are they accounted of Let us either think better of them or finde the lesse fault with him Certainly if he cannot be fully excused yet can he not be over hardly censured neither condemned yea no more condemned for the moving then praised for his speedy leaving off and yeelding truly acquiescing and sincerely obeying in all times thereafter Of James the second of that name the eleventh Lord and second Earle of Douglas slaine at Otterburne UNto William the first Earle his son James did succeed a man in all kinde of vertue worthy of so great a father and honourable place who was no whit inferiour to him either in courage or fortunatenesse unlesse we account him lesse fortunate for that he lived but few yeares wherefore wee shall heare his owne judgement at his death He had two wives Euphane eldest daughter to the King as we have said by his wife the Earle of Rosses daughter yet the genealogie of the Kings in the Acts of Parliament sayes that she was daughter to Elizabeth Moore and not the Earle of Rosses daughter He had a son by her who lived not halfe a yeare he had also two base sons William of whom is descended the house of Drumlanrig as evidents do witnes given by Jacobus Douglas Comes de Douglas silio nostro and Archbald of whom is come the house Cavers and Sheriffes of Tivedale who if they had beene lawfull had been sonnes to the Kings daughter and had succeeded to the Earledome before his brother Archbald the Grimme who did succeed to him But though they did not succeed yet have they shewed themselves very worthy and amongst the chief great men of the land Of this William also are descended the houses of Coshogle Pinyerie Daveine and others in Niddisdale for Archbald Douglas the first of Coshogle was second sonne to this William of Drumlanrigge and was married to one Pringle of the house of Galasheiles who bore to him twelve sonnes and after his death shee was married to one Carnel Wallace and bore twelve more to him also Touching Earle James his actions which were done in his fathers daies one thing we have spoken of them in his fathers life as most proper there is one thing more besides what hath been said recorded of him by some that during his fathers life he was sent into France for renewing tâ—…e ancient League with that Kingdome in which Ambassage were joyned with him Walter Wardlaw Cardinall and Bishop of Glasgow and his Uncle Archbald Lord of Galloway This is said to have been in the yeare 1381. which is the eleventh yeare of the reigne of Robert Stuart The occasion of it was a message that came out of France from Charles the sixth who desired to have it so After his returne in September hee recovered the towne of Berwick from the English and entring England with a competent power burnt and spoyled all the Countrey about as farre as Newcastle About the time of his fathers decease in the yeare 1384. there was a Truce concluded between France and England to last a yeare in which Scotland was also comprehended This treatie was at Boloigne or at Lillegham as others write and for intimation hereof some French men were directed to come into Scotland but while they prepare themselves too negligently the Earles of Northumberland and Nottingham with such as lay nearest to the Scottish Marches laying hold of this opportunitie to annoy Scotland so that the Scots should have no time to revenge it before the truce were proclaimed entered Scotland with an Army of 20000. or as others say 10000. horse and 6000. Archers and Bowmen and spoyled the Countrey farre and wide especially the lands pertaining to the Douglasses and Lindsayes The Scots who trusting to the brute of the truce dreamed of no such thing finding themselves thus used were greatly grieved with their owne sloth and no lesse incensed at the fraâ—…d and falsehood of England and resolved to avenge the same In the mean time the report of the English incursion coming to the eares of the French who had the charge to intimate the assurance admonished them of their slownesse wherefore to make amends though somewhat too late they hasten over to London in the very time that the English Army was in Scotland There they were very chearefully received and magnificently entertained with feasting and banquetting and under this colour cunningly detained untill it was knowne that the English Army was come home and dismissed then being suffered to depart they came into Scotland and shew their Commission The greatest part of the Nobility but chiefly the Earle of Douglas and such as with him had received great losse by that expedition cried out against the craft of the English that this their fraud and manifest ludification was no way to be suffered The King went about to pacifie them and shewed plainly that hee meant to receive and keep the truce which they perceiving drew out the matter at length by reasoning and arguing to and fro untill such time as they had gathered together quietly 15000. horsemen then Douglas Dumbarre and Lindsay withdrew themselves from Court without noise at a day appointed and joyning their companies at the place of rendevous enter England with displayed banners waste and spoile Northumberland to Newcastle Then they doe the like to the Earle of Nottinghams lands and the Mowbrayes and so returne home with a huge prey of men and cattell Straight after their returne the truce was proclaimed meeting fraud not with fraud but with open force by a just and honest recompence and retalliation Neither were the English discontented for all this to accept the truce acknowledging that the Scots had reason to doe what they did or confessing their owne weaknesse and want of ability to avenge it at this time or both by their sitting still and acceptation for neither could right though weake have had patience in so great an injury neither would force if it had thought it selfe sufficient have been bridled with reason onely in so manifest an affront and so great dammage How ever it be they stirred not and so the truce was kept till it expired of it selfe When it was runne out John de vienne a Burgundian a very valiant man Admirall of France and Earle of Valentinois arrived in Scotland and brought with him 2000. men amongst whom were 100. men at Armes He brought also 400. Curiasses and 400. halfe long swords to be distributed amongst the Scots and as some write 50000. Crownes Before their coming James Earle of Douglas entred into England with a new Armie and upon their arrival was called back to Court where they attended his coming Then having consulted of their businesse and the Army being ready they accompanied him into England where they tooke in the Castles of Wark Foord and Cornewall and spoyled and burnt the Country between Berwick and Newcastle But when they intended to goe on further the continuall rain that fell in great
of Huntly escaping on horsback This victorie was obtained chiefly by the valour of the Cliddisdale men of whom the Earle Douglas had sent about 100 to assist the Master of Crawford This Master of Crawford was now Earle his father being slaine and was called Earle Beardie of whom there will be mention made hereafter he being that Earl with whom Douglas is said to have entred into league though we see there was friendship betwixt them now the Earles Ladie Beatrix being a sister daughter of the house of Crawford besides the old friendship that had been ever since the first Earles time betwixt the two houses In the mean time the siege of the Castle of Edinburgh where Creighton was shut up had now continued some six or seven moneths from the midst of July as appeareth unto the beginning of February in the next year for there being a Parliament called to be held at Perth it was removed to Edinburgh that the siege might not be interrupted and sate down in the beginning of February 1445. The siege lasted two or three moneths after which makes in all some nine moneths or thereby at last both parties the besieger and the besieged being wearied the Castle was surrendred to the King on condition that Creighton should be pardoned for all his offences which he had committed against the King and should be suffered to depart life safe which was granted unto him Our Writers term them the offences which he was said to have committed against the King As if they should say There was no offence indeed done to the King And more plainly a little after as in all contention he who is most strong would seem to be most innocent which sayings are to be judiciously considered and accurately weighed whereof we have spoken before But if they will needs have it so we will not be contentious Thus Creighton not so much hurt as terrified escaped due punishment by meanes of the Castle which could not easily be taken but by composition Whether this was through the impatience of the Earle Douglas that would not take leasure to wait on the siege untill they should have been forced to yeeld for want of victuals Or whether Creighton hath had some 〈◊〉 friends at Court who did make use of this occasion to work his safetie there is no mention But Levingstone leapt not so dry-shod being no lesse guilty of his Cousins murther The Earle had bent his just indignation against him also and caused summon him to the Parliament of Edinburgh together with his sons James and Robert Levingstons this Robert had been Thesaurer and David Levingston his Cousin His friends also Robert Bruce of Arth with James and Robert Dundasses The Lord Levingston himself with the two Dundasses were convict forfeited and condemned to perpetuall prison in the Castle of Dumbarton The other three James and Robert his sons and David his Cousin and Bruce also were execute What the crimes were that were laid to their charge whereof this difference of punishment did arise it is not written either by the old or late Historians This appears that it hath been no particular of the Earle Douglas of which the father was most guiltie and that their Processe hath not been guided and ruled by him nor framed according to his spleen which would have aimed most at the old man as accessary to the death of his Cousins whereas we see he escapes with imprisonment onely His sons are hardlier used being put to death So that it must needs have been for some other crime whereof the acts of Parliament that are extant in print makes no mention or particular relation as the forme is and James Levingston in his speech at his death purgeth himself as free of all true crime what by being innocent of some having obtained a remission of others yet he mentions not what was alledged against him wherefore we must leave it as uncertaine Some conjecture that it was for keeping of some castles and strong houses and not rendring them to the King being summoned against an act of Parliament made by Creighton before by which act Creighton also himselfe was forfeited afterward but we know no ground for that opinion They alledged also another act which only is extant the other not being extant and may seeme to sound something that way made in the second Parliament in the yeare 1488. against the re-setting of rebells in castles which imports no keeping of houses after they be charged or summonedto render by the Kings officers but only commands to arrest their persons or to take surety and baile for them that they do no harme Neither is there any penaltie much lesse forfeiture annexed thereto only it sayes they shall be forced and constrained to do it This execution of the Levingstons is cast into the yeare 1447. after that Queen Marie the Duke of Ghelders Daughter was married to the king at which time it is said that Creighton was also forfeited notwithstanding he had been Embassadour in procuring and making that marriage The cause of his forfeiture is given out to be the keeping of the castle of Creighton when it was summoned and charged by an Herauld of armes according to by vertue of the same act forsaid But we have already spoken of that act and we finde no mentionof any Parliament that year Neither from the year 1443. until the year 1449. wherein he should have been forfeited And this we observe that judgment may be adhibited in the reading of those and such like things however Creightou thus dashed the Levingstons some executed some imprisoned forfeited and condemned there seemed to be some compensation of the murder of his Cosins also their assister Bishop Kennedie received his part so it is said that he had much ado to save himself by leaving hâ—…s goods a prey to them that pleased to take them These things are imputed to the Earle Douglas as faults why I cannot tell unlesse we require of him that exact philosophicall disposition to be free from all humour of revenging which few have brought with them that have been conversant in the affaires of State or common wealth No not these who have been accounted as Philosophers and that very precise ones such were both the Catoâ—…s whose common ordinary course was to be avenged of their enemies by publick accusations and pursute of law wherein if there be a fault let there be no law that permitts it yea that allowes it and exhorts unto it it is recorded of Cato called Censorius that having met a young man in the street who had accused his fathers enemie and gotten him condemned he cherished him and embraced him saying It was farre better so to celebrate the funerall of his father with the teares and condemnation of his adversaries than to sacrifice with kids and Lambes It is naturall to men to resent injuries and as naturall to seek the repairing of them and he is excused who recompenses a wrong received and he is
so circumvented him a brave commendation indeed and an honest yet I wonder what they meant by entertaining him so well at that time there was some reason for it why they should have done it by the way that they might worke out their treason untill he were within their thongs but being now within the Castle and fully in their power I wonder what it should mean to make him so faire a welcome to feast him so liberally and solemnely at the Kings table and from thence to bring him to the shambles what could have beene their intention might they not have conveyed him to some private chamber might they not have carried him to the place of execution what needed all this processe what needed they to have let him see the King at all It would seem as if they had not been fully resolved upon the businesse before and that their intentions and purposes were not treasonable but that they tooke occasion to be treasonable from the facility to atchieve it but our Writers are cleare against that and say onely it was pre-concluded when he was written for It might seeme also that they did this to communicate the matter or to transferre it altogether upon the King but he was too young and purges himselfe by disproving of it So that I can see no other reason of it but as the Lion with his prey or to use a more base yet a more familiar example and the baser the fitter for them as the câ—…t with the mouse which she might devoure immediately yet it pleaseth her to plâ—…y a little with it So they for their greater satisfaction and contentment delight to play out their Sceane so strangely notwithstanding that such processe and uncouth formes of doing might seem to import some mystery and deeper reach then ordinary which I confesse is so profound and deep a folly and mischantnesse that I can no wise sound it unlesse it were that the Noblemans place and his worth forced their wicked hearts to acknowledge it notwithstanding their wickednesse And although the acknowledging could not prevaile so farre as to make them leave off the enterprise yet did it in some sort brangle their resolution and wrung out this conâ—…ession of his worth as all the actions of wickednesse and all wickednesse in the acting are full of contradictions as this same is most clearly for if this Nobleman was guilty of death why is he brought into the Kings presence why is he set at his table If he was not guilty why was he put to death So difficult a thing it is in a lie to keep conformity either in a lie of actions so to speake or in a lie of words In words it is difficult so to speake that the attentive hearer shall not perceive contrariety In actions it is impossible that they can be dissembled This action is a lie for it saith he is guilty of death but their welcomming of him their setting of him at the table with the King and their feasting sayes he is an innocent Noble worthy man Indeed onely truth in word and action can accord with it selfe as it is uniforme it floweth from unitie tendeth to it and endeth in it and keepeth the taste of the fountain from which it cometh So they having given this confession of his worth and again by that ominous signe contradicted their confession must needs be false witnesses however it go The young Nobleman either understanding the signe as an ordinary thing or astonished with it as an uncouth thing upon the sight of the Buls head offering to rise was laid hold of by their armed men in the Kings presence at the Kings table which should have beene a Sanctuary to him And so without regard of King or any duty and without any further processe without order assise or jurie without law no crime objected he not being convicted at all a young man of that age that was not liable to the law in regard of his youth a Nobleman of that place a worthy young Gentleman of such expectation a guest of that acceptation one who had reposed upon their credit who had committed himselfe to them a friend in mind who looked for friendship to whom all friendship was promised against dutie law friendship faith honesty humanitie hospitalitie against nature against humane society against Gods Law against mans law and the law of nature is cruelly executed and put to death They in despight as it were spitting in the face of all duty and honesty proclaiming as farre as lay in them there was no dutie to God nor man to bee regarded And that the measure of their wickednesse thus heaped and shaken and prest downe might also runne over all this was done as it should seem without the consent nay against the will of their King and Soveraigne who wept at their execution and forbad them to meddle with his Cousin the shamelesse men chid him for weeping at the death of his enemy as they call him during whose life say they hee needed never to looke for peace whereas they themselves were his chiefest enemies and greatest traitours to him and besides him to God and nature and to the office of Justice which they bore bringing a blot on the one and the other and bloud-guiltinesse upon his Crowne so farre as lay in them This is that detestable fact never enough to be extracted which I have laboured indeed to set forth in the owne simple colours stripping it naked of all farding though I confesse no words can equall the wickednesse of it that men may learn to detest such things wherein may bee seen what respect they have carried either to justice to equity to common peace or Common-wealth that thought it better to root out such a plant then to dresse and to cherish it to ruine such a house rather then to gain it which they never would have done if their private pride and avarice had not had the greatest sway with them I thinke all honest minds should disdain to reade what they gave out before of their love to the publike good having here so terribly belied it neither should any man speake of it indifferently without a note of detestation neither extenuate it by the Earles simplicity which seemes to diminish and lessen this execrable perfidie and cruelty If this were the wisedome whereof they had purchased an opinion and name under the former King James the first and if they had practised such things as this it hath been a bitter root and hath brought forth a very bitter fruit and hath in all appearance been no small part of the cause of hastening his death and the emboldning of his enemies unto it as indeed I finde some of our Writers inclined to say for such new men goe commonly about to perswade Princes that ancient Noblemen are enemies to them and barres to their absolutenesse which is it that these men here mean in saying that the Earle Douglas was an enemy to the King Not that he
he first acquainted with his purpose were George Douglas commonly called the Postulate a naturall brother of his mothers an understanding and active man the Lord Ruthven who had married a naturall sister of his mothers and the Lord Lindsay who was his Cousin German and had to wife a sister of the Earle of Murrayes and his own father the Earle of Lennox These had concluded to lay hold on him as he came from the Tennesse-Court where he used much but he having gotten some inkling hereof kept a Guard about him of some fifty Halbards which constrained them to think of a new course And because their power was neither sufficient to effect it nor to bear it out when it were done they thought good to joyne the Earle of Morton He being somewhat alienated and discontented with the Kings insisting in his claime to the Earledome of Angus they sent to him Andrew Ker of Fadunside and Sir John Ballindine Justice-Clerk to deal with him who prevailed so farre that he was content to come to Lennox Chamber where the King was There they came soon to an agreement the King and his father for themselves and undertaking also for Lady Margaret Douglas whose consent they promised to obtaine and that she should renue and ratifie what had been done by her self before renounced all title right interest or claim they had or could make to the Earledome of Angus in favours of Archbâ—…ld sonne to David sometime Earle thereof Having obtained this he consented to assist the K. with all his power on these conditions 1. That nothing should be altered in the received Religion but that it should be established as fully and in as ample manner as it was before the Queen came home out of France 2. That the banished Lords should be brought home and restored 3. That the King would take the fact upon himself and warrant them from whatsoever danger might follow thereon by the Queens displeasure These Articles were given him in writing to subscribe lest afterward out of his facilitie or levitie he should either deny it or alter his minde which he did very willingly and even eagerly Prosently hereupon Lennox went into England to acquaint the banished Lords herewith and to bring them near to the Borders of Scotland that when Rizio were slaine they might be ready to lay hold of the occasion for their restitution And now the day of the Parliament drew near in which they were to be forfeited and Rizio did bestirre himselfe notably to bring it to passe He went about to all those that had vote in Parliament to trie their mindes and to terrifie them by telling it was the Queens pleasure to have it so and that whosoever voted to the contrary should incurre her high displeasure and no waies do any good to the Noblemen This made them hasten his death to prevent the sentence which the Parliament might have given out against the Lords by Rizio his practises Wherefore that they might take him when his Guard was from him and that it might the more clearly be seen that the King was the chief author of it they determined to take him along with them who should bring him out of the Queens Chamber from whenâ—… he should be carried to the City and have his triall by assise and so legally and formally for they had matter enough against him condemned and executed at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh So Morton assembled his friends and going to the Abbey of Halyroodhouse the 8. of March 1566 in the evening he seized the Keyes of the Palace and leaving a sufficient number in the Inner-Court below to keep in the Noblemen that were lodged in the Palace and were not on the Plot he himselfe went up to the presence and there walked up and down The King went directly to the Queens Chamber by the privie staires and with him the Lord Ruthven and some five more all armed The Queen was at supper and there was with her her naturall sister the Countesse of Argyle and Rizio with some few other servants She was at first somewhat amazed to seethem come into her Bed-Chamber being armed but because the Lord Ruthven had been sick of a burning fever she thought he had been distracted with the vehemencie of the fit so she asked what the matter was Ruthven made no answer but laid hold on Rizio and told him it did not become him to be in that place He ranne to the Queen and clasped his hands about her to save himself but the King taking her softly in his arms told her they had determined to punish that villaine who had abused both them and the Countrey and withall unclasping Rizio his hands he delivered him to Ruthven who carried him from thence into the Privie-Chamber and then to the Presence In the mean time the Earle Bothwell and Huntley who were opposite to this course being lodged in the Palace and hearing how things went on the Queens side would have made resistance by the help of the under-officers of Court Butlers Cooks Skuls and suchlike with Spits and Staves but they were quickly rambarred and beaten back by those that had been left of purpose in the Court by Morton So Huntley and Bothwell fled out at backwindowes Athole was perswaded to keep his Chamber by Secretary Metellan who was on the Plot and supped that night with Athole partly to keep him from stirring lest he might have offered or suffered violence partly and chiefly that he himself might not be suspected to have a finger in the Pie having Athole to be a witnesse of his behaviour therein He had given order to his followers that they should remaine quieâ—… till it came to be acted and that then they should arme themselves and runne hastily as it were to an unknown and sudden fray and tumult but if there were need to assist Morton and those that guarded the Court. The noise of the scuffling which Huntly and Bothwel made below in the Court coming to the eares of those that were above in the presence and had Rizio in their hands they not knowing what it might import but fearing that he might be rescued from them they fell upon him and stabbed him with their daggers sore against the will and besides the intention of Morton and the rest of the Noblemen who thought to have caused execute him upon the scaffold so to have gratified the common people to whom it would have been a most acceptable and pleasant sight It is constantly reported that he was advised by one 〈◊〉 a French Priest who was thought to have some skill in the black Art that now he had gotten good store of means and riches it was best for him to return home to his native Countrey where he needed not to feare the Nobilitie of Scotland whose hatred he could not be able to stand out against long but he contemned his counsell saying The Scots were greater threatners than doers They say also that one Signior Francese admonished
with the mantle of silence and oblivion the nakednesse of those to whom we owe even a filial dutie pietie Concerning that Princesse my heart inclineth more to pitie I see good qualities in her and love them I see errours and pity them I see gentlenesse courtesie humilitie beautie wisedome liberalitie who can but affect these If they be carried to inconvenience who can but lament it In that sex in that place in that education in that company a woman a Princesse accustomed to pleasure to have their will by Religion by sight by example by instigation by soothing and approbation Happie yea thrice happy are they who are guided through these rocks without touch nay without shipwrack I do advert more than I finde set down by Writers while I search into all the causes which might have drawn on these lamentable events Besides the secret loathings in the estate of marriage which who knows but the actors bringing forth dislike then quarrels on both sides then crossing thwarting then hatred then desire to be freed besides all this impotencie and desire of revenge being seconded with shew of reason and backed with a colour of law and justice what wil it not do Her husband had killed a servant of hers whom he had dragged violently out of her bed-chamber Behold him therefore as Lawyers or such as pretended skill in law would alledge guiltie of death in their judgment He was not crowned but proclaimed King only by her sole authority never acknowledged by a Parliament so was he but a private man a subject to her his Soveraigne as are the wives and children of Kings Wherefore his Fact in slaying Rizio was flat treason for which he might have bin arraigned and suffered according to law But bearing the name of a King having many friends and kinred a legall proceeding could hardly be attempted without great difficulty and might have caused an insurrection and much bloud-shed with uncertain event Wheresore in wisedome the most convenient way was to do it privatly and secretly secret justice is justice notwithstanding formalities are but for the common course of things This was an extraordinary case Justice is absolutly necessary the form whether this or that way is indifferent it may be altered or omitted the Princes power may dispense with forms in case of necessitie or conveniencie so the substance be observed Well I conceive that a Prince upon such suggestions upon dislike in anger and indignation might be drawn by his counsellours neither can I but conceive that these colours have been here represented to perswade or to sooth To be short that fact so lamentable and which I can never remember without lamenting every way in her own and her husbands person done by the Earle Bothwell he murdering her husband she marrying him the matter seemed extreame strange and odious in the eyes of many It is true Bothwell was cleared or rather not filed by an Assise but the Nobilitie judging him not to be sufficiently cleansed but rather being fully perswaded that he was the authour of the murder thought themselves bound in duty to bring him to a further triall And howsoever he had married the Queen yet did they not take themselves to be so farre bound in obedience to her as in that regard to desist from all further inquiring into that Fact Nay it did rather move their indignation to see him who had committed so vile and execrable a murder not onely to escape Scot-free but to reap so large and rich a reward as was the Queens own person Besides they thought the consequent might prove dangerous if he who had massacred the father and married the mother should also have the son the onely barre and lett of his ambition to establish the Crown to himself and his posteritie in his power and custodie These were given out as the causes of their taking arms which were very plausible to the vulgar especially the safetie of the young Prince James There is no question they had also their own particular respects which are seldome wanting and do commonly concurre with the publick cause wherefore there joyned together the Earles of Argyle Glencairne and Marre the Lords Lindsay and Boyde These bound themselves to pursue Bothwel and to assist one another against whosoever would oppose them especially to keep the young Prince from coming into Bothwels power But Argyle repenting him went the next morning to the Queen and revealed all the matter and the Lord Boyde also was at last perswaded with many fair promises to forsake them and joyn with Bothwell The rest notwithstanding remained firme with whom Morton took part He thought he could do no lesse being so near a kinsman to the late King and so to the young Prince It is true he had been beholding to Bothwell but no benefit could binde him to assist him in this case for by so doing he should have given some colourable ground to that report which had so spred it self that it was beleeved a while about the Court of England that Murray and he were authours of the Kings murder To have remained neutrall would have been but ill taken on both sides The Lord Hume Cesford and Balcleugh though they had not subscribed with the other Lords yet did they hate Bothwell and were suspected to incline to the contrary Faction The year preceding Bothwel had made an in-rode upon Liddisdale for the suppressing of theeves and apprehending of out-lawed Borderers with bad successe for he was wounded and hardly escaped with his life This year he resolves to repair his honour and by some notable exploit to gain the good-will of the people which that he might the more easily do the chief men of the name of Scot and Ker who were likely to â—…inder him were commanded to enter into prison in the Castle of Edinburgh and there to remain till his returne But they fearing some worse meaning went home to their houses The Lord Hume also being summoned to enter would not obey Notwithstanding Bothwell goeth on with his intended journey and so the Queen and he come to Borthwick Castle there to make all things ready for this expedition The adverse party thought this place was not unfit to surprize him in it and therefore they appointed their Rendezvous at Liberton whither Morton onely came The Earle of Athole whither through his naturall slownesse or fearfulnesse by his not keeping that appointment caused the rest to break also and to stay still at Stirlin The Lord Hume in hope to have been seconded went directly to Borthwick and lay about the Castle but seeing no appearance of their coming he kept such negligent watch that the Queen and Bothwell escaped and went back to the Castle of Dumbar The Lords thus frustrated went to Edinburgh to practise the Citizens there and to draw them to their side which they easily effected The Castle was kept by Sir James Belfoure whom Bothwell had made Captain thereof and who had