Ambr. ubi supra lib. 5. cap. 4. p. 380. Hier. lib. 3. adv Pelag. Tom. 2. p. 309. both Priest and People said the Lord's Prayer which was of the entireness of the Mystery and so our Church uses it though in the Eastern Churches it preceeded the Prayer of Consecration for this Prayer was thought so necessary and indispensible a part of the Christian Sacrifice that the d Apost Conslit l. 7. cap. 25 26. Ancients were obliged to use it three times every day but especially in the Eucharist as say all the Liturgick Writers and therefore e Tert. de Orat. cap. 1. praemiss◠legitimâ ordinariâ oratione quasi fundamento accidentium Vide eund de fug in persec init Tertullian rationally calls this the ordinary and lawful Form of Devotion which must be laid as a Foundation on which we may build our Petitions for our particular necessities But I cannot believe Gregory the Great in this particular when he f Lib. 7. indict 2. Epist 63. affirms That the Apostles used no other Form of Devotion but this in the Consecration of the Sacrament for I cannot but suppose that there were some Additional Collects and Hymns subjoined such as what I have already mention'd although in truth that very Prayer contain all things in it g Aug. Ep. 121. c. 12. for whatever else we can say either may raise our Spirits or heighten our Devotion but can never out do the efficacy of this Form To this succeeded a Aug. de Civ Dei lib. 10. c. 6. the Prayer like that in our Liturgy We offer unto thee our selves our Souls and Bodies c. and then the Priest dismist the Communicants with his Benediction XXIX And of this sort also am I apt to think was that custom of saying at the naming of the Gospel Glory be to thee O Lord agreeable to that of Acts 11.18 where the People when they heard of the Conversion of the Gentiles glorifyed God and under this head I suppose I could muster some other Collects of our own and the ancient Church but I forbear I know there are many Objections against the ancient Liturgies by reason of some Additions and the mention of some Ecclesiastick Practices not coaevous with the Apostles but this Argument is not of so great weight for we may as well say that our Common-Prayer-Book is not the same with that of Queen Elizabeth because we have a new Form of Baptism of those of riper years a new Form for the thirtieth of January c. and for Seamen some few Collects added that were not then in use the Doctrine of the Sacraments added to the Catechism and a new Translation of Scripture introduc'd and that we pray for King Charles and Queen Katherine whereas they pray'd for Queen Elizabeth these things being alwayes varied according to the present Exigencies of the Church and yet the Liturgy the same I will close all with that of b DeDogm Eccl. c 30. Gennadius who speaks the sence of the fifth Century observationum Sacerdotalium Sacramenta respiciamus c. Let us pay our Veneration to the Mysteries of the Priestly Prayers which being established and delivered to the Church by the Apostles are with a strict Vniformity celebrated in the whole Catholick Church that an Vniformity of Devotion may go along with the Vniformity of Faith For when the holy Prelates do become Ambassadors in the behalf of the Congregation to the Divine Clemency they undertake the Interests of Mankind and with the assistance of the whole Church that sighs and prayes with them desire that the Infidels may be made Converts the Idolatrous reclaim'd from their Impiety that the veil may be taken from the hearts of the Jews that they may be Partakers of the Light of truth that Hereticks may become penitent and return to thebosome of the Catholick Church that Schismaticks may be endowed with the Spirit of peaceableness and humility that the Lapsi may be restored to the Church-Communion and the Catechumeni admitted to Baptism and that these things are not perfunctorily and in vain desired from God the effects have made manifest for out of every one of these sorts God hath made Proselytes to the Truth whom he hath rescued from the Powers of Darkness and translated into the Kingdom of his Son XXX When the famous Confessor was brought to his journeys end and heard the Lyons roaring with an uncommon joy says S. a Catal. v. Ignat. Hierom he thus exprest himself I am Gods bread c. This Dailleé would use as an argument to invalidate the authority of these Epistles and the so often and justly celebrated Prelate b Part 1. cap. 6. p. 84. cap. 9. p. 130 131. part 2. c 16. p. 217. Bishop Pearson vigorously opposes the entertainment of the Opinion as if the words had never been spoken in the Amphitheatre and the assertion would too much depreciate the Epistles But the authority of S. Hierom inclines me to be of another belief who plainly affirms that Ignatius thus exprest himself when he heard the Lyons roaring and although I am not ignorant that that acute Father through haste hath committed many faults by mistaking Eusebius yet I can hardly believe him deceiv'd in this while c To. 5. p. 504. S. Chrysostom avers the same as I understand him who praising Ignatius for his resolution in dying with the greatest satisfaction and willingness asks this Question And how know you this and answers himself We know it from the words he spake when he was about to dye I wish I could enjoy these beasts For though he were about to dye from the time of his condemnation yet this implies to me that he was nearer his death than when at Antioch And d Act. S. Ignat. apud Surium Febr. 1. Simeon Metaphrastes tells us that he thus bespake the Romans though there be no such thing in the ancient acts of his Martyrdom O you Spectators of this my combate know that these things have befallen me not for any crime of mine but that I might follow my God and enjoy him whom I insatiably long for for I am his Corn and must be ground by the teeth of the Beasts that I may become pure Bread And of this mind is the great e To. 2. an 110 p. 50. Cardinal though no man more vigorous than he to assert the genuineness of these Epistles for to urge f Pears part 1. cap. 6. p. 87. that he might hear the Lyons roar at Smyrna as well as at Rome is to me a far-fetcht conjecture This therefore I suppose was a speech common in his mouth and a testimony that he was not driven but went willingly out of the world and in what that g Ubi supr p. 83. c. great man affirms that Maximus was the first that dreamt of any words used proverbially by our Martyr he seems to me to answer himself by vindicating him against Dailleé
axiom 6. Andradius and among the Ancients this Martyr and Cleemns Alexandrinus affirming d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 234. that the Law was a guide to the Jews and Philosophy or the use of right reason to the Gentiles and that this did of it self justifie the Heathens Were not the Fathers that lived before Christ injured by their not knowing him says e Tom. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Matth. p. 248. S. Chrysostom in no wise for it is apparent that they that did not confess Christ were saved for there was nothing then required of them but to know the true God and abstain from Idolatry and they that did so abstain and worship that God and observe the best sort of Conversation though they were ignorant of Christ shall partake of all good things for there shall be Honor and Glory Rom. 2.10 and Peace to every one that does good to the Jew first and also to the Gentile For then it was sufficient to their Salvation to know God aright but now it is also required that we know his Son Jesus whom he hath sent for had I not come Joh. 15.22 and spoken to you you had had no sin And if this Hypothesis be true as I am of opinion that there was no explicite knowledge then required but only of the one God was not Socrates a Martyr for that truth at Athens for I fear not to give him that Title since the Church bestows it on the Infants at Bethlehem who knew nothing of Christ and on S. John Baptist who dyed a Martyr to the Decalogue rather than to the Creed and if Idolatry then was the great Crime forbidden did not that great man mock at their many Gods f Tert. Apol c. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And as to a holy Life his calls for the blushes as well as imitation of those who have nothing to boast of as a Title to Heaven but the Character of their Baptism and it wants not an Author to assert it that Socrates's Daemon was a good Angel deputed to attend him This serves to vindicate the Heathens that lived honestly before the fullness of time and clears our Martyr and for those that have lived since I cannot think so hardly of Gods mercy that they shall be damn'd for not believing in a Saviour of whom they have not heard the Laws of God requiring that the Gospel must first be preach'd and then he that believes and is baptiz'd shall be saved and he that believes not shall be damn'd And as to the eighteenth Article of our Church I suppose it was intended only to destroy that loose tenent of some men of all perswasions that whatever a man's opinion be if he live honestly he must be saved XLI The Doctrine of free-will is in the same page reckoned as one of S. Justin's errors and p. 74. laid to the charge of Irenaeus and p. 106 107. of Clemens Alexandrinus and indeed to which of the Fathers does he not impute it The complaint I must confess is not made by Mr. H. only but by many others that the Fathers spoke not warily enough in this point before the rise of Pelagius and the propagating his heresie in as much as a Ep. ded Ludov. Borb ante Nov. Test Beza tells us that the interests of truth had been absolutely ruin'd had not S. Austin appear'd to her rescue against Pelagius and b Ad Lector ante Caten Aloysius Lippomannus of the other Church that for this reason S. Chrysostom especially is to be read with caution But the fears of Beza were ill grounded if we may credit c Commonitor cap. 34. Vincentius Lirinensis since before Pelagius no man ever asserted this unlimited freedom of mans will or that the grace of God was not necessary to the doing of every good Action 'T is true they say that when the spirit of God makes its addresses to the man and grace is offer'd him that mans will is still free either to resist it or to comply with it and that the Image of God imprinted on us doth shine so brightly in nothing as in this liberty but still they affirm the necessity of preventing grace and that nothing can be well done but by the assistances thereof And this hath d Life of S. Just Sect. 25. p. 158. Dr. Cave done for the Fathers whom Mr. H. accuses who testifies that they acknowledge a necessity of strong assistances and divine Grace to raise the Soul and exalt it to spiritual activities for the rest of the Fathers my Reader may consult e Hist Pelag lib. 3. part 1. Thes 1 2. part 270. c. Vossâ—us and f L. 7. c. 11. Sect. 23. c. Spalatensis and S. Chrysostom speaks for himself that he means only a freedom from necessity and coaction Christ says If any man will come after me I do neither force nor compel but leave every man Master of his own will but this still presupposing his Grace g Tom. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Ep. ad Philip. p. 46. for it is he alone that gives us willingness and ability for it is his whole work h Id. Tom. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 2 Tim. p. 368. dive not thou into God's secrets learn to know this only that God orders all things foresees all things and that men are free that some things he actually produces other things he permits that he is willing that no Evil should have a being that all things are not done by his will but by ours all evil Actions proceeding from our selves only all good Actions from our will and his Assistance I will shut up all with the words of i De Dogmat Eccles c. 49 50. Gennadius Massiliensis especially because he was look'd on as a Semipelagian This by the Grace of God ought we to preach and believe according to the Testimony of Scripture and the ancient Fathers that the will of man was so depraved by Adam 's sin that no man can love God as he should or believe in him or do good unless the Grace of God prevent him and after Baptism we do not first begin the holy Action and then are assisted but God himself first inspires Faith and Love of him without any merits of ours preceeding XLII I have thus vindicated this Father and yet must my self confess That in point of Chronology he is many times overseen as in making k Apolog. 2. Herod King of Judaea when the septuagint Interpreters Translated the Bible under Philadelphus in affirming a Dial. cum Tryphone that our Saviour was not born at but near Bethlehem and that b Ibid. according to the Tradition of the Jews he was crucified not under Herod Ascalonites but under his Son Antipas and that this latter Herod was then the High-Priest But such slips of the good mans memory are as easily pardon'd as known by all ingenuous and pious men In his Death
and Martyrdom Eusebius is silent but c Tom. 2. an 165. p. 159 160. Baronius out of the Acts of his Martyrdom gives us an exact account both of his Examination his being first scourged and then beheaded d Apolog. 1. p. 46. though himself seems to expect to be crucified saying That he look'd that some of his Enemies would accuse him and that he should dye his Master's death And he there particularly mentions Crescens that vile and profligate that debauch'd and ignorant Cynick who was the cause of his Martyrdom at what time whatever e Haeres 46. Epiphanius mistakes or rather his Transcriber he must needs be above 30 years of Age. So dyed this generous Apologist for the Laws and Religion of Jesus an 165. says Baronius but Dr. Cave in his Chronology makes it to have fallen out a year if not two sooner and the Church hath dedicated a Festival to his memory on the first of June in the Greek Church but in the Western on the 13th of April and may his name be had in everlasting remembrance THE LIFE OF S. Irenaeus BISHOP OF LYONS I. IN the Memoirs of this grave and learned Prelate I cannot find much that may justly be reprehended unless the Reader may be as I have been inclined to wish that Mr H. had spoken more fully to some passages of his life but withal I acknowledge my longings genuinely satisfied by the Reverend Dr. Cave who among other things accurately related acquaints us with Irenaeus's mission from the Churches of Lyons and Vien to Eleutherius and the Asian Churches not to the Asian Churches only in which journey he occasionally took Rome in his way as Mr. H. p. 53. avers out of a Vit. Irenaeiâ—nte opera Feuardentius nor to Rome only without any Letters at all to the Asian Churches as b Tom. 2. an 179. p. 246 247. Baronius would have it but to both to the Eastern Churches to compose the differences there rais'd by the followers of Montanus and to Pope Eleutherius not because it was the duty of that Oecumenical Pastor to decide all Controversies as the Cardinal would have it for himself was infected with the same heresie says c adv Praxeam c. I. Tertullian but to ratifie his authority with the Letters of that Patriarch and perhaps that he might without disturbance imploy his time and pains in the confutation of Florinus and Blastus two Presbyters of that Church but excommunicate whose falling into the heresie of Valentinus so grieved the good man that it occasion'd him to d Theod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. seci Florinus Blastus write his books against that heresie which we now have And that he went this Journey I am perswaded by e apud Dr. Caves life of Iren. p. 165. Eusebius and St. Hierome whatever the acut Valesius says to the contrary II. At his return from the East he was chosen successor to Pothinus who had been Martyred in his absence in a dangerous time that needed a man of spirit and courage of learning and piety the persecution raging violently without and the Church being as furiously assaulted within by Marcus one of the Scholars of Valentinus of whom whereas f Not. in Euseb p. 200. Scaliger wonders that neither Eusebius nor Hierome make any mention yet not only g lib. 1. cap. 8 9. Irenaeus himself and h Praescript adv haeres cap. 29. Tertullian names him with Heracleon and Colarbasus the upholders of the School of the Gnosticks but also i lib. 4. c. 10. Vide Theodoret. ubi supr in Marco Eusebius gives his Character and St. k Ep. 29. to 1 p. 198. comment in Isa 64. f. 112. D. Hierome avers that he was a Scholar of Valentinus and first brought that heresie into France into those parts of the Country through which the Rhoan and the Garonne run and thence passing the Pyrenée Mountains he went into Spain and that his chief employment was by Magick and other lustful privacies to creep into the houses of great men and debauch their Wives Women who are led about with divers desires always learning but never coming to the knowledge of the truth III. And here it may not be amiss to observe that the greatest enemies to Christianity have been Satans privadoes and admitted to some more familiar intimacies than ordinary with the Prince of Darkness and this will visibly appear if we inspect the Catalogues of the Primitive Hereticks or the lives of the Emperors who were the most active persecutors of the interests of Jesus whom we shall find acted by a more than humane impulse to uphold the reputation and grandeur of that tottering and ruinous Kingdom The first disturbers of the Churches peace and introducer of damnable Dogmata was Simon Magus whose name bespeaks what acquaintance he had with the Devil nor were his followers any more averse from his practices than his principles a Theodor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. sect Simonis haeresis their chief imployment lying in Charms Philtres Amulets and such magical and unlawful Mysteries his most active and acute Disciple was Menander a b Id ubi suprà Aug. de haeres c. 6. Tertull. praescript ad fin Euseb lib. 3. c. 20. Iren. l. 1. c. 21. Master also in this infernal Art after whom were Saturninus and Basilides his Scholars the first the more open villain and a plain asserter of his Masters heresies but the other a more close and busie Proctor for Satan being a great pretender to abstruse and undiscovered Mysteries but c Euseb l. 4. cap. 7. Theodoret. ubi supr sect Basil both equally enslaved by the Devil to become his Vassals Basilides especially being a great trader in Amulets which he gave his deluded Proselytes the form of which you may see in Baronius append ad To. 2. an 120. In these steps did d Gaius apud Euseh lib. 3. c. 22. Cerinthus walk and e Id. l. 4. c. 7. Iren. l. 1. c. 24. Carpocrates who blasted Religion with his venomous breath had an assistant Daemon and gloried that he kept those spirits in subjection whose son f Theod. ubi supr sect Carpocrat Epiphanes and the rest of his followers grew dextrous in those instances of their skill IV. Thus the first family of the Gnosticks grew up and became strong and formidable till it was supplanted or rather engrossed by the Valentinians g Theod lib. 1. sect Valentinus Valentinus deriving his heresie from Simon Magus and Menander and of whom we may judge what his course of life was whose instructors were Magicians and Scholars of the same trade such as were Marcus of whom hereafter and Heracleon who taught his Disciples Charms wrapt up in Hebrew and other obsolete words h Aug. de haeresib c. 16. and how to anoint their dead with oyl balsom and water and a set form of invocation From this Valentinus the Ophitae deriv'd
the hand of Heaven appear'd signally in it if we may believe a Ibid. c. 13. Socrates who tells us that it was reported that at the parting of these two famous Prelates at Constantinople Epiphanius told S. Chrysostome that he hop'd he should never die a Bishop to which the Patriarch retorts that he as firmly hop'd that Epiphanius should never return home in safety and both fell out true Epiphanius dying on Ship-board before he reach'd Cyprus and S. Chrysostome a little while after in banishment But this was a very irregular method of finding out and countenancing Orthodoxy and wherein they might have followed a better pattern of two men as famous as any in that Century in a similar question viz. S. Athanasius and S. Basil who differ'd about the writings of Dionysius of Alexandria the first asserting them to be Orthodox the last that there was something of Arianisme couched in them yet neither denounc'd the other Heretick but amidst their different sentiments maintain'd an amicable correspondence XV. Such was the harsh fate of this admirable man who was not only forc'd to experiment the envy of the world while alive but was hindred taking refuge in the grave which is the sanctuary of the miserable excommunicate while alive and as if that were not enough excommunicate after his death too and that not by the hot and irrational zeal of a few private persons but by the mouth of a b Com. C. P. general 5. anathem 11. General Council and rank'd in the same Classe with Arius Macedonius Nestorius and Eutyches and other most infamous Hereticks The custome I cannot dislike but heartily wish that this learned and pious man lay not under such severe censures For though it seems uncouth to punish any man when he is gone out of the World and hath answered God for his Opinions yet there was great reason that the Church should so proceed in the case for how else in truth could the antient Hereticks have been expos'd who liv'd before the age of General Councils and when few or no Provincial ones could be had and how should the Church curse a Heretick till she knew him to be so when as many times the wretch kept himself within the Catholick Communion under the Masque of his Hypocrisie and the Vizard was never taken off till after his death when by a severer scrutiny into his assertions and writings the Impostor was detected See Crackenthorp's Vigilius dormitans c. 6. Thus Domnus Patriarch of Antioch was punisht by the Council of Chalcedon Theodorus Bishop of Mopsuestia c. by the 5th General Council Honorius by the 6th and the 2d Nicene thus the Synod of Sardica condemn'd the revolters to Arianisme and the African Synod every Bishop who made a Heretick or Pagan his Executor and the Synod at Rome under Pope Martin the first execrated the memory of Sergius and Pyrrhus the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Dioscorus being chosen Pope Simonically was many years after his death for that contract excommunicate And according to the prescriptions of the Councils did particular Fathers act a Ep. 50. ad Bonifac. Comit. S. Austin declaring his resolutions to curse Cecilianus formerly the Arch-bishop of Carthage could he but be sure that the accusations laid to his charge by the Donatists were true b Id. l. 3. contr Crescon c. 35. And professing also his intentions to do so to whatever persons had in the time of Persecution deliver'd their Bibles to be burnt though dying in the Church-communion XVI Nor were the Fathers of the Church without a president and encouragement in the Imperial Laws c Cod. l. 2. Tit. 5. de haeret Manich leg 4. The Emperor Theodosius decreeing That after death an action might be lawfully commenc'd against a Manichee or a Donatist to render the memory of the Heretick infamous for if traytors though in their graves are yet branded in their posterity who are depriv'd of estate and honor though their Father dy'd unimpeach'd how much more reasonable is it that the same course should be held in matters of Religion says that august and glorious Prince And there is something of this nature retain'd in the Greek Church unto this day who give absolution to the dead that have been buried in the state of excommunication and this supposes they may be anathematiz'd too that you may bind as well as loose the dead for they are d Malanus Peloponnes in Histor Patriarch C. P. apud Crusii Turco-Graec l. 2. Sect. 32. passim perswaded that the body of a man who dies out of the Ecclesiastical communion cannot turn to ashes as long as it lies under the Churches curse but continues hard and swoln and of a dismal black and affrighting colour but if many years after the Bishop or any by his authority go to the grave open it and solemnly pronounce the prayer of absolution in a small space the body returns to its Primitive dust And the action it self abating the circumstances hath its warrant in the Council of Chalcedon which absolv'd and Canoniz'd a Martyr Flavianus Patriarch of Constantinople who had been Excommunicate and murdered by the Faction of Dioscorus in the Pseudo-Ephesine Synod Such was the Power and Practice of the Primitive Church and such doubtless is the Jurisdiction of the present but as I could wish it had been antiently superseded in the case of Origen so I would have the weapon drawn and us'd very sparingly at all times for if from broken sentences and the ill interpretation of an honest and well-meant but mistaken and ill-worded discourse a man must after his dissolution when he cannot answer for himself be censur'd and damn'd few or none of the most Eminent and stout Defenders of the Church shall be out of the reach of this lash XVII Nevertheless the greatest lovers of the name of Origen cannot but acknowledge that he had his defects his great converse with the discourses of the Philosophers leaving a certain tincture in his mind which became visible in his writings there being a near relation between the Opinions of the Academy and the School of Christ a Baren Tom. 2. an 234. p. 4â—3 Platonism being the ready way to the belief of the Name of Jesus and I could wish we had that Copy of his works which was once b Apud eund an 256. p. 553. Cassiodores in which that wise man had mark'd all the dangerous passages that the Reader might with caution proceed it being a prudent course to allay the extravagancy of that esteem and love which some men had for his name ingaging them to chuse c Vinc-Lirinens common c. 23. rather to err with Origen than imbrace the truth with others the most material of his Errours d L. 2. Apolog adv Ruffin p. 220. Ed. Erasm S. Hierome hath summ'd up in these words That the Son of God is a Creature the Holy Ghost a Servant that there are innumerable Worlds that