dearly belov'd Liberties when they might with greater ease and as effectually gently walk them down as a certain Person is said to have express'd it on a much later Occasion The City petition'd and address'd and she was follow'd by the Country She waited a while with patience and the secluded Members that were chosen in forty and from forty eight kept out of the house till fifty nine for almost twelve years space were restor'd in peace and quietness though under some few Obligations And so there was again the face of a House of Commons Being restor'd they dissolv'd themselves in a short time after to make way for another assâ—mbly call'd a Parliament though some thought in thâ—se times that the Parliament of Forty had been dissolv'd long before by his late Majesties death and so might haply think this a needless Ceremony It being most certain that that Parliament ow'd its beginning to the Kings Writ although its continuance was thought to depend on the continuing Act as long as the King liv'd Yet notwithstanding the House of Commons had actually dissolv'd themselves and it was become the receiv'd opinion that the Parliament of Forty was in Law dissolv'd before upon the old Kings death the next Assembly Stylo Communi Parliament would not barely stick to either of these ways but thought good likewise themselves by vertue of their Authority to declare that Parliament of Forty dissolv'd Whether or no they thought that the bare Act of a single house of Commons without King and Lords could not in Law be took for a formal Repeal of the former continuing Act made by King Lords and Commons joyntly and so rejected it as really insignificant in its self though made use of for the time and out of a Cautious foresight dreaded some ill consequences attending the receiv'd opinion of the long Parliaments being dissolv'd by the Kings death whether or no the continuing Act were formally repeal'd by as good Authority as made it lest thence in time no body knows when occasion might be taken to argue that if a Kings death repeals one unlimited Act it may likewise on the same ground vacate all by him made and so by affirming the same of all other Princes since the first William a foundation might be laid for the Introduction of Arbitrary Power when evil minded Pretenders are absolute enough to attempt it with hopes of Impunity I pretend not to determine For I remember my self to be a Relater of matters of Fact not a Reader of Law Cases Therefore I proceed to acquaint the Reader that that Assembly though call'd without the Kings Writ yet by his Majesty afterwards most Graciously own'd and acknowledg'd for a Parliament thought it fitting and convenient to declare and enact that the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the third day of November in the sixteenth year of the Reign of the Late King Charles of blessed Memory is fully dissolved and determined They are the words of the Act to be seen in the Statute-book Cap. 1. 12 Car. 2. This was the Assembly that blessed us with his Majesties actual Restauration towards which there had been made so many steps a little before by the Loyal Nobility Gentry and Commonalty of the Land and the Worthy Citizens of this Honourable City Whose publick Reception and Triumphant Cavalcade through the City of London to White hill was very remarkable for the splendid appearance of the Citizens to conduct him the Gallantry shewn by them on so acceptable a Solemnity and the many demonstrations of joy and gladness they gave him worthy themselves and that glorious day which they had so long expected and contributed so much of their assistance to hasten For which I have a passage or two more to produce besides what hath been already brought For the first out of the supplement to Baker I quote his Majesties most Gracious Letter To his Trusty and well belov'd the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of the City of London wherein he Honourably acknowledges the publick and frequent Manifestations of their affections to him and the Encouragement and good Example â—hey gave the Nation to assert the Ancient Government and thereupon concludes with large Promises of Extraordinary kindness to this his Native City to the Renewal of their Charter Confirmation of all priviledges granted by his Predecessors and the adding of new favours to advance the Trade Wealth and Honour thereof The next is a Commemoration of the Cities Joyful Resentment of this Letter and the Kings Declaration enclos'd in it as it was was express'd by the Grateful Duty of the Common-Council who immediately upon the reading of them ordered a Present of Ten thousand Pounds to be made to His Majesty and a thousand pounds to each of his Brothers And likewise deputed several of the Aldermen and worthy Citizens to attend upon His Majesty from the City with a Presentment of their most Dutiful acknowledgments for his Clemency and Goodness towards them So desirous were they to give him the greatest demonstrations of their affection and Loyalty before his Return and Judiciously Wise as well as Loyal to set all parts of the Nation a good Example to imitate in a ready manifestation of their Duty and Allegiance to him after his Return Neither in this would they be behind hand with any of them all For the City of London as being the first the richest and most Honourable and the Seat of Kings for many ages might Judge it self oblig'd as the Supplementer insinuates in point of duty and Reputation to exceed all the rest in the Glory of their performances towards their Soveraign But whatever the Citizens did think of the Obligation on either side certain enough it is that the reiterated expressions of their Loyalty to the King were Honourable and Meritorious to the highest degree For to the splendor of their former Preparations at his first Reception and Triumphal Entrance they added the cost of a most magnificent Entertainment at Guild-hal for that very purpose richly beautified and adorned whither the King his two Brothers the Lords of the Privy Council the two Houses of Parliament and the chief Officers of State were conducted July the fifth 1660. in great Pomp by the Lord Mayor and the Grandees of the City and treated in a Royal manner with the choicest of Delicacies with excellent Musick and whatever else could be thought on or delightful for so Illustrious an Assembly As if the Citizens thought it not enough to entertain the King but for his sake were resolv'd to put themselves to the charge of gratifying others for their Loyalty Where 's now the Man can bring me a parallel hereto General Monk appear'd and London concur'd and then the House of Commons of the Parliament of forty is immediately reviv'd a face of the Ancient Government restor'd a new Parliamentary Assembly call'd the King sent for home to enjoy his Fathers Throne and most peaceably settled therein without the noise of War or
the cries of the wounded in our streets A Miraculous effect of the Cities influence For what parts of the Land are so inconsiderate to oppose when London is engag'd and resolv'd Former Examples may teach them future wisdom These having been the necessary preparatives in sixty one on Saint Georges day April the 23. comes the Kings Coronation the fairest day except the Preceding in which he made his Cavalcade through London the Nation enjoy'd both before and after if the supplementers Observation be well grounded notwithstanding it began to Thunder and Lighten very smartly towards the end of Dinner time and soon after that another meeting of King Lords and Commons at Westminster whither the Kings Writs had Summoned them to make a New Parliament the former Assembly having been dissolv'd the December before by his Majesties Order and Command How acceptable the Actions of that Assembly were to City and Country hath been hinted before and the concurrence of the King when restor'd was not wanting to Authorize their proceedings yet this new Assembly notwithstanding thinking the manner of it's Assembling not to be drawn into Example and that therewas some defect as to the necessary point of Legality in the Statutes then made or at least desirous to remove all doubts fears and scruples about them would not let several of those Acts pass without being formally ratified and confirm'd anew by it's own Authority And therefore consequently not trusting to the receiv'd opinion of the dissolution of the Parliament of forty by the late Kings Death nor relying on the House of Commons Act to dissolve themselves in fifty nine nor the dissolution of the Lords and Commons in sixty another Declaration was made in the point in these word To the end that no Man bereafter may be misled into any seditious or unquiet demeanor out of an opinion that the Parliament begun and held at Westminster upon the third day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and forty is yet in being which is undoubtedly dissolved and determined and so is hereby Declared and Adjudged to be fully Dissolved and Determined And it was further Enacted by the same Authority That if any Person or Persons at any time after the four and twentieth day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred sixty and one shall Malitiously and Advisedly by Writing Printing Preaching or other Speaking Express Publish Vtter Declare or affirm that the Parliament begun at Westminster upon the third day of November in the year of our Lâ—rd one thousand six hundred and forty is not yet dissolved or is not yet determined or that it ought to be in being or hath yet any continuance or Existence that then every such Person and Persons so as aforesaid offending shall incur the danger and penalty of a Premunire mentioned in a Statute made in the sixteenth year of the Reign of King Richard the second Thus then were all disputes upon this point effectually stil'd and suppress'd by this Authority and Command of King Lords and Commons and the greatness of the penalty incur'd by the person offending which amounts to no less than to be put out of the Kings Protection and have his Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels forfeited to the King and his Body Attach'd if to be found and brought before the King and his Council there to Answer the premises or that process be made against him by Praemunire facias and if return'd non est inventus than to be Outlaw'd Next I proceed to observe that 't was Petitioning and addressing that prepar'd the way for His Majesties Restauration and therefore doubtless the remembrance thereof should be always grateful and acceptable to the Loyal Such preparatories to great turns and changes being alwaies preferrable to the other rougher methods of drawn Swords and loaded Pistols which are the general effects of Civil Broils and Commotions while these are the rational results of Wisdom and Prudence With the King was that part of the English Clergy likewise restor'd which appropriates to it self the name of the Church of England A Term much gloried in by many as if none but themselves were the constitutive parts thereof and which some now adays pretend freer from Ambiguity than the more general Name of Protestants What we understand by that Term we know very well and are not asham'd thereof Yet by the way I don't think but 't is as lyable to exceptions where Cavils take place as the other title of Protestants so much of late turn'd into ridicule by some few pretenders to wit and sense above the vulgar For if by Church we understand barely an Assembly of Men met together in one place then doubtless without any incongruity it may be applied to many a civil meeting of Men together about their own private concerns If by Church we mean a society of Men conjoyn'd in Spiritual duties or the Ordinances of Divine Worship then I hope it will be no Solecism in common Speech to affirm many of the Dissenters meetings may reasonably lay claim to the Name And if a due Celebration of the Sacraments will make a Church why then may not the Denomination as well belong to some private Conventicles as to the publick Oratories If it should denote only the Association of many distinct Assemblies under the same Ecclesiastical Government what should hinder the Presbiterians from enjoying the Title in those places where they are allowed to exercise their power in Classical Provincial or National Synods Which Power they once exercis'd in England publickly within the Memory of Man But if the Law of the Land makes the difference and the established Government of the Country in Ecclesiastical affairs as with us in England then I am apt to beleive this Expression the Church of England is not without it's Ambiguities and may be a denomination comprehensive of Men of as many different modes and forms as some would fain have us think the word Protestant admits of Heretofore at the first planting of the Gospel in this Isle among the Britains we may call it the British Church When Austin the Monk came in bringing with him the Customs and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome and introduc'd them among the converted Saxons then we may term it the Romish Church When the Monks and Fryers like the Frogs in Egypt had over-spread the whole face of the Land then we may give it the Epithite of Monkish In succeeding Generations when Popery was arriv'd to its height we may name it the Popish Church In King Edward the sixth days it may properly be called Reformed Under the Marian Persecution 't was certainly Popish Queen Elizabeth brought back the Reformed Religion under an Episcopal Government and therefore I venture to give it the Name of the Reformed Episcopal Church A little before the late Wars when the Hierarchy was arriv'd at its highest pitch of Pomp and Grandeur by the Laudean principles and practises It was certainly
his Londoners and other Knights brought to the Enemy So difficult was it even to Caesar himself to Conquer Britain having been more than once foil'd by the Britains Caesar tells us of the Trynobants being the strongest of all those Cities by which understand London which submitted to him over whom he placed at their request one Mandubratius whose Father their chief Lord or Ruler Cassibellan had before Slain Be these two Histories the same or different yet either I believe will serve to make good my Assertion of Londons Power Fame and Esteem in those ancient Times Though Britain was hereby made Tributary yet I do not find that London lost it's Esteem For Tenancuis is said to be Buried here and also Cunobelinâ—s or Kymbeline his Son both King 's after Cassibellan In this Kymbeline's Days near about the Nineteenth Year of his Reign or Fourteenth according to Stow Our Blessed Saviour Christ Jesus was Born as is the Opinion of most Writers Henceforth therefore leaving off the Old way of accounting from the World's Creation I shall follow the Christian manner of Computation reckoning from the Birth of our Lord Christ which was in the Forty Second Year of Augustus's Empire as a surer and more certain way Except the Crowning of Arviragus in London I find but little mention of this Honourable City till the Reign of King Lucius who being esteemed by many the first Christian King in the World turn'd the Arch-flamins-See at London into an Arch-Bishoprick the Names of some of which Arch-Bishops we meet with â—ver and anon in Story as such who had a considerable Power in the Land About 226 London was of such Strength that Alectus with his Romans as Fabian relates being over-press'd by the Britains under the Leading of Asclepiodotus chose this City for his Refuge as being then it seems of greatest Security and he being afterwards slain Livius Gallus another Roman Leader manfully desended himself and his Romans in the same City then closely besieged by the Britains till in their entring he was slain near a River running thereby and thrown thereinto which occasioned it afterwards to be call'd Gallus or Wallus-Brook Some Memorial whereof we find remaining at this Day in the Street now standing where that River sometimes ran and known by the Name of Wall-brook After the Departure of the Romans out of this Land many Outrages being committed 〈◊〉 by the Picts and Scots in the Time of 〈…〉 Honorius we read of 〈…〉 by the Arch-Bishop 〈…〉 the Britains to consâ—lt of 〈…〉 many Miserie 's then haâ—ging â—ver 〈…〉 by reason of their Enemies Strength and 〈…〉 Inability to defend themselves as being 〈…〉 no certain Head The Result of which Meetâ—â—â— was to desire Aid of the King of Little Britain which they by Embassy obtain'd under the Conduct of his Brother Constantinus and after Victory by him gain'd over their Enemies Crown'd him King of the Land according to their Promise before made Here was a turn of Affairs effected by the Consult at London Another Change we find not long after through the Treachery of Vortiger and the Pict who slew Constantinus's Son Constantius then King and presented his Head to the aforenam'd Vortiger then at London Which City doubtless in those Days was of much Esteem and Regard and thereupon Vortiger who bare the Chief Rule in the Kingdom at that time though the other had the Name of King probably was much resident therein expecting it may be and waiting for the Performance of this Treasonable Act that he being on the Place might have the better Opportunity to caress the Chief of that Eminent City 'T is certain we find him afterwards endeavouring to cajole the People by the great Sorrow and Heaviness he made shew of for the Kings Death and by putting the accursed Traytors to Death for their Wicked Fact according to the Law of the Land Thus many Love the Treason well enough when successful who nevertheless hate the Traytors after their own Turns be serv'd This is that Vortiger so Infamous in the British Story for his own Vices as Incest with his own Daughter Adultery c. and the Vices of the Times under him For we read that Vice was then accounted of small or no Offence Leachery reigned amongst the Spiritualty and Temporalty Every one turned the Point of his Spear against the true and innocent Man and the Commons gave them all to Idleness and Drunkenness whence ensued Fighting Strife and much Envy After the King 's Exâ—mple the World runs a gadding is a Saying commonly too true As this Vortiger gain'd his Power by Treachery so he Reigned in a manner Precariously For he was so perplexed on the one side for fear of the Return of Constantinus's surviving Sons to claim the Kingdome and the Land on the other side so harrass'd by the In-rodes of the Picts and Scots that he was after a sort compell'd to send for the Heathen Saxons who came under their Leaders Hengist and Horsus to support him about Four Hundred and Fifty Years after Our Saviours Birth The coming in of these Strangers prov'd but as it were the beginning of Miseries For being once let in they soon began to Play their Reakes in the Land and never left till by introduceing more Colonies they had settled themselves and dispossessed the Britains of the best of the Country Neither was it any great wonder that the poor Commons endur'd such Miseries from these New-come Guests when as their Spiritual and Temporal Guides were so given up to all manner of Debauchery One of Hengist's Pranks we find to be his Treacherous slaying of the British Lords at Stonehenge on Salisbury Plains under pretence of a Treaty for Peace But the better to work out his own Ends he is said to have sav'd the King alive whom he knew to have become his Enemy in shew more out of Constraint for fear of his British Lords than for any Hatred towards him he having him sufficiently intangled in the Snares of his Daughter Rowens Beauty So common a thing is it for crafty subtle Men to serve their own Ends by working upon anothers Lusts through the Mediation of an handsome Face and Prostitute Body We read of the Saxon's having got London under their Rule but whether by their own Power or the King's Gift I find not clearly mention'd That he gave Kent and other Counties to Hengist is declar'd by the Historian It may be that he gave them also London to curb it for fear least the Citizens should joyn with Constantinus's Sons whose Return he much dreaded and assist them to regain their Fathers Kingdom Henceforward for some time we are not to expect to find London so Considerable in Power under the Saxon Heptarchy as it was before and after But when all the Seven were reduc'd into one Kingdome and the Affairs of the Land settled in a little more Peace and Quietness London began again more and more to Flourish and soon rose up to such an height
Publishing somâ— Acts of his with other detestable Crimes laid tâ— his Charge whether true or false let them looâ— to it who industriously spread them abroad Yâ—â— it was not quite put out till the Arch-Bishop â—â— Canterbury upon whom among others a greâ—â— Crime was rais'd for procuring his Death haâ— accursed the Priest this William's Kinsman 〈◊〉 had openly divulged the Vertue the Chain wheâ—â—with William was bound in the time of his Imprâ—sonment had upon a Man sick of the Feaver This Instance sufficiently proves that the namâ— of Liberty sounds sweet and that such as prâ—mise to procure it shall have Admirers and Foâ—lowers enough But that also the Favour of thâ— Multitude is deceitful and for a Man to put 〈◊〉 his â—â—at to the People many times is the occasioâ— of losing his Head is evidently manifested by thâ— very same Example How small an Occasion is iâ— that sometimes raises a Man's Fame Yet you here find as petty small Matters soon likewise depress it That is no lasting Name that depends meerly upon Vulgar Breath To Defend the Poor and Needy and protect the Oppressed is a plausible Plea Yet it shall go hard but the Rich Oppressor will find one way or other to ruine that Man in his Goods and good Name if not as to his Life who undertakes so noble a Defence As this King Richard under whose Reign these two Informers rose up was Couragious and Valiant in his Life so a little before his Death an Act of his Magnanimity and Christian Forbearance was shewed by him in his freely forgiving and remitting the Person then in his Power that occasioned his Death after that he heard from the other's Confession that in that Deed he intended to avenge the Death of his Father and Brethren before slain by the King But yet the Man scaped not with his Life though forgiven by King Richard if that be true which is said of the Duke of Brabant that he after caused him to be taken flead quick and hanged After Richard's Decease his Brother John being then in Normandy seizes upon his Treasure and not long after procures himself to be crown'd King at Westminster though in prejudice to the Title of an Elder Brother's Son Whereto his Mother Eleanor is thought to have contributed not a little being possibly desirous rather to set the Crown upon her Son's Head under whom she might hope to have a greater Share in the Government than she could reasonably expect under her Grand-child then within Age where her Daughter-in-law the other 's Mother was likely to bear the greatest sway So that the ambitious Desire of Rule is not incident only to Men but invadâ— even the Hearts of the Female Sex Here thâ— Mother's Ambition raises up her Younger Son even to the Prejudice of her Eldest Son's Heir Though Women be born subject to Men yet it â—â— in a manner connatural to them to desire the Power of commanding them at their own will and pleasure Shew me the Land where the Scepter hatâ— not often bowed to the Dâ—staff and the Princâ— Power together with his heart been subject to â— câ—pricious Womans Humour When they creep in to Mens Hearts and lye in their Bosoms it is 〈◊〉 wonder that they dive into their Secrets and swaâ— their Councels So that the Affairs of the State often turn upon the Hinges of an Imperious Woman'â— Will. Under even the most Absolute Despotical Government of the Turks the Ottoman Power manâ— times lies in a Womans Breast and the Sultanaâ—â— do not seldome over-rule the Consults of the Divan Of which let the Ambitious Roxolana sometime Empress to Solyman the Magnificent sufficâ— for an Inâ—tance But what need we go so far when as neareâ— home our own Ears if not our Eyes may serve for Witnesses of this Truth Yet to the Glory oâ— England be it spoken this Land flourished in sucâ— Peace and Prosperity even to a Miracle undeâ— Queen Elizabeth and the Tranquility of her Reigâ— hath so Honourably Consecrated her Memory iâ— Fame's Temple that few of our English Monarchs ever equal'd her none that I know of all those who went off the Throne surpassed her The Happiness indeed of her Reign may possibly be imputed much to the Wisdom of her Conduct in suffering the Affairs of the Nation to be guided by thâ— Councels of Men Whereas under some of ouâ— Kings our Governours have had such a deal of Chamber-practice that the State hath been much â—t the Guidance of Women or else of such Effeâ—inate Persons as were quite degenerated from â—he Spirits and Courage of their Ancestors as â—ho by their Immoralities Luxury and Debauâ—heries had little left in them of Heroick and Masculine and were scarce fit for any thing else â—ut to be dub'd Knights of the Carpet But what ever was the Title and Means we â—nd John got into the Throne and by the aid â—e obtained of his Lords and Commons before â—â—e End of the Year to recover what was lost â— Normandy we may conclude it was not withâ—ut their Consents From Stow's Relation 't is â—â—ain enough that he was Elected at London â—fter that Hubert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had â—ade a Speech to that purport in the Presence â—f the Bishops Earls Barons and Others They 〈◊〉 may be preferring him a Man of Courage â—nd Spirit and so fitter to rule and govern the â—ealm before the Title of young Arthur then 〈◊〉 his Non-age though of the Elder House For seldom 't is that unusual Changes happen â—ithout some previous Preparatives to make way â—â—r them And if a Nation hath once fixt upon a â—ule to guide the Succession they do not presentâ—â— vary from it but upon urgent Occasion So find â—e in Kingdoms meerly and properly Elective â—â—ey commonly chuse the next Heir of the Blood 〈◊〉 less upon the Interposition of some notable Imâ—â—diment In Sweden that War-like Nation amidst the â—â—eatest Success of their Arms submitted themâ—â—â—ves to Gustavus Adolphus's Heir though a Child â—â—d of the Female Sex and when she grew up to Womans Estate they would willingly have coâ—tinued her their Queen would she but have Marâ—â—ed according to their Desires When that great Change happened in Denmâ—â—â— of late Years which turned it from an Elective 〈◊〉 an Hâ—redâ—tary Kingdom we may have heard it wâ—â— effected by the Policy of the present King whâ— made use of the Distractions of the Nation thâ—â— almost conquered by the Sweeds and that Scaâ—â—ing of Fame he had got by defending his Capitâ—â— City against their furious Assaults to encline thâ— pâ—â—ty Remainder of his Subjects to give way â—â— such an universal Change in the Constitution 〈◊〉 their Government So that whatever Towns or Câ—ties were afterwards reduced they must be coâ—tent to yield to the new-made Law as the establisâ—ed Decree of the Nation A hard thing it migâ—â— possibly appear to such who had no hand in thâ— making of that Ordinance and it may be woulâ— not very readily have given their
one that please may peruse at his leasure in the forecited Place We likewise find there declared the severaâ— Wards of the City as they stood in Fabian's Time together with the Parish-Churches and other Religious Houses within and without summed up to the Number of One Hundred Sixty Eight This King Richard in the Beginning of whose Reign we first hear of the Name of Bailiffs giveâ— to the Rulers of London having taken a Voyagâ— into the Holy-Land according to the Religion oâ— those Times and done his Devoir for the Recovery of it according to his Strength the Clergy-men had reason to esteem well of him to humour whose designs he had undertaken so chargeable 〈◊〉 Enterprize So accordingly we find that the Ecclesiastucks stuck as close to him as any of his Subjects in his Adversity For in his Return from the Holy War as 't was term'd Richard being Shipwrack't took and imprison'd by the Duke of Austria and long detain'd by the Emperour he was compell'd to redeem himself after a Year and three Month's Imprisonment at a large Ransom An hundred thousand Pounds were either presently paid or good Pledges left behind him to ascertain the full and true Payment A vast Sum in those days when Wheat was esteem'd at a high Price being sold at fifteen Shillings the Quarter as we find it in the fifth Year of King John's Reign about half a dozen Years after So that for this Ransom were sold the Ornaments of the Church Prelate's Rings and Crosses with the Vessels and Chalices of the Churches throughout the Land Wool of White Monks and Cannons and also twenty seven Shrines scrap't and spoil'd of the Gold and Silver laid on them in former Times No Priviledge of Church then regarded no Person spar'd A costly Voyage indeed it prov'd to the Land undertaken to satisfie the Clergy-men's Ambition and therefore they might well be content to bear much of the Charges and use their utmost Endeavours in the Imprison'd King's Vindication And so the Pope did as far as Curses would go to which was imputed those Mischiefs that befel the Duke of Austria and his Country a little after as the Effects of the Pope's Indignation The Power and Esteem of this City's Favour in those Times of the King's Captivity we need but remark out of Neubrigensis who acquaints us That when the Chancellour being then Bishop of Ely and Governour of the Land dreaded the Force of the opposite Lords who strove to suppress him for his Insolency and ill Government he retir'd to London and humbly intreated the Citizens not to be wanting to him in that point of time But they being not unmindful of his former Behaviour rather favour'd the other Party whereupon the proud haughty Prelate was compell'd to resign his Office which he had so ill manag'd and depart to the no small Benefit to the Land in those troublesome Times At London likewise was it that the Lords consulted together for the ordering the Land in the King's Absence which after the late ill Governour had been discarded and after an Oath of Fideliâ—y to the absent Prince was put into another's Hands When King Richard was delivered as soon as he landed at Sandwich we find him coming straightway to London as the fittest Place it seems to receive him and assist him So accordingly we read of his Reception there with all Joy and Honour in so splendid a Pomp that the German Nobles present beholding it affirm'd That if the Emperour had known of such Riches in England he would not have dimiss'd the Ransom'd King under an Intolâ—erabâ—e Price A little afteâ— we hear of his riding thence with a convenient â—â—râ—ngth to recover the Places that stood out 〈◊〉 him After this by a Councel of Lords call'd at Winchester having deprived his Brother John of his Honours and Lands for his Rebellion he took care to have himself crown'd King of England anew As if the Force of his former Coronation was impaired by his Imprisonment or else he thought by this politick Shift to take off all Obligations that might haply lie on him for any thing done before As indeed we quickly after read of a Resumption of all Patents Annuities Fees and other Grants mâ—de before his Voyage But then it 's affirmed to be done by the Authority of a Parliament call'd after his Coronation After these Passages two State-Informers are â—oted to have riâ—en up promising the King great Matters the Scenes of whose chief Acts were either laid or to have been laid at London One of them the Abbot of Cadonence warning the King of the Fraud of his Officers by vertue of a Warrant from him called divers Officers before him at London to yield to him their Accounts This Place was made choice of by him as the fittest it seems wherein to ingratiate himself with the common People by â—o plausible an Act as bringing offending Officers to conâ—igne Punishment But Death soon cut him off and so put an end to all his Designs The other Informer call'ed William with the Long Beard reported to be born in London of a sharp Wit having shew'd the King of the Outrage of the Rich who as he said in publick Payments spar'd their own and piâ—led the Poor and being upheld by him became the Patron and Defender of poor Men's Causes and stirred up the common People to a desire and love of Freedom and Liberty by blaming Rich Men's Excess and Insolence Hereupon he was followed with such numbers of People that being called before the King's Councel upon suspicion of a Conspiracy the Lords were fain with good words to dismiss him for the present for fear of the Multitude attending him and commanded certain to seize on him in the Absence of his numerous Abettors But those thus commanded mistaking the time and so failing in their intended Design he escaped and took Sanctuary in St. Mary Bow Church where his Strength quickly grew so great by the Access of the Multitude that he was not easily taken hold of nor without shedding of Blood However being at last taken after that the Heads and Rulers of the City had diminish'â— the People he with other his Adherents waâ— arraign'd before the Judges cast condemn'd anâ— hang'd very shortly after even the following daâ— saith the Chronicle so desirous were the rich anâ— great Men to have him out of the way as sooâ— as they could But as his Plea of Freedom was â—â— acceptable to the Commons in his Life-time thâ—â— he became a Terror to the Great so after 〈◊〉 Death he ceased not for a while to be a Dread 〈◊〉 many by reason of a Rumour raised and banded about among the Commons of his Innocencâ— and favourably received of the People even to 〈◊〉 approving of him as an holy Man and Martyr anâ— making Pilgrimages to the Place of his Execution to the no small trouble of those that had a hanâ— in his Death At last the Flame of this Devâ—tion was somewhat cool'd by the
at 24 â— â— Quarter Scarcity of Corn in those days made this a considerable summ Dâ—arer we are told it would have been had not some been brought out of another Counâ—ry which made People flock to the City because 't was â—heaper there than in many Shires of England This is the year wherein the K. kept his high Court â—f Parliament at Oxford which of some Writers is named the mad Parliament because of many Acts there madâ— for Reformation of the State the prosecution of which prov'd in event the death and destruction of many Nobâ—â— Men by means of that famed strife then begun anâ— called at this day the Barons War True the accidental Consequences proved fatal to many But if unfortunate broils give to any Laws the denomination of evil I know not but in time some may grow so presumptuously bold as upon the like account prophanely to branâ— even the Christian Religion which we have been assured at first from the divine Oracles should prove thâ— occasion of much strife in the world and the Experience of these latter times confirm it plain enough to our Understandings Whether the forementioned Parliamenâ— justly and really deserves the opprobrious Title thâ—â— some have given it I shall very willingly submit to the Judgment of any experienc'd Reader who hath throughly perused weighed and considered the Equity Justice and reasonableness of the English Liberties and Priviledges contained in the grand Charter sealed and given to the Nation by K. John Father to this Hen. 3 d which was confirmed in this very same Oxford Parliament according to Matthew Paris as the chief thing then desired and insisted on by the Nobles and whereon were likewise grounded the other Acts and Ordinances then and there made by the King and his Lords For that the King his Brethren the Noblemen and Bâ—rons took their Oaths to see the same observed I appeal to Stow's Annals for proof That these Acts might be kept firm and stable we read of 12 Peers then chosen to whom Authority was given to correct all such as offended in breaking of these Ordinances and others by the said Peers to be devised and ordered touching and concerning the same matter and purpose It was not long after the end of this Parliament before strife and variance began to kindle between the King and the Earls of Leicester and Glocester by reason of such Officers as the Earls had removed and put others in their room Amongst which John Mansell of whom enough is mentioned above was discharged of his Office and Sir Hugh Bygot admitted for him Upon occasion of this difference beginning to arise between the King and his Barons we meet with an eminent Instance of the City's Power and esteem for when the Peers heard of the murmur at Court fearing that the King would be advised to alter his Promise to make their party the stronger they are said to have come about Maudlintide to the Guild-Hall at London where the Mayor Aldermen and Commonalty of the City were assembled to whom they shewed an Instrument or Writing at which hung many Labels with Seals as the King's Seal Edward his Son's Seal with many others of the Nobles of the Land wherein were contained the Articles ordained and made at Oxford willing as saith the Book the Mayor and Aldermen considering the said Acts were made to the Honour of God Fidelity to the King and profit of the Realm that they would also in upholding of the same set their common Seal of the City thereto After this Request the Mayor and Citizens at first indeed desired to be excused till they knew the Kings Pleasure but no excuse at that time being to be granted at last by the labour of the Lords and such solicitors as they had within the City the common Seal was put to the forementioned Writing and the Mayor with divers of the City sworn to maintain the same their Allegiance saved to the King with preservation of their Liberties and Franchises After this obtain'd we find the 12 Peers assembling day by day as if now they feared no colours the City being on their side and valued no ones Threats keeping their Councils and Courts for the Reformation of old grievances removing from the King divers of his Menial Servants and setting others in their places and moreover a Proclamation comes forth that none of the Kings Takers should take any thing within the City without the owners will except a small customary matter therein excepted upon which what the Kings Officers took was straight paid for within the City and Liberty of the same and so continued to be for a while Can any one then desire a better proof of the City's repute in those days Yet within few years following we shall meet with more Instances of her power in the History In the 42d year Sir Hugh Bygot with Rogâ—â— Turkelay and others kept his Court at St. Saviours and held there the Itinerary Pleas to the sore punishment â—â— many convicted offending Officers Though this Hugh Bygot was put in by the Peers to reform as may be supposed old grievances yet power seems to have made him also go astray or else corruption or to colloguâ— with another party Whereof the City in General waâ— like to have tasted deeply could he have had his Will some of the particular Citizens scaped him not for hâ— summoned the Citizens to the aforesaid Court for Toll taken on the further side of the Water And though it was answered that they were taken lawfully and they were ready to prove it in places and Court convenienâ— within the Precinct of their Liberty Yet notwithstanding he charged upon Inquest 12 Knights of Surry to enquire thereof who acquitted the Citizens and sheweâ— that the said Toll belonged to them of Right Afterwards coming to Guild-Hall he kept his Court anâ— Pleas there according to my Author without all order of Law and contrary to the Liberties of the City inflâ—cting new punishments on the Bakers and ordered many things at his Will This year the Citizens had opportunity of shewing their Respect to the Kings Brother Ricbard Earl â—â— Cornwall coming over from beyond Sea where he had been dealing in the affairs of the Empire unto London where he was joyfully received the City being richly hang'd with Silk and Arras In the 43d year John Gysours being Mayor and John Adrian and Robert Cornhill Sheriffs Fryday after Simon and Jude's day we hear of the reading in the Parliament kept at Westminster in presence of all the Lords and Commonalty at sundry times of all the Acts and Ordinances made at Oxford with other Articles added by the Peers After which reading we find all those very solemnly accursed that attempted in word or deed to break the said Acts or any of them The Form of the Curse which was most solemnly denounced against the Violaters and Infringers of Magna Charta is to be seen in Matthew of Paris and this here intimated was in probability
City of London appears emulous of the Old Imperial City of Rome both in the Courage of the Women and valour of her men as if resolved not to yield to her Fame on any account in Glory and Merit nor come behind her in the Heroick Acts of either of the Sexes while one continues as potent in the Brittish World by the Spirit of the Citizens and influence of her Actions as the other once was famous for her Arms all over Europe Asia and Africa And who knows whitherto she may come in time as how far the Fates or rather Providence have decreed to advance her Was she so powerful so many Ages since what is she now since that she 's very much encreased in the Strength and Number of her Inhabitants and her private Buildings are reform'd from Wood and Earth into Brick and publick into Stone low humble Cottages into stately Edifices and who dares be so positive to aver that they may not in time be chang'd into Marble Hitherto have I treated the Reader with variety of Proofs and Evidences sufficiently I hope demonstrative of the Repute Fame Honour Glory and Renown Magnificence Grandeur Strength Power and Influence of this so Triumphant a City whose Approbation and Assistance hath setled Kings upon their Thrones and the dissatisfaction of whose Inhabitants hath sometimes left the way open to the ruine of Princes In the Examples and Instances whereof the Concurrence of her Citizens was for the most part general and universal at least so far as concern'd the Majority But now I shall produce an Instance and not easie perhaps to be parallell'd from either Divine or prophane Writings to shew how influential the bare shadow of her Name hath been in State-Affairs and how contributary to the transforming of a Subject into a King without any apparent assent of the Main Body of this ancient Corporation which I am so far from thinking a diminution of her Glory that I rather look upon it as here circumstantiated to be an Argument of the City's great Power Reputation and Esteem under this Consideration That if that aspiring Protector the bloody Duke of Gloucester better known by the Name of Crook-back'd Richard the Third could do so much by the shadow what might he not have done could he have but enjoyed the substance As in Divinity Circumstances make many an Action good or bad so in History the Design and Event not seldom ennobles or debases an Enterprize 'T is not so much the bare Act or thing done in this particular that is to make good my Assertion as the Deduction from the Consequences thereof whether real or designed which come now to be related in this manner following When that ambitious Crook-back'd Duke upon his Brother's Death had got his eldest Son and Heir and the rightful King into his hands and by treacherous Plots devis'd Crimes and false Calumniations taken away the Lives of those true and trusty Friends of the old King that were most likely to continue faithful to his young Son and Heir in his Minority and loyally stand by him with their Lives and Fortunes against the open Attempts or secret Designs of his Treacherous Uncle and thereby remov'd many of the Rubs out of the way to his aspir'd greatness His next Care was to get the Peoples Consent to the turning of his Ducal Corronet into a Regal Crown and their Concurrence to acknowledge him for their King whereas before he was but Protector But how should this be done A Pretence must be found to cajole them seeing that he had so little Equity and Justice on his side to confirm them to him The City of London was known to be powerful and populous and their Example was thought to do much with the rest of the Nation to make them if not approve at least connive at his Nephew's Deposition and his own Exaltation therefore the Citizens were to be Caress'd and their Approbation to be sought Whereupon he seeks for and procures Instruments fit for his turn that to honour his ambitious Desires stuck not openly to turn Renegado's to Truth Honesty and Loyalty so that they migh◠get Worldly Honour and Preferment thereby Among whom none of the less noted nor least useful are reckon'd the present Lord Mayor of London a Man of a proud Heart and highly desirous of Advancement how little soever he deserv'd it and two brazen-fac'd Sons of the Church both great Preachers of more Learning than Virtue of more Fame than Learning So useful hath the Pulpit in the Church been always thought to carry on Intreagues in the State The Contrivance was first to prepare the People and break the Matter at Paul's-Cross and then Motion it to the Citizens at Guild-hall to accomplish which and bring his purpose to perfection the Duke cared not so his dead Father were thought or call'd a Cuckold his Mother a Whore his Brethren Bastards and his Nephew illegitimate to the shame of the whole House of York such Fires of Ambition rul'd and rag'd in his Heart The flattering Clergy-men readily did their Parts in the Pulpit as far as they were able but with so ill success to the Duke's Cause and their own Reputation that he was wholly disappointed of the desir'd Acclamations and they lost their Credit and Estimation among the People ever after One lost his Life after his Sermon the other his Voice in the midst of his Preaching and so was forc'd to leave off and come down From Paul's Cross away go we the Tuesday following the Doctor 's Sermon to Guild-hall and there we find the Mayor upon the Hustings and all the Aldermen assembled about him and the Commons of the City gather'd before them To whom the Duke of Buckingham newly come thither attended with divers Lords and Knights from the Court makes a long and large Oration about the Grievances under the late King his many unnecessary Taxations great Severities and the looseness of his Life to cast dirt thus upon the late King's Government was thought then it seems an effectual Means to make way for this Popish Successor 〈◊〉 them of the Doctor 's Sermon and desires them to joyn with him and others in a Petition to the Duke to take upon him the Name and Office of a King hoping by his many Arguments and Perswasions with the volubility of his Tongue to obtain the Citizens Concurrence in a full Cry of of King Richard King Richard But they were it seems by the story very deaf of hearing on that Ear to his no little wonder and amazement Wherefore upon further consultation with the Mayor and others privy to the Design Buckingham resumes his Discourse and rehearses the same over again with a louder Voice as if the Citizens had not all heard or not well understood the meaning of his former Speech But neither did this move their Affections nor produce a Word in favour of the Motion from the Auditors Then Mr. Recorder by the Mayor's Advice was pitch'd upon to second
may be the care taken in London to watch and guard the Gates upon the first discovery of the Gun-powder Treason and the great joy and rejoycing manifested therein soon after upon its further detection by filling the Streets with Bonfires and the Solemn Assemblies with publick praises and thanksgiving to the Almighty for the Kings happy Deliverance This Gunpowder Treason so to observe by the way was one of the seven particulars the Intelligencer tells us were sometime since set up in a Table in St. Martins Church at York under this Title Things never to be forgotten by Protestants The other six were The bloody Reign of Queen Mary The many Plots in Queen Elizabeths Reign The Massacre in Ireland in Forty one The horrid Murder of King Charles in One thousand Six hundred and Forty eight The burning of London in One thousand Six hundred and Sixty six And the horrid Popish-plot in One thousand Six hundred and Seventy eight An Inscription that some harmless well meaning persons would have been apt doubtless to have thought very honest in its self and deservedly written in Letters of Gold till an Order came to one of the Church Wardens to take it down or appear at the Spiritual Court to answer the Contempt For 't was above the ordinary Capacity of a Common lay-Protestant to apprehend any thing ill or offensive therein till such wits among the Clergy as had far more sagacious intellects perceived the drift and design thereof and judging it perhaps to be part of the Presbyterian Plot might think fit to have it thrown down that the Vulgar might be no more amus'd with the dreadful remembrance of such things But to return to the Cities Love and Loyalty to King James another remarkable proof thereof may be deduced from the double Guards set in all places about London the Precept issued out by the Lord Mayor to the Wards to raise the Train Bands and the unexpressible distraction of Mens minds upon a flying rumour suddenly spread about the City March 22d somewhat above four Months after the Powder Plot was discovered of the Kings being slain that morning at Oking some twenty Miles from London which occasioned great weeping and waiâ—ing and much lamentation in old and young rich and poor till in three or four hours time all these Clouds were happily dispers'd by better and more certain news brought of the Kings safety and his return to Whitehall thereupon the same afternoon where the peoples hearts were as much raised with joy as before they had been drowned in grief and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen went to congratulate his Majesty upon the assurance of his continued Health and Security Such were the expressions of the Cities affections let us now see the return of Kindness on the Kings part and his Princely acknowledgment of their singular love and loyalty to him Much doubtless of the Kings mind in this particular may be guessed at from the frequent Visits he made the City but I presume by no one Act of his better known than by his repaying the Citizens of London in the seventh of his Reign the Threescore thousand pounds they had lent Queen Elizabeth three years before her death An Act of the greatest Justice and Equity and whereby likewise he got more love saith the Chronicle than he paid mony This may pass both for an Example of the Kings Goodness and Prudence and an Instance of Londons Power and Esteem since his Majesty thought it good to be at such charges to oblige her For to pay their Predecessors Debts is so rare among Princes that many of them hardly ever pay their own Hitherto have I presented the Reader with variety of passages out of our English Chronicles to demonstrate the Glory Honour and Renown of the City of London and the Courage of her Citizens the Power of her Magistrates the Strength of the Commonalty and the undeniable Influence of the whole Corporation upon the rest of the Kingdom and have given him here and there the words and expressions of private men as so many illustrative Arguments on the Points Wherefore now I shall produce no less than what I account a Royal Testimony in confirmation of the many demonstrative Evidences already brought and that of no less a Prince than his present Majesties Royal Father King Charles the First and out of an Author so little partial to the City that the very name of Peter Heylin and the diligent perusal of Arch-Bishop Lauds Life by him writ may sufficiently convince an indifferent Reader that he was none of Londons greatest Favourers or Admirers since 't was look'd on as the Retreat and Receptacle of the Grandees of the Puritan faction as he is pleased to stile all those he thought contrary to that Party of Men he will needs call the Church of England A Proof therefore out of such an Adversary's mouth as Heylins seems a very convincing Argument when he himself is forced meerly by truth and matter of fact to confess and acknowledge the influence of London on all parts of the Kingdom in that passage where he intimates it to have been generally look't upon as the compass by which the lesser Towns and Corporations were wont to steer their course and to plead it's practice on all occasions What I conceive to be the Kings Testimony by that writer deliver'd is by him brought in as the reason of his Majesties preferring Laud to the Bishoprick of London viz. For that he was a Man of a more active Spirit than the former Bishop and so fitter to carry on the design of rendring the City conformable to that propos'd Model of Church Government which was intended for the whole Nation and therein therefore principally to be promoted because of the Influence it had by reason of it's wealth and trading on all parts of the Kingdom and that upon the correspondence and conformity thereof the welfare of the whole depended This Testimony doubtless is of great authority because proceeding from so Judicious a Prince and related by an Author not to be suppos'd over ready to write any thing in favour of this City to which he seems to have born a very great animosity because the Citizens would not be so thorough-pac'd Episcopal as his Reverend Doctorship would have had them to have been But now methinks it should be of greater prevalency than ever since that King Charles himself before he dyed out of his own experience knew much more of the Cities strength and Power than many of his Predecessors did for some ages before For 't is plain beyond denial dispute or contradiction out of the memory of Man and the everlasting Records of time that in the late Wars between him and his two Houses of Parliament 't was the Cities power and influence that rais'd them to that height of Grandeur which made them so formidable to all the Royal party Whereas without her help and assistance how little able they had been to have long subsisted or