A SCHOOL FOR PRINCES OR Political Reflections upon three Conspiracies preceding the Death of Alexander the Great Translated out of French by A. O. TF â—ONDON Printed for Thomas Fabian at the Bible in St. Pauls Church-yard 1680. Preface A Preface being no more than a Door giving entrance to a Tractate I shall here only just follow that Notion and briefly present to view the Subject of the ensuing Treatise Three Conspiracies preceding the Death of Alexander the Great are here at large represented with Political Reflections upon every remarkable Occurrence The chief of the first Conspiracy is Philotas a Favorite of his Prince and General of the Cavalry his Ambition gives Birth to his Disloyalty and Dymnus a Confederate his Affection towards Nicomachus a Youth of his Acquaintance discovers him The Author of the second Conspiracy is Hermolaus a Youth one of the King's Pages The Occasion His receiving Blows for killing a Wild Boar the King was going to encounter with his Spear His Design ready to take effect is strangely prevented by the intervening of a Woman inspir'd with a Prophetick Spirit and totally disclosed by Epimenes one of his Associates either out of Fear towards their Gods or purely for Avarice The third and last Conspiracy is promoted by Antipater for being at the instances of Olympias the King's Mother removed from his Government of Macedonia None are ingaged in this Conspiracy but Antipater and his three Sons Cassander Jollas and Philip And Jollas Alexander ' s chief Cup-bearer taking the opportunity of a Feast at Babylon poisons Hercules his Cup of which Alexander drinks and in a miserable manner breaths out the remaining minutes of his Life A. O. A SCHOOL FOR PRINCES HE that writes the Life and Death of Princes may be liken'd to a Painter that has drawn a Picture side-wayes representing two several things according as it is view'd on either side The Life of great Ones consider'd on the one side by Philosophers appears to them full of Troubles and a Happiness not to be desir'd On the other side Politicians admire in it Soveraign Power and laughing at those false Sages that never knew the worth of it reverence in a Monarch the inestimable Act of ruling Men. So likewise at the death of a Prince the Cynique exagerates the vanity of great Ones but the true Sage contemplates their End as the Limits of Glory and the birth of a new Grandeur 'T is not my design to write the Lives of Princes we read in divers Authors both Ancient and Modern all that the most expert can imagine upon the Art of Governing I shall only tie my self to the consideration of divers Events commonly preceeding accompanying or following their Death History is like a Theatre on which is represented the inconstancy of Fortune there shall we find Subjects Paricides of their Soveraigns and Soveraigns precipitating themselves from a Throne to an Abyss of Misery Sometimes there 's more Bloodshed at the death of Kings than Tears their Funerals are disturb'd by the noise of Trumpets and the clashing of glittering Arms dissipates in a moment the cloudy preparations of a Funeral-pomp so that the memory of him whom but a little before invironed with Glory and Majesty every one ador'd becomes then an abomination It may not therefore be unseasonable to draw this two-sided Portraiture Policy and Morality shall work together the latter austere and rough shall cover the Heavens with Clouds and dart down Thunderbolts on the Heads of Princes the former more clear and dextrous shall avert the Storm and shew them a Sanctuary So that when one shall frighten a Prince with an imminent Danger the other shall presently give him the Hand and it shall be easy for him to avoid the Danger if he make but good use of Political Precepts All that we can imagine most exquisite in Policy the subtilest Discourses upon the Art of Governing the acutest Precepts cannot make an Impression strong enough upon the Spirit an example of what is past prevails upon it farther than the fear of what 's to come Experience perswades with greater ease than meditation and we are more inclin'd to imitate great Actions that have bin already executed than to be the first Enterprisers of them the Event is not at all fear'd where others have bin prosperous but where they have bin successless there the Sage avoids falling into the same misfortune 'T is for this Reason I have chosen for the Subject of my Work the History of a Prince whom Fortune Merit and Reputation have advanc'd above all others and whose Actions ought to be of more Authority Never was there Prince more happy all his Life nor more constantly favoured by Fortune but after he had finish'd his course he might be reckon'd the unhappiest of all Princes if there be after Death any sentiment of earthly things I speak of Alexander the Great Kings ought to imitate his Vertues which none more eminently possess'd and at the same time abominate the Vices he plung'd himself into without any respect to his Rank or consideration for the esteem of Men. The Discreet will admire his judicious and clear Conduct and cannot but be transported at the irregularity of his Manners Never was there any had a better Birth greater Grandeur or truer Merit nor was there ever any with such notorious Vices so contrary to such a Merit Birth and Grandeur Was there ever seen a Prince more glorious more admir'd by Strangers or more often outrag'd by his Friends in whom he most confided When Fortune made him Master of the Universe hardly could he secure himself from Domestick Treasons 't is true he ran headlong to his own ruin and I find not in any History an example of such Heroick Virtue and such a prostitution to all sorts of Vices If then the remembrance of a Recompence is capable to engage the Spirit of a Man to perform Actions full of Virtue and Glory and if a sight of the Miseries that accompany Vice can frighten and deter without doubt there 's no History more clear than this to direct Princes in their Conduct Alexander's Death was preceeded by three Conspiracies accompanied with a jealousy for Superiority among his Captains and follow'd with the ruin of that great Empire The different Events that compose this History the general Desolation of several Kingdoms the malignity of Fortune and the unexpected dismal Accidents will furnish Princes with most necessary Precepts both Moral and Politick and though it may seem that all things are absolutely subject to the Order of Fate yet 't is very much for a Monarch's Glory when the Revolution of his States cannot be imputed unto him but only to that fatal and inevitable necessity that the prudence of Man cannot alter As for the rest though the Macedonians and all those other Nations conquer'd by Alexander had Laws and Customs quite different from ours they excell'd in the Art of Government Policy is from all Ages I come therefore now to
is oppos'd to the Admiral the Affection of the People to the Souldier's Rebellion but if a Minister be General of an Army Superintendent of the Treasury Admiral or if these Charges are at his disposal what is there that he cannot do if faithful he is formidable if unfaithful he is King Parmenio and Philotas were Masters of the Empire one General of the Cavalry the other of a whole Army the former Governor of several Provinces Superintendent of the Treasury having in all Battels the command of one Wing the latter awing the great Ones a Favorite and Arbiter of his Prince's Life The immense Riches of Philotas the great number of Creatures of all sorts and conditions inseparably linked to his Fortune his Authority in the Armies almost equalling the King's might well induce him young as he was cruel full of delicacy and pride to conspire the death of Alexander the only Let to him in his way to the highest pitch of Grandeur Add to these the Love of a Woman the true cause of his destruction Antigone of a noble Birth an excellent Beauty a sweet Nature a lively pleasant charming Spirit was one of those illustrious Prisoners that the Governor of Damascus delivered to Permenio with all the Treasures Darius had committed to his disloyal custody This fair Slave made her self Mistress of Philotas his Liberty he forgot that he had all power over her and shamefully submitted himself to her Laws That pride that contempt that made him but a little before despise Darius his Nobles the chiefest of the Macedonians and equal himself to his King chang'd it self immediately into submissions to his own Captive he became fearful as are the greatest part of Lovers and thought himself unworthy of her because he was not Alexander The violence of his Passion rouzes in his Heart a vehement desire of making himself King impatient of enjoying Antigone he despairs of possessing her unless he share the Empire with her At the Wars egg'd on with great Love and Courage he exposes himself to dangers more than ordinary he is liberal to prodigality gentle affable gains the Hearts of his Souldiers cloaths himself like them accommodates himself to their Manners protects them is belov'd and reigns already over the whole Army But so many good Qualities were produc'd by Love which being blind can never guide Lovers in their Conduct and in his Reason and Prudence had no share At Table in his Bed in the midst of good Cheer and Imbracements he begins to celebrate his Actions Alexander could not recompence them with a Kingdom large enough for his Ambition Philotas looks on him no longer as his Benefactor accuses him of Injustice speaks insolently of him debases this great Monarch ascribes all his Conquests to Parmenio le ts scape some injurious Language the most clear-sighted penetrate into his Designs and suspect his Loyalty Perhaps he might think that he discharg'd his Heart into the Bosom of a Woman amorous and discreet A strange thing that so many Examples of Infidelity cannot make Lovers suspicious of the usual Inconstancy of their Mistresses Fickle Antigone ceases to love Philotas and betrays him She must destroy him to preserve her new Lover She thinks it her securest way to acquaint Alexander with the imminent danger threatning him Craterus whom the King honour'd particularly with his Favour jealous of Philotas his Glory and an Enemy to his Grandeur seeks occasion to ruin him which Antigone proffers him and tells him all that miserable Wretch had discover'd to her of his Mind during the most tender moments of their privacy As it is impossible that the Dust cast into the Wind should not be scatter'd so it is very difficult for a Secret intrusted with a Woman young handsom and amorous not to be divulg'd She longs to know that that 's kept from her and when she knows it desires as much to publish it She is ardent in her Pursuit treacherous after Enjoyment cruel in her new Love No kindness can retain her the remembrance of a Man she has lov'd tenderly and amorously embrac'd affects her not like the Earth that darkens the Sun from whence it receives its warmth But if there be any thing firm in the tenderness of her Sentiments happy is the Man that has her she is an inexhaustible Sourse of Pleasures Craterus glad to destroy his Enemy by preserving the Life of his King runs to Alexander and gives him an account of what he had heard Antigone is call'd and is not asham'd to publish her own Infamy and the secret of a Man that so intirely lov'd her The King nevertheless dissembles whether it were that the consideration of Parmenio's great Services his unbyass'd Friendship his incorrupted Loyalty inclin'd him to Clemency or whether it were that he thought Philotas innocent or feared too lightly to condemn upon the bare testimony of a slave the fidelity of an ancient Servant most passionate for his Glory one of his chief Captains and Confidents adored by the Souldiers for his Liberality and Magnificence But Fortune that took a particular care of Alexander and prepar'd for him new Conquests discover'd the whole Intreigue of a most horrid Plot. Dymnus one in no great Authority at Court but of a stout Heart and great Spirit was one of those that had conspir'd the King's Death he was so in love with a young Youth call'd Nicomachus that he could not but intrust him with a Secret upon which depended his own safety and that of so many Persons of Quality who were concern'd in the Enterprize He declares it to him and endeavours to perswade him to make one as well from the consideration of their Friendship as from that of his future Grandeur after the Attempt He Weeps Caresses Threatens Urges and sometimes promising him a Kingdom sometimes setting the Image of Death before his Eyes if he refuse to hold with them Would'st thou have says he my dear Nichomachus a greater Testimony of my Affection I trust my Life to thy Faith and I call thee to be a sharer in the Empire of all Asia This young Youth bearing a great love towards his King was seized with horror at a Crime so full of cruelty he protests he 'l never be wanting to his Duty to the Loyalty he owes his Master that all he can do for his Friend is not to ruin him if he 'l repent of so great a wickedness Dymnus stood wavering between Love and Fear at length setting his Sword at his Friend's Brest calling him sometimes Coward sometimes Traitor he was going to begin with him the execution of his Design but that the young Man in a fright promis'd more than he was ask'd He feigned therefore a resolution to execute the Enterprize and desired to know the number and quality of the Conspirators Dymnus full of joy that he had gain'd him names Peucolaus Nicanor Aphaebetus Loceus Demetrius Dioxenus Archepolis and Amyntas 'T is certain he made no mention of Philotas who I am
ready to think according to the custom of great Ones lay expecting the issue of the Conspiracy and left others to carry it on that if it were discover'd he might cast the whole Design on them Nicomachus transported with joy that it lay in his power to shew his King a proof of his Fidelity runs to his Brother Ceballinus and acquaints him with the whole Matter 'T is a wonder that the greatest Conspiracies mention'd in History have bin always discover'd by the most wicked of those that have enterpriz'd them Intemperance of speech is the inseparable Companion of Villany and incompatible with Prudence which chiefly consists in hearing all in distrusting even Reason it self and in keeping silence It was not convenient for Nicomachus to go to the King in Person the Conspirators might have suspected his Fidelity they doubted nothing of Ceballinus who was usually in the Palace And he not losing a minute of time endeavour'd to speak with Alexander At first there was none to introduce him but afterwards there appear'd Philotas to whom in a great fright he relates what he had heard of the Conspiracy and prays him to advertise the King Philotas his silence is for certain a most convincing proof of his disloyalty He is not troubled at this Relation the danger he sees himself expos'd to concerns him not the Interest of his own preservation cannot abate his Courage fierce and cruel towards himself he praises Ceballinus his Loyalty and is himself disloyal he returns again to the King for he could not well do otherwise without giving suspicion but discourses with him all the while of other Matters The Night came on Ceballinus wondered there was no stir made the King being in so imminent danger and meeting with Philotas asked him if he had inform'd Alexander of what he had told him His answer was That he had not the opportunity Ceballinus grew more mistrustful when he saw the Conspirators the next day walking freely in the Palace Alexander having done nothing to them suitable to the resolution his resentment should have made him take and addressing himself again to Philotas he intreated him not to neglect an Affair of that Consequence that concern'd the King's Life He answered him again He would be mindful of it Several Historians have thought Philotas innocent because say they there 's no likelihood that a Man of his Courage and Reputation should have bin two days without provideing for his safety either by dispatching Ceballinus and his Brother or by an ingenuous acknowledgment of his perfidious Crime Plutarch a great stickler for the Glory of the Grecians endeavours to justify him but that Learned Man as innocent as he makes Philotas did not well consider that his silence could not but be esteem'd a Crime in the judgment of all Politicians 'T was for his security to hold his peace in speaking there was danger either of losing his Life or his Reputation It may be the King might have pardon'd him Can a Man of Spirit survive an Infamy His Authority might have shelter'd him from the storm and have made the cloud break over others heads What likelihood Do those that are drawn to Execution fear after Death the disgrace of great Ones What then tell the Conspirators that their Plot was discover'd He who was the Head of the Conspiracy cared not to frighten those that were to execute it There 's no Resolution but staggers at the fear of Punishment Constancy shakes at the apprehension of being call'd in question there must be then a recourse to new Measures Philotas must rather animate his Confederates than terrify them What if he had made away with Ceballinus in the King's Palace in the Camp in the very Arms of his Companions what would Nicomachus have said whom 't was impossible for him to find as he had hid himself All these Precautions were destructive Philotas did like a great Politician to say nothing to the King to say nothing to the Conspirators and to make no noise He entertain'd Ceballinus with fair words the day for the Enterprise was come and according to all appearance Ceballinus shou'd have rely'd on the fidelity of Philotas a Favorite of Alexander's and one who had greater Interest than any in his preservation But Ceballinus not believing that the King wou'd slight his Information began to be mistrustful He goes to Metron a young Gentleman that kept the King's Wardrobe and discovers the Enterprise to him who presently causing him to be hid acquaints the King with it as he was bathing himself Alexander immediately gives order to apprehend Dymnus he enters his Wardrobe Ceballinus cries out I see Sir you are deliver'd from the hands of Traitors The King afterwards enquiring touching the Circumstances of the Conspiracy he told him every thing that Dymnus had declar'd But having confess'd that it was three days since his Brother gave him notice Alexander doubted not but that he was one of the Confederates since he had so long defer'd his Information And therefore he caus'd him presently to be shackl'd Ceballinus who expected a recompence for his fidelity feeling the weight of his Chains cries out in an astonishment That the very first moment he knew of the Conspiracy he ran and gave notice of it to Philotas the only cause of this delay Then Alexander pierced with grief to see himself so basely betray'd by a Man loaded with his Favours and so particularly honour'd with his Friendship lifted up his hands towards Heaven and as it were seiz'd with horror detested with Tears so hideous an Ingratitude Without doubt there 's no Grief equals that of having passionately lov'd one that proves ingrateful and perfidious When we call to mind that after all the pains we have taken after all the proofs we have given of a true Affection and great Trust we are paid with Ingratitude we can blame none but our selves we must condemn our own Judgments One would think Nature declares her self against us since she has indu'd the meanest Plant with acknowledgment and seems to rob us of it This example of Ingratitude will teach an honest Man not to expect returns from a Person he obliges Favours should only proceed from our inclination to do good the Heart of a Man 's the more noble the less 't is interessed and the pleasure of venting his Generosity is to the honest Man recompence enough Dymnus seeing himself inviron'd with Guards troubled at the enormity of his Crime and the Image of a Death accompanied with a thousand pains ran himself through with his own Sword and would have made an end of himself upon the Spot had not the Souldiers interrupted him To kill ones self is in my opinion the basest and the unworthiest of all Actions Let Antiquity drain its Eloquence to praise the resolution of Cato or Lucretia as for me I cannot but blame Antiquity for calling Cowardise Valour Folly Wisdom Despair Virtue He has no Heart that kills himself because he will not survive a
should have held my peace had not the King who was forestall'd incensed you against me his Speech is a Sentence of Death which now to endeavour to make him revoke is to call him Cruel and Unjust So that considering I must condemn Alexander's Judgment I cannot resolve to ask for Absolution His absence declares that my destruction is resolv'd upon and what can I hope for if the best of my Judges be inexorable However Philotas shall not die without clearing himself of the Crime he stands charg'd with What Proof have they Am I of the number of the Conspirators Did Nicomachus name me to his Brother or Dymnus to Nicomachus Who inquiring after the Names of those that had conspir'd the Death of Alexander and the Order of the Conspiracy the other ingages in it through the consideration of their Birth and Merit How could Dymnus then forget me that am thought their Head Did he fear destroying me He that had so great a confidence in Nicomachus he I say that ventur'd with him his own Life and the Lives of his best Friends Ceballinus the only Witness against me is not of the Conspiracy can he believe that I am he that discover'd it to me Dymnus is dead he never nam'd me His Confederates surviving him may hope for Pardon if they can cast their Crime on me Yet there 's none accuses me What! cannot Tortures wrest the Truth from them to whom as 't is common to the Miserable the ingaging others in their Misfortunes would be some comfort Do they believe in the condition I am in abandon'd condemn'd I am able to deliver them from their Tortures So you see Fellow-Souldiers the truth of the first Crime I am accus'd of I come now to the second The King says I daigned not to advertise him of the imminent Peril that threatned him I was not at all troubled at it 'T is true Sir I was to blame but you have pardon'd me You invited me to Sup with you in token of a Reconciliation At least you ought not to condemn me without hearing my Defence What new Crime have I committed Whence comes my Disgrace since yesterday-evening I expected nothing less than this dismal change The Wicked are continually troubled with the Image of their Crime Their Souls agitated with a thousand different Thoughts keep them perpetually alarm'd press'd with remorse of Conscience they seek for their security The ease Attarras found in apprehending me discovers the little care I took of my preservation When he bound me with Chains I was in a deep sleep I rely'd upon the credit of your word I feared not that the malice of my Enemies should prevail with your Clemency Further Sir could I fear any thing as to your Life upon the bare report of a Youth of no Reputation who destitute of all proof could do nothing but make a vain Alarm I suspected him too because he came not to me himself and look'd on it as some private revenge not fit for me to meddle with I feared likewise that he might deny what he had told Ceballinus and that I might have nothing but regret for so lightly committing the chief Officers of the Court But for all these Precautions I am sacrific'd to those I have spar'd 'T is objected Dymnus anticipated his Punishment by a voluntary Death Knew I that he would kill himself If Ceballinus his Relation have no other ground but this what does it prove against me Again had I bin a Confederate how could I have bin so quiet two days after the Conspiracy was detected I could easily have dispatch'd Ceballinus or hasten'd the stroke I was alone with the King in his Chamber who could have hinder'd me Did I want Dymnus his presence 'T was he then that was the Head of the Conspiracy and yet 't is I as is said that would have made my self King of Macedonia Whom among you Fellow-Souldiers have I endeavour'd to corrupt On whom have I bestowed Presents What Officers are there more than ordinary sensible of my Favours I am reproached for despising the Language of Macedonians What likelihood is there of it if I intend to make my self their King You know very well that since we have left our own Country and have learnt strange Tongues 't is to all of us some trouble to speak our own Alexander himself uses it not therefore he despises the Macedonians In truth all these Reproaches are but light as well as that of being a Friend to Amyntas who conspired against Alexander If it be a Crime to be a Friend to a King's Brother I am guilty but if his Birth ingag'd me in those Sentiments for him can I not be innocent because I did not divine What justice is there that the Frieds of the Guilty should be punish'd with them I ought to have died long since had this Friendship bin a Crime and if it be not Why is it brought in for my destruction But I pitied the condition of those that were to live under the Government of a Man that equall'd himself to the Gods 'T is true I wrote thus to Alexander but told I it any else Gave he me not the liberty to discover my Sentiments to him Had I not reason to fear that his Vanity might render him odious to his People If he have such Faith in the Oracle let him consult it touching my Crime Jupiter will never conceal a Secret of such consequence to his Son's Life And if you 'l rather trust to Tortures I am ready to undergo them My misfortunes dispence with my introducing my Relations I had two Brothers they both died in Battel for Alexander's and Your Glory I have only a Father left accus'd of the same Crime with me neither the Grandeur of his Services the consideration of his Age nor his passion for the King prevailing against the cruelty of those that envy him Miserable Wretch must I then dear Father be the cause of your Death Did you give me Life to deprive you of yours Is this the Recompence of so many Battels gain'd of so much Blood spilt in your Family Is this the Comfort you expected from me in your last days Nature was ready to redemand your Life full of Glory in the next Battel the Grandeur of your Courage would have laid you bleeding in the midst of your Trophies but your Enemies not contented to deprive you of an only Son envy you the glory of a Death that would have render'd you immortal But tell me was Parmenio himself believ'd when he wrote to Alexander how that Philip his Physician corrupted by Darius his Gifts and Promises had ingag'd to poison him The King gave so little credit to his Letter that he gave it Philip to read whilst he took his Physick to mock as it were at my Father's credulity I have made my self too the Subject of Rallery for having too lightly believed things more probable than what Ceballinus inform'd me If I give Information I make my self ridiculous
if I hold my Peace I am look'd on as a Criminal what should I do them Presently one of the Company cry'd out Not conspire against the Life of your Prince and Benefactor Whosoever thou art thou hast spoken wisely answered Philotas and if I am guilty of that Crime I condemn my self to the worst of punishments And here I make an end since you seem unmov'd at the consideration of my Misfortunes and my last words have kindled your Choler Philotas his last words seemed neither to proceed from a Man that was innocent nor from one that had that courage he should have in the worst of Fortunes A good Conscience never despairs in bad Fortune had but Philotas guilty as he was had the confidence to answer with more vigor his Innocence would not have bin doubted the Souldiers would have bin incited to compassion A bold and resolute word utter'd in the midst of the horrors of Death has preserv'd many a Criminal's Life Nothing so easily perswades a multitude as the constancy of a great courage Without doubt Philotas his Tears and Fainting were Testimonies of his Crime as they were tokens of his Despair or Repentance His Guards had no sooner convey'd him from the Assembly but Belon a stern Man and of a base Extract who had rais'd himself to several Charges by his Valour spake to the Souldiers with greater animosity against Philotas than had bin observed in Alexander in manner following Is it possible that Macedonians who have always abhor'd Treachery should be touch'd with compassion for a Traitor to his King and Country What has he done to deserve your Clemency Have you not had sufficient proof of his Pride of his Cruelty of the Impudence of his Domesticks How often when we have bin tired has he interrupted our repose by the noise of a number of Slaves following at his Heels He that drove the Macedonians from his Tent because he would have no noise Which of you could ever speak to him without an Interpreter as if he only were born in Macedonia and all of us Barbarians Did he ever make you sensible of his Favours He that after Battel always loaded his Wagons with the Fruit of our Labours and our Conquests May we not be asham'd that we have hitherto continu'd his Slaves who has so long abused the King's Favour and our Patience He would have Hammon tell the truth and yet he reckoned him an Impostor for owning Alexander for his Son Did this Traitor consult Jupiter when he conspired against the Life of his King He would only gain â—imâ— to give his Father Intelligence that he may come down upon us with all the Forces he can raise in Media Let us send to the Oracle not to search a Truth we are already sufficiently inform'd of but to return thanks for Alexander's being preserv'd from the Snares of this Traitor There needed not all this to incense the Assembly there was none appeared concern'd for Philotas his misery they all unanimously breath'd Revenge the King's Guard cried out They should let them tear the Parricide in pieces But his Enemies reserv'd him for more cruel Tortures The King having refer'd his Sentence till the next day called a Council to advise whether it were better to have him first tortur'd or immediately delivered over to be Ston'd This last Opinion was most humane and had bin followed but that the cruelty of Hephaestion Craterus and Caenus was more prevalent They were for having him tortured and charg'd themselves with the execution All the Instruments of Torture were set before Philotas his Eyes at which the miserable Wreth shaking for fear cried out That Rack was needless since he confess'd his Crime that he had conspir'd against the Life of Alexander that he would have taken it from him if he could that they should therefore speedily give him the Death he deserved But Craterus glad of an opportunity to exercise his private revenge persisted in it that they must extort from him who were his Confederates In vain did he implore the Gods of his Country and the King's Mercy He was put to the Rack his Judges were his Enemies and Tormentors Scourges and Fire could hardly satisfy their fury A strange thing Philotas but a little before despairing at the sight of his Punishment was as it were insensible in the midst of Torment The pain he endur'd could not wrest one word from him and he suffered all that cruelty and vengeance could invent till such time as mangled all over he promised to discover what he knew His Tormentors were ordered to retire Then addressing himself to Craterus Tell me says he what thou wouldst have me say There 's no greater trouble than that of being exposed to the vengeance of Enemies the Soul feels greater pain than the Body groaning under the cruelty of Tortures Philotas who indured the Rack without giving one groan could not refrain his Choler Craterus not well brooking this derision calls again for his Tormentors Then Philotas vanquish'd by the rigor of his Stripes and infeebled by the great quantity of Blood he had lost demanded respit and began afterwards to tell them how that Hegelochus a Man of courage and ambitious who died at the last Battel not induring to worship Alexander as the Son of Jupiter resolved to take away his Life and not being able continu'd he to accomplish so great a Design himself he endeavour'd to engage my Father and me it What said Hegelochus shall we live under the tyranny of a Monster Who though he is the wicked'st of Men is not asham'd to trace his Original from the Gods If he have the confidence to abuse Jupiter himself then what can we expect from his Vanity His Pride was insupportable to us before the Oracle's ananswer and since 't is grown to that height of insolence that not content with our Blood and Lives he requires from us a base complaisance nothing lâ—ss than adoration Parmenio pursu'd Philota was very much astonished at this Discourse the next day he talk'd with me about it and not knowing whether Hegelochus had bin transported with Choler or warmed with Wine he sent a Messenger to desire him to come to him Being come he said the same he had done the Evening before and as it seem'd with more resolution adding That if we would be the chief of the Conspiracy he would undertake to execute it Parmenio and I having given him our Faith thought it best to wait till the death of Darius that all the Orient might be the reward of that Enterprize As for that of Dymnus I swear by the Life of Alexander I never knew any thing of it And why should I disown an Attempt that would be no greater Crime than the other His Judges thought he had not said enough yet They had him tortur'd a-fresh and Craterus who had not fully satisfied his revenge was glad of having further time to exercise his fury against him In fine Philotas finding himself no longer
bold and insolent he thought himself King indeed when he saw that he was Arbiter of his Subjects Lives and that there was nothing more to be done to place himself beyond the reach of Envy than to shed the best Blood in Macedonia The more you commend the vanity of great Ones the more are they in love with it the more Blood a Tyrant sheds the more is he desirous of shedding it Lyncestes Alexander had bin imprison'd three Years upon an Accusation of two Witnesses for conspiring against the Life of Alexander the Reason his Punishment had bin so long defer'd was because he was the first that saluted Alexander King after the death of Philip. Antipater Lyncestes his Father-in-Law was Governor of Macedonia and it seem'd very probable that the intercession of one that was Master of so flourishing a Kingdom should have suspended his execution a far longer time But Alexander would no longer hearken to Policy an insatiable desire of revenge carried him on towards his own ruin He caused therefore the Criminal to be brought forth accused only by two Persons and had him dispatch'd according to their custom The Chief of the Macedonians perceived presently that Alexander grew more cruel from day to day and began to fear for themselves They were ready to think that the Heavens provok'd by the King's vanity who dared equal himself to the Gods had inspir'd Philotas with the desire of taking away his Life However they spread this Rumor through the Army the easier to engage the Souldiers to a revolt The remembrance of Parmenio's Merit and Philotas his Misfortune who died in the flower of his Age had already excited pity in the Macedonians In the one they thought they had lost the Protector of their Liberty the Avenger of the Gods and of their Country in the other a Captain of rare Valour without whom Alexander could do nothing that was great These seditious Discourses would have forg'd a Rebellion had not the King caused his Army to march against the Arachosians Without doubt that was the only means to dissipate all ill Designs Idleness spoils the Souldiers Spirits but all these murmurs vanish at the first sound of the Trumpet Nevertheless Alexander's Conduct might well have made such brave Men desperate For having known that several highly resented Parmenio's Death he form'd them into a Body and made Leonidas their Captain ordering them to incamp separately from the rest as it were out of ignominy It was not to be feared that their seditious Discourses should have corrupted the rest of the Macedonians for as is the custom of Souldiers Martial Liberty and the joy of new Conquests would have laid their Anger and their Malice In the mean while Alexander abandon'd himself to all sorts of Vices The irregularity of his Manners increased with his Victories and his Ambition no longer curb'd by Vertue carried him to that excess of Pride as to require from the Macedonians and Persians Divine Honours I cannot but pity the weakness and vanity of this Prince Could he think the Macedonians would worship as a God one born of Philip and Olympias subject to the same Infirmities with other Men These Heroës whom Antiquity has placed in the Heavens lived in such sort that Posterity reckon'd them in the number of the Gods after their Death and if during their Life they should have required from Men Adoration and Divine Worship without doubt they would have render'd themselves despicable and ridiculous to the whole World The Sages forbore not to scoff at those false Divinities and the more enlightned Pagans have themselves laugh'd at their own Religion Alexander presum'd too much upon the Grandeur of his Actions the Persians and other strange Nations might well admire them but the Macedonians could do no more than praise his Conduct and his Courage Those that run the same danger are willing to participate with the General in the Glory of the Conflict and suffer with regret that any one should attribute to himself the honour of the Victory But if he were so intent to elevate himself above the condition of Men why was he not more diligent to gain respect from his People It is not for the Majesty of a Prince to make himself too publick if he will be ador'd he must separate himself from the Commerce of the World The old Macedonian Captains taking it ill that Alexander should publickly debase his Father's Glory scoffed at his Pride and pretended Divinity Which so incensed him that he kill'd Clitus his Nourses Son with a Javelin This great Warrier who had sav'd his Life at the Battel of Granicus suffered with regret his so outragiously attacking the Memory of Philip and abhor'd his Vanity and the enormity of his Crimes Neither was he without a Second Calisthenes who made profession of Wisdom declar'd himself more openly for as Cleo one day at Table with the chief of the Macedonians and Persians propounded to render Divine Honour to Alexander This Philosopher answered him with his usual freedom That it was not in the power of Men to make a God that they could hardly make a King and that the Persians would be their Conquerors if they followed them in their barbarous Customs The freedom that Polypercon took was yet greater who seeing a Persian worshipping the King began to laugh and throwing him upon his Face bad him bow lower All these Scoffs tended to the diminution of Alexander's Glory How then could he expect Divine Honour from those that so much contemn'd him For this he must have chang'd the form of Government have made himself absolute Monarch of the Empire have usurp'd the Macedonian Freedom have bin Arbiter of their Lives and Fortunes have dispatch'd his Nobles and have kept such a distance between himself and his Subjects as might have made him seem quite different from what he was But if the horror of so great an Impiety or the necessity he then had for his Captains permitted him not to arrive to that excess of Cruelty it concern'd his prudence and wisdom to moderate his Ambition and the friendship of his Nobility would have bin far more glorious than the adoration of the Persians proceeding from the base complaisance of that Nation 'T was this unreasonable Pride which made him again run the risk of losing his Life which at last precipitated him to his ruin and has render'd his Memory odious to all Ages The Death of Calisthenes is certainly deplorable and a great proof of Alexander's Wickedness who could not suffer an honest Man in his sight In fine he fell on a sudden from that moderation that had made him admir'd and lov'd of every one to so violent Extravagancies and to so great profusion of Vice that 't is no wonder that Hermolaus should have the boldness to conspire his Death The Noblemens Children of Macedonia according to custom were oblig'd to enter into the King's Service at fifteen Years of Age. After some Years the Prince promoted them to the
highest Charges of them came Favorites and the greatest Captains According to all appearance these young Nobles were more likely than any to tolerate their Prince's Defects and Government as having bin for a long time accustom'd to his Humour and brought up in his Court as Sons But as it is impossible intirely to bereave Lions of their natural fierceness so there is in humane Nature something so fierce and indomitable that though it may for some time be kept under it can never be extinguish'd there is a self-love which is as it were the measure and first mover of all our Affections there is a Liberty which the weight of Chains cannot bow Who could have thought that these young Nobles having contriv'd a Conspiracy against Alexander so much the more dangerous as they were driven by a desire of Glory and an implacable hatred and given each other their Faith should neither by the caresses of their Prince nor the inconstancy of their Age be induc'd to violate the same for a long time all but one observing it intirely which is rare in Traitors Alexander being one day a Hunting Hermolaus one of his Pages threw his Dart at a Wild Boar and kill'd him The King who was running in to present the Beast with his Spear conceiving indignation against Hermolaus caused him to be whipp'd according to the custom of the Macedonians But this young Nobleman not brooking the Affront shew'd that those who are so far advanc'd in Years as to be able to take up Resolutions beseeming Men of courage are not to be dealt withal as Children Nothing is more capable to incite a resolute and ambitious Spirit to revenge than the receiving shameful Punishment for a bold and generous Action worthy of a Prince's Applause Virtue has its Venom 't is dangerous to provoke it we see daily Pity converted into Fury Hermolaus in dispair seeks out Calisthenes that wise Philosopher and enemy to Flattery famous for his Learning and the austerity of his Manners Presently he complains to him with tears of the out-rage he has receiv'd and 't is reported that Calisthenes whether it were to incite him to revenge or to comfort him said to him Consider Hermolaus that thou art now no Child These words gave him such courage that from that very instant he conspir'd the death of Alexander The Counsel of great Men is held in a Common-Wealth as an Oracle and a Law whence it comes that a Man esteem'd wise by the Vulgar can easily raise a Multitude and cause a great disorder in a State The more powerful therefore a Man is in Counsel the more moderate should he be in giving it Calisthenes whom every one heard with pleasure ought to have taken heed to his words more than any under the reign of a Prince who punish'd the intemperance of the Tongue with the severest Punishment He had done like a Man of great Wisdom if he had only comforted Hermolaus in his disgrace and not set him on revenge a young Man apparently incapable of such kind of Enterprizes One must be certain of the Event destroy ones Enemy or not attack him Hermolaus inflam'd with a desire of Revenge and not being able to accomplish it himself assembles his Companions and speaks to them in this manner If the Affront I received only concern'd me I would only lament my disgrace and impute it to my bad Fortune But all the Macedonians have part in my Infamy and it concerns their Glory to take a memorable Revenge Doubtless the Gods jealous of their own Grandeur have suffer'd Alexander who dares equal himself to them to deal with us so unworthily that they might inspire us with a just resentment and courage to free our selves from this Monster of Pride Be not deceived my Companions I have not bin punish'd according to Law Alexander could not suffer that I should rob him of the Glory of killing a Wild Boar he has exercised his private Indignation Envy is the only cause of this outrage I have done a bold Exploit for my Age fit to be admir'd and he has treated me like a Slave What recompence can you now expect for your great Services if Ingratitude and Ignominy be the Reward of Courage What avails it you Macedonians that you have gain'd by the price of your Blood the Empire of the Universe Were it not better to be in bondage to the Persians A generous Action gives a Slave his Liberty which we lose in the midst of Victories Happier the Vanquish'd than the Vanquishers under the Government of a Tyrant He cannot suffer the Glory of the latter they are incessantly the Object of his Fury whereas the former come not within the reach of Envy I scruple not to say that Alexander is a Tyrant What fitter name can be given to one that is so greedy of his own Citizens Blood How shall I find words to express his Impiety his Cruelty his Arrogance Is he not a Monster to make himself Arbiter of Mens Lives and the Glory of the Gods who would be Master of our Bodies and Tyrant o're our Hearts who not content to reign on Earth would have command in Heaven He is not asham'd to require Honours that another would refuse and because we free Macedonians laugh at the base complaisance of the Persians he hates us he lays Snares for us he oppresses us See how he recompences those to whom he is indebted for the Empire of the East his Glory and his Life His insolence ascends to that degree of impiety as to make us own for the Son of Jupiter a wicked perfidious Desertor who forsakes the Laws of his Country to follow the Customs of Barbarians whom we have known born of Olympias who is jealous of his Father's Glory and assassinates his best Friends What do you expect O generous Souls a Death as cruel as that of Parmenio and Clitus Shall we yet sprinkle Alexander's Laurels with our Blood to be at last like those great Men sacrific'd to his fury Consider that there is nothing dearer to miserable Mortals than their Lives shall we suffer them freely to be taken from us Why should we not rather secure them by Alexander's Death So memorable an Action will eternize our glorious Memory to posterity This Tyrant's Life is in our Hands the Heavens have given him over to our Vengeance in us whom he has cruelly injur'd he reposes all his confidence would you have a more convincing proof of the Will and Anger of the Gods Without doubt 't is their pleasure to make use of our tender Youth in so bold an Enterprize to make it known to the World that they are the Authors we only their Instruments Is there any of you so ill advis'd as to oppose the Gods Incited by the Heavens Alexander's insupportable Pride and Cruelty aâ—m'd greedy of Glory and full of firm Resolution shall we not dare attack a Man without Guards unarm'd oppress'd with Crimes in a deep sleep I have chosen you my Companions
his Favours on the Wicked and Vicious The Honest if they are in misery seek not to get out of it by ways of Honesty they esteem them useless they take the shortest way and indeavour to invest themselves in charges through dissimulation malice and base complaisance when flattery and such other indirect means fail them their Spirits corrupted by new Maxims and imagining that the Wicked cannot be without a Recompence prompt them to Violence Injustice Treachery and oftentimes to conspire their Prince's Death Princes therefore should seek their security in the Hearts of those that live under their Dominion They should extend their 〈…〉 erosity to all their Subjects Not that a Monarch is oblig'd to bestow his Favours equally on all sorts of Persons Such a magnificence would rather attract Contempt than Love and Gratitude Presents like Meats disgust if they are not season'd with justice and distinction of Merit That Prince cannot be esteemed liberal that gives indifferently to every one That 's a prodigality proceeding neither from esteem nor friendship the only ingredients to gain Hearts in bestowing Benefits We have no acknowledgment barely upon the account of a Benefit our Gratitude has a more noble and worthy Object it considers principally the good Will and Affection of the Giver But on the other hand a Prince should avoid being so inconsiderately profuse as to give so largely to his Favorites Ministers or Friends as to deprive himself of the means to shew them further Favours nor indeed should he remove them from the necessity of desiring them for then they grow insolent in their good Fortune they look on their Prince as an exhausted Source they contemn his Affection grown barren they fly their Benefactor they hate him When a Man is elevated to the highest degree of his Ambition Ingratitude and Avarice are the inseparable Companions of his Pride A Prince should therefore comfort the Miserable but not make them happy do good but not all the good he can promote some many degrees above others but never to the highest Epimenes one of the Conspirators whether vanquish'd by Alexander's Liberality as considering that he might expect both a Pardon for his Crime and an extraordinary Recompence besides if he sav'd his King's Life who for a service of little consideration had given him fifty thousand Sesterces or whether fearing the Anger of the Gods reveal'd the Conspiracy to his Brother Eurylochus Who presently carries him to the Palace and asks to speak with the King Ptolomaeus and Leonatus who guarded his Chamber-dore having learnt from him that he had something to tell the King that concern'd his Life warn'd by Philotas his Example gave them entrance though the King after his debauch had need of rest Presently Epimenes relates the whole Order of the Conspiracy and Alexander though frighten'd at the danger he had run was glad of finding this Pretext to ruin Calisthenes Touching whom he ask'd Eurylochus several times if he were not a Confederate or Friend to the Conspirators But Eurylochus could give him no other Answer than that Calisthenes gave ear to the Invectives of those that spake boldly concerning his Conduct and Behaviour Alexander nevertheless treated him as a Confederate and calling to mind the freedom of that Philosopher who had refused to render him Divine Honour he ordered him to be shut up close Prisoner with the Conspirators As Alexander was severe to the Conspirators so he was liberal and grateful to Eurylochus and Epimenes To the latter he gave his Life to the former fifty Talents and the confiscation of Tiridates his Goods who was very rich So great Interest has a Prince in recompensing the fidelity of his Subjects that his Favours proceed rather from his Justice than his Liberality As many Favours as he confers so many Sentinels has he to watch for him Rewards have greater force than Punishments and the expectation of Good than the fear of Evil. The custom of pardoning those that reveal Crimes themselves are guilty of is no less ancient than necessary Impunity rouses the Conscience causes it to reveal the Treason and preserves the Life of the Prince However such Traitors are not to be confided in and 't is dangerous to seem to mistrust them they are like those Animals that are tam'd only for a time early or late they return to their first fierceness The next day Alexander caused the Conspirators all but Calisthenes to be brought forth into the Assembly The Criminals Relations were called and in their presence the King ask'd those Traitors What he had done to them to induce them to conspire his Death They as resolute as if they had bin upon the point of executing their Design answered him boldly That they were sorry they could not yet take away his Life These words stirr'd up the Souldiers indignation and they demanded those Parricides to be deliver'd to them A Crime if acknowledged with some Tokens of Repentance excites compassion if with impudent Confidence it creates Horror The Offence it self deserves pardon the vanity of boasting in it is insufferable For in this there is malice the other is a weakness that may be born with The King admiring the boldness and contumacy of these Youths represented to them That he had loved them all as his Children that not long since they had bin sensible of the effects of his Affection that they should therefore freely declare the occasion that led them to conceive so detestable a Design At these words they began to relent only Hermolaus with more constancy than a good Conscience could furnish took the word and addressing himself to Alexander Know you not said he that we are born free how comes it then that you handle us like Slaves A Tyrant as you are does not deserve to live To whom Alexander said Continue boldly what thou hast learnt of thy Master Calisthenes I accept of thy favour answer'd Hermolaus and in giving me leave to speak thou sufficiently declarest thy impiety Setting aside all thy other Actions Can there be a greater proof of thy licentiousness than the opinion thou hast of the Grandeur of thy Merit after having render'd thy self unworthy of protection from the Gods or the esteem of Men thou askest What induc'd us to conspire thy Death Does there any thing represent it self to my Eyes or Memory that does not mind me of thy intolerable Vanity of thy Cruelty worthy not of one but a thousand deaths If I look on thee I see a Monster of Pride who disowns great Philip for his Father and has the insolence to call himself the Son of Jupiter Nay such is thy impudence that thou requirest Worship from us as if thou wer't really in the number of the Gods and not the Object of their Fury If I look upon the Army I find I am first to make reflection on my self thou hast used me unworthily for couragiously killing of a Wild Boar. After this I must pity the misfortune of so many brave Men and
valiant Captains thou hast through a cruel Ingratitude inflicted Death on those that have preserv'd thy Life Was there ever such a Tyranny heard of Was ever the Virtue Valour and Love of Subjects thus rewarded If I consider the many Provinces we have conquer'd this great Empire of the Persians worthy of a better Prince I must own that we our selves are vanquish'd Strangers are our Masters thou thy self yieldest to their Laws their Customs their Habits their Manners their Alliances their Friendship and Religion which thou preferrest before our Laws sufficiently discover that they are Victors and thou their Slave O wretched O deplorable condition of the Macedonians Dost thou see now what is the Subject of our Animosity The only Obligation we have from thee is That thou wilt this day free us from a Servitude a thousand times more ignominious and cruel than Death to generous Spirits Happy those whom thou hast caused barbarously to be massacred Attalus Lyncestes Clitus Parmenio and Philotas Had they liv'd they would yet have groan'd under thy Tyranny the God's were pleased to withdraw them from a dismal train of miseries that thou inflictest on thy best Friends It may be thy Affection is seated in the Souldiers and the common People O Heavens thirty thousand Mules loaden with Gold and the riches spoils of the Enemy follow in the rear of thy Army when thy wretched Souldiers of all their Conquests retain nothing but Scars illustrious Marks of their Courage and thy Ingratitude In fine thou art no longer King of Macedonia thou art a Slave to the Persians Their delicacy pleases thee more than the Macedonian temperance We justly therefore pursue thee as a Desertor and at most it was not the King of Macedonia but the King of Persia that we would have kill'd And you Macedonians base Souls unworthy the Glory of your Ancestors miserable Slaves to a Tyrant's Pride Have you not the Hearts to shake off so infamous a Yoke And you my Father that hold your Sword at my Brest deserve not to have given Life to such a Son This day will you acquire by my death a glorious and eternal reputation suffer me then to speak and oppose not the liberty granted me from your God 'T is because he fears not the words of a Child Why hearest thou not Calisthenes To arrive to the highest pitch of Tyranny I see thou intendest to suppress in him all the freedom of the Greeks Think not that he is of the Conspiracy he never knew any thing of it and for proof of this we all proffer our selves to be rack'd Seek some other Pretext to satisfy thy revenge cut off the only true Macedonian in whom resides all the virtue of our Ancestors For thou hatest the looks of an honest Man For the rest pardon the miserable old Age of our Fathers and confound not the Innocent with the Guilty As for us we die with regret only for leaving thee alive These Invectives so incens'd the Assembly that the Souldiers would a hundred times have torn Hermolaus in pieces His own Father called Sopolis sometimes stopp'd his Mouth sometimes presented his Sword to his Brest to make him hold his peace but Alexander commanded him to retire Sopolis his Indignation could not be too great Men are born Subjects before they are Fathers The tender affection of a Father towards a Son is natural and cannot be stifled without doing himself extream violence however the safety of his Prince is to be preferred before that of his Children and the Voice of God to be obey'd rather than the Voice of Nature Alexander with admirable patience bore all that Hermolaus had said against him and having seated himself where he might be heard he answer'd in this manner Had what this Impostor has said bin true I could let you have torn him in pieces and not have heard his Invectives and were I guilty of those Cruelties he charges me with I own it I were unworthy to be King of the Macedonians But what occasion have I given Hermolaus to speak thus of me Some time since he committed an insolence and I caus'd him to be chastised according to our ancient Custom to hear him speak you would say I had cruelly tormented him What would not his Revenge have done since for being beaten with a Whip he could resolve upon a Parricide 'T is no wonder he should have an horrour for the Punishment of Parmenio of Philotas of Aitalus and Lyncestes in defending them he defends himself he would not be guilty if those who have committed the same Crime were declared Innocent And as for Clitus I wish I had not bin constrain'd to punish the Intemperance of his Tongue It is not always in our power to use Moderation the clemency of Kings is often times surmounted by the audacity of Subjects there are certain Injuries that cannot be pardon'd When Kings are injur'd they must be appeas'd by Submission and not provok'd through Obstinacy and Pride I wonder not at all that Hermolaus accuses me of Cruelty since he has the impudence to accuse me of Avarice I know Princes ought not to bear in mind the Favours they have bestowed on their Subjects but only the Services they have received from them I shall not therefore represent unto you that there are none of you but what are sensible of my Donatives that would diminish the price of my Liberality and the Acknowledgment you owe me But pray consider whence you had your Beds of Gold and Silver your Troops of Slaves your sumptuous Spoils and rich Booty As for the Persians I confess that coming into Asia to conquer not to lay desolate I cannot resolve to handle as Slaves a People whose Affection secures my Empire and your Glory and in this I think I give sufficient proof of my Moderation that I govern them in that manner that they can have no regret at my Victories Would you be continually employ'd to subdue Provinces already conquer'd which under an Imperious Dominion would be always revolting Would you be stopp'd in the mid'st of your Victories by Insurrections better restrain'd by kind usage than by force of Arms We should then extirpate whole Nations and make our selves feared more for our Cruelty than our Courage What glory would it be to the Macedonians to change the Name of Conquerors for that of Thieves and Murtherers And after all what have you to say against those that sight for you In sine is not Hermolaus wicked to scoff at the Oracle for owning me a God Should I refuse a Name so glorious and oppose the Will of Jupiter as if the grandeur of my Actions did not elevate me above Men. Further in War Reputation is worth an Army and I could wish for your Glory that the Indians would believe me a God But I see very well this insolent Youth hath said nothing but what he has learnt from his Master Calisthenes and he would have bin glad to have heard him vent the same Injuries