth government of a State and prudence in publique actions which he retained as a Sect delivered by succession from Solon Whence Macrobius instanceth Solon as skilfull in that kind of learning which draweth Philosophy deeper and establisheth a state Hereto may bee added his morall learning for which though Socrates reduced it first to a Science and was there upon honored as the inventor thereof the seven were so famous that some affirme the title of wise was given them only for excelling others in a laudable course of life and comprehending some morall rules in short sentences of these they had three sorts Apothegmes Precepts and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of his Apothegmes Laertiuâ— recites these Speech is the Image of Action He is a King who hath power Lawes are like cob-webs which entangle the lesser sort the greater breake through Those who are in favour with Princes resemble counters used in casting accompts which sometimes stand for a great number sometimes for a lesser so those are sometimes honored sometimes cast downe Being demanded how men might be brought to doe no wrong if saith he they who have received none and those who are wronged be alike concern'd Satiety comes of riches contumely of Satiety Plutarch and others these He conceived that City to be best govern'd where the people as eagerly prosecute wrongs done to others as to themselves Being demanded how a City might be best ordered he answered if the Citizens obey'd the Magistrates the Magistrates the lawes hee affirmed that King and Tyrant should become most glorious who would convert his Monarchy to Democracy He esteemed that Family best wherein wealth is gotten not unjustly kept not unfaithfully expended not with repentance Hee defined the happie those who are competently furnished with outward things act honestly and live temperately which definition Aristotle approves He said a commonwealth consists of two things reward and punishment Seeing one of his friends much grieved he carried him to the Tower and desired him to view all the buildings below which observing the other to have done now saith he think with your selfe how many sorrowes have heretofore and doâ— at present dwell under those roofes and shall in future ages and forbeare to be troubled at the inconveniencies of mortality as they were only yours He said also that if all men should bring their misfortunes together in one place every one would carry his owne home againe rather then take an equall share out of the common stock Being in drinking demanded by Periander whether hee were silent through want of discourse or through folly answered no fool can be silent amidst his cups He said that City was best ordered wherein the good were rewarded the bad punished He said a man ought to fear nothing but that his end exclude not Philosophy Demosthenes recites a discourse which he used to the Judges in accusing one who had moved a pernicious law to this effect It is a Law generally received in all Citties that he who makes false mony should be put to death Then he demanded of the Judges whether that Law seemed to them just and commendable whereunto they assenting he added that he conceived mony to be used amongst Citizens in respect of private contracts but that lawes were the mony of the common-wealth therefore Judges ought to punish those who embased the mony of the coÌ„mon-wealth much more severely then those who embase that of private persons and that they might better understand it to be a farre greater offence to corrupt lawes then adulterate coyne he added that many Citties use mony of silver allaid with brasse or lead without any prejudice to themselves but whosoever should use lawes so adulterated could not escape ruine and death Mimnermus writing thus From trouble and diseases free At threescore years let death take me He reproved him saying By my advice that wish extend Nor for his counsell sleight thy friend Alter thy song and let it be At fourescore years let death take me His morall precepts are thus delivered by * Demetrius Phalereus some whereof are cited by Laertius Nothing too much Sit not as judge if thou dost the condemned will esteem thee an enemy Fly pleasure for it brings forth sorrow Observe honesty in thy conversation more strictly then an oath Seal words with silence silence with opportunity Lie not but speak the truth Consider on serious things
Say not ought is juster then thy Parents Procure not friends in hast nor procur'd part with in hast By learning to obey you shall know how to command What forfeiture you impose on others undergoe your selfe Advise not Citizens what is most pleasant but what is best Be not arrogant Converse not with wicked persons Consult the Gods Cherish thy friend Reverence thy Parents Make reason thy guid What thou seest speak not What thou knowest conceal Be mild to those that belong to thee Conjecture hidden things from apparent His particular sentence according to Didymus and Laertius was Nothing too much according to Ausonius Know thy selfe who ascribes these also to him Him I dare happy call whose end I see Match with thy like unequalls not agree By fortune guided none to honour raise A friend in private chide in publick praise Honours atchiev'd created far exceed If fates be sure what helps it to take heed And if unsure there is of fear lesse need Of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laertius mentions these Of every man be carefull lest he hear A sword conceald within his breast a cleer Aspect a double tongue a mind severe CHAP. X. How be opposed Pisistratus and reprehended Thespis DUring the absence of Solon the former dissention broke forth again in the City Lycurgus was head of the country men Megacleâ— of the Maritimes Pisistratus of the Townsmen who were most violent against the rich Solon's lawes were still observed in the City but the people aimed at novelty and change not as thinking it most just but in hopes to be Masters of other mens goods and to suppresse the adverse party Solon whilst things stood thus returned to Athens where he was much reverenced and honoured by all but could not speak or act in publick through the weaknesse of his body and spirits yet privately taking every one of the Commanders apart he endeavoured to reconcile their differences wherein Pisistratus seemed the most ready to be perswaded with whom he had a very antient friendship grounded aswell upon their kindred as upon the good qualities of Pisistratus then whom as Solon used to say there could not be a person of more worth if he were cured of his ambition About this time according to Plutarch which was in the fiftieth Olympiad Thespis began to present Tragedies which Suidas erroneously accounts ten Olympiads latter as is observed by Meursius the people were much taken with the novelty of the thing for as yet there were no contentions therein Solon naturally desirous to hear and learn and by reason of his age indulging more to ease and pleasure feasting and musick went to see Thespis himself act as was then the manner the Play ended he went to Thespis and asked him if he were not ashamed to speak so many lies before so great an auditory Thespis answered it was no shame to act or say such things in jest Solon striking the ground hard with his staffe replyed but in a short time we who approve this kind of jest shall use it in earnest in our contracts and transactions In fine he absolutely forbad him to teach or act tragedies conceiving their falsity unprofitable whereto he dissimulated the deceit of Pisistratus who soon after having wounded himselfe came into the Forum in a Chariot pretending to have been so used by his enemies in the behalfe of the common-wealth and inflamed the people with much rage Solon comming near to him son of Hippocraâ—es saith he you act Homers Vlysses ill in using the same means to deceive the Citizens wherewith he whipping himself deluded the enemie Immediately the people flocked in to defend Pisistratus Aristo mov'd he might be allowed a standing guard of fiftie men Solon rose up to oppose it using speeches the effect whereof he afterwards thus exprest in verse If evill your impieties befall Gods not the Author of those mischiefs call Your selves the causes have given power to those Who in requitall servitude impose Lion whom the footsteps of the fox pursue Whose souls deceit and Vanity endue The mans smooth tongue and speech you only heed But never penetrate into the deed He also foretold them the aimes of Piâ—istratus in an elegy to this effect Vapours condens ' dingender hail and snow And thunder doth from radiant lightning flow The sea is troubled by the raging wind When not disturb'd by that nothing more kind A Citty by great persons is orethrown And taught beneath a Monarchy to groan But seeing the poorer sort much addicted to Pisistratus and tumultuous the richer afraid consulting their safetie by flight he retired saying Athenians I am wiser then some valianter then others wiser then those who understand not the deceit of Pisistratus valianter then those who understand it yet hold their peace through fear The Senate being of the same faction with Pisâ—stratus said he was mad whereto he answered A little time will to the people cleer My madnesse when ' th ' midst truth shall appear The people having granted Pisistratus his request concerning a guard question'd not the number of them but conniv'd so long at his pressing and maintaining as many souldiers as he pleased that at last he possest himselfe of the Tower whereupon the Citty being in a tumult Megacles with the rest of the Alcmaeonidae fled Solon now very old and destitute of those that might back him went into the Forum armed with a spear and shield and made an oration to the people partly accusing them of folly and cowardise partly inciting them not to forsake their libertie using this celebrious speech It had been far easier to have supprest this tyranny in the grouth but much more noble to cut it off now it is at the height No man daring to hear him he went home and taking his armes set them in the street before his door Laertius saith before the Magazâ—n saying I have helped my Country and the Law as much as lay in me or as Laertius O Country I have assisted thee both in word and deed Plutarch addes that from that time he lived retired addicted to his study and told by many the Tyrant would put him to death and demanded wherein the confided so much he answered in his age but Laertius affirmes which seemes truer that assoon as he had laid down his armes he forsook the Country and Agellius that in the raign of Scovius Tullius Pisistâ—atus was Tyrant of Athens Solon going first away into voluntary exile CHAP. XI How he travelled to Lydia and Cilicia SOlon at his departure from Athens received invitations from many by Thales desired to come to Miletus by Bias to Priene by Epimenides to Creet by Cleobulus to Lindus as is evident from their severall letters to that effect even Pisistratus pressed him to return home by this Epistle Pisistratus to Solon Neither am I the only person of the Greeks nor am I without right to the Kingdome I possesse as being descended from Codrus that
when they could not finde him they agreed amongst themselves to tell those who sent them they had done what they required and returning home did so Eetions son growing up was called Cypselus from the danger he had escaped in the corne-measure when he came to mans estate he consulted with the Delphian Oracle and received a doubtfull answer in confidence whereof he attempted Corinth and tooke it the Oracle was this Happy is Cypselus who to my fane This visit makes he Corinth's crowne shall gain He and his Sons but not their sons shall raign Being possest of the Kingdome he persecuted the Corinthians depriving many of their estates more by far of their lives having reigned thirty yeares he dyed and was succeeded by his Son Periander whose reigne compleated this Tyranny which lasted according to* Aristotle 73. yeares and sixe moneths So that Cypselus began to reigne in the second yeare of the thirtieth Olympiad CHAP. II. The time of his birth his raign and the change of his disposition PEriander by computation from his death which according to Laertius was in the eightieth year of his age the last of the fortie eight Olympiad was born in the last year of the twenty ninth Olympiad His raign according to Aristotles account lasting fortie foure years begun in the fourth year of the thirty seventh Olympiad Suidas saith he succeeded in the Kingdome as being his fathers eldest son which Plutarch calls a disease hereditary to him flourished in the thirtie eight Olympiad He was at first of a mild gentle disposition but afterwards grew very rigid upon this occasion His mother whilst he was very young kept him much in her company when he grew more in years fell in love with him with time her passion encreased to such extremity that she could no longer suppresse it assuming confidence she told her son there was a beautifull Lady fallen in love with him and advised him not to slight her affection He answer'd he would not transgresse law and vertue by touching a married woman His mother pressed him with intreaties at last he consented she appointed a night advising him not to have any light in his chamber nor to constrain the Lady to speak but to excuse her for modestie's sake Periander engaged himself to do all she directed She attired as richly as she could went to his chamber and departed again before day-break on the morrow she enquired if he were pleased and if the Lady should come again to him Periander said it was his chiefest desire and that he affected her excessively From that time she visited her son often he at last was moved with a great curiosity to know who she was and solicited his mother very importunately that he might have some discourse and acquaintance with her seeing he was so much taken with love of her affirming it was unreasonable he should be denyed the sight of one with whom he had so often a neerer acquaintance His mother affirm'd it could not be done in respect to the modesty of the Lady Hereupon he gave one of his servants order to hide a light in his chamber she came as she used and when she was asleep Periander rose took the light and seeing it was his mother was about to have killed her but with-held by some genius or apparition forebore From that time forward he was troubled in mind grew cruell and killed many of his subjects His mother much accusing her unhappy genius slew her selfe Laertius saith they were both conscious hereof and that being discovered he grew cruell to euery one In the beginning of his raign he was much more mercifull then his father but keeping correspondence by messengers with Thrasibulus Tyrant of Miletus to whom in times past he had been a guest before he arived to the government he became at last much more bloody then his father He sent an expresse to Thrasibulus to know what course he should take to settle himselfe and to govern the Citty in the best manner Thrasibulus led the messenger out of town and as they walked together in a corn field question'd him concerning his comming from Corinth and in the mean time lopped off all the heads of corn that grew higher then the rest and threw them away in this manner he went over the whole field not speaking one word to the messenger and so sent him home where being returned Periander greedily enquired what instructions he had brought he answered Thrasibulus had given him none and that he wondered he would send him to a mad-man who destroyed his own goods Periander enquired what Thrasibulus did and immediately apprehended that he advised him to put the most eminent in the City to death Laertius recites a Letter to that effect which if not suppositions must have been sent at another time after this messenger departed Thrasibulus to Periander I Gave your messenger no answer but carying him into a field of Corn lopped off with my stick such ears as grew higher then the rest whilst he followed me if you enquire he will relate all to you that he hath heard or seen Do you so likewise if you mean to settle your selfe in the government take off the heads of the chiefest Citizens whether your professed enemies or others A Tyrant must suspect every friend Though Plutarch deny he followed this advice Herodotus averres that from thence forward Periander exercised all cruelty upon his subjects dispatching those that had escaped the rigour and persecutions of his father He first appointed a guard of Halberdiers to secure his person which consisted of three hundred and converted the government to a Tyrannie through his cruelty and violence He forbad the Citizens to keep any servants or to be idle alwaies finding some employment for them If any man sat in the Forum he was fined for he feared lest they should plot against him The Citizens being desirous to live 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he would not suffer them He was alwaies in war being of a martiall disposition He made ships with three banks of Oares which he used in both seas He attempted to dig the Isthmus off from the continent Of his friendship and correspondence with Thrasibulus Herodotus gives another instance affirming he sent to inform him of the Oracles answer to Alyattes King of Lydia concerning the re-edifying of the Temple of Minerva and advised him to provide before-hand for his own security He made a vow if he were victor in the chariot-race at the Olympick games to erect a statue of gold He chanced to be victorious and wanting gold beholding upon a festivall of that country the women richly adorned he took off all their ornaments and so sent them home CHAP. III. Of his being placed in the number of the seven Sages His sentences and writings PEriander saith Plutarch being become a Tyrant by a hereditary disease derived to him by his father endeavoured to purge himselfe
â—e lived at Scilluns and at Cotinth THe Lacedemonians to requite him for suffring in their cause maintained him at the publique charge and purchasing Scilluns of the Eleans built a Town there and bestowed a fair house and land upon Xenophon whereupon hee left Agesilaus and went thither carrying with him his wife named Philesia and his two sons which he had by her Diodorus and Gryllus called the Dioscuri Pelopâ—das a Spartan 〈◊〉 sent him Captives for slaves from Dardanus for a present to dispose of them as should please him Scilluns was near Olympia eminent for celebration of the Games which Megabyzus coming to see restored to Xenophon the money which he had left in his custody wherewith by advice of the Oracle he purchased a portion of land and consecrated it to Diana in a place designed by Apollo through which ran the River Selinus of the same name with that at Ephesus running by Diana's Temple the River was stored as well with shell-fish as others the land with all kind of beasts for game he built also a Temple and after with the consecrated money offering the tithes of the fruits of the land to Diana all the Citzens and Neighbours men and women were invited to the feast where they had from the Goddesses allowance bread wine and part of the flesh of such beasts as was either taken out of the consecrated ground and sacrificed or killed in hunting with the Sons of Xenophon and other Citizens exercised against the time of the feast out of the sacred ground and out of Phaloe were taken wild Boars Goats and Staggs the place lies in the way betwixt Lacedaemonia and Olympia twenty Stadia from the Temple of Olympian Iupiter In the sacred ground were woods and hills stored with trees sufficient to maintain swine Goats and sheep whereby the beasts of carriage of such Merchants as come to the feast are maintained plentifully about the Temple a Grove of fruit-trees of all sorts The Temple was an imitation in little of that at Ephesus an image of Cypresse here resembling that of Gold there A Pillar near the Temble bare this inscription GROUNDS ACRED DIANA HE WHO POSSESSETH IT LET HIM PAY THE TITHE OF HIS YEARLY ENCREASE AND WITH THE SURPLUS AGE MAINI AIN THE TEMPLE IF HE NEGLECT THE GODDESSE WILL TAKE ORDER FOR IT At this place of retirement Xenophon employed his time in hunting and writing Histories inviting his friends thither of whom amongst others came Phaedo and Aristippus much delighted with the situation building and trees planted by the hand of the owner At length a war arising betwixt the Eleans and Lacedaemonians the Eleans invaded Scilluns with a great Army and before the Lacedemonians came to their reliefe seized on the house lands of Xenophon His sons with some few servants got away privately to Lepreum Xenophon first to Elis then to Lepreum to his sons and lastly with them to Corinth where he took a house and continued the rest of his life During this time the Argives Arcadians and Thebans jointly opposed the Lacedemonians and had almost opprest them when the Athenians made a publique decree mentioned by a Xenophon to succour them Xenophon sent his Sonns upon the expedition to Athens to fight for the Lacedemonians for as Diocles affirms they had been educated at Sparta in the discipline of that place This enmity ended in a great battle at Mantinea in the second year of the hundreth and fourth Olympiad Diodorus without acting any thing memorable gave off safe and had afterwards a son of his brothers name Gryllus was ranked opposite to the Theban horse-men the Thebans having by the valour of their Generall Epâ—â—minondas got the better of the day a resolute company of Spartan horse-men broke in upon him of whom was Gryllus who slew Epaminondas with his own hand as Pausanias affirmes to have been attested both by the Athenians and the Thebans adding that he had seen at Ahtens a picture of the battle at Mantinea confirming the same and that at Mantinâ—a was erected a Pillar with the statue of Gryllus on horseback In this noble action Gryllus lost his life the newes of whose death came to Xenophon at Corinth as he was sacrificing Crowned with a Garland as soon as he heard his son was slain he took off his Garland and laid it aside then demanding after what manner he died it was answered sighting stoutly in the midst of his enemies of whom having slain many he fell at last himselfe Hereupon Xenophon took again his Garland and putting it upon his head proceeded to sacrifice not so much as shedding one tear only saying I knew that I had begot a mortall and calling the Gods to whom he sacrificed to witnesse that the vertue of his son gave him more coÌ„tent then his death sorrow Innumerable were the Epitaphs and Encomiums that were written upon Gryllus to please Xenophon whence may be collected in how great esteem he was That he made a visit to Dionysius Tyrant of Sicily but at what time is uncertain is implied by Athenaeus who relateth that being at a feast of his compelled by the Cup-bearer to drink he called the Tyrant by name What is the matter Dyonysius saith he your Cook though excellent in that art doth not enforce us to eat against our inclination CHAP. VII His Death Person Vertues Xenophon being full of years which according to Lucian exceeded ninety died at Corinth in the first of the hundreth and fifth Olympiad Callidemus or Callimedes being Archon at what time Philip son of Amintas began his raign in Macedonia He had an ingenious modest look long thick hair handsome to use the words of Laertius beyond expression Adroit in every thing particularly addicted to horses and hunting skilfull in Tacticks as his writings attest devout a great loâ—er of sacrifices skilfull in interpreting them an exact imitatour of Socrates temperate as appears from his saying that It is pleasant hungry to eat herbs thirsty to drink water So candid and ingenious that when he might have stollen the writings of Thucydides which lay concealed he chose rather to publish them with honour In a word he was a person every was absolute as well for action as contemplation Xenophon saith Eunapius was the only man of all the Philosophers who adorned Philosophy with his words and actions he describes morall 〈◊〉 in his discourses and writings in his acâ—ions he was singular as to his conduct a most excellenâ— Generall Alexander had not beâ—n great iâ— Xenophon had not said even the perfunctory actions of valtant persons ought to be recorded He was the first that committed the disputes of Socrates his Master to writing and that with much sidelity not inserting excursions of his own as Plato did whom for that reason as â—gellius observes he argueth of falsehood that there was a great enmity betwixt these two is affirmed by
you 〈◊〉 my advice for the education of young Aristippus go to Athens and above all esteem Xantippe and Myrto who have often spoke to me to bring you to the Eleusinâ—an Festivalls Whilst you lead this pleasant life with these let the Cyrenaean Praefects be as unjust as they please in your naturall end they cannot prejudice you Endeavour to live with Xantippe and Myrto as I did hereto fore with Socrates composing your selfe to their conversation for pride is not proper in that place If Tyrocles the son of Socrates who lived with me at Mâ—gara come to Cyrene it will be well done to supply him and to respet as your own son If you will not nurse a daughter because of the great trouble it gives you send for the daughter of Eubois to whom you have heretofore expressed so much kindness and named after my Mother and I also have often called her my friend Above all take care of little Aristippus that he may be worthy of us and of Philosophy Eor this I leave him as his true inheritance the rest of his estate finds the Cyrenaean Magistrates adversaries But you writ me not word that any offered to take that away from you Rejoyce dear daughter in the possession of those riches which are in your power and make your son possess them likewise I wish he were my son but being disappointed of that hope I depart with this assurance that you will lead him in the pa hs trodden by good men Farewell and grieve not for us Of his Children besides this Arete his Daughter whom he educated in Philosophy is remembered also a Son whom for his stupidity he disenherited and turned out of dores for which being reproved by his Wife who alledged that he came from himselfe He spitting said This comes from me too but profiteth me nothing Or as Laertius We cast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all unnecessary things as far as we can from us Arete had a Son named from his Grandfather Aristippus and from his Mothers instructing him in Philosophy surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Besides these two Aristippus the Grandfather and the Grandson Laertius reckons two more of the same name One writ the History of Arcadia the Other was of the new Academy CHAP. IX His Disciples and Successors Of the Auditors of Aristippus besides his daughter Arete whom he taught with much care and brought up to great perfection in Philosophy are remembred Aethiops of Ptolemais and Antipater of Cyrene Arete communicated the Philosophy she received from her Father to her Son Aristippus the younger Aristippus transmitted it to Theodorus the Atheist who instituted a Sect called Theodorean Antipater communicated the Philosophy of Aristippus to Epitimides his Disciple Epitimides to Paraebates Paraebates to Hegesias and Anniceris These two last improving it by some additions of their own obtained the honour each of them to have a Sect named after them Hegesiack and Annicerick HEGESIAS CHAP. I. His Life HEGESIAS Disciple to Paraebates was surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Death's Oratour from a book he writ entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon occasion of one who had famish'd himself nigh to death but was called back to life by his friends in answer to whom hee in this Book demonstrated that death takes us away from ill things not from good and reckon'd up the incommodities of life and represented the evills thereof with so much Rhetorick that the sad impression thereof penetrated so far into the breasts of many hearers that it begot in them a desire of dying voluntarily and many laid violent hands upon themselves Whereupon hee was prohibited by Ptolomy the King to discourse any more upon this Subject in the Schools CHAP. II. His Philosophy HIS Disciples were from him called Hegesians They held the same chief good and Evill with the Cyreneans further asserting That Kindnesse Friendship and Benevolence are in themselves nothing not expetible but in respect of those benesits which cannot consist without those persons That Perfect Felicity is absolutely impossible because the body is disordered by many troubles in which the Soul shares and most of those things which we hope are prevented by chance That Life and Death are in our choice That nothing is by nature pleasant or unpleasant but by the raâ—ity and unusuallness of things or satiety some are delighted therewith others not That Poverty and Wealth conferre nothing to Pleasure neither are the rich poor affected with Pleasure severall waies Servitude and Liberty Nobility and Meanness Glory and ignominy differ nothing in this respect That to live is advantageous for a fool indifferent to a wise man That a wise man ought to do all things in consideration of himself and preferre none before himself for though possibly he may receive benefits from others very great in outward appearance yet are they nothing in comparison of those which he dispenseth That Sense conferrs nothing to certain knowledge for all act by the rules of tâ—eir own reason That offences ought to be pardon'd for no man offends willingly but compelled by some affection That we should hate no man but instruct him better That a wise man should not insist so much upon choice of good things as upon evill making it his scope and end to live neither in Labour nor Grief which they do who are inclined neither way to the objects of Pleasure ANNICERIS CHAP. I. His Life ANNICERIS was of Cyrene Disciple to Paraebates yet Suidas saith he was an Epicurean and that he lived in the time of Alexander He was excellent in Chariot-racing of which one day he gave a testimony before Plato and drove many courses round the Academy so exactly that his wheeles never went out of the track to the admiration of all that were present except Plato who reprehended his too much industry saying it was not possible but that he who employed so much paines about things of no value must neglect those of greater concernment which are truly worth admiration When Plato by the command of Dionysius was sold as a slave in Aegina Anniceris fortuned to be present who redeemed him for 20. or according to others 30. minae and sent him to Athens to his friends who presently returned the mony to Anniceris but he refused it saying they were not the only persons that deserved to take care of Plato He had a Brother named Nicoteles a Philosopher hee had likewise the famous Posidonius to be his Disciple CHAP. II. His Philosophy HIS Disciples were called Annicerians They as the rest placed all good in Pleasure and conceived virtue to be only commendable as far as it produced Pleasure They agreed in all things with the Hegesians but they abolished not friendship good will duty to parents and actions done for our Country They held That although a wise man suffer trouble for those things yet he will lead a life nothing the lesse happy though he enjoy but few Pleasures
but more gain For your sake to dy would please Toyle and torments were but ease You direct men in pursuit Of immortall sacred fruit Richer far then gold refin'd Soft as sleep as parents kinde Great Alcides for your sake Labours vast did undertake Leda's valiant twins made known More your glories then their own Ajax and Achilles too Only dy'd for love of you Ah! for you Atarna's pride Hermias untimely dy'd But his name we will revive That our Muse shal keep alive Paying hospitable Jove Pious thanks for a friends love There wanted not those who cast many aspersions and calumnies upon this Vertuous friendship some affirm'd that Hermias lov'd Aristotle inordinately an imputation not well suiting with an Eunuch and that for this Reason he gave him Pythais to wife whom Suidas and the Greek Etymologist affirm to have been his Daughter either by Nature or Adoption Demetrius Magnesius his Neece Aristippus his Concubine so little do they agree in their relation They adde that Aristotle was so passionately in Love with her that he sacrificed to her after the same manner as the Athenians to Ceres at Eleusis This Laertius relates as done whilst she was alive But Lyco first Author of this calumny that it was after her death Moreover that Aristotle in a thankfull acknowledgement of his Bounty wrote a Paean in praise of Hermias meaning the Hymn last mentioned which Athenaeus proveth against the calumniations of Demophilus not to be a sacred hymne or Paean but a Scolion or Festivall Song Hence Theocritus the Chian derides him in this Epigram To the slave Eunuch who Atarne swai'd An empty tombe empty Aristotle made Who from the Academy did retire To wallow in vain pleasures faithless mire In answer to these calumnies first raised by Lyco dispersed further by Aristippus and continued by those that maligne the memory of Aristotle Apellieo writ certain Books wherein he accurately confutes those who durst in this manner impudently blaspheme such are his words the name of Aristotle so much prejudice and malice being in the accusation as might easily argue the falsenesse thereof Upon the death of Hermias Aristotle and with Xenocrates fled from Atarna to Mitylene as Apollodorus and Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirm in the fourth year of the 108. Olympiad Eubulus being Archon CHAP. V. How he lived with Philip and Alexander ABout this time Philip King of Macedonia Father of Alexander taking care for the Education of his Son now growing towards mans estate and unwilling saith Plutarch to commit his Education to Professors of Musick or any other of the liberall Sciences as knowing him fit for higher designes sent to Aristotle the most famous and learned of Philosophers to come and instruct him Agellius recites his Epistle which was to this effect Philip to Aristotle health KNow that I have a Son I render the Gods many thanks not so much for his birth as that he was born in your time for I hope that being educated and instructed by you he will become worthy both of us and the Kingdom which he shall inherit Aristotle at this request of Philip went to Macedonia to him in the 4th year of the 108. Olympiad as Apollodorus and Dioâ—ystus Halicarnassaeus affirm at what time Alexander was fifteen yeares old He lived there infinitely esteem'd and beloved of Philip and Olympia his Wife Alexander's Mother They caused his Statue to be made and set up in honour of him Philip had a kindnesse to particular for him that he allo'wd him in manner an equal share in the Government of the Kingdom which interest Ammonius saith he employed to the advantage as well of private persons as of the publick as appeareth saith the Latine Interpreter of his life by his Epistles to Philip. Plutarch affirmâ—s that Philip as a recompence to Aristotle reedified the Town where hee was born Stagira which he had before laid wast He likewise assign'd him a School and study near Mieza a Town of Macedonia not far from thence where unto this day saith Pluâ—arch they shew the stony seats and shady walks of Aristotle He instructed Alexander in the deepest parts of Learning not only in Ethick and Politicks but his most reserved and solid Doctrines call'd Acroatick and Epoptick never communicated to the Vulgar That he taught him likewise the Art of Medicine Plutarch argueth for as much as Alexander was not only exceedingly delighted with the Theory thereof but practised it successfully upon many of his friends to whom he prescribed Receipts and diets as appeareth saith he by his Epistle Perceiving Alexander to be much taken with Homer's Iliads as conceiving and calling it the bestâ—â—stitution of military Vertue he took much pains in correcting and restoring the text and then gave it to Alexander which copy â—he infinitely prised He writ a Book to Alexander intituled Of a Kingdom mentioned by Laertius and Ammonius wherein he instructed him how to rule So much did he incline the mind of Alexander to do goodâ— that he used to say if any day pass'd wherein he had not conferred some benefit I have not reign'd to day Alexander so much affected him that he professed he admired and loved him no lesse then his Father because his Father he said only gave him being but Aristotle well-being The love which Philip and Alexander bore him was so great that Theocritus the Chian cast the same aspersion upon it as he did on his friendship with Hermias In the first year of the 111th Olympiad Pythodorus being Archon Philip dyed and was succeeded by his Son Alexander whose active spirit soon after his coming to the Crown designed an expedition against the King of Persia. Hereupon Aristotle having now lived with Alexander eight years though Justine saith but five which some interpret of the time before Philips death but not without some violence for that was above seven preferring the quiet of a Contemplative life before the troubles of War took leave of him returned to Athens leaving in his room Callisthenes an Olynthian his Kinsman Son of his Cozen Hero and Disciple whom before his departure observing to speak with too much liberty and obstinacy to the King he reproved in these words Son if thou thus employ thy tongue Thy thread of life cannot be long And so it came to passe not long after upon this occasion Hermolaus Son of Sopolis a youth of a noble Family that studied Philosophy under Callisthenes hunting the Wild Bore with Alexander prevented the King by casting his dart first at him for which he was by the Kings command punished with many stripes Troubled at the ignominy thereof he conspired with Sostratus Antipater and some other companions of his to murther Alexander which treason being discovered by Epimenes one of the Conspirators they were all put to death Aristobulus and Ptolemaeus Son of Lagus affirms they accused Callisthenes as him who instigated them to this attempt Hereupon Callisthenes was
Theologie though there be not any invention of his extant yet he perfectly went through all the parts thereof For he was not only acquainted as some falsely imagine with terrestriall things and those which belong to this World but even with those things which are above this World as may appear from the eight book of his Physick where he saith that the first cause is not subject to motion neither in it selâ—e nor by accident in which words he declareth that God is not a body nor any way passible And in his 12th book of Wisdome or Metaphysicks he discourseth accurately of God and Intelligences in a rationall clear way not inâ—olv'd in Fables or Pythagoricall Symbols but founding his assertion upon reason and demonstration as much as the subject and human reason alloweth Patricius labours much to prove that whatsoever he had in this kind excellent he borrow'd from Hermes Trismegistus But as we have already said Mr. Casaubon hath fully evinâ—'d that Book to have been imposed upon the World by some later writer What is added by the antient Latine Interpreter concerning Aristotle's sentence of that visuall Hexagonall Pyramid which a learned person hath observed to be chosen as a midle way betwixt the sentence of those who made the optick penicill a pyramid of a quadratick base and those who made it of a Conick figure is very obsâ—ure and hardly admits of an Interpretation worthy so great an Author CHAP. VIII His correspondence with Alexander WHilst Aristotle taught Philosophy at Athens his Disciple Alexander was employed in an Expedition to Asia against Darius King of Persia incited thereunto by the principles of Honour which were infused into him by Aristotle particularly from the Presidents of Achilles Ajax and other Heroes celebrated by Homer whose Iliads Aristotle had so câ—refully recommâ—nded unto him He began this expedition in the third year of the 11th Olympiad at which time Ctesicles was Archon at Athens immediately after the departure of Aristotle who it is probable came only for this reason from him as preferring a quiet and studious life before the troubles of War The first thing that Alexander did was to visit the Tombe of Achilles in the Sigaeum at the sight whereof he broke forth into these words O fortunate young man that hadst a Homer to celebrate thy praise â— for had it not been for his Iliads addes Cicero in the same Tombe where Achilles's his body lay his name also would have been buried He took with him the Iliads of Homer corrected by Aristotle and made it his constant companion insomuch that hee put it every night with his dagger under his pillow And in a Victory over Darius having taken a Casket of Unguents of extraordinary value amongst the spoiles of Darius beset with Pearles and precious stones as Pliny describes it his friends telling him how many uses it might be put to because Unguents did not become a Souldier Yes saith he it shall serve to keep the Books of Homer that the most precious work may be kept in the richest case hence was this correct copy called as Plutarch saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whilst he was in Asia engaged in the Warrs against Darius in the midst of his continuall Victories and businesse hearing that Aristotle had published his Acroatick books of naturall Philosophy he sent this Letter to him Alexander to Aristotle Health YOu have not done well in publishing your Acroatick discourses for wherein shall we excell others if this Learning wheriâ— we have been instituted be made common to all As for me I had rather excell others in knowledge then in power Farewell To which Aristotle returned this answer Aristotle to Alexander health YOu wrote to me concerning my Acroatick Discourses that they ought not to have been communicated but kept secret Know that they are made publick and not publick for none but they who have heard us can understand them Farewel Thus notwithstanding Alexander were busied in the Warres yet he forgot not his Master Aristotle but kept a friendly correspondence with him So constant was he in his love to Learning and particularly so much enflam'd as Pliny saith with a curious desire of understanding the natures of living Creatures that he sent thousands of men throughout all Asia and Greece to procure all kinds of living Creatures birds beasts and fishes at an excessive charge Athenaeus saith 800. Talents which according to Budaeus's account is 840000 crowns these men he sent with what they took to Aristotle that he might not be ignorant of any thing that any Nation afforded by which information he composed as Pliny affirmeth 50. excellent Volumes of Liâ—ing Creatures of which ten are only left unlesse we put into the same number those Books of his which have some near relation to this subject as Of the going of living Creatures 1. Of the parts of living Creatures and their causes 4. Of the Generation of living Creatures 5. If this were done by Alexander as Pliny and Athenaeus attest though Aelian ascribe it to Philip it must necessarily have been whilst he was in his Asiatick expedition For Aristotle as hath been already proved staid but a very short time with him after the death of his Father Aristotle made the same use of this correspondence with Alexander as he had done of the Interest he before had with Philip the advantage not only of particular person but of whole Cities This City of Stagira the place of his Birth did acknowledge which at the suit of Aristotle Alexander caused to be reedified and repeopled and restored to its former state having before by Philip been laid levell with the ground For though Plutarch relate this as done in the time of Philip Laertius Ammonius Dion Chrysostome Aelian and others hold that it was done by Alexander to which Valerius Maximus addes that it was not long before Aristotles death In memory of which Benefit the people of Stagira used to celebrate a yearly Festivall which they called the Aristotelean Feast naming the month in which it fell Stagirites Erestus likewise the Country of Theopâ—rastus which Alexander determined to punish very severely by the mediation of Aristotle was pardoned That he benefited many particular persons is evident saith Ammonius from his Epistles to the King yet extant wherein he recommends severall persons to him Hence it is manifest that the Author of his life is mistaken when he affirmes that in Alexanders Asiatick expedition Aristotle accompanyed him to the Brachmanes where he writ that noble piece of the Lawes and institutions of 255 Cities That likewise he travelled over all Persia with Alexander where during the War Alexander died and Aristotle returned into his own Country This relation agrees not with the other circumstances of Aristotles life Alexander died in the fourth year of the hundred and thirteenth Olympiad two years before Aristotle's departure from Athens But as it is apparent that this mistake
with Hellebor or by starving so to punish those surâ—eits which we have incurred for a short pleasure He said Whosoever seareth others is a slave though he know it not himselfe He said No covetous man can be a good man or a King or a freeman Being demanded what a feast is he answered The occasion of surfeits He said We ought to aim at such pleasures as follow labour not at those which go before labour He said Common Executioners are better then Tyrants those pâ—t only guilty men to death Tyrants the innocent He said We ought to wish our enemies all good things but Fortitude for that they possesse would fall into the hands of the Victor not the Owner Him that contradicteth he said he said we must not again contradict but instruct for a mad-man is not cured by anothers growing mad also He said A man should alwaies have in readinesse his wits or a rope Seeing the Thebans much exalted with their successe at the Luctrian sight he said They were like boyes that triumph when they have beaten the. Masters To some that commended a Piper But saith he he is an ill man for else he would never have been so good a Piper CHAP. IV. His Writings OF his Bookes saith Laertius there are ten Tomes The first containeth these Of speech or of Characters Ajax of the speech of Ajax Ulysses or of Ulysses An apology for Orestes Of Lawyers Isographe or Desias or Isocrates Against Isocrates ' s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The second Tome Of the Nature of Animals Of Procreation of children or of Marriage Brotick Of Sophists Physiognomick Of Iustice and Fortitude Protreptick 1 2 3 Of Theognis The third Tome Of Good Of Fortitude Of Law or of Policy Of Law or of Fair and Iust. Of Freedom and Servitude Of Faith Of a Guardian or of Trusting Of Victory Oeconomick The fourth Tome Cyrus Hercules the Greater or of Strength The fift Tome Cyrus or of a Kingdom Aspasia The sixt Tome Truth Of Dissertation Anti-logick Sathon of Contradiction 3. Of Dialectick The seventh Tome Of Discipline or of names 5. Of dying Of Life and Death Of things after death Of the use of names or Eristick Of Interrogation and answer Of Opinion and Science 4. Of Nature 2. Interrogation concerning Nature 2. Opinions or the Eristick Problems concerning Learning The eighth Tome Of Musick Of Interpreters Of Homer Of Injustice and impiety Of Chalcas Of the spie Of Pleasure The ninth Tome Of the Odysseis Of Minerva's wand or of Telemachus Helena and Penelope Of Proteus The Cyclops or of Ulysses Of the use of Wine or of Drunkenesse or of the Cyclops Of Circe Of Amphiaraus Of Ulysses and Penelope Of the Dog The tenth Tome Hercules or Midas Hercules or of Prudence or of strength The Master or Lover The Masters or spies Menexenus or of Ruling Alcibiades Archelaus or of a Kingdom These saith Laertius were his writings the great number whereof Timon derides calling him an ingenious Trifler There is also among the Socratick Epistles one under his name to this effect Antisthenes to Aristippus IT is not the part of a Philosopher to live with Tyrants and to wast time at Sicilian Feasts but rather to be content with a little in his own Country but you esteem it the greatest excellence of a Vertuous person to be able to acquire much wealth and to have powerfull friends Riches are not good neither if they were in themselves good are they such being thus obtained nor can a multitude of unlearned persons especially Tyrants be true friends Wherefore I would coâ—nsell you to leave Syracuse and Sicily but if as some report you are in love with Pleasure and aim at such things as beseem not wise persons go to Anticyra and cure your self by drinking Hellebore for that is much better for you then the Wine of Dionysius this causeth madnesse that asswageth it So that as health and discretion differ from sicknesse and â—olly so much shall you be better then you are in these things which you now enjoy Farewell The Answer to this Epistle see in the life of Aristippus CHAP. V. His Death HE died saith Laertius of sicknesse As he lay on his death-bed Diogenes came to him and asked him if he wanted a friend Another time he came to him with a dagger Antisthenes crying out who will free me from this pain he shewed him the dagger saying This shall Antisthenes reply'd I say from my pain not from my life for he bore his sicknesse somwhat impatiently through love of life Theopompus commends him above all the Disciples of Socrates as being of such acute and sweet discourse that he could lead any man to what he would There were three more of this name one a Heraclitean Philosopher the second of Ephesus the third of Rhodes a Historian DIOGENES CHAP. I. His Country Parents Time Banishment DIOGENES was of Sinopis a City of Pontus his Father named Icesius or as others Icetes by profession a mony-changer He was born as appears by computation from his death which was in the 90 t year of his age in the first year of the 114 t Olympiad Hegesias being Archon about the third year of the 91st Olympiad Suidas saith he was first called Cleon. Diocles saith his Father trading publickly in exchange of mony was surprised coining false mony and thereupon fled But Eubulides saith Diogenes himselfe did it and fled together with his Father even Diogenes in his Podalus acknowledgeth as much Some affirme that being made overseer he was perswaded by the work-men to go to Delphi or Delus the Country of Apollo to enquire of the Oracle if he should do that whereto he was advised 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is of ambiguous signification implying to alter the course of life and to coine false mony The Oracle assented Diogenes not understanding it in the Civill sense betook himselfe to coyning and being taken in the act was banished or as others say fled for fear Some affirme he adulterated the mony he received from his Father for which the Father was cast in prison and there dyed the Son fled and coming to Delphi enquired of the Oracle by what means he should become eminent whereupon he received that answer When he left his Country one of his servants followed him named Manes who not enduring his conversation ran away from him some perswaded Diogenes to enquire after him who answer'd Were it not a shame since Manes doth not need Diogenes that Diogenes should need Manes The fellow wandring up and down came at last to Delphi where he was torn in pieces by doggs DIOGENES CHAP. II. How he lived at Athens COming to Athens saith Laertius he apply'd himselfe to Antisthenes following the Cynicall Philosophy instituted by him Antisthenes having invited many to hear him and but few coming at last in anger would not suffer any to come to him and therefore bad Diogenes be
that which is so as it cannot be of that which is not To comprehensive phantasie three conditions are requisite 1. That it arise from that which is for many phantasies arise from that which is not as in mad men 2. That it be conformable to that which is for some phantasies are from that which is but represents the similitude of that which is not as Orestes derived a phantasie from that which was viz. from Electra but not according to that which was for he thought her to be one of the furies Comprehensive phantasie must be conformable to that which is and so impressed and signed as that it may imprint artificially all the properties of the thing phancied as Gravers touch all the parts of those things which they imitate and the impression made by a Seal on Wax exactly and perfectly beareth all its characters Lastly that it be without impediment for sometimes comprehensive phantasie is not creditable by reason of outward circumstances as when Hercules brought Alcestis taken out of the Earth to Admetus Admetus drew from Alcestis a comprehensive phantasie but did not credit it for he consider'd that she was dead and therefore could not rise again but that sometimes Spirits appear in the shape of the deceased Phantasy Phantaston Phantasticon and Phantasme according to Chrysippus differ thus Phantasy is a passion made in the Soul which sheweth it selfe and that which made it as when with our eyes we see white it is a passion engendred by sight in the Soul and we may call this a passion because the object thereof is a white thing which moveth us the like of smelling and touching Phantaston is that which maketh phantasie as the white and the cold and whatsoever is able to move the Soul that is phantaston Phantasticon is a frustaneous attraction a passion in the Soul proceeding from nothing as in those who sight with shadowes or extend their hands in vain for to phantasy is objected phantaston but phantasticon hath no object Phantasme is that to which we are attracted by that frustraneous attraction which happens in melancholy or mad persons as Orestes in the Tragedy when he saith Bring hither Mother I implore These snakie bloodie Maids no more Whose very lookes wound me all o're This he saith in his madnesse for he saw nothing wherefore Electra answers him Ah quiet in thy bed unhappy lie Thou seest not what thou thinkst before thy eye CHAP. V. Of True and Truth TRUE according to Zeno is that which is impressed in the minde from that whence it is in such manner as it cannot be from that which is not or as others True is that which is and is opposed to something False is that which is not yet is opposed to something also Truth and true differ three waies by Essence by Constitution by Power By Essence for truth is a body but true is incorporeall for it is a dicible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and therefore incorporeall On the contrary Truth is a body as being the enunciative Science of all true things All Science is in some measure the supream part of the Soul which supream part is a body therefore truth in generall is corporeall By Constitution True is conceived to be something uniforme and simple by nature as It is day I discourse Truth as being a Science consisteth of many things by a kinde of conservation Wherefore as a People is one thing a Citizen another a People is a multitude consisting of many Citizens but a Citizen is no more then one In the same manner differeth truth from true Truth resembleth a People true a Cittizen for truth consisteth of many things collected true is simple By Power for true doth not absolutely adhere to truth A fool a child a mad-man may speak something true but cannot have the Science of that which is true Truth considers things with Science insomuch that he who hath it is wise for he hath the Science of true things and is never deceived nor lyeth although he speak false because it proceedeth not from an ill but good affection CHAP. VI. Of Comprehension COmprehension 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was first used in this sence by Zeno by a metaphor taken from things apprehended by the hand which allusion he exprest by action For shewing his hand with the fingers stretched forth he said such was Phantasy then bending them a little said such was Assent then compressing them and clutching his fist such was Comprehension Comprehension is a firm and true knowledge non-comprehension the contrary for some things we only think that we see hear or feel as in dreams and frenzies other things we not only think but truly do see or hear or feel These latter all but the Academicks and Scepticks conceive to fall under firm knowledge the other which we imagine in dreams or frenzy are false Whatsoever is understood is comprehended by the minde one of these two waies either by evident incursion which Laertius calls by sense or by transition from evidence Laertius collection by demonstration of which latter there are three kinds by Assimilation by Composition by Analogy By incurrent evidence is understood white and black sweet and soure By Transition from evidents by Assimilation is understood Socrates by his Picture by Composition as of a horse and a man is made a Centaure for putting together the limbes proper to both species we comprehend by phantasy that which was neither horse nor man but a Centaur compounded of both By Analogy things are understood two waies either by augmentation or when from common ordinary men we by augmentation phansy a Cyclops who not like Men that with Cares gifts are fed But some tall hill erects his head Or by Diminution as a Pigmey Likewise the Center of the earth is understood by analogy from lesser Globes To these kinds add Comprehension by transference as eyes in the breast by contrariety as death by transference as dicibles and place by privation as a man without hands just and good are understood naturally CHAP. VII Of Assent THese things being enough known which we have already explained let us now speake a little of Assent and approbation termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not that is not a large place but the grounds thereof have been already laid For when we explained the power that was in the senses we likewise declared that many things were comprehended and perceived by the senses which cannot be done without Assent Moreover seeing that betwixt an inanimate and an animate being the greatest difference is that the inanimate doth nothing the animate doth something we must either take away sense from it or allow it assent which is within our power When we will not have a thing either to perceive or assent we in a manner take away the soule from it for as it is necessary that the scale of ballance which is laden should tend downwards so is it that the soule should
or in vicinity or contrariety which origine we cannot pursue beyond similitude But this we cannot do alwaies for there are innumerable words the reasons of which lyâ—hid To the infancy or rather stock and seed of such words beyond which no origine is to be sought neither if a man do enquire can he finde any they proceed in this manner The syllables in which v hath the place of consonant as in these words venter vafer velum vinum vomis vulnus have a thick and as it were a strong sound which the very custome of speaking confirmeth when from some words we take them away lest they should burden the eare for which reason we say amâsti rather then amavisti and abiit not abiâ—it and innumerable of the same kinde Therefore when we say Vis the sound of the word having as we said a kinde of force suiteth with the thing which it signifieth Now from this vicinity by that which they affect that is because they are violent vincula seem to be named and vimen quo aliquid vinciatur Thence vites because they claspe about those things by which they grow Hence also by similitude Terence calls a crooked old man vietum Hence the Earth worn into winding paths by the feet of passengers is called via but if via be so named quasi vi pedum trita the origine returnes to the vicinity But let us suppose it derived from the similitude it hath with vitis or vimen that is from its winding one asketh me why it is called via I answer from the windings and crookednesse thereof which the antients called vietum thence the rounds of a wheel vietos He demands how vietum comes to signifie winding I answer from the similitude of vitis a Vine He requires whence vitis is so named I say because it doth vincere those things which it comprehends He questions whence vincere is derived We say à vi He asks whence vis We give this reason because the word in its robust and forcible sound agreeth to the thing which it signifieth He hath nothing more to demand In like manner in this word Ego as Chrysippus observes in pronouncing the first syllable we depresse the under-lip as if it were to point to our selves then by motion of the beard we point to our own breasts of which Nigidius hath given more instances in his Grammaticall Commentaries The second question concerning words is of their power 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of significants whence Chrysippus divided Dialectick into two parts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of significants and significats Here they enquire how many waies every thing may be said and how many waies a thing said may signifie Here is examined the ambiguity of words Ambiguity or amphiboly is a word signifying two or more things naturally and properly according to the language of the Nation in such manner that many senses may be collected from the same words as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which one way signifies the pot fell thrice another way the she-minstrell fell Every word according to Chrysippus is by nature ambiguous for the same may be taken two or more waies Neither is that any thing to the purpose which Hortensius calumniates in Cicero thus They affirm that they hear ambiguities acutely explain them clearly The same persons hold that every word is ambiguous how then can they explain the ambiguous by the ambiguous that were to bring a candle not lighted into the dark This is ingeniously and subtlely said but like that of Scaevola to Antonius you seem to the wise to speak acutely to fooles truly for what else doth Hortensius in that place but by his ingenuity and facetiousnesse as an intoxicating cup bring darknesse upon the unlearned For when they say every word is ambiguous it is understood of single words Ambiguities are explain'd by disputation no man disputeth by single words none therefore explaineth ambiguous words by ambiguous words And yet seeing that every word is ambiguous no man can explain the ambiguity of words except by words but those conjoyned and not ambiguous As when we say every Souldier hath two feet it doth not follow that a whole Regiment of Souldiers that have two feet should have in all but two feet So when I say every word is ambiguous I do not say a sentence nor a disputation although they are woven of words Every ambiguous word therefore may be explained by inambiguous disputation The third question is concerning Declination 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some follow Analogie others Anomaly Analogie is a like declination of like in Latine proportio Anomaly is an inequality following the customes of declinations Chrysippus wrote six bookes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shewing that like things are noted with unlike words and unlike things with like words The last question is concerning Ordination 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Upon this subject Chrysippus wrote two bookes Laertius reckons more whose scope is not Rhetoricall but Dialectick as will easily appear to the Reader Of the Syntax of Axiomes of true and false Axiomes of possible and impossible of contingent and transient and ambiguous and the like which confer nothing to single speech or pleasure or grace to elocution There are five excellencies of speech Propriety Perspicuity Succinctnesse Decorum Elegance Propriety is a proper phrase according to Art not after the common expression Perspicuity is when that which is intended is delivered clearly Succinctnesse is when that only is comprised which is necessary to the thing Decorum is a conformity to the thing Elegance is an avoiding of vulgar phrase Amongst the faults of speech is Barbarisme a phrase not in use with the best persons and Solâ—ecisme a speech incoherently framed CHAP. XI Of Definition and Division DEfinition according to Antipater in his book of Definitions is speech by Analysis pronounced adaequately or as Chrysippus in his book of Definitions an answer to this Question what a thing is Those definitions are vicious which include any of those things which are not in the things defined or not in all or not in some so as if we should say A man is a rationall creature or a mortall grammaticall creature seeing that no man is immortall and some men are not Grammarians the definition is faulty We must therefore when we take those things which are common to the things we would define and others prosecute them so far untill it becomes proper so as not to be transferrible to any other thing as this An inheritance is riches adde which by the death of some person falleth to another it is not yet a definition for riches may be held many other waies as well as by Inheritance adde one word by right of Law now the thing will seeme disjoyned from community so that the definition is thus explained Inheritance is riches which by the death of some person falleth to another by right
choice of either are indifferent There is an appetition to the election of one but not more of this then of that The third kind of indifferents are those which are neither good nor ill expetible nor avoidable conducing neither to happinesse nor unhappinesse In this sense all things are called indifferent which are betwixt Vertue and Vice as health wealth strength glory and the like for we may be happy without these though their use hath some relation to happinesse their abuse to unhappinesse In this sense whatsoever we may somtimes use wel other times ill is indifferent which kind appertaineth chiefly to Ethick Again of Indifferents some are Naturall and move appetite as health strength soundnesse of sense and the like some Praeternaturall which move avertion as sicknesse infirmity and the like some Neuter which move neither appetite nor aversion as the constitution of the soul and body one capable of receiving Phantasies the other wounds Of naturall and praeternaturall indifferents some are primary others by participation Primary naturall Indifferents are motions or affections convenient with reason as health and strength Participant are those by which that motion or affection is communicated as a healthfull body â—ound sense Praeternaturall Indifferents are the contrary to these CHAP. XII Of Estimation EStimation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a certain concurrence with convenient life which concernes all good Estimation is two-fold one a mediate power or use concurring with life according to nature such we call health or wealth as far as they conduce to life according to nature The other is the valuation of the Estimator imposed by him who is skilfull in such things Again Estimation is taken three waies First for absolute donation Secondly for return of approbation Thirdly as Antipater calls it Elective by which when some things are proposed we rather choose these then those as health before sicknesse life before death and riches before poverty In like manner disestimation is taken three waies the termes only changed to the contrary Donation according to Diogenes is a judgment that a thing is according to nature or conferreth use thereto Approbation is in in man not in things Election only in the goood not the indifferent Hence followeth another distinction of indifferents whereof some are preserred some rejected some neither preferred nor rejected Preferred are those which though they are indifferents have neverthelesse a sufficient reason why they are to be had in estimation as health soundnesse of sense exemption from griefe glory and the like Rejected are those which are not worthy any estimation as poverty sicknesse and the like Neuter are those which are neither preferred nor rejected as to extend or contract the finger These termes preferred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and rejected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were invented by Zeno upon this ground As when we speak of the Court no man â—aith the King himselfe is preferred to dignity but those who are in some honour next and second to him in rank so when we speak of life we call not those things which are in the first place the preferred or promoted but those which are in the second and so likewise in the rejected Now forasmuch as good hath the first place it followes that what is preferred is neither good nor ill No good is reckoned amongst the preferred because that hath the greatest estimation but the preferred having the second estimation approacheth somewhat to the nature of good It is called preferred not that it conduceth to Beatitude but in respect of the rejected We define it thus an Indifferent with mean estimation for it could not be that nothing should be left in mean things that is according to or contrary to nature neither being left that nothing should be placed in them which is sufficiently estimable this being granted that there is not somthing preferred Rightly therefore this distinction is made and may more fully be explained by this smile As if we should suppose our ultimate end to be so to cast the dy that it may chance right the dy that shall be so to cast as to fall right must have some thing preposed and preferred towards its end and on the other side the contrary yet the preposition of the dy nothing conduceth to that end to those which are preferred relate indeed to the end but nothing pertain to the power and nature thereof Of the preferred some are in the Soul as ingenuity art progression and the like some in the body as life health strength ability soundnesse beauty some externall as riches honour nobility and the like In like manner of the rejected some are in the Soul as he betude ignorance some in the body as death sicknesse infirmity maim deformity Some externall as poverty dishonour and meannesse Likewise of the Neuter some are in the Soul as imagination assent some in the body as whitenesse blacknesse some externall which having no estimation or use are of little value Those which are preferred in the Soul conduce more to living according to Nature and are of more worth then those of the body or the externall as to have a good disposition of mind is better then to have a good disposition of body Again of the preferred some are preferred for themselves as ingenuity countenance state notion and the like some for others because they effect somthing as Riches and Nobility some both for themselves and others as health strength soundnesse ability for themselves as being according to Nature for others as affording no small benefit As concerning Reputation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysippus and Diogenes affirm that being separated from utility we should not so much as stretch out our finger for it But those who followed them not able to withstand Carneades affirmed Reputation to be preferred for it selfe and that it was proper for an ingenuous man freely educated to desire to be well spoken of by his Parents kinred and good men and that for the thing it self not for the use thereof adding that as we provide for Children though to be born after our death so we must provide for future reputation after death even for its own sake separated from all use In like manner of the rejected some are rejected for themselves some for others some both for themselves and others which appears by the rule of Contraries CHAP. XIII Of Actions and Offices OF those Actions which proceed from appetite some are offices some praeter-offices some neuter Office is that which is preferred and hath a good reason for the doing thereof as being convenient to life or as others Office is whatsoever reason requireth to be done as to honour our Brethren Parents Country to relieve our friends Zeno first gave it this name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Office 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is an action conformable to the dictates of nature and extends even to plants and irrationall living creatures for offices