fire-coales into a flame the French being then upon a War with Spain and the Cardinal a great Statist knew that Englands best policy was ever to side with the weakest to ballance the biggest power neither of them to increase above the measure of moderation To that end Monsieur Montril was sent Emissary and Agent to work out the Design in England and Scotland as may appear by the Scots Letter to the French King as hereafter follows and that they had great incouragement from Richelieu but what assistance under hand I could never finde out fair promises and no doubt never to engage against them But Balmerino his great Enemy the Earl of Kinnol Lord Chancellour of Scotland took his leave of this life and left his Office to Spotswood Son to the first Superintendent formerly Arch-bishop of Glasgow and now Arch-bishop of St. Andrews aged above sixty years a learned moderate wise man as by his History appears the first of his Coat since the Reformation of that Dignity and that for the great advantage of the Church if rightly apprehended without that mistaken Vote never known before for three hundred years a Clergy-man to bear that Dignity I shall remember those that were Andrew Foreman 15 Iac. 4. James Stuart Brother to James the fourth James Beaton 10 Jac. 5. and Queen Maries Reign David Beaton Cardinal succeeded him Jo Hamilton Brother to the Duke of Chattleheralt was the last of the Popish Bishops and many more before those and all of them Arch-bishops of St. Andrews and Chancellours Then there were Willam Lowater anno 1412. Andrew Foreman Iac. 4. Gawin Dunbar Praeceptor to James 5 and after him James Beaton And these following were Arch-bishops of Glasgow and Chancellours Adam and Patrick Bishops of Brocher Chancellours annis 1360 1370. Thomas Spence Bishop of Galloway and Chancellour to Jac. 2. William Elphinston Bishop of Aberdene Chancellour to Jac. 3. Indeed in Scotland heretofore Justice was perâ—ormed by Itinerarie Courts like to the Judicature of Courts in England fifteen Judges in all seven Churchmen and seven Laymen and the President also a Churchman and the best offices of State were formerly in Bishops and Abbots which gave them abilities in purse to perform those great and pious works of charity honour and common benefit Abbies Churches Hospitals Bridges Causewayes and the like all Acts of the Clergy heretofore which now their successours destroy Death indeed was more indifferent with two Great Ones in England two Eminent Men of several factions the One Sr. Richard Weston Earl of Portland Lord High Treasurer of England the Kings great Favourite for his Abilities at this time the more useful in promoting Prerogatives and all advantages of raising money with some regret of the Commons for such services His place was therefore for the present put under power of Commissioners for some time after The other was Sr. Edward Cook a Common Lawyer and so bred up himself to please the people Increasing esteem on that score from his first rise Queen Elizabeths Attorney General chief Iustice of the Kings Bench under King Iames where he lost himself by too much liberty of Eloquence or Impudence and removed from that Court to his Countrey retirement in the County of Buckingham made high Sheriff to humble him towards this King with a clause in his Commission to avoyd his Election of being a Burgesse in Parliament of which he was the more ambitious because thereby the better able to shew his Enmity but he got it in Norfolk his birth-place and he a Law-wrangler was voted legally chosen notwithstanding his Commission of Restraint We may not forget the Affairs of Germany the Swede having a continued confederacy with the protestant Princes and the French assistance against the Emperour and Spain for although they fought and treated for a conjunction Duke Barnard had been so often bafled by former promises of Wallestien before his Murther that now he trusted to fair words no longer And the good Duke Francis Albert of Saxony Leumburgh the Instrument chosen to tye these two different dispositions into a Ligament was not his crafts master but was carried prisoner for many years to Vienna The King of Hungary for the Imperial party having cured the Army with good gold after the disorder of Wallestiens murther and taken new Oath of the souldiers when News came to his camp of a notable victory gotten by Arnem upon the Imperialists in Silesia and of his marching towards Prague whither the King sent so strong a supply Arnem was constrained to retire into Saxony at the same time that the Town of Ratisbone was regained for the Emperour in Iuly the brave and famous General Aldring being slain a little before at Lanshut He was of Luxenburgh obâ—curely born whose virtues and valour had raised thus high and eminent in many battels against Iohn de Wiert with successe And the businesse Military in Germany requiring all assistance for the Emperour against such a confederacy of friends Thither comes the Cardinal Infanto from Milan with the old Spanish Italian and Burgundian Bands through all Switâ—zerland soon reforming the riotous Swedes by their example into a true Military Discipline These forces joyning with the Imperialists marched into the Duchy of Weitemburgh but first must passe the fiery Tryal of a strong Town Norlington The Swedes and their Allies are likewise summoned together from all parts Horn joyns with Duke Barnard and advises to spare the Enemy a Town or two than to hazzard the publicque cause But the Duke would fight for it and designed the day the sixth of September and the rather because some private offer had been for Overtures of a Peace which the Swedes took for a good Augure what ere it presaged It procured to both Armies the most horred bloody fight that had been between Christians To the Protestants party were already arrived the forces of the Duke of Weitemburgh the Lantgrave of Hassia and Count Cratz He who was for Bavaria and should have betrayed Ingolstade to the Enemy and so being discovered was fled hither wanting none but the Rhingrave and his four thousand men The fight began early the most furious first shock was for a Hillock the storming of a mined fort lost many of the Swedes Infantry The Canon hidden behinde some bushes did mighty Execution also and the Swedes constrained to fly and their Cavalry pursued by the Duke of Lorain and Iohn de Wiert were utterly defeated eighty pieces of Canon three hundred colours and twelve thousand men slain and six thousand prisoners amongst whom that brave man Gustave Horn Nobly received by the King The fruit of this Battel began a peace short and sweet onely to let that miserable Countrey taste of the blessing which lasted not long when the revenger of blood opens the veins to let out more evil fumes This Victory might answer for their Eminent successe heretofore at Leipsick and Lutzen and as the Swedes did then so does
A Compleat HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF King CHARLES FROM His Cradle to his Grave Collected and Written BY WILLIAM SANDERSON Esq. LONDON Printed for Humphrey Moseley Richard Tomlins and George Sawbridge 1658. To the very Worthy and well-weighed Author of this Modern History WILLIAM SANDERSON Esq. SIR HISTORY may be well call'd the great Arbitress of Time and Truth a Tribunal that summons the Dead to judgement and a Court of Record to the Living Therefore among those industrious Spirits who by their Speculations and publique Writings do deserve well of their Countrey an Historian may march with the foremost I mean a knowing and faithfull Veridical Historian whereas an ignorant and false erroneous Chronicler is one of the worst Members that can be in a Common-wealth and indeed of Mankind in general for he wrongs the time passed the time present and the time to come But you Sir may be deservedly rank'd with the first for when you favour'd me with the perusal of this Modern History I finde that you have proceeded with that knowledge and Probity a prime vertue required in an Historiographer as also with that exactness and punctuality that you have confuted a late Paradox commonly repeated that it was impossible to compile the Story of these confus'd and entangled vertiginous Times without writing so many Volumes as would fill a Library I say that you have refelled this vulgar Error and while you bring our Royal Master to his grave you may be said to give him a Burial a Monument and a Resurrection Nor indeed was there any man more capable to pen this Story then your self being from your youth bâ—ed up at Court not only an Eye and Ear witnesse of most of those Transactions and Traverses of State you trasmit to Posterity but you were an Actor in divers of them having been imployed in so many Negotiations of good consequence both at home and abroad whereby you were par negotio But truly I mused much with my self when I observed the great discretion and cautionary prudence you use in your Comportment all along For though a great part of the Times you speak of were full of Tempests and Whirlewinds and that you were like one passing through a boysterous working Frete having on the Star-board side dangerous Rocks and Craggs and on the Larboard ill-favour'd Shelfs of Quicksands yet you skew the wind dexterously and steer your course so streight and steddy that you avoid splitting on either Lasty I finde that this elaborate work of yours which smells so much of the Lamp hath been cast into so good a mould and is so strongly limm'd the ingredients that went to the composition of it being so material and so necessary for our late Nephewes and all future Ages to know that by giving this Historical life to King Charls you may well promise to your self an Eternity For of all Sublunary things Chronology is of the longest extent having not only an affinity and commensuration with Time it self but makes the neerest approach to Immortality IAMES HOWELL The Introduction THUS far we are forward in our Compleat History successively continued from that exquisite Compendium set out by William Drummond Esq. of the Lives and Reigns of five the preceding Kings of Scotland James the 1. the 2. the 3. the 4. the 5. from the year 1423. unto 1542. At the end of which we have heretofore taken our Rise and Entrance having lately published the First and Second part from the birth of Mary Queen of Scotland to the death of her Son and Successour King James the sixth and after Queen Elizabeth of great Britain France and Ireland the first of that Name And now we proceed to the third part the Reign and Death of his Son and Successor King Charls the first But before we enter into his sad Story it may not be amiss to enlighten the Reader with the State and condition of these his three Kingdoms England Scotland and Ireland Of England King Iames having been imbarqued by consent of Parliament in a War against the House of Austria left this life and the Palsgraves hopes at a very low Ebb if not dispair while the Emperour and the Duke of Bavare shuffled the Cards and plaid the Game to others loss The Germane Army suppressing all the reformed Princes bandited the Palatine and forced the other Electors to make Bavaria one among them The wonder was why the Austrians should stand so stifly upon such an inconsiderable piece of that great Empire but through that Spot the Spaniard had free passage with his 〈◊〉 of Italy and other Parts to pass into the Netherlands to reduce them to obedience And this occasioned the Commotion and Combination of the Duke of Brunswick bringing in the King of Denmark and afterwards the King of Swede all which conversions were advanced partly by the assistance of King Charls with his monies returned to Hamborough and with other such meanes of vast expence even to his last ability and enforced his Councellors to invent and strain the waies of supply which advanced them but undid the King It was high time to endeavour the abating of the Austrian power which too long had disquieted the repose of Christendom and forced France at first and all Protestant Princes after with some Papists underhand to joyn in the Confederacy But mostly concerning the united Provinces who having long before through their just fears plotted the Bohemian Hubbub and invited the Palsgrave to the unhappy acceptance of that Crown bending all their wits to bring in the Swede assisted from England to patch up a peace for him with Poland These were the Foreign Engagements cast upon England which King Charls was enforced to espouse especially to oppose the Emperors inflexibility for the restauration of the Palatine And thus imbroyled the Parliament left him to shift for himself which his Privy Councellors undertake and therein possibly might wrest some Prerogatives for raising monies The Factious Clergy were at hand to make things worse not but that those times producing Learned and most Renowned able men at the Altar as ever any Age could parallel I mention those other young Wolves in Lambs cloathing who by their Lectures late Excrescencies led about the Vulgar under colour of depressing Popery to the destruction at last of the whole Church Between Papist and Puritan the honest Protestant was neglected for the Lords and Council not being byassed with one of these were so unhappily ignorant as to know little more then their own pleasure patching up their poor fortunes by unhandsome courses Others of them wrought their ends rather by the Bow then the string basely bending to private Advantage by dishonourable shiftings became odious to honest men forfeiting their honours by falsifying their words and lastly failing in their Duty Allegeance and all The Duke of Buckingham had been his Fathers Favourite and now became his by former engraffing and his late Loyal service to him in Spain A person he was most
water perished The third landed at fort Lewis neer Rochel half dead but recovered well rewarded with Annuall Pension He relates from Toras their provisions quite spent the Mills destroyed each souldier but an ounce of bread a day the miseâ—y of their souldiers lodging uncovered having but five hundred boards Gallant French-men when the English had none at all and yet continually in the open air Buckingham now begins to summon Toras but thus Civilly SIR That Naturall good affection I have to all Men when occasion calls for it shall alwayes call me to attest in what esteem I place Choice and Illustrious souls and render me to them benigne and courteous Conceiving that I have carried my self after that form in what concerns you so far as the laws of arms would allow me With this intent that before I would utterly destroy by enforcement of the necessity of war to intreat you To consider with your self those heavy chances you have indured with an excellent and earnest courage and are likely to suffer more if you rely on the vain hope of Relief and refuse the offer of safety which will trouble 〈◊〉 to put upon you And therefore I thought fitting freely to 〈◊〉 you to render your self and those who serve under you 〈◊〉 such honourable conditions as you may not expect hereâ—fter if by opposing you judge it better to dispute it at the swords point in our hands Expecting your Answer I subscribe Your very humble and obsequious servant BUCKINGHAM To which Toras makes quick Answer SIR Your Excellent and virtuous disposition is known to all men which as your Custom is you present with delight to render them puissant doing all which is praise-worthy But to me Nothing is or can be imagined more praise-worthy than to sacrifice my life for my Princes safety To this end here I am thus guarded with stout Souldiers of whom the very meanest and most unmanly should be accounted unworthy of his Charge if he did not with undoubted courage defend this Castle against the worst of difficulties Insomuch as no distrust of promised Aid nor extremity of present danger nor fear of death shall affright me from this noble resolution I can not imagine my self to have premerited the oblation of this honour by you unlesse I should betray my trust of which be the event whatever it must be glorious to me And the more that honour shall be considered by you the more obliged you shall finde your most humble and obsequious servant TORAS These Letters exchanged into Ceremonies Toras demanded of the Messenger whether the Melons in the Island were preserved which being told Buckingham he sent Toras Twelve which he rewarded with twenty Crowns to the bringer and the next day sent Buckingham six pots of Orange-Flower-Water twelve boxes of Cyprian perfume which Buckingham rewarded with Twenty Iacobus's in gold so that in fine it was said That their freindships were in earnest and the War in jest Auxiliaries arrived from England and Ireland under command of Sr. Ralph Bingles and Sr. Piercy Crosby yet Buckingham thought fit not to alter his former Resolve to force the Enemy by Hunger Others perswaded to assault the Meden-Castle defended by Baniere But our men were spent by death and weak by sicknesse and those left out to be spared Therefore the English erect an Engine in form of a Block-house and a moveable greater instrument for nearer approach made of the Keels of ships handsomly joyned together upon this poized with Anchors he mounts seven great Guns fencing them with twigged Baskets stuffed with earth and advanced towards the Tower Ordering his small Barks in safety under defence of his greater ships which were to batter the French Navy and so to hinder the Enemies violent Assault from the Main But the Engine battered and shaken with winde and waves fell in pieces then some Masts of ships and large pieces of Timber bound together with Cables crossewise as a hedge or inclosure should be set as a defence of the Sea which yet was ript and torn assunder At length ships with ships are fastened together with some empty Vessels bound with ropes and so disposed that by the ships motion they might sink or swim above or under water But the windes stormy and tempestuous they were separated and unserviceaâ— Lastly we sunk some small ships laden with stones at the Mouth and Haven but not of such bulk or Number as to stop the Enemy from all entrance Sixteen ships procured by the French from Spain First 6 and then four of ours met them but though plying sails and oars they got into a neighbour Port And Abbot Marsilane furnishes a fresh subsidiary Navy under command of Valine but wanted Mariners and why Isnard saies That the bodies of the Sea-men which the English had taken bound them two and two together and so drowned and dead were cast on shore so gastly a spectacle that few men could be got on ship-board But with these and thirteen Pilots he adventures the sea The nights still and dark a great calm the passages was evermore attempted and their way directed by Torch light on the top of St. Martins Tower diligent at their sails and oars their small ships sometimes compassing or passing by Ours of burthen now at Anchor strangely deceiving us and our small shallops crossing uncertain aims and some of our ships waying anchor the Enemy sooner got into Saint Martins then we could possibly reach them No great piece of work or mastery in the French for at the siege of Ostend both the Hollanders and Auxiliary English Ships at noon day in spite of Bucques and his deadly Guns at the very mouth of the Channel relieved the Town But the French here never attempted any passe by Moon shine Many other attempts of theirs were frustrate and some fell into our hands The besieged by this means refreshed they send out all their sick or wounded and women with Valiane and Ambelvile to the Duke of Orleans who sayling as silently as they could by the shore of the Island escaped us and got safe to the Continent which Valiane boasted to be able to do at pleasure And told Mr. Ashburnham then at the Kings Court of whom anon the very time when in despight of us he would carry another supply which so vexed our Sea men that were heedful we intercepted some of their Convoies laden with provision their Pilots Souldiers and Sea men wounded or slain Great scarcety also afflicts our own souldiers all provisions of the Island exhausted The succours so often desired by Messengers into England and as often promised still failing Mutinies not without cause suspected To wrest and deliver himself Buckingham sends Mr. Ashburnham his Kinsman into England And a fair occasion is offered by Toras who suffering under the same mischief desires that Sansimine might passe from the Castle to the Court and to return again And to obtain his desire the witty Mounster makes some
charitable person that the Duke might premeditate of death besides the leaving of his Will behinde him a greater wonder for a person of his high quality to hazzard himself in a publick Expedition of Sea and Land without setling his Estate for his Wife and Children And therefore he bequeaths her the fourth part of his Lands His Debts sixty thousand pounds His Iewels indeed were of good value but underâ—rated at three hundred thousand pounds yet this is mentioned by one that thought it too muâ—h gain though the Favourite of two Kings when we are assured Richelâ—eu's Estate was left certainly sixty Millions of Francks accounted in English six Millions of Pounds Sterling His Bowels were interred in Portsmouth by his dear and onely Sister the Countess of Denbigh and a handsome Memorial of him erected there His body brought to York-house where his effigies lay sometime in an illustrious manner upon a Hearse and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edward's Chapel without any such stir as the Historian would infer concerning his Funeral for his Executours paid for all and it cost not the King a Penny and a stately Monument erected over his Grave for his lasting memory And Felton found guilty at the Kings Bâ—â—ch Bar was hanged at Tiburn against which time he was taught so much charity to his own soul as with remorâ—â— to acknowledg his Fact damnable without Gods great mercy laying the guilt directly upon the Parliaments Remonstrance the immediate motive to his devilish Design His Body was sent to Portsmouth where without the Town upon the High-way it was gibbeted in Chains for some years which I often saw not stoâ—â—en away as one relates but after the Carkase was consumed or piece-meal rotted and fallen down the Gibbet by request of a Friend to the Dukes Family was taken away being but a Sign-post to the memory of that Murder and to be cause of discourse concerning the Dukes fame of which a wise man thus exprest Nunc quia pauca domi non sunt bene gesta forisque Paâ—cula successus 〈…〉 suos Creditur esse dolus fuerat quae culpa putatur Esse scelus lapsus quâ— juvenilis erat Rumpatur livor dicam quod sentio certe Imprudens potius quam sceler at us erat We are told of ominous observations in reference to the Duke and what may we suppose them to be that on the same day when Dr. Lamb was slain the Dukes Picture fell down in the High-commission-chamber at Lambeth but that which is most memorable he saith was the Lady Davis foretelling that his time was not to come till August Her Predictions were sundry concerning this Parliament and other her mad-brains Prophecies never seriously observed by any so remarkable as our Authour Prophecy is not all of one and the same value either for the authour or manner Some were Relaters onely by the writings or conversation of Prophets Many stole their Predictions from Prophets and the Pagans and Infidels might take those passages not understood by themselves and so by them also ambiguously transmitted The Sybills Prophecies were most famous among the ancient Pagans and Christians speaking plainly of the Resurrection Iudgment of the World Life everlasting Glory and reward of Righteousness concerning Christian Faith and Religion Sibulae signifying Women of councel with God Sios quasi Theos Bule is Councel All women Prophets generally are called Sibyls but for their Number of whom we mean they were but Ten. The one of them Cumaena offered her nine Books in three Tomes to sell to Tarquinius Priscus who refusing the price she burnt the first Tome yet asked the same value for the other Two burnt the second also and had her first demand for the third Tome and so she vanished They were laid up in a Chest of Stone in the Capitol with wondrous care but were burnt in the flame of the Capitol Anno 671. Another Cumaea she lived in the Wars of Troy for Aeneas had access to her at Cuma in Italy and her Cave or Cell remained untill Anno Christi 1539. when by the general Earthquake her Cell was swallowed 〈◊〉 prophecied of our Saviour Jesus born a King of the royal House of David to reign as a King upon the House of Jacob for ever The Books of Sibylls were transcribed from hand to hand and used as Reasons of State by the Romans and were read used and commended by the learned Fathers of the Church And God himself in goodness had a special regard therein to procure credit unto those Predictions which in after-ages the Christians vouched against the Pagans as being no new Doctrine to them and God renewed their esteem when the Saviour was born for Tiberius Caesar tempore Christi caused a second review of their Books to distinguish them from others corrupt The ancient Fathers used them against Infidels which the Romans received but as reasons of State They were not all Virgins nor could their Prophecying be Praemium Virginitatis why not indifferent Virginibus But because the other were holy and righteous Those righteous and just men of old Iob c. could not possibly have been made so righteous so just by being cleansed from their sins without faith resolved in and upon the Incarnation Death and Resurrection of Christ through the grace of God made manifest unto them Why not as these righteous ones remembred in Scripture or of such not spoken of there but yet assuredly were and lived before or after the Floud untill the giving of the Law by Moses not onely such as lived in Israel the Prophets but such as were without the Pale of Israel holy Iob And so why not of some Gentiles as Trismegistus Histaspes Oâ—pheus Etenim ipsorum corda eadem mundabantur fide Mediatoris diffundebatur charitas in iis per Spiritum Sanctum as saith Austin Ask not how God is various and admirable in his ways and wondrous in his works not Merita sequitur sed facit merita That God spake by the Sibylls though wicked and not the Devil Potest prophetia haberi sine charitate gratia gratum faciente The Devils tremble Balaam was wicked yet he prophecied â—â—ot by the Devil with whom otherwise he wrought but by God for the Devil loquitur e propriis even then when he speaks not propria and so speaks Lies intermingled with Truths either in the matter manner or end he can foretell inspire suggest unto his own things to come which in respect of us not of him nor themselves be predictious He can inform and advise concerning us but the things of God secrets of his counsel he cannot see God may and doth sometimes reveal such things to him and his as he doth to blessed spirits and good men but in a different sort God takes possession of his Prophets soul speaking to them intelligibly Spiritus Domini qui in me Verbum quod loquitur per â—s 〈◊〉 The others are driven to what
the Lord himself the rest Tenants in Villenage So though the Lord became the Kings Tenant the Counâ—rey remained barbarous But the late Commissions for accepting Surrenders and regranting Estates to them and for streng thning defectivâ— Titles they ever setled and secured the Under-tenant and so to establish Lord and Tenant Freeholder and Farmer The Province of Ulster though heretofore the most unreformed the Seat and Nest of the great Rebâ—llion was the best established of any Provinceâ—eâ—led â—eâ—led upon Surrenders projected and prosecuted by King Iames himself not giving any intire County being six of them to dispose unto any particular Person much less Iura Regalia for the best British Undertakers had but three thousand Acres for himself with power to create a Mannour and to hold a Court Baron making a mixt Plantation of British and Irish onely the Irish were transplanted from the Woods and Mountains into the open Plains and granting Markets and Fairs and erecting corporate Towns amongst them and all was so well setled towards the end of his Reign that Ireland the Land of Ire because the irascible power was predominate for four hundred years was likely to prove a Land of peace and concord and as in the eighth of Deuteronomy Terra Rivorum c. and so continued with Plantations of English and Scots untill Disputes and Differences between the Irish and Us for Religion made them insolent and grew into discontent between the Protestant Plantations and the Papists Irish for during the peaceable Government under Lords Iustices and Council the politick administration of that Kingdom intrusted to many and so the worse for the main body the Ramish Clergy insolent and cunning and the Romish Catholick so ignorant and poor and both increasing in number was moved in charity to suspend the payment of the State-penalty of twelve pence a Sunday for absence from Church being in some fear to irritate the People by levying these Fines before the expiration of the five thousand pounds quarterly Contribution of the County towards the Army And as this Grace might please the one so the Protestant took part at the unequal Levie of the 〈◊〉 in faâ—our of the Papist And beginning to boil into a Broâ—l the Justices were called home and the Viscount Wentworth sent Deputy to govern all singly by himself of whose Government and the Proceedings there we shall have further occasion to observe in their due time and place and so we return in a word and in order to take view what the succesfull King of Swede does in Germany Great Acts had been done on all sides but Gustave as yet the most glorious but indeed he came near his own upshot for being over-adored and beloved he would say that he was not long-lived as it proved And now the several Generals grew ambitious of Honour each one to excell The King would boast that he must beat a Priest which was Tilly a Souldier Papenhaim and a Fool Wallenstein but who indeed croubled him more than the other two For Wallenstein was turned Hollander in his Proceedings using the Spade with the Pike against whom the Swedes advance but with loss of the flower of their Forces about five thousand slain near Nuremburgh and Wallestein but fifteen hundred slain And so the King marches towards Saxony lest he should lose that Duke and Wallestein followed after him having sent for Papenhaim and Gustave desired to hinder their conjoyning but could not And being come was by subtil Wallenstein sent out to surprize Hall Not so far gone but was called back for the King resolved to give the Battel upon the departure being now near Nuremburgh and Wallestein at Lutzen The Onset was furious the Craats did well but the Swedes better and Papenheim now returned in the nick of time to repulse the Enemy when a Falcon-shot strook him dead a gallant man of valour felicity and fidelity He seemed to dy willingly when he was told that the King was dead which it seems was so at the first shock of the Armies having received five wounds two mortal The Swedes say he was slain by a great Lord of his own others say by Papenheim but he was found among the dead and so troden that he was hardly known His Death enraged the Swedes and enforced their Enemy to hast a Retreat Thus fell this Caesar. Fortune courted him at Leipsick and his Fate fell at Lutzen in the midst of his Triumphs and in the middle of Germany he was Son to Charls Duke of Sudermain who had usurped the Crown from his Nephew Sigismund King of Poland he had an Apprentiship in Arms disguised and unknown under Prince Maurice some say that after he was King he jouâ—neyed into Germany in the quality of a Horsman of War in Bohâ—mia when he saw Count Bucquoy's Army His Successes altered his natural complacency with austere severity yet was his Death deplored and revenged by his Generals not taking leave of Germany till they had got a Peace and the Spoils and a Share also of the Empire it self And to accompany this great Prince died also some days after Frederick King of Bohemia who accompanied Gustave into Bavaria who seemed willing to restore him to his Birth-right the Palatinaâ—e but under hard and unacceptable conditions And thus he died leaving one onely Daughter Heiress to his Crown and glory He wants no Charactâ—r from several Historians most men generally affording words of fame for victorious fortunes He was bred up in Arms in the natural Dissentions against the Pole whose Interest and Right to Sweden endured long dispute but somewhat calmed put this King to quarrell with his nearer Neighbour the Dane and that Difference decided he not willing to disband or able to discharge his Army over he comes any where upon any score to adventure the success of his burdensome Forces to whom Providence afforded this success as a Rod of Gods anger upon the glory of the Empire which he was pleased thus to chastise and the work begun to take the first Instrument away and intrust his further Mysteries of succeeding Events to future management which hath brought that Empire the Garden of Eden to monstrous misery and destruction of Millions of innocent Souls besides those others more so exceeding faulty and the prime Actors in the Tragedies never lived out to to enjoy their several Successes as we have said The Prince Elector some weeks before being at Ments where the Plague raged took infection from thence and died soon after upon the nine and twentieth day of November being eight days after the Enemies Rendezvouz of his most considerable Town of Frankendale into the hands of the English Ambassadours which otherwise had been taken by the Swede's Forces long time besieging it and not able to hold out had it given up God a mercy against their will Onely of the old ones Wallestein survives but near his end also for having prosperously effected his several
who was Henry The very same reason in the Title of the Earl of Strathern the Children of a first Marriage by Common Law are to be preferred in the succession before the Children of the second Marriage for the marrying of Elizabeth Moor did but legitimate her Children to succeed after the Children of the first Marriage As for the authority of Parliament we may consider whether that Authority may confer and intail a Crown from a lawfull Heir thereof to the next apparant Heirs Or whether an Oath given unto a King by Mans Law should be performed when it tendeth to the suppression of Truth and Right which stand by the Law of God Then if one Parliament hath power to intail a Crown whether may not another Parliament upon the like consideration restore the same to the right Heirs But it may be objected that the Subject resigneth all his Right to his King and then consider whether a Subject may safely capitulate with his Prince that is to give over and quit claim all Right and Title which he hath to his Sovereign Crown his right being sufficient And if by his Capitulation his Heirs be bound And if besides it be honourable for a Prince to accept his conditions The trouble which Edward Baliol raised in Scotland their Histories mention notwithstanding that his Father John Baliol had resigned unto Robert King of Scotland all the Right which he or any other of his had or thereafter might have to the Crown of Scotland He anno 1355. gave to Edward the third King of England a full Resignation of his pretended Right of the Crown of Scotland as before being assisted by the said King and the confederate Gentlemen of Scotland in a Parliament holden at Perth where he had been confirmed King of Scotland by the three Estates If the Pope the King of Spain or France after some Revolution of years seeking to trouble the peace of this Isle should entertain and maintain one of the Heirs of the Earl of Strathern as Queen Elizabeth did Don Antonio the Prior of Crato who claimed the Crown of Portugal to reclaim whose Kingdom she sent a Fleet to settle him or should marry one of them to their nearest Kinswoman and served him armed with power to claim his Title to the Crown of Scotland as King James the fourth of Scotland practised upon Perkin Warbeck named Richard Duke of York to whom he gave in Marriage Katherine Gordoun Daughter to the Earl of Huntley and thereafter all his Forces to establish his said Ally invaded England whether had he not a fair Bridg to come over to this Isle It would be likewise considered if the Earl of Strathern though a mean Subject these two hundred years having been debarred all Title to the Crown and now by the favour of King Charls being restored in bloud and served Heir to his great Progenitours and indirectly as by appendices to the Crown if either out of displeasure and want of means to maintain his Estate he or his should sell or dispose their Right and Title of the Kingdom of Scotland to some mighty Prince such as was perhaps lately the King of Sweden who wanted nothing but a Title to invade a Kingdom not knowing whether to discharge his victorious Forces It would be considered if that Title disposed to such a Prince were sufficient to make him King of Scotland or if establishing his Right upon fair conditions such as is Liberty of conscience absolution and freedom from all Taxes Subsidies the People of Scotland might give him their Oath of Allegiance or if he might redact the King of Scotland to give him satisfaction or composition for his Right to the Crown of Scotland It was to be considered the times turning away the mindes of Subjects from their Prince by changes as hath befallen that inconstant Nation to these present times how dangerous was it besides to his own person And for the Earl the Examples following may inform for first Lewis King of France having under stood that a Nobleman of Artois called Canacare had vaunted to be lineally descended as in truth he was from Clodioule Chevelu and so by that succession was Heir to the Crown caused him extirpate and all his Race Henry 4. King of England after the deposure of King Richard the second kept Edmund Mortimer Earl of March who had a just Title to the Crown under such Guard as he could never attempt any thing till to his Death But Henry the seventh King of England took away Edward Plantaginet Duke of Warwick Heir to George Duke of Clarence in jealousie of his succession to his Uncle Edward the fourth Margaret Plantaginet his sole Daughter married to Richard Pole by Henry the eighth restored to the Earldom of Salisbury was attainted three score and two years after her Father had suffered and was beheaded in the Tower in whose Person died the Sirname of Plantaginet Ann Plantaginet Daughter to Edward the fourth being married unto Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey and Duke of Norfolk was the ground and chief cause that King Henry the eighth cut off the Head of Henry Earl of Surrey though he pretended that the cause of his Arreignment was for bearing certain Arms of the House of York which onely belonged to the King Mary Queen of England put to death the Lady Jane Grey and the Lord Guilford her Husband for their Title to the Crown and by the same reason was the destruction of Mary Queen of Scotland by Queen Elizabeth The like reason also made King James of Great Brittain imprison the Lady Arabella and her Husband she being with childe but by Imprisonment and flight she miscarried and died and then he was released The Duke of Guise deducing his Genealogy from Charls le grand in the Reign of the French King Henry the third was suspected to aspire to that Crown and suffered at last for that presumption And to return to Scotland it is evident in their History that for thâ—se two hundred years last past the Race of Euphane Ross in her children David Earl of Strathern and Walter Earl of Athol have been kept under and for good reason of State ought to be so still unless the policy of a Prince wâ—uld the rather raise them up to a considerable suspâ—â—ion thereby to deserve a greater Destruction This discourse of Strathern is inserted fâ—r particular satisfaction of some English that have doubâ—ed of his Descâ—nt And now the Sâ—ots begin to invest themselves with the supreme Ensigns of Sovâ—reignty and Marks of Majesty by erecting of four Tables of Council for ordering the Affâ—irs of thaâ— Kindgom a new way of Judicature of their own composing in contempt of the King and his Council erected much like those of the detestable pretended holy League in France entring into Covenant against all Opposers the King himself not excepted They erected many Tables in Edinburgh four were principal consisting of the Nobility Gentry Buâ—roâ—ghs and Ministers many subordinate Tables of
both in Church and State and at the heels of them others of particular persons such who had justly though deserved the lash of the Star-chamber Council-table High-commission Court And the next day these were charily delivered to Grand Committees and divers of them enlarged out of their several Prisons to make their Complaints and the principal were those of Pryn Bastwick and Burton as before remembred To the Grievances Master Pym's Speech was complete and full that of the Lord Digbyâ—s â—s rather witty but such as they were not to trouble you with many more to the same purpose I shall here insert November the eighth they would increase this Book to a Bulk Mr. Pym's Speech TO redress grievances will not hinder but further the Kings service To take away the weights as much advantages motions as to add wings His method was first Several heads of grievances Secondly hurtfull to the King as to the People Thirdly and the remedie equally good to both of them That the King can do no wrong the Law casts it upon the Ministers The influence of Heaven conveyeth vigour into the sublunary Creatures but the malignity of all Epidemical diseases proceed from the ill affected qualities of the Earth or aire His order was to mention three grievances First Against priviledg of Parliament Secondly prejudice of Religion Thirdly Liberty of the Subjects For the first The members are free from suits to have liberty of speech a legislative Iudiciary and Consiliary power being to the boly publique as the faculties of the soule to a Man The Priviledges have been broken First In restrayning the member from speaking Secondly In forbidding the speaker to put a quâ—â—tion both of these practized in the last Parliament Thirdly by Imprisoning divers Members for matters done in Parliament Fourthly By proceedings against them therefore in the inferiour Courts Fiftly Enjoyning their good behaviour and continuance in Prison even to the death In abrupt disolution of Parliament the great grievance like the execution of a man without being heard It recâ—ives a being by the summons and a civil death by dissolution not only thereby to die but to be made Intestabiles not to make their wills their acts c. The Second Incouragement to Popery First by suspension of all Laws against them that there can be no security from Papists but in their disability Their principles incompatible with any other Religion Laws will not restrain them Oaths will not the Pope dispenseth with both and his Command acts them against the Realm in spirituals and temporals ad spiritualia Henry the third and Henry the fourth of Fraâ—ce were no Protestants yet were murthered because they tolerated reformation Secondly Their places of trust and honour in the Common-wealth 3 Their free resort to London and to the Court to comunicate their Councils and designs diving into the secrets of State Fourthly That as they have a Congregation of Cardinals at Rome for adjorning the Popes authority in England so have they a Nuncio here to the execution thereof Innovations of Religion introduced First Maintenance of Popish Tenets in books Sermons and disputations Secondly practice of Popish Ceremonies and countenanced and enjoyned as Altars Images Curcifixes bowings He comparing these to the day bones in Ezekiel which first came together then sinews and flesh came upon them afterwards the skin covered them and then breath and life was put into them so first the form then the spirit and life of Popery Thirdly Preferment of persons Popishly affected Fourthly of discouragment of Protestants by over riged prosecutions of the scrupulous for things indifferent no vice made so great as Inconformity by punishing without Law for not reading the book sunday recreations for not removing the Communion Table otherwise not comming to the Railes to receive the Communion for preaching on the Lords day after noon for catechising otherwise than as in the short Catechisme in the Commonprayer-book Fiftly And last was the Incroahment of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction particularly First In sining and Imprisoning without Law Secondly Challenging their Iurisdiction to be appropriate to their Order jure divâ—no Thirdly contriving and publishing new Articles of visitation in force as of Canons the boldness of Bishops and all their subordinate Officers and officiats The third part of Grievances In which descoverie He observed rather the order of time when they were acted than of the consequenâ—e but when he comes after to the cure then he will perswade to begin with the most Important and first Tunnage and Poundags and the late new book of Rates taken by prerogative without grant of Paâ—liament from whence these Inconveniences follow First Mens gâ—ods are seized their suits in Law stopped Secondly Misimployments of the sums of money imposed intended for the guard of the Sea are dispersed to other uses and a new tax raised for the samâ— purpose Thirdly The burthens excessive trade hindered home Commodities abased and foraign inhaunsed by which means the stock of the Kingdome diminished especially insupportable to the poor Planters in America by the Tax upon Tobacco The Fourth general grievance Composition for Knighhood which though it refers to a former custome yet upon the same grounds the King may renew it by new sine immoderate Multiplication of distress and Issues and enforced to compound with the Commissioners Inundation of Monopolie by the soap Patent undertaken by Papists full of mischief First By Impairing the goodness and Inhaunsing the price of of Salt Soap Beer Coles Secondly under colour of which Trade was restrained to a few hands Thirdly and many illegally Imprisoned The great and unparallel grievance of ship-mony being aggravated not suspected by the Iudgment which is not grounded upon Law Custome President or Authority It being improper for a case of necessity in abounding vanity of mischiefs as First The general extent to all persons all times and the subject left remediless Secondly the arbitrary proportion without limits Thirdly Imposed by writ and disposed by instructions Improper for the office of a Sheriffe in the Inland Countries and inconvenient for the Inhabitants without rule or sutable means for the levying or mannaging of it The Inlargment of forrest beyond the bounds of the Statutes the seven and twentieth and eight and twentieth Edward 1. which perambulations then were the cause after of that famous Charter Charta de foresta and now reviving these old questions new distempers may follow the particular obliquities he numbred thus First Surreptitious proceedings as in Essex yet that verdict was inforced in other Counties and a Iudgment upon the matter after three or four hundred years quiet possession of the subject enforced to compound for great sines The selling of nusances The King as a father of the Common-wealth is to take care of the publique Commodities and advantages of the Subjects as Rivers High-waies Common-sewers by ordinary writs ad quod damnum but now by a course extrajudicial by
for that Letter which he means was 〈◊〉 five days before Yet the Earl intending to say more than had been writ in some passion he cast away the Pen and out of his Cabinet drew that Paper-promise under the Kings hand intrusting it to the Lieutenant or to that other person for the King whether sealed up or open I cannot say and this is the Paper which the Primate doth mention that Lincoln put into the Kings hand But the Letter before spoken of was very long and written to the KIng upon the Citizens Tumult at Westminster And it was thus May it please your Majesty It hath been my greatest grief in all these Troubles to be taken as a person which should endeavour to represent and set things amiss between your Majesty and your People and to give Councils tending to the disquiet of the three Kingdoms Most true it is that this mine own private condition considered it had been a great madness since through your gracious favour I was so provided as not to expect in any kinde to mend my fortune or please my minde more than by resting where your bounteous hand had placed me Nay it is most mightily mistaken for unto your Majesty it is well known my poor and humble advices concluded still in this that your Majesty and your people could never be happy till there were a right understanding betwixt you and them no other means to effect and settle this happiness but by the counsel and assâ—â—â— of the Parliament or to prevent the growing evils upon this State â—ut by intirely putting your self in your last resort upon the loyalty and good affections of your English Subjects Yet such is my misfortune this truth findeth little credit the contrary seemeth generally to be believed and my self reputed as something of separation between you and your people under a heavier censure than which I am perswaded no Gentleman can suffer Now I understand the minde of men are more incensed against me notwithstanding your Majesty hath declared that in your princely opinion I am not guilty of Treason nor are you satisfied in your conscience to pass the Bill This bringeth me into a very great strait there is before me the ruine of my Children and Family hitherto untouched in all the branches of it with any foul crimes Here is before me the many ills which may befall your sacred person and the whole Kingdom should your self and the Parliament part less satisfied one with the other than is necessary for the preservation of King and people Here are before me the things most valued most feared by mortal man Life or Death To say Sir that there hath not been a strife in me were to make me less than God knoweth mine infirmities give me And to call a destruction upon my self and young children were the intentions of my heart at least have been innocent of this great offence may be believed will finde no easie content to flesh and bloud But with much sadness I am come to a resolution of that which I take to be best becoming me to look upon that which is most principal in it self which doubtless is the prosperity of your sacred person and the Common-wealth infinitely before any private mans interest And therefore in few words as I put my self wholly upon the honour and justice of my Peers so clearly as to beseech your Majesty might please to have spared that Declaration of yours on Saturday last and intirely to have left me to their Lordships So now to set your Majesties conscience c. at liberty I do most humbly beseech you for the preventing of such mischief as may happen by your refusal to pass the Bill by this means to remove praised be God I cannot say this accursed but I confess this unfortunate thing forth of the way towards that blessed Agreement which God I trust shall for ever establish betwixt you and your Subjects Sir my consent herein shall more acquit you to God than all the World can do besides To a willing man there is no injury done And as by Gods grace I forgive all the World so Sir I can give up the Life of this World with all chearfulness imaginable in the just acknowledgment of your exceeding favours and onely beg that in your goodness you would vouchsafe to cast your gracious regard upon my poor Son and his Sisters less or more and no otherwise than their unfortunate Father shall appear more or less guilty of his death God long preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and faithfull Subject and Servant STRAFFORD Tower May 4. 1641. But then this Letter you see was dated five days before the ninth day of May which was Sunday So that the account stands thus Saturday May the first the Kings Speech to both the Houses in defence of the Earl of Strafford Munday 3. The Tumult of the Citizens at Westminster crying out for justice against the Earl Tuesday 4. The said Letter was writ from the Earl to the King mentioning the Kings Speech on Saturday last Wednesday 5. The Lords laid aside the Bill of Attainder because it brought the King in as a Judge and consulted to fall upon several Articles of his Accusation Thursday 6. The Lords voted him guilty of high Treason and the Commons as busie about the Bill for continuation of the Parliament Saturday 8. Both Bills were presented to the King who promised his Answer on Munday after Sunday 9. The conference with the Bishops At the close of which and at parting at night the Bishop of Lincoln having gotten that Paper-promise under the Kings hand from the Lieutenant of the Tower or from that other person sent it or put it into the Kings hands These passages made it late on Sunday night And the next morning Munday the tenth of May he was solicited early from both Houses with those two Bills which the King signed and commissioned the Earl of Arundel the Lord Privy Seal the Lord Chamberlain and others for the passing of them the one for the continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the two Houses the other the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford at one time the same instant with the same Pen and Ink the King lost his Prerogative and Strafford's life also Corruptio unius generatio alterius But because we may not censure without the Book see what the King says giving his Reasons which enforced him to the signing of both these Bills and first as in order upon his passing the Bill for the Triennial Parliament and after settling this during the pleasure of the two Houses THat the world saies the King might be fully confirmed in My purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice Reason Honour and Conscience I could to the happie success of this Parliament which had in Mee no other design but the General good of My Kingdoms I willingly passed the Bill for Triennial Parliaments which as gentle and seasonable Physick
be evil because mine were good And having signed both these Bills the King sent Sir Dudley Carleton Secretary of State to the Earl to acquaint him what he had finished the necessity urging him so to do together with the Earls free consent and the return of his Paper-promise which ballanced all The Earl amazed seriously asked him whether his Majesty had passed the Bill as not believing without some astonishment that the King would have done it And being again assured that it was passed He arose from his Chair and standing up lift his eyes to Heaven clapt his hand upon his heart and said Put not your trust in Princes nor in the sons of men for in them there is no salvation I have been assured from him that heard the King speak it and others confirming that the Bishop of London did not disswade nor perswade the King in the passing of the Bill but wisely or cunningly said nothing at all Nor does it appear that any of the other Bishops Lincoln onely excepted did any way press the King to his death And for satisfaction of all the world that the Arch-bishop of Armagh did not urge his death but rather the contrary I was present when it was diâ—â—â—ursed by a person of honour and honesty one that in these times and in these particulars thus controverted would not be positive but in the truth And as willingly as necessarily he hath set it under his hand and ready to justifie it with his Oath and Honour in these words and so witnessed by those that were present That the late King being in the Garison of Oxford a publick rumour passed that the Arch-bishop of Armagh was then dead and so intimated to the King in his Bed-chamber who was pleased to resent the news with much sorrow and with very high expression of the Prelates remarkable piety and learning and so said all that were present in confidence of his great endowments of exemplary virtues Except Sir said one in his advice to your Majestie to the hasty resolution of the Lord Strafford's death To which the King in some passion replied It was false protesting with an Oath his innocencie therein and that after the Bill was passed said the King the Arch-bishop came to me with much regret and sorrow and that the Arch-bishop wept bitterly This as a great truth I am ready to aver says the Relator by my Oath and Honour as I do now under my hand this eighth day of May 1656. W. L. Hereupon having this under his hand and witness I urged the question with another person of like Honour who said that himself was present at that time relating the very same words in effect as the former and both of them I spake with apart many miles asunder and neither of them witting of the use which I now make thereof they mentioned each other to be present And this also is certified upon his Oath and Honour and under his hand also and witnesses G. K. And now we shall see what the Arch-bishop of Armagh hath been pleased to signifie as to the Observatours pag. 240. concerning the result of the Bishops That Sunday morning the five Bishops writes he for so many they were London being one of them were sent for by the King himself and not sent to him by the Houses of Parliament amongst whom the Bishop of Durham and Carlile were so far from depending wholly upon the judgment of the other two whom the Observatour accounts Politicians that they argued the case themselves as fully as did any other To the Argument of one of them the King also returned this Answer that his Syllogism was faulty because it had in it four terms And for that most uncharitable surmise writes he concerning the Arch-bishop of Armagh as if the displeasure he had conceived against the Lord Lieutenant were so great that it could not be satisfied but by the seeking of his very bloud It is hard to say whethâ—â—hat calumny be more malicious or ridiculous for both the ground of that conceited grudg is utterly false the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland having been never abrogated by him or any other And in the ordering of this his the Earls last business there was no man with whom he held greater correspondency than with the Primate himself whereof this may be sufficient proof that as before his condemnation he did from time to time consult with him touching his answer to their present charge so also afterwards having obtained from the Parliament that the Primate might be sent unto him to prepare him for his death He chearfully imbraced his spiritual instructions prayed with him sent messages to the King by him and by no means would dispense with him for being absent from his Execution But taking him by the hand led him along to the Scaffold where with incomparable courage and as himself professed even then ready to lay hown his head without the least touch of any passion or fear he rendered up the spirit to him that gave it And as to the Historian's Paragraph pag. 263. l. 33. The Earl proceeding c. This Paragraph says the Arch-bishop is wholly to be left out for at his passing to the Scaffold there was a great silence amongst the people all of them universally commiserating his case in an extraordinary manner and with great passion lifting up their hands to heaven for him And to the Historian pag. 263. l. 38. The Earl being brought c. The Earl says the Arch-bishop being brought to the Scaffold his Chaplains prayed with him and himself remaining still upon his knee rehearsing with great reverence the five and twenty Psalm Afterwards arising he addrest his Speech unto the people to this effect after following But the occasion of the mistakes of the addressing of his Speech unto the Lords as the Historian hath My Lords It should be My Lord which the Earl used in the Singular Number turning himself to the Arch-bishop who stood by him as appears by the Pamphlet presently published concerning his suffering where the tenour of his Speech which he then used is to be taken as agreeing almost with the very syllable by him used and not as the Historian hath it for thus in truth it was My Lord Primate c. as hereafter in due place But to return to the tenth of May the King having the day before signed both Bills that of the continuation of the Parliament and this for the execution of the Earl and with one Pen of Ink and at one instant he sets his hand to the loss of himself and to the destruction of his faithfull and most able Counsellour and Servant The next day eleventh of May he being extremely troubled at what he had done concerning the Earl he vouchsafes to write to the Lords and sends this Letter by his Son the Prince of Wales My Lords I did yesterday satisfie the justice of the Kingdom by passing the Bill of Attainder
against the Earl of Strafford but mercie being as inherent and inseparable to a King as justice I desire in some measure to shew that likewise by suffering that unfortunate man to fulfill the natural course of his life in close imprisonment yet so that if he ever make the least offer to escape or offer directly or indirectly to meddle in any sort of publick business especially with me either by Message or Letter it shall cost him his life without further process This if it may be done without the discontentment of my people will be an unspeakable contentment unto me To which end as in the first place I by this Letter do earnestly desire your approbation and to endear it the more have chosen him to carry it who is of all your House most dear unto me So I desire that by conference you will endeavour to give the House of Commons contentment likewise Assuring you that the exercise of mercie is no more pleasing to me than to see both Houses of Parliament consent for my sake that I should moderate the severitie of the Law in so important a case I will not say that your complying with me in this my intended mercie shall make me more willing but certainly it will make me more chearfull in granting your just grievances But if no less than his life will satisfie my people I must say Fiat justitia Thus again recommending the consideration of my intentions to you I rest Your unalterable and affectionate Friend CHARLS R. If he must die it were charitie to reprieve him till Saturday To this Letter the Lords conceived this Order the same day May 11. 1641. This Letter all written with the Kings own hand we the Peers this day received in Parliament delivered by the hands of the Prince It was twice read in the House and after serious but sad consideration the House resolved presently to send twelve of the Peers Messengers to the King humbly to signifie that neither of the two intentions exprest in the Letter could with dutie in us or without danger to his Consort the Queen and all the young Princes their Children be possibly admitted Which being accomplished and more expressions offered his Majestie suffered no more words to come from us but out of the fulness of his heart to the observance of justice and for the contentment of his people told us that what he intended by his Letter was with an If If it may be done without discontentment to his people If it cannot be I say again the same that I wrote Fiat justitia My other intention proceeding out of charitie for a few days respite was upon certain information that his estate was distracted that it necessarily required some few daies respite for setlement thereof Whereunto the Lords answered Their purpose was to be suiters to his Majestie for favour to his innocent Children and that their Fathers provision for them might be confirmed Which pleased the King who thereupon departed from the Lords At his Majesties departure the Lords offered up to the King the original Letter which he had sent but he was pleased to say What I have written to you I shall be content it be registred by you in your House in which you see my minde I hope you will use it to mine honour Upon the return of the Lords thus much was reported to the House by the Lord Privie Seal Upon the fatal day Wednesday the twelfth of May the Earl was summoned to his period being conveyed from his Chamber in the Tower with these Ceremonies before him went the Marshal's men next them the Sheriff's Officers with Halberts then the Warders of the Tower being of the King's Guard and after the Earl's Gentleman Usher bare and then himself accompanied with the Primate of Ireland and others in his way passing by the Lodging of the Arch-bishop of Canterburie a Prisoner and casting up his eye to his Window where he looked out desired his Prayers and his Blessing who after some collection of his sadness resolved into comfort and doubted not when his own turn came that he should taste that bitter Cup with a most Christian courage The Earl being come to the Scaffold upon the Hill he addrest his Speech to the Lord Primate My Lord Primate of Ireland It is my very great comfort that I have your Lordship by me this day and I do thank God and your Lordship for it in regard that I have been known to you these many years I should be very glad to obtain so much silence as to be heard a few words but I doubt I shall not the noise is so great I come hither by the good will and pleasure of Almightie God to pay the last debt which I ow to sin which is death and by the blessing of that God to rise again through the merits of Jesus Christ to righteousness and life eternal I am come hither to submit to that Iudgment which hath passed against me I do it with a very quiet and contented minde I do freely forgive all the world a forgiveness that is not spoken from the teeth outwards as they say but from the very heart I can very well say in the presence of Almightie God before whom I stand that there is not a displeased thought arising in me towards any creature I thank God I can say and that truly too and my conscience bears me witness that in all the imploiments since I had the honour to serve his Majestie I never had any thing in the purpose of my heart but what tended to the joint and individual prosperitie of the King and people If it hath been my fortune to be mis-understood surely I am not the first that hath been so it is the common portion of us all whilest we are in this life to err but righteous judgment we must wait for in another place for here we are very subject to be mis-judged one of another There is one thing I desire to free my self of and I am confident speaking it now with so much chearfulness that it cannot be but that I shall obtain your Christian charitie in the belief of it I did alwaies think the Parliaments of England the happiest Constitutions that any Kingdom or Nation lived under and next under God the best means to make the King and his people happie so far have I been from being against Parliaments For my death I here acquit all the world and beseech the God of Heaven heartily to forgive them though in the intentions and purposes of my heart I am innocent of what I die for And my Lord Primate it is a very great comfort unto me that his Majestie conceives me not meriting so severe and heavie a punishment as is the uttermost execution of this Sentence I do insinitely rejoice in this mercie of his and I beseech God to return it upon him that he may findâ— mercie when he stands most in need of it I wish this
here and my eternal happiness hereafter through Jesus Christ our Lord in whose Name and words I conclude Our Father which art in Heaven c. The Petition of the Earl of Strafford unto the Lords before he died To the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this present Parliament assembled The humble Petition of Thomas late Earl of Strafford sheweth That seeing it is the good will and pleasure of God that your Petitioner is now shortly to pay that dutie which we all ow to our frail nature he shall in all Christian patience and charitie conform and submit himself to your justice in a comfortable assurance of the great hope laid up for us in the mercie and merits of our Saviour blessed for ever Onely he humbly craves to return your Lordships most humble thanks for your noble compassion towards those innocent children whom now with his last blessing he must commit to the protection of Almightie God beseeching your Lordships to finish your pious intentions towards them and desiring that the reward thereof may be fulfill'd in you by him that is able to give above all we are able either to ask or think Wherein I trust the Honourable House of Commons will afford their Christian assistance And so beseeching your Lordships charitably to forgive all his omissions and infirmities he doth very heartily and truly recommend your Lordships to the mercies of our heavenly Father and that for his goodness he may perfect you in every good work Amen Tho Wentworth Some design there was no doubt of delivering the Earl of Strafford by escape as appears by examination of Sir Will. Balfore Lieutenant of the Tower who says he was commanded to receive Captain Billingsley into the Tower with an hundred men for securing of the place and to be under his command but coming thither Balfore opposeth his entrance and therefore the Earl expostulates with him by way of advice of the danger to deny the Kings commands to whom the Lieutenant said that there was a certain discovery of his intended escape by examination of three Women Goodwives of Tower-street that peeping in at his Gallery-doorkey-hole where he was walking with Billingsley they heard him advise therein by ascertaining his Brothers ship to be in readiness which was fallen down on purpose below in the River that they three might be there in twelve hours that if the Fort were but secured for three or four months there would come aid enough and that there was nothing to be thought upon but an escape and much more broken speech to that purpose To which the Earl answered that he had discourse with Billingsley thereabout but meant it as by the Kings authority to be removed to some other Castle and confessed the most of the Womens relation Besides the Lieutenant's examination that the Earl of Strafford sent for him four days before his suffering perswading him to assent to his escape for twenty thousand pounds to be paid and a Mariage of his Daughtâ—r to Balfore's Son And because the memory of this brave man may live for ever read his Character from the King his Master whose distinction concluded his death to be more safe then just I looked says the King upon my Lord of Strafford as a Gentleman whose great abilities might make a Prince rather afraid than ashamed to imploy him in the greatest affairs of State For those were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings and this was like enough to betray him to great errours and many enemies whereof he could not but contract good store while moving in so high a sphere and with so vigorous a lustre he must needs as the Sun raise many envious exhalations which condensed by a popular odium were capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest merit and integrity Though I cannot in my judgement approve all he did driven it may be by the necessities of times and the temper of that people more than led by his own disposition to any height and rigour of actions Yet I could never be convinced of any such criminousness in him as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of justice and malice of his enemies I never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affairs than in the business of that unfortunate Earl when between mine own unsatisfiedness in conscience and a necessity as some told me of satisfying the importunities of some people I was perswaded by those that I think wished me well to chuse rather what was safe then what seemed just preferring the outward peace of my Kingdoms with men before that inward exactness of conscience with God And indeed I am so far from excusing or denying that compliance on my part for plenary consent it was not to his destruction whom in my judgement I thought not by any clear Law guilty of death That I never bare any touch of conscience with greater regret which as a sign of my repentance I have often with sorrow confessed both to God and men as an act of so sinfull frailtie that it discovered more a fear of man than of God whose name and place on earth no man is worthie to bear who will avoid inconveniences of State by acts of so high injustice as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate I see it a bad exchange to wound a mans own conscience thereby to salve State-sores to calm the storms of popular discontents by stirring up a tempest in a man 's own bosom Nor hath Gods justice failed in the event and sad consequences to shew the world the fallacie of that Maxim Better one man perish though unjustly than the people be displeased or destroyed In all likelihood I could never have suffered with my people greater calamities yet with greater comfort had I vindicated Strafford's innocencie at least by denying to sign that destructive Bill according to that justice which my conscience suggested to me than I have done since I gratified some mens unthankfull importunities with so cruel a favour And I have observed that those who counselled me to sign that Bill have been so far from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the people that no men have been harassed and crushed more than they He onely hath been least vexed by them who counselled me not to consent against the Vote of mine own conscience I hope God hath forgiven me and them the sinfull rashness of that business To which being in my soul so fully conscious those judgments God hath pleased to send upon me are so much the more welcom as a means I hope which his mercie hath sanctified so to me as to make me repent of that unjust act for so it was to me and for the future to teach me that the best Rule of Policie is to prefer the doing of justice before all enjoiments and the peace of my conscience before the preservation of my Kingdoms Nor hath any thing more fortified my resolution against all those violent importunities which since
to Portsmouth with the Kings command to Colonel Goring to ship him over Seas into France 14. May 1641. These Proceedings were lodged up in silence by the Parliament till their time to vent it and others the like surmises upon the King to his disadvantage in their Declaration at the end of this Moneth the nineteenth of May. To which he often answered that he disliked to be suspected and called to account upon general and idle discourses and inferences of unknown persons and Letters for matters improbable in themselves and scandalous to him of which he often asked Reparation not onely for vindicating of his Honour but for settling his Subjects from jealousies and fears grounded fed and maintained by false and malicious Rumours raised from time to time and cast upon the King to stir up the People against him of which he heartily complains If I had not mine own Innocency says the King and Gods Protection it were hard for me to stand out against those Stratagems and Conflicts of Malice which by Falsities seek to oppress the Truth and by Iealousies to supply the defect of real Causes which might seem to justifie so unjust Engagements against me And indeed the worst effects of open Hostility come short of these Designs For I can more willingly lose my Crowns than my Credit nor are my Kingdoms so dear to me as my Reputation and Honour Those must have a period with my Life but these may survive to a glorious kinde of Immortalitie when I am dead and gone A good Name being the embalming of Princes and a sweet consecrating of them to an Eternitie of Love and Gratitude among Posteritie Those foul and false Aspersions were secret Engines at first employed against my Peoples love of me that undermining their opinion and value of me mine Enemies and theirs too might at once blow up their Affections and batter down their Loyaltie Wherein yet I thank God the Detriment of mine Honour is not so afflictive to me as the Sin and Danger of my Peoples Souls whose Eys once blinded with such Mists of Suspitions they are soon misled into the most desperate precipices of Actions wherein they do not onely not consider their Sin and Danger but glorie in their zealous Adventures while I am rendred to them so fit to be destroyed that many are ambitious to merit the Name of my Destroyers imagining they then fear God most when they least honour their King I thank God I never found but my pitie was above mine anger nor have my passions ever so prevailed against me as to exclude my most compassionate Praiers for them whom devout Errours more than their own Malice have betrayed to a most religious Rebellion I had the Charitie to interpret that most part of my Subjects fought against my supposed Errours not my Person and intended to mend me not to end me And I hope that God pardoning their Errours hath so far accepted and answered their good Intentions that as he hath yet preserved me so he hath by these Afflictions prepared me both to do him better service and my People more good than hitherto I have done I do not more willingly forgive their Seductions which occasioned their loyal Injurie than I am ambitious by all Princely Merits to redeem them from their unjust suspitions and reward them for their good intentions I am too conscious to my own Affections toward the generalitie of my People to suspect theirs to me nor shall the Malice of mine Enemies ever be able to deprive me of the comfort which that confidence gives me I shall never gratifie the spitefulness of a few with any sinister thought of all their Allegiance whom pious frauds have seduced The worst some mens ambition can do shall never perswade me to make so bad interpretations of most of my Subjects actions who possibly may be Erroneous but not Heretical in point of Loyaltie The sense of the Injuries done unto my Subjects is as sharp as those done to my self our welfares being inseparable in this onely they suffer more than my self that they are animated by some Seducers to injure at once both themselves and me For this is not enough to the malice of mine Enemies that I be afflicted but it must be done by such Instruments that my Afflictions grieve me not more than this doth that I am afflicted by those whose prosperitie I earnestly desire and whose Seduction I heartily deplore If they had been my open and forreign Enemies I could have born it but they must â—e my own Subjects who are next to my Children dear to me and for the restoring of whose tranquillity I could willingly be the Jonah if I did not evidently foreâ—see that by the divided Interests of their and mine Enemies as by contrary Windes the Storm of their Miseries would be rather increased than allayed I had rather prevent my Peoples ruine than rule over them nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion which is but my Right as of their happiness if it could expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it by the highest Injuries of Subjects committed against their Sovereign Yet I had rather suffer all the Miseries of Life and die many Deaths than shamefully to desert or dishonourably to betray mine own just Rights and Sovereigntie thereby to gratifie the ambition or justifie the malice of mine Enemies between whose malice and other mens mistakes I put as great a Difference as between an ordinary Ague and the Plague or the Itch of Noveltie and the Leprosie of Disloyaltie As Liars need have good Memories so malicious persons need good Inventions that their calumnies may fit every mans fancie and what their Reproaches want of Truth they may make up with Number and Shew My patience I thank God will better serve me to bear and my charitie to forgive than my leisure to answer the many false Aspersions which some men cast upon me Did I not more consider my Subjects Satisfaction than mine own Vindication I should never have given the malice of some men that pleasure as to see me take notice of or remember what they say or object I would leave the Authours to be punished by their own evil manners and seared Consciences which will I believe in a shorter time than they be aware of both confuse and revenge all those black and false Scandals which they have cast on me and make the World see there is as little truth in them as there was little worth in the broaching of them or Civilitie I need not say Loyaltie in the not suppressing of them whose credit and reputation even with the People shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath of that same Fornace of popular obloquie and detraction which they have studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamie and wherein they have sought to cast and consume my Name and Honour First nothing gave me more cause to suspect and search mine own Innocencie than when I observed
contrary to the rights and power of all Monarchical Authority and also the duty allegeance and consciences of all loyal Subjects which with grief we take to heart as faithfull and loyal Subjects ought to do The Catholick Religion suppressed and put down in England and the Catholicks persecuted with all rigour even to death and the like have the Puâ—itans of this Kingdom threatned to have brought hither That there is a Law against Catholicks in this Countrey whereby the Kingdom hath been often impaired and ruined with persecutions by means whereof the Catholicks are made uâ—capable of any Office or Place of commodity or profit to the great and extraordinary decay of the Catholicks in their Estates Education and Learning That the Goverment of the Kingdom is wholly in the hands of strangers who in their beginning are generally poor of birth and means and very quickly become Noblemen and men of great Estates by oppression and ruinating the poor Natives That there hath been great threatnings of late of sending great Scotish Forces with the Bible in one hand and Sword in the other to force our consciences or end our lives besides our private report of a sudden surprisal and cutting the Catholicks throats intending which way we know not but it hath been both written and spoken by several Protestants and Puritans That the Catholicks are not allowed to have any Arms or Munition as the Protestants and Puritans were but stood like dâ—admen not able to defend themselves in such desperate Dangers All which being by them considered they saw no way but to attempt to seize upon Arms where they could get them to save their lives maintain the King and Queen their Religion and Countrey It is true that for the first Days horrid Rebellion and Butchery the Irish did forbear the Scots Plantation there knowing their good Natures to be such as to sit still and see the English destroyed so they might hope to escape and to have more room for Colonies of their own Nation it being more easie for the Irish to deal with one Nation than with both and they knew that the Scots had then in Scotland some formed Forces standing which in few hours might be transported and so to distract them before their intended progress into Rebellion To that end for a time they were spared with life but not with Gudes and Geer and so â—ad leave to return to Scotland a worse transmigration than into the other World Some pretence they make declaring in the sight of God and the World their Intentions and Resolutions to the last Man with their Lives Estates and Fortunes to endeavour the advancement and preservation of his Majesties service and Interest in that Kingdom and of all those whoever that prosecute his quarrel having no other Design or Intent but onely the free exercise of their Religion On the contrary it was wonderfull to observe what Irritations stirred up the English to revenge the Death of the Massacred and to defend the lives of those that survived A Mass of Money 300000. pounds sterling was soon raised in England but otherways disposed and great Contributions for pay of the Souldiers and Provisions and many thousands of English prepare for that War And yet so eminent was the divine wrath over England that even upon this very account our Incongruities and Feuds at home were inflamed which amongst others how intense soever yet soulder a peace for some interim Hereupon those that aimed at Innovations infused into mens mindes scruples and suspitions and though the King most intent to suppress the raging cruelty of that Rebellion by his personal hazzard to scourge their insolencies the Parliament would not consent that the War be mannaged by his Authority nor to trust the Souldiers with their Allegeance to the King nor any of them that had served him in the Scotish Expedition but such as themselves affected and he disgusted yet rather than the War should linger on those Differences he submitted to the joint authority of mannaging the same and so Patents and Commissions were signed by both King and Parliament leaving himself without power either to make peace or grant them pardon without the Parliaments consent And so by this concurrence of Affairs concerning the Rebells and mischievous Distractions in England ripening into a civil War the Parliament seize upon the collected sums of hundreds of thousand pounds for Ireland and two or three Regiments raised for that service they convert to the suppressing of the Kings War against them nay the very Benevolence begged for the relief of the perishing Evangelius they turn into pay for their Souldiery Though the Kings Souldiers having seized on some provisions sent by the Parliament towards Chester as but designed for Ireland the King upon complaint soon restored it for that service And although there appeared no evidence of truth it was rumored to the Kings dishonour that he had been Authour of that Rebellion which the King endeavours with greater validity of Reasons to retort upon the Faction of some Members of both Houses Notwithstanding these Traverses hindered not our Auxiliaries to defeat the Irish by fire devastations and slaughter of some hundreds of thousands of the Natives and to wilder that Kingdom far and near which happened alike pernicious to our selves when afterwards that the civil War in England was at the heighth victuals provision cloaths and pay failing our Souldiers in Ireland it is beyond the reach of expression how miserably our Countrey-men suffered there and the Parliaments help failing their daily Invocations for relief the Privy Counsellours of that Kingdom Commanders and Souldiers by peâ—itionary Letters to the King earnestly beg leave to depart and to be remanded any where else save against such an Enemy as Hunger The King either for necessity or prudence the Scots coming into the Parliament he being thereby reduced to an inequality of fight here at home makes a Cessation with the Irish for a year onely and so endeavours a peace to ensue leaving sufficient Garisons behinde the Souldiers return for the Kings assistance whose part began to totter But the Scots party in Ulster refuse to be bound by the Cessation and some English in Conaught and Ulster of a like conniving Faction But the Lord Inchequin Commander in chief of the Munster Forces comes over with some thousands to the Kings aid but not well resenting his entertainment withdraws himself into Ireland and gains all the Kings party of Cork and Munster to the Parliament and to a detestation of the Cessation they instantly sending him and the Scots Forces fresh aid of money and provisions Against whom appeared three several parties though conjoyned in enmity to the English the Popes Nuntio Owen Roe and the other under command of Preston and Taff the last more moderate endeavouring the compliance with the King to confirm the Peace yet were over-born by the Popes Bull against the Cessation and Peace and so deterred their Souldiers from their fidelity and Colours
from the west Indies the onely facile way to prevail against the Spainard to an expenceful successless attempt upon Cales 4. The precipitate breach with France taking their goods and ships without recompense to the English whose goods were confiscate in that Kingdom 5. The peace with Spain without consent of Parliament the deserting the Palsgraves cause mannaged by his Enemies 6. The charging of this Kingdom with billeted Souldiers with the Design of German Horse to enslave this Nation to Arbitrary Contributions 7. The dissolving of the Parliament 2 Caroli and the exacting of the proportion of five Subsidies after the Parliament was dissolved by Commission of Loan and such as refused imprisoned some to Death great Sums of Money required by Privy Seals Excise the Petition of Right blasted 8. The Parliament dissolved 4 Caroli imprisoning some Members fining them and others Sir Francis Barington died in Prison whose bloud still cries for vengeance of those Ministers of State The publishing of false and scandalous Declarations against the Parliament And afterwards Injustice Oppression and Violence broke in The enlargements of Forests contrary to Charta de Foresta Coat and Conduct Money c. And then the Remonstrance ravels into all the particular pretended Designs corrupt Councils and the effects of what ever happened or usually doth happen in any Nation of Government even to Clerks of the Market and Commissions of Sewers Brass Farthings Projects Monopolies c. Then upon all the mis-actions of Courts of Iudicature Council-Table and all And principally against Bishops and their Proceeding by all their subordinate Officers their Writings Preachings Opinions in conjunction with Papists and Prote stants in Doctrine Discipline and Ceremony And endeavouring to reduce Scotland thereto and an Army was raised against them by Contribution of Clergy and Papists the Scots enforced to raise an Army for their Defence but concluded in Pacification and throughout excusing the Scots palliating all their Insurrections as necessitated to defend themselves against malignant Councils and Counsellours calling them Scots Rebells and the English War Bellum Episcopale Then to make a progress into Reformation the Remonstrance tells us what they have done by their care wisdoms and circumspection removed some Malignants suppressed Monopolies and all the aforesaid Disorders in an instant taking away High Commission and Star-Chamber Courts c. Procuring Bills of Triennial Parliament and continuance of this which two Laws they say are more advantageous than all the other Statutes enforce And in a word what ere the King hath done amiss they are not sparing to publish it what gracious favours he hath afforded by several Bills the Parliament ascribe to their own wisdoms and promise to the King and whole Kingdom more honour and happiness than ever was enjoyed by any his Predecessours And this the Parliament instantly printed and published contrary to the Kings desire though his Answer was speedy to the Petition and Remonstrance thus in effect That having received a long Petition consisting of many Desires of great moment together with a Declaration of a very unusual nature being confident that their own reason and regard to him as well as his express Intimation by his Controller to that purpose would have restrained them from publishing of it untill his convenient time of answer and tells them how sensible he is of this their disrespect To the Preamble of the Petition he professes he understands not of a wicked and malignant party admitted to his Council and Imployment of Trust of endeavouring to sow amongst the People false Scandals to blemish and disgrace the Parliament c. All or any of which did he know of he would be as ready to punish as they are to complain To their Petition the first part concerning Religion and consisting of several Branches as for that of Popish Designs he hath and will concur with all the just Desires of his People in a Parliamentary way To the depriving of the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament their Right is grounded upon the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Constitutions of Parliament For the abridging of the inordinate power of the Clergy The taking away of the High Commission Court moderates that and if there continue Usurpations in their Iurisdictions he neither hath nor will protect them And as to the clause of Corruptions in Religion Church-government and Discipline c. That for any Innovations he will willingly concur for the removal if any be by a National Synod but he is sorry to hear of such terms Corruptions since he is perswaded that no Church can be found upon Earth professing the true Religion with more purity of Doctrine than the Church of England doth which by the grace of God he will maintain not onely against all Invasions of Popery but also from the Irreverence of those many Schismaticks and Seperatists wherewith of late this Kingdom and this City abounds To the second prayer of the Petition concerning the Removal and choice of Counsellours that by these which he hath exposed to Trial there is none so near to him in place and affection whom he will not leave to the Law and to their particular charge and sufficient proof That for their choice of his Counsellours and Ministers of State that were to debar him the natural liberty which all Free-men have being besides the undoubted Right of his Crown to call to his Council whom he pleaseth being carefull to elect persons of ability and integrity To the third prayer concerning Ireland Not to alienate the Forfeited Lands thereof he concurs with them but then whether it be now seasonable to resolve before the Event of War be seen that he much doubts of but thanks them for their chearfull Ingagement for their suppression of that Rebellion upon which so many hazzards do depend And for their Conclusion and promise to apply themselves for support of his royal Estate c. he doubts not thereof from their Loyalties to which he will add his assistance The Kings Declaration to all his loving Subjects Although he doth not believe that the House of Commons intended by their Remonstrance to put him to any Apology for his past or present Actions yet since they have thought it so very necessary to publish the same he thinks it not below his Kingly Dignity to compose and settle the affections of his meanest Subjects He shall in few words pass over the narrative part wherein the Misfortunes of this Kingdom from the first entring to the Crown to the beginning of this Parliament are remembred in so sensible expressions And that other which acknowledgeth those many good Laws passed this Parliament To which he saith that as he hath not refused any Bill for redress of Grievances mentioned in their Remonstrance so he hath not had a greater Motive thereto than his own Resolution to free his Subjects for the future And possibly they may confess that they have enjoyed a greater measure of happiness these last sixteen years both in peace
being too forward in the Fight and incompassed by the Enemy his noble Son the Lord Willoughby hastned to his rescue not staying for greater assistance than such by chance about him and were both over-powred and taken Prisoners the Father â—ore wounded and evil intreated died the next day Sir Edmund Varney Knight Marshal and Standard-bearer was killed and the Standard ingaged till a gallant Gentleman Mr. Iohn Smith instantly shot him dead and rescued it for which service he was presently dubbed Knight and Bannoret the first of that Honour and bore the Standard after and relieved Colonel Fielding with some others of quality repulsing their Enemies Horse and followed the pursuit The Foot on both sides continued hot fiering untill the Day was spent and Night five a clock parted the Fight which no doubt was fairest on the Kings side had he enjoyed the Light somewhat longer to have increased his advantage towards a Victory It must be acknowledged that the General Essex his Regiment of Foot Colonel Hollis and Colonel Hambdem's stood the brunt of the Battel most of their Men being London Prentices fresh and good Firers did bold service Among the Plunder General Essex his Waggon Saddles Cloke-bags and Cabinet were taken and therein some Letters and Papers of Intelligence sufficient to discover one Blake a secret Traitor in the Kings Court for which he was forthwith hanged in the high way a sign to all Traitors betwixt Oxford and Abingdon this Fellow had been a Merchant and for some service at Sallie in Barbarie releasing English Slaves purchased repute at home which shadowed him from any suspition to be an Intelligencer at the Kings Court to divers his Corresponds City Friends for which he so suffered After the King had given the first Word espying one to steal to the Enemy he altered it to God and King Charls The Kings Troop consisted of an hundred and twenty Noblemen and Gentlemen able to expend an hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year of their own and these charged first with much courage and so performed it that Day commanded by the Lord Bernard youngest Brother to the Duke of Richmond and afterwards created Earl of Lichfield Sir Arthur Aston commanded the Dragoons and gave notice to him the Lord Bernard how he should order his Charge which was to second him and to follow the Dragoons who beat off those that lined the Hedges having that Intelligence of Sir Fortescue's Cornet who was come from Essex's Army with assurance that his Captain would follow with his Troop as he did at the first of the Fight The Kings Army was about twelve thousand the Parliaments sixteen thousand men exceeding well armed and furnished with excellent Ammunition compleat The loss by view of the dead might be between five or six thousand between them The King certainly lost the lesse in number but the most of value men of great merit but not the most in place and Office of Command But now the question will be who had the better If you will not admit it a drawn Battel consider these particulars following The Kings design was to March on his way and Essex resolution was to attach him which he did not but rather Skirted his Marchings and gave the occasion that the King encountred him though being met he began the Challenge After the Battel the King kept the field in his Coach all that Night with great fires and the next day in the Fâ—eld Proclaimed several Pardons to such of the Enemy that would submit And then Marches to Aino the seven and twentieth of October where he dated his Proclamation of Grace and Favour to the Cities of London and Westminster The King without Interruption of his Enemy buries the dead Marches to Banbury Took the Town and Castle and they take Arms under him so then he was Master of the Field commanding his own way and doing his own work which he came about and Marches to Oxford His Enemy General Essex wheeles towards Warwick does no more and retreats to London where hâ—s Army Lodges for Recruits The next day after the fight the King sends Sir William Neve Garter Herald to Essex to exchange the Lord Willoughby Earl of Lindsey for the Lord St. Iohn Hue Bullenbroke of Bletso but ere iâ— could be dispatched St. Iohns dies by which he paies the first of his debts to his Creditors and the last debt to sin and death with the undoing of many of his Country worthy Gentlemen men bound for him in great sums of Money Colonel Essex Lieutenant Colonel Ramsey both slaine But to go on with the story The King Prince and Duke that Night retreated to the side of the Hill resting in their Coach all Night keeping divers fires but could discern but one fire from their Enemy so that it was supposed their General was Marched away untill the Morning discovered them to be drawn out and Colonel Brooks Regiment of Foot and others coming to joyn with them The King draws up also upon the Hill and about noon Essex Marches away The King at Edge-hill Proclaims his pardon to the Rebells now in Arms against him so be they will come in to him and seek it the four and twentieth of October And in Aino the seven and twentieth of October He sends his gracious Proclamation of Pardon to his Cities of London and Westminster excepting therein Alderman Fulk and Manwaring On Tuesday Morning at nine a clock the King forth with his forces faced the Town of Banbury being ready to fall on Captain Marrow who Commanded the Castle treated a while and by twelve a clock delivered up the Town and Castle though there were therein two Regiments of Foot blew coats belonging to the Lord Rochford and Peterborough and Captain Saiers Troop of Horse The Prince with three peeces of Cannon and some Foot and Horse Marched against Broughton House belonging to the Lord Say and at the first shot of Ordinance through and through it was delivered up From thence to Southampton The Earl of Essex retreated this while to Warwick and so the other way Marched to London But the Kings Forces returned to Oxford so through Abington and to Henley where they refreshed two or three daies then to Mâ—idenhead Windsor and Stains Saturday being a misty morning the Kings Forces made their Rendevouz on Hownslow Heath the Parliaments Forces being that morning drawn out of Kingston giving Liberty to the King to Command both sides of the River Thames who about eleven of the clock forced the Enemy out of Brainford but ere we go on let us return to some Civil affairs which were Acted by both parties after Edge-hill fight however controverted amongst parties Interested The King Publishes his Delaration to all his Loving Subjects after his late Victory against the Rebels on Sunday the three and twentieth of October 1642. Ascribing the preservation of him â—nd his Children in the late bloody Battel with the Rebels to the Mercy and
there a person much in favour with the King which so allarmed the Cardinal that finding him tripping in some counsel for accommodation with Spain and pressing for a peace so hatefull and dangerous to the Cardinal he was sent to Lyons with Monsieur de Thoü and there both beheaded The Duke of Bovillon was condemned on that score but saved by Intercession of the Prince of Orange who had rendered France remarkable service in Germany and so meriting no less than the saving of an innocent sufferer Thus this ambitious Cardinal choaked with the bloud of the French Peers and some coldness to him from the King took sickness and the fourth of December 1642. died His Life was like that of Sejanus their Death different this Man in his Bed who deserved violence He was born at Paris of noble Extraction took Priesthood at Rome where Pope Paul the fifth by his visiognomy told him That he should become the great Cheat of the Word The Queen Mother preferred him first to be Bishop of Laron where he wrote that Book of controversie full of wit and learning then she put him to the King and afterwards commends him to the Pope who sent him the Cap and after the famous Siege and forcing Rochel he became Commander of the King and Kingdom his policy made him ingratefull to his Mistress cruel to any that shadowed him from the Sun-shine of glory and ambition he cut off the Marillack's head and many others of the greatest eminency sparing none that opposed him pardoning none an accomplisht Machiavel if not exceeding beloved by the most zealous Protestants and hated by the most devout Catholicks His task was to ruine Lorain beginning with that of Guise and in deadly malice with Austria He was the Engine to imbroil this Monarchy of Great Brittain tampering with the Scots into their Rebellion and after with England the onely means to ruine Religion in which he observed so much setlement as that in fine it might have given a turn to the Romish And indeed he imbroil'd the World into Divisions that himself might govern by that means and thereby hath the honour of setling France by his superlative service His Life tyrannous cruel which caused him in continual fears and much disquiet He deserves a voluminous memory and he hath it made up a Medley of good and evil merit Most men expected a mighty change in that Government but he setled his Succession upon his Confident Cardinal Mazerine whom he so instructed that the work went on in the former Frame and so continues to this day But the French King outlived not long the Haresser of this his Journey to Catalonia but returning to Paris extreme sad and loth to die was forced the more to leave this life and to declare the Queen Regent or Governess of his young Son the King recommends the Cardinal to her who had received him long before This King was kept under by Richlieu who indeed did his work and made him outward glorious ambitiously hurried on to War his own good nature desirous of peace In whose time though the Hugonots were destroyed he assisted the Duke de Nevers to the Succession of the Dutchy of Mantua seized upon Lorain allied with Swede and the Protestant Princes against the Emperour and House of Austria disturbing the peace of all Europe In these great men ends this Year We begin this Year 1643. with a Treaty of peace for in truth honest men and wise men were weary of War and therefore Sir Benjamin Rudyerd said well in a Speech when he told the Parliament in February last The War would soon ruine all He did verily believe said he That the Vote already pass'd For the Disbanding the Armies the next Moneth will finde us no farther on our way than where we now are besides the ill Accidents thaâ— may happen and so much precious time spent as till then The main Business is whether we shall have a present Treaty or no and this concerns us in all that we have and Are. Since we refused a Treaty at Nottingham I do not finde that we have gotten much ground although our Army then was fresh full and full paid the People erect bountifull and forward to the War Now the Disposition of the Kingdom for the greatest part stands bent towards a Peace so that wheresoever the Refusal or Delay of the way to it shall be fixt the Disadvantage will fall on that side How clear soever the Intentions of the House are yet abroad it will be taken but as a Shew without Reality and so it will be returned upon us For the Propositions I have not known nor heard that all the Propositions in any Treaty of Importance were ever swallowed whole If some be harsh and rough they may be wrought and suppled by wise Treaters made fit for an acceptable Agreement If other be unpassable they may be totally rejected Those that are our unquestionable Rights may be so claim'd and held We have already tasted the bitter bloudy Fruits of War we are grown exceedingly behinde-hand with our selves since we began it â—f we persist there will such a confluence of Mischiefs break in upon us as I am afraid will ruine the King the Kingdom the Nation unless God be mercifull to us and do step in with a great Miracle for a little one will not serve our turn I have long and thoughtfully expected that the Cup of Trembling which hath gone round about us to other Nations would at length come in amongst us It is now come at last and we may drink the Dregs of it the worst which God divert There is yet some comfort left that our Miseries are not likely to last long For we cannot fight here as they do in Germany in that great large vast Continent where although there be War in some parts of it yet there are many other remote quiet places for Trade and Tillage to support it We must fight as in a Cock-pit we are surrounded with the Sea We have no stronger Holds than our own Sculls and our own Ribs to keep out Enemies so that the whole Kingdom will suddenly be but one flame It hath been said in this House that we are bound in conscience to punish the shedding of innocent bloud with bloud But Sir who shall be answerable for all the innocent bloud which shall be spilt hereafter if we do not endeavour a Peace by a speedy Treaty Certainly God is as much to be trusted in a Treaty as in a War it is He that gives wisdom to treat as well as courage to fight and Success to both as it pleaseth him Bloud is a crying sin it pollutes a Land why should we deâ—ile this Land any longer Wherefore Mr. Speaker Let us stint bloud as soon as we can Let us agree with our Adversaries in the way by a present short wary Treaty God direct us It was sound counsel and for the present begat a Treaty
the Breaches of the State without the Ruines of the Church as I would be a Restorer of the one so I would not be an Oppressor of the other under the pretence of Publick Debts The Occasions contracting them were bad enough but such a discharging of them would be much worse I pray God neither I nor mine may be accessory to either And now dies Mr. Iohn Pym a Member of the House of Commons and a notable stickler for the Parliament he was ever observed to be an high Prebyterian in profession whose subtilty managed the most of their publick affair and ended his days when he had wrangled for the Mastery and left all in great doubt which party might overcome not without some regret and repentance they say that these Differences which he hatched should prove so desperate as he now too late fore saw would undo this Nation In the midst of May it was that Colonel Nath Fines Governour of the City of Bristol had discovered a Plot of the Inhabitants to betray the Town which after much Examination lighted upon Robert Yeomans and George Bourchier who had secretly provided themselves of Arms intending to kill the Centinels by night and possess the Main Guard whereby to master the greatest part of the other side within the Town to kill the Mayor and many others affected to the Parliament and by that means to betray the City to the Kings Forces which should lodg near hand for that purpose two miles off but the Plot pretended was discovered and those men condemned by a Council of War to be hanged This was known at Oxford whereupon the Kings Lord Lieut. of all his Forces the Lord Ruthen lately made Earl of Forth writes to the Governour of Bristol I having been informed that lately at a Council of War you have condemned to death Robert Yeomans late Sheriff of Bristol who hath his Majesties Commission for raising a Regiment for his Service William Yeomans his Brother George Bourchier and Edward Dacres all for expressing their loyalty to his Majesty and endeavouring his Service according to their Allegeance do therefore signifie to you that I intend speedily to put Mr. George Mr. Stevens Captain Huntley and others taken in Rebellion at Cirencester into the same condition I do further advise you that if you offer by that unjust Iudgment to execute any of them that those here in custodie must expect no favour or mercie At Oxford May 16. 1643. To the Commander in chief of the Council of War in Bristol Forth The Answer comes from the Governour Colonel Nathaniel Fines and the Council of War at Bristol in effect That if you shall not make distinction between Souldiers of Arms and secret Spies and Conspirators we will not onely proceed against them but others and if by any inhumane and unsouldierlike Sentence you shall execute those persons you named then Sir Walter Pye Sir William Crofts and Colonel Connesby and others whom we have here in custodie must expect no favour or mercie May 18. 1643. Nath. Fines President c. To Patrick Earl of Forth Lord Lieutenant General And so notwithstanding the Kings Letter also to the Mayor and Citizens in their behalf Yeomans and Bourchier were hanged May 30. There was a Plot discovered at London the last of May against the Cities of London and Westminster and by consequence the whole Parliament the chief of the Conspiracy were Mr. Waller a Member of the House of Commons Mr. Tomkins his Brother in Law and lately Clerk of the Queens Council Mr. Chaloner Mr. Hasel Mr. Blinkhorn Mr. White and others As for the Plot we have ravelled into the search of the truth but must take it from the Parliaments Declaration That they should seize into their custodie the Kings Children some Members of the Parliament the Lord Mayor and Committee of Militia all the Cities Out-works and Forts the Tower of London and all the Magazines Then to let in the Kings Forces to surprize the Citie and destroy all Opposers and to resist all payments of Taxes And much heartened they were by a Commission of Array sent from Oxford at that time and brought secretly by the Lady Aubigne Daughter to the Earl of Suffolk Widow of the late Lord Aubigne wounded at Edg-hill and died at Oxford the thirteenth of Ianuary This Commission was directed to Sir Nicholas Crisp and divers others This Plot was discovered the last of May. They were arreigned in publick at Guild-hall and all those four named condemned onely Tomkins and Chaloner executed the first 〈…〉 Door in Holborn the other in Corn-hill but the chief Conspirator Waller was by General Essex reprieved imprisoned a twelve-moneth in the Tower and after for a Fine of ten thousand pounds pardoned and for shame sent to travel into France The reason is much studied for satisfying the World why he the chief Actor the other but brought in by the by should receive such partial Justice because he was ingenious and confessed all and Mr. Pym had engaged his promise for his Life but certainly the most evident Reason is very apparent his great Sum of Money paid down and belike his ample confession of the particulars which the other at their death did not acknowledg Iuly 5. The Parliament having been put to it in want of the great Seal of England now at Oxford for confirmation of their Acts and Ordinances it had been oftentimes disputed and committed the making of another Seal for the use of the Parliament yet deferred the times not â—itted for so great a business the renewing of the Treaty being offered at on both sides But now the Parliament pass four Votes 1. That it is necessary the Great Seal to attend the Houses 2. That there hath been a failer of it at this Parliament 3. Much prejudice to the King Parliament and Kingdom 4. That the Houses ought to provide a Remedie thereof for the time to come Afterwards they made an Order That if the Lord Keeper Littleton upon Summons did not return with the great Seal within fourteen days he should lose his Place and whatever should be sealed therewith by him after that time should be null and vacate in Law A worthy Member desired the Serjeant at Law that ordered the Ordinance not to wade too far in the business before he did consult the Statute of 25 Edward 3. where Counterfeiting the Great Seal is declared high Treason To which the Serjeant replied That he purposed not to counterfeit the old Seal but to make a new Indeed the Parliament being the highest Court and Council had shewn their legislative power by passing Ordinances without the Kings assent to binde the Subject in the exercise of the Militia and that there wanted nothing but the executive part with a Great Seal for the administring justice in all Courts of Law and Equity which would sufficiently declare their power in all necessary Incidents of that supreme Council That since inferiour Courts had their proper Seals the
as many or if you shall finde that any way inconvenient to come in person that then your Lordship will appoint such or so many to meet with the like number from hence that may consider of all means possible to reconcile these unhappie Differences and misâ—understandings that have so long afflicted this Kingdom And for the securitie of your Lordship and those that shall come with and be imploied by your Lordship we do engage our Faith and Honour and do expect the same from your Lordship desiring withall your speedie Answer which must be a Guide to our Proceedings concluding that if this shall be refused we shall hold our selves justified before God and Men whatsoever shall be the Success so we rest From the Armie Aug. 8. 1644. Your Lordships humble Servants Maurice Thomas Wentworth Lindsey Lord Hopâ—on Nothampton Cleveland Thomas Blagge Joseph Bamfield Anthony Thelwel John Owen Thomas Stradling Robert Howard John Stocker Edward Porter Gilbert Armstrong Richard Nevil Thomas Pigot John Brown Ad. Scroop Amy Polard James Hamilton Richard Thornhill John Toping James Dundasse Giles Strangways R. Smith Ja. Cary Brainford Piercy Jacob Ashley Richard Cave Bernard Stuart Bernard Astley Theophilus Gilby William Leighton William Murrey Thomas Blackwell Thomas Bellingham Richard Page Bar. Jenkins Henry Miller Richard Fielding Thomas Weston Paul Smith G. Mouldsworth Phil. Honywood Thomas Culpeper William Leak Jo. Lunther Jo. Monk Cha. Fawlk Richard Samuel Arthur Slingsby George Goring Joseph Wagstaff Thomas Basset Charls Lloyd George Lisley William St. Leager Henry Lundsford Barth Pell Henry Shelley Thomas Paulet Thomas Kirton Anthony Brocher Devery Leigh David Stringer Ja. Mowbray Charls Compton Edward Not Alexander Standish Jo. Rideck Jo. Stuart Jo. Gambling Jo. Greenvile Arthur Henningham Ja. Haswith W. Maxwel And after his defeating Essex in Cornwall he writes from Tavestock To the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament C. R. It having pleased God in so eminent a manner lately to bless our Armies in these parts with success we do not so much joy in that blessing for any other consideration as for the hopes we have it may be a means to make others lay to heart as we do the miseries brought and continued upon our Kingdoms by this unnatural VVar and that it may open your ears and dispose your minde to imbrace those Offers of Peace and Reconciliation which have been so often and earnestly made unto you by us and from the constant and firm endeavours of which we are resolved never to desist in pursuance whereof we do upon this occasion conjure you to take into consideration our too long neglected Message of the fourth of July from Evesham which we again renew unto you and that you will speedily send such an Answer thereunto as may shew unto our poor Subjects some light of Deliverance from their present calamities by a happie Accommodation toward which we do here engage the word of a King to make good all these things which we have therein promised and really to endeavour a happie conclusion of this Treatie And so God direct you in the waies of Peace Given at our Court at Tavestock Sept. 8. 1644. These Messages were in his Marches the like he continues at his Return and setling at Oxford often times ere he could procure a Treaty as in dâ—e place here after in Ianuarie But as yet no endeavours of his could prevail and it hath been urged the jealousie of mutual confidence in eithers performance certainly the mystery was whether the King should trust to Essex and his Army or Essex to his and the difficulty might be how to advise in either It was said that Essex made some Overtures fair enough but how secure I shall not conclude Essex had it expresse in his Commission To take the King from his evil Counsel he urged therefore to be voluntarily trusted with the Kings person and the Kings Army to disband upon this assurance that then his Army being on foot he would not disband untill all things were performed to the general content and peace of the Kingdom So then the difficulty how to do what each party desired to be done kept on the War to the destruction of all Besides there was a providence or fate as we say therein which the Lord Digbie in a Letter calls His superstitious Observation concerning the hand of God in the cause of the Earl of Strafford 's death And the King from thence inferres in a Letter to the Queen That nothing can be more evident than that Strafford 's innocent bloud hath been one of the greatest causes of Gods just Iudgments upon this Nation by a furious Civil War Both sides hitherto being almost equally punished as being in a manner equally guilty but now this last crying blâ—ud being totally theirs I believe it is no presumption hereafter to hope that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them and lighter upon us looking now upon our Cause having passed by our Fault The Estates of the Netherlands had sent their Ambassadours to the Parliament but not well instructed how to make their Address it took up some time for them to have new Instructions both for the Title of their Letters and Commissions from their Masters And so after these circumstances were setled they had Audience and being the first Address of note the Parliament referred it to a Committees direction which was upon the twelfth of Iulie the Master of the Ceremonies conducted them to both Houses apart and Chairs of State were set up for their repose one in the withdrawing Room by the House of Lords the other in the inner Chamber of the Court of VVards by the Commons where reposing a while they were brought to each House delivering their Embassie first in French and after in English in effect That the high and mightie States of the United Provinces had sent them to declare their earnest desire they had to interpose and mediate a Reconciliation of the Difference between the King and Parliament of England for which purpose they had already addressed themselves to his Majestie and were now come to declare it to the Parliament They further insisting upon the great effusion of Protestant bloud both in England and Ireland as a presaging inducement of their Desires to have a Peace accorded between the King and Parliament that so they might concur together for the Extirpation of Poperie and setling of the Protestant Religion in all the three Kingdoms and with the assistance of the States to defend it against all foreign powers The Ambassadours had received Letters from the Kings Court at Oxford intimating the Kings Successes in the North which the Parliament desired to correct and to evidence their Victories eight and fourty Colours of Horse and Foot were received from their Northern Commanders the Scots General the Lord Fairfax and his Son Sir Thomas and lay in their view in the House of Commons which was no otherwise resented than that they might as well have made the number
little darknesse upon nature but thou by thy mercies and passion hast broke through the jawes of death So Lord receive my soul and have mercie upon me and blesse this Kingdom with peace and plenty and with brotherly love and charity that there may not be this effusion of Christian blood amongst them for Iesus Christ his sake if it be thy will Then laying his head upon the Block and praying silently to himself he said aloud Lord receive my soul which was the signal to the Executioner who very dexterously did his Office at a blow This one Note I may not forget as a truth from an Honourable person then present upon the Scaffold that though the Chinks were stopped yet there remained a small hole from a knot in the midst of a Board and in which his finger of the right hand happened to fall into and to stop that also that his desire might be fulfilled lest his blood might descend on the peoples head his soul ascending to Heaven and leaving his body on the Scaffold to the care of men imbalming it with their tears His body was accompanied to the earth afterwards with great multitudes of people whom love had drawn together to perform that Office and decently Interred in the Church of Allhallows-Barking a Church of his own Patronage and jurisdiction according to the Rites and â—eremonies of the Church England He deserved that honour at his death being the greatest Champion of the Common Prayer Book whilst he lived Nor need Posterity take care to provide his Monument It being well observed by Sir Edward Deering He who threw the first stone at him that St Pauls Church will be his principal Monument and his own Book against the Iesuite his lasting Epitaph and so I leave him to that comfort which the Psalmist gives him The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance and shall not be affraid of any evil report Psal. 112. 6 7. Take this though for the present Thy brave attempt on Pauls in time to come Shall be a Monument beyond a Tombe Thy Book shall be thy Statua where we finde The Image of thy Nobler part thy Minde Thy Name shall be thy Epitaph and he Who hears or reads of That shall publish Thee The Kings Party had Garisoned a repaired Castle at the Devises and Colonel Devereux had a Garison at Roudon House between the Devises and Malmsburie being set upon and Besieged Colonel Stephens in Wiltshire newly made by the Parliament Governour of Beverston Castle was willing to give aide to the Besieged at Roudon and sets upon the Besiegers with three Troopes of his own and some Malmsburie Foot without staying for Devereux assistance broke through the Cavaliers and Relieves the House with Provision and Powder and alighting would needs eate and refresh himself with his friends giving time to the Cavaliers Party to Rally and cast up a Brestwork before the passage and so he with 1400. Horse and Foot cooped up all together and so the Besieged more straitned then before News gets to Glocester from whence comes sixty Horse well commanded and were to joyn with one hundred Horse and Dragoons from Malmsburie to break through the Cavaliers and these added to the four hundred and thirty within the House were conceived to force a Passage through the first Sconce But then comes Sir Iacob Ashlie with three thousand Massie raises the County about Strodewater doing what he could to face the Garison at Cirencester and to divert the danger of the Besiegers but nothing prevailed and so they were faine to Surrender upon bad quarter The Cavaliers grow strong on all sides and a stream of ill success rushes in upon their enemies upon Colonel Hopton having raised sixty Horse and fourty Foot Garisoned Castle-ditch near Lidburie in Herefordshire a Party from thence of three hundred Horse and Foot in twenty four houres took him Horse and Foot Prisoners to Hereford Sir Iohn Winter hath Guards set round about upon him to straiten his Garison his own House in the Forest of Deane but they break out through all those Guards and joyn with a Party of Foot from Cheystow which Landed at Lancaught intending to make good the Passe over Wye and so to issue out of Wales at pleasure To oppose them all the Guards drew together thither Sir Iohn violently charged the Forlorn of Foot who gave back to let in their Foot and so both Horse and Foot fell upon him some were slain Colonel Gamne and Vangerris Colonel Pore of Berkley Castle drowned but Sir Iohn and his escaped being the industrious enemy to all his Parliament neighbours These things happened the latter end of the year February about the time of surprizing Shrewsburie by the Parliament Prince Rupert falls back out of Shropshire and comes upon Herefordshire with all his Army the greatest in the Kingdom being a confluence of these Forces his own formerly Prince Maurice Colonel Gerard Lord Hastings Lord Ashlie and Sir Marmaduke Langdale and yet impresse more men in aboundance in all the neighbouring Counties with store of Arms necessity casting them in such waies of violence and coercive power prest-men of suspected fidelity and lesse value often deceiving them in Battle yet the King was forced to these waies for conducing to the sudden forming of an Army when the Kings affairs became desperate and so thrust in with the old Volunteers made up the bulk of a great Body when the Parliament had no such necessity to enforce rather a more cunning way to win upon that party the City of London being the undrained Magazine of Men and Money the common Asse that bare the burden and so ends this year A continuance of the brief Narrative of the Kings Affairs Military in Scotland under Conduct of the Marquesse of Montrose Montrose with considerable Forces enters Scotland 13. April 1644. comes to Dunfrize seises that Town expecting Antrims Irish but being there in some danger returns to Carlisle with his men for the Earl of Calander had raised a new Army in Scotland to second General Leslie in England and now besieging York Montrose having beaten a Garison out of Morpith pillaged the Castle and took a Fort at the mouth of Tine He plentifully sent Victuals to Newcastle which come from Almwick And is now sent for by Prince Rupert then in his way to raise the siege of Yorke but could not possible get to him till the retreat from that unfortunate Battle of Marston-moor and so returned back to Carlisle with a few but faithful gallant men He sends the Lord Oglebie and Sir William Rollock into the heart of Scotland in disguise who return with sad news that all Strengths in Scotland were possessed by the Covenanters The Earl of Traquair contrary to his Oaths and promises to the King was an Agent for the Covenanters Yet this man was more in the Kings Favour then any Scotish except the Hamiltons Montrose in these Difficulties sends Oglebey with his earnest
the King but Cromwel pursues them thither and by Treaty had the House and Garison rendered up to him upon Articles with all the Powder Amunition and Armes and seventy two Horse 24. April and this the first successe of the new Model This so sudden surrender startled those at Oxford and the Colonel was call'd to a Council of war condemned to be shot to death which he took with patience and courage clearly excusing himself not to be able to hold out against so great a Power and being besides over-swayed by the pewling tears of some Ladies got thither in a visit of his fair Bedfellow-Bride However his hopeful years so soon blossomed was presently resented by the King who graciously provided for his Widow and blamed Prince Ruperts malicious instigating with devised reasons to hasten the execution thus presently repented The Town of Taunton closely besieged by Greenvile Goring and Hopton for the King and lately have taken Colonel Pophams House and Garison at Willington by Storm fifty slain with a hundred and fifty Prisoners and much Amunition and Plunder The Scots not as yet marching Southwards and the General Fairfax not yet forwarded fit for the Field Indeed Cromwel was now returned from the West and lay surrounding Oxford and thereabouts with a Party of Horse fell upon Sir Henry Vavisor quartered neer Bampton Bush and surprized him and his whole Party one Colonel two Lieutenant Colonels a Major five Captains eight Lieutenants eight Ensignes Doctor Dunch a Divine twenty Serjeants two hundred and thirty Prisoners two hundred Arms and much Amunition Prince Rupert marching all night came now before Ludbury 22. April who intercepting some Scouts came upon Massie with an Alarm charging him into the very Town with whom were Major Farlow Baylie and Bacchus Kerle Gifford and More with their Forces and two hundred Musquetiers of the County 't is true they were suddenly put to it drew up at sight of Rupert came close and fought till Massies Foot might Retreat toward Glocester and the rest did little lesse then march off with hot charges wherein the Lord Hastings was slain But the Cavaliers followed the Retreat of the other whose Horse left the Foot to mercy and many cut off two hundred Prisoner with Major Bacchus almost dead and Harlow hurt Rupert had a mind to Massie and shot his Horse dead he hardly escaping with this Victory He returns towards Ludlow and so for Shrewsburie with reasonable Force neer six thousand Horse and Foot But hearing that Fairfax and Skippon with nine thousand men were marching together and onwards on their way from Windsor and Andover toward the relief of Taunton in the West Rupert Wheels off with Goring and comes to Burford twelve miles from Oxford purposely to clear the passage for the King and his Artillery to march out thence to draw towards Bristol and break into that Association and therefore Fairfax was ordered from Westminster to intrust Colonel Graves with a party of three thousand Foot and a thousand five hundred Horse sufficient to relieve Taunton and himself and Skippon to return and joyn with Cromwel and Brown to keep the King in or if abroad to attend his motion But the King with gallant Forces marched from Oxford attended on by Prince Rupert and Maurice towards Cambden and intending towards the relief of Chester his Infantry advancing after and commanded by Goring with thirty Field Pieces and other Carriages towards Worcester and pursued by Cromwel But how comes that to passe he being liable to the great Ordinance as a Member of the Commons but Cromwel was dispenced with by Order not to attend the House and to continue his Command for fourty daies longer which signified for ever The like Order for Brereton and Middleton in Chester Association and so had some others both of the Sword and the Gown the Commissioners of the great Seal and the Master of the Roles also for fourty dayes upon receipt of the Parliaments Order Fairfax returns but sends Colonel Graves with Forces to relieve Taunton and on Sunday 11. of May came before the Town with so great power that the Besiegers quitted their Trenches and marched away leaving a poor starved Town few left alive the Countrey haressed by Cavaliers and depopulated And for this and other good services of Colonel Blake the besieged Governour of Taunton he had thanks and from henceforth came into esteem both by Land and Sea but the Town was soon besieged again by the Cavaliers Fairfax is returned to Newburie and there rested his wearied Souldiers and then sits down about Oxford contracting his Forces into a narrow compasse Cromwell and Brown come to him to compleat the design being now at Maston a mile of Oxford The Garison therein fire the Suburbs drown the Medows slight the Out-garisons of Walverton and others such At his first coming and walking on the Bowling-green and viewing the Works an eight pound bullet whisked by his head and moved his Hat brims And now the States Ambassadours Borrel of Amsterdam and Reinsworth of Utrecht both made Knights and Barons by the King being sorry that the differences of these civil wars are beyond their endeavours of Reconciliation they take their leave And this Declaration sent after them from the Parliament To the High and Mighty Lords the States c. Most High and Mighty c. We the Lords and Commons of England in Parliament Assembled doe with all thankfulnesse acknowledge your Christian and Neighbourlie zeale to the Peace of this Nation by your Ambassadours for inviting our King to return to his dutie and for restoring us to a better confidence of his future carriage notwithstanding their fair intentions which perhaps being well managed might have produced better effects we may not conceale from you your Ministers grosse abusing their trust to our prejudice themselves rather interessed parties then publick Agents You have been thereby deceived and we despised and affronted by them We think fit to present these inclosed to your consideration wherein they were not satisfied to approach us to our faces and to take upon them to judge the quarrel against us except they glorie in it to make their boldness publique and increasing by the Addition of their own Authoriâ—ie other Particulars concerning these persons we have here authorized these bearers unto whom we desire credence to relate unto you and to demand justice upon them on our behalf upon the whole matter we do not doubt but you who verie well know how much more ill there is in War then in oppression will either afford your best assistance in suppressing tyrannie and preserving our Religion or at least be indifferent spectators of our labours to deliver our selves And God be blessed for it our condition is not yet so low but that we can resent if not return both courtesies and injuries which we therefore adde because we know it will be comfortable to our friends to hear and because we desire to give a
Common Enemy may yet be more honourable in the peoples eyes when they shall be called the Repairers of their Breaches and the Recoverers of their Peace Rights and Freedom And this is the prayer and the earnest endeavours of The Armies and all the peoples most faithful Servants The Agitators c. Gilford Octob. 9. 1647. The sum of the Generals Answer was That he judged their Intentions were honest and desired that every one of a publick spirit would be acting for the Publick and that he had for his part freely ventured his life for common right and freedom and should freely engage it again and referred it to the General Council And therefore according to the sence of some of these mischiefs evils and dangers the Parliament altered some of the Propositions to be sent to the King concerning the Period of Parliaments Act of Oblivion for the King and Queen waved in such others Then comes out a further Paper of Proposals from the said Agitators and also from other Agitators of four Regiments of Horse and seven Regiments of Foot joyning with them in very many particulars of Reforming abuses and ordering of the Government November 1. 1647. And in truth the Army was as sedulous in these and other such particulars as that we may conclude they were more busie than the Parliament But the Scots Commissioners here interrupted these proceedings with a Letter which they sent the sixth of November to the Speaker of the House of Commons in effect That since the Kings removal by force of the Army from Holmby and the resentment of the Kingdom of Scotland of that violent action the Commissioners applied themselves to his Majesty to shew there iâ— his usage but for his present condition he professeth he cannot and referreth us to the Parliament and Army That the Parliament by many engagements have declared to have care of his person power and greatnesse which both Kingdoms have sworn not to diminish therefore the Commissioners apply themselves to the Parliament presuming that the Army is under their command the rather because they are informed of the Armies intentions to remove the King from Hampton Court on whose safety their happiness depends and resolving that no alteration of affairs shall separate their duty and Allegiance to him to live and dye in all Loyalty under his Government Accordingly the votes of Parliament the twenty sixth of October resolved of sending Propositions to the King and therefore they desire that there may be a personal Treaty with him and that he may be invited to come to London or at least to remain at Hampton Court with that honour and freedom due to his Majesty and not to be under the power and restraint of the Souldiers and that the King be no more carried about at their pleasure These being the desires of the Kingdom of Scotland Worcester-house Nove. 6. 1647. And now the General excuses the Army promising his endeavours to settle the distempers there to answer the Parliaments desire to receive the Agitators against whose papers this daypresented to the Parliament called The case of the Army and another stiled The agreement of the People the Parliament voted them to be destructive to the being the Parliaments and the fundamental Government of this Kingdom Yet herein the Agitators continued so insolent that for example one of them White was shot to death at Ware for fomenting the said Papers Petition and Agreement The King in his late Answer to the Parliaments Propositions having therein given greater honour to the Army â—hen to the Houses he is therefore caressed by the Camp which exasperates some Members against him and plained the way for the Souldiers afterwards to excuse their not requiting him with sufficient kindnesse out of their due reverence to the Members and regard also to their Agitators of whom the King takes impressions of fear by private intelligence from the Camp who set them a work as also by some of the Members that they meant his personal danger which hazard the Commanders of the Army could not gainstand To make him more sensible it is apprehended likewise by three or four of the Kings Instruments often mixing with the Commanders and they are led into this construction That the Army was honest and more willing that the King should escape than that his destruction should happen under their Roof And by many circumstances the Kings Agents get the hint to prevent the danger by this foreign flight which yet if he did would Answer the general design of his undoing for by leaving his Government and People he should Denude himself of his Crown forsake the Protection of his Subjects and give just occasion to the Parliament to settle the peace of the Nation without him And so intricate was the Kings affairs to wade through that a confident of his intimate also with the councils of the Camp and at this time looking sadly the King told him his face presaged ill Newes He Answered Sir not for the danger but that I cannot council you Speak it out said the King he replied Sir your person is supposed in some hazard and yet because the Grandees of the Army advise your escape I am sure that their design is to ruin you by your own act My case is desperate said the King my condition in a sinking Barke no help at hand may I not leap over board to swim a shoar Yes whilst I submit my endeavours to Gods Providence I am in the best way of security Et sic fiat voluntas Dei As the scene is laid and taken the King consults with his confidents Mr. Iohn Ashburnham Sir Iohn Berkley and Colonel William Leg for his escape to the Isle of Iersey The Ship is prepared the place to Imbarke about Southampton and all things fitted his Horses are lodg'd in the evening on the other side of the Thames Hampton ferry and these men his attendants The time Friday night the eleventh of November when about noon that day a Letter of Intelligence devised by a Member to startle the King is conveyed into Colonel Whalies hands directed for his Majesty as from a dear friend Ignoto and dated two dayes before which he instantly communicates to the King and thus it was May it please your Majesty In discharge of my duty I cannot omit to acquaint you that my Brother was at a meeting last night with eight or nine Agitators who in debate of the obstacle which did most hinder the speedy effecting their design did conclude it was your Majesty And as long as your Majesty doth live you would be so And therefore resolved for the good of the Kingdom to take your life away and that to that action they were well assured that Mr. Dell and Mr. Peters two of their Preachers would willingly bear them Company for they had often said to their Agitators your Majestly is but a dead Dog My Prayers are for your Majesties safety but I do too much fear
an eclipse which oft happeneth as well in clear as cloudy daies But my now long and sharp adversity hath so reconciled in me those natural Antipathies between Life and Death which are in all men that I thank God the common terrors of it are dispelled and the special horror of it as to my particular much allaied for although my death at present may justly be represented to me with all those terrible aggravations which the policy of cruel and implacable enemies can put upon it affairs being drawn to the very dregs of malice yet I bless God I can look upon all those stings as unpoisonous though sharp since my Redeemer hath either pulled them out or given me the Antidote of his death against them which as to immaturity unjustice shame scorn and cruelty of exceeded whatever I can fear Indeed I never did finde so much the life of Religion the feast of a good conscience and the brazen wall of a judicious integritie and constancie as since I came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts of death I am not so old as to be weary of life nor I hope so bad as to be either afraid to dye or ashamed to live true I am so afflicted as might make me sometime even desire to dye if I did not consider That it is the greatest glory of a Christian's life to die daily in conquering by a lively faith and patient hopes of a better life those partial and quotidian deaths which kill vs as it were by piece-meals and make us over-live our Fates while we are deprived of health honour liberty power credit safety or estate and those other comforts of dearest relations which are â—s the life of our lives Though as a KING I think my self to live in nothing temporal so much as in the love and good will of my people for which as I have suffered many deaths so I hope I am not in that point as yet wholly dead notwithstanding my enemies have used all the poisâ—n of falsitie and violence of hostility to destroy first the love and Loyalty which is in my Subjects and then all that content of life in me which from these I chiefly enjoyed Indeed they have left me but little of life and only the husk and shell as it were which their further malice and cruelty can take from me having berâ—aved me of all those worldly comforts for which life it self seems desirable to men But O my Soul think not that life too long or tedious wherein God gives thee any opportunities if not to doe yet to suffer with such Christian patience and magnanimity in a good cause as are the greatest honour of our lives and best improvement of our deaths I know that in point of true Christian valour it argues pusillanimity to desire to die out of wearineâ—â—â— of life and a want of that Heroick greatness of spirit which bâ—comes a Christian in the patient and generous susteining those afflictions which as shadows necessarily attend us while we are in this body and which are lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our prosperity moves higher or lower whose total absence is best recompensed with the dew of Heaven The assaults of affliction may be terrible like Sampsons Lion but they yeeld much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcome them who know how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness while they may yet converse with God That I must die as a man is certain that I may dye a King by the hands of mine own Subjects a violent sudden and barbarous death in the strength of my years in the mid'st of my Kingdoms my Friends and loving Subjects being helpless Spectators my Enemies insolent Revilers and triumphers over me living dying and dead is so probable in humane reason that hath God taught me not to hope otherwise as to mans cruelty however I despair not of God's infinite mercy I know my life is the object of the Devils and wicked mens malice but yet under Gods sole custody and disposal Whom I do not think to flatter for longer life by seeming prepared to die but I humbly desire to depend upon him and to submit to his will both in life and death in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to me I confess it is not easie for me to contend with those many horrors of death wherewith God suffers me to be tempted which are equally horrid either in the suddeness of a barbarous Assination or in those greater formalities whereby my Enemies being more solemly cruel will it may be seek to add as those did who crucified Christ the mockerie of Justice to the cruelty of malice that I may be destroyed as with greater pomp and artifice so with less pitty it will be but a necessary policy to make my death appear as an Act of Justice done by Subjects upon their Soveraign who know that no Law of God or man invests them with any power of Judicature without me much less against me and who being sworn and bound by all that is sacred before God and man to endeavour my preservation must pretend Justice to cover their perjury Iâ— is indeed a sad fate for any man to have his Enemies to be acâ—â—â—ers parties and judges but most desperate when this is acted by the insolence of Subjects against their Sovereign wherein those who have had the chiefest hand and are most guilty of contriving the publick troubles must by shedding my blood seem to wash their own hands of that innocent blood whereof they are now most evidently guilty before 〈◊〉 and man and I believe in their own consciences too while they carried on unreasonable demands first by Tumults after by Armies Nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly cruel in managing their usurped power against their lawful Superiours then this the Guilt of their unjust usurpation notwithstanding those specious and popular pretensions of Justice against delinquents applied only to disguise at first the monstrousness of their designs who despaired indeed of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard till the heir whose right it is be cast and slain With them my greatest fault must be that I would not either destroy my self with the Church and State by my word or not suffer them to do it unresisted by the Sword whose covetous ambition no Concessions of mine could ever yet either satisfie or abate Nor is it likely they will ever think that Kingdom of brambles which some men seek to erect at once weak sharp and fruitless either to God or man is like to thrive till watered with the Royal blood of those whose right the Kingdom is Well God's will be done I doubt not but my innocency will finde him both my Protector and my Advocate who is my only Judge whom I own as King of Kings not only for the Eminency of his power and Majesty above them but also for that singular care and protection which he
hath over them who knows them to be exposed to as many dangers being the greatest Patrons of Law Justice Order and Religion on earth as there be either men or Devils which love confusion Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their Babel who build it with the bones and cement it with the bloud of their Kings I am confident they will finde Avengers of my death among themselves the injuries I have susteined from them shall be first punished by them who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing me Their impatience to bear the loud cry of my bloud shall make them think no way better to expiate it then by shedding theirs who with them most thirsted after mine The sad confusions following my destruction are already presaged and confirmed to Me by those I have lived to see since my troubles in which God alone who only could hath many waies pleaded my cause not suffering them to go unpunished whose confederacie in sin was their only security who have cause to 〈◊〉 that God will both further divide and by mutual vengeance afâ—â—â—ward destroy them My greatest conquest of death is from the power and love of Christ who hath swallowed up death in the victory of his Resurrection and the glory of his Ascension My next comfort is that he gives me not only the honour to imitate his example in suffering for righteousness-sake though obscured by the â—oulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice but also that charity which is the noblest revenge upon and victory over my Destroyers by which I thank God I can both forgive them and pray for them that God would not impute my bloud to them further then to convince them what need they have of Christs bloud to wash their souls from the guilt of shedding mine At present the will of my enemies seems to be their only rule their power the measure and their success the exactor of what they please to call Justice while they flatter themselves with the Fancy of their own safety by my danger and the security of their lives and designs by my death forgetting that as the greatest temptations to sin are wrapped up in seeming prosperities so the severest vengeances of God are then most accomplished when men are suffered to complete their wicked purposes I bless God I pray not so much that this bitter cup of a violent death may pass from me as that of his wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting me are sprinkled or by acting and consenting to my death are embrewed with my bloud The will of God hath confined and concluded mine I shall have the pleasure of dying without any pleasure of desired vengeance This I think becomes a Christian toward his enemies and a King toward his Subjects They cannot deprive me of more then I am content to lose when God sees fit by their hands to take it from me whose mercy I believe will more then infinitely recompense what ever by mans injustice he is pleased to deprive me of The glory attending my death will far surpass all I could enjoy or conceive in life I shall not want the heavy and envied Crowns of this world when my God hath mercifully crowned and consummated his graces with glory and exchanged the shadows of my earthly Kingdoms among men for the substance of that heavenly Kingdom with himself For the censures of the world I know the sharp and necessary Tyranny of my destroyers will sufficiently confute the Calumnies of Tyranny against me I am perswaded I am happy in the judicious love of the ablest and best of my Subjects who doe not only pitty and pray for me but would be content even to dye with me or for me These know how to excuse my failings as a man and yet to retain and pay their duty to me as their King there being no Religious necessity binding any Subjects by pretending to punish infinitely to exceed the faults and errors of their Princes especially there where more then sufficient satisfaction hath been made to the publick the enjoynment of which private ambitions have hitherto frustrated Others I believe oâ—â—ofter tempers and less advantaged by my ruine do already feel sharp convictions and some remorse in their consciences where they cannot but see the proportions of their evil dealings against me in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and toes having under pretence of pairing others nailes been so cruel as to cut off their chiefest strength The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate may be like that of Korah and his complices at once mutining against both Prince and Priest in such a method of divine justice as is not ordinary the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon them and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten and worse used Authority upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their designs against me the Church and State My chiefest comfort in death consists in my peace which I trust is made with God before whose exact Tribunal I shall not fear to appear as to the cause so long disputed by the Sword between me and my causeless enemies where I doubt not but his righteous judgment will confute their fallacy who from wordly success rather like Sophisters then sound Christians draw those popular conclusions for Gods approbation of their actions whose wise providence we know oft permits many events which his revealed word the only clear safe and fixed Rule of good actions and good consciences in no sort approves I am confident the Justice of my Cause and clearness of my conscience before God and towards my people will carry me as much above them in Gods decision as their successes have lifted them above me in the vulgar opinion who consider not that many times those undertakings of men are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperiry and applause of the world whose rise is from Hell as to the injuriousness and oppression of the design The prosperous windes which oft fill the sails of Pirats do not justifie their Piracie and rapine I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of soul to have been worsted in my enforced contestation for and vindication of the Laws of the Land the freedom and honour of Parliaments the Rights of my Crown the just liberty of my Subjects and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine Government and due encouragements then if I had with the greatest advantages of success over-born them all as some men have now evidently done what ever designs they at first pretended The prayers and patience of my friends and loving Subjects will contribute much to the sweetning of this bitter Cup which I doubt not but I shall more chearfully take and drink as from Gods hand if it must be so then they can give it to me whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against me And
as to the last event I may seem to owe more to my Enemies then my friends ' while those will put a period to the sins and sorrows attending this miserable life wherewith these desire I might still contend I shall be more then Conquerour through Christ enabling me for whom I have hitherto suffered as he is the Author of Truth Order and Peace for all which I have been forced to contend against Error Faction and Confusion If I must suffer a violent death with my Saviour it is but mortality crowned with Martyrdom where the debt of death which I owe for sin to nature shall be raised as a gift of faith and patience offered to God Which I humbly beseech him mercifully to accept and although death be the wages of my own sin as from God and the effect of others sins as men both against God and me yet as I hope my own sins are so remitted that they may be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of my death so I desire God to pardon their sins who are most guilty of my destruction The Trophies of my charity will be more glorious and durable over them then their ill-mannaged victories over me Though their sin be prosperous yet they had need to be penitent that they may be pardoned both which I pray God they may obtain that my temporal death unjustly inflicted by them may not be revenged by Gods just inflicting eternal death upon them for I look upon the temporal destruction of the greatest King as far less deprecable then the eternal damnation of the meanest Subject Nor do I wish other then the safe bringing of the ship to shore when they have cast me over-board though it be very strange that Mariners can finde no other means to appease the storm themselves have raised but by drowning their Pilot. I thank God my enemies cruelty cannot prevent my Preparation whose malice in this I shall defeat that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed my soul with my body of whose salvation while some of them have themselves seemed and taught others to despair they have only discovered this that they do not much desire it Whose uncharitable and cruel restraints denying me even the assistance of any of my Chaplains hath rather enlarged then any way obstructed my access to the throne of Heaven And for his better preparation he is a suitor to the Governour that he might have two of his own Chaplains to preach and pray with him And that he might have liberty to write to his Queen in France and to the Prince of Wales to acquaint them with his sad condition but not granted For the General hath ordered that the King be brought up with a Guard Prisoner to Windsor Castle and came to Winchester Tuesday 21. December where the honourable Mayor and Aldermen met him at the Towns end and as in duty heretofore presented him with a Speech and then with their mace The Governour of the Guard told them that by the Act of No address to the King they were all Traytors which not a little troubled the well meaning Mayor The next night Friday to Farnham and after dinner at Bagshot calling for his Coach he was told it was gone before and indeed so designed then ready to mount an excellent horse he had been newly prickt with a nail stark lame the King was troubled which being perceived a Gentleman lent him a swift Gelding but being observed the Guards were commanded for Flankers till the King came off the Downs and so he came to Windsor Saturday night 23. Decemb. Colonel Thomlingson commanding the Guards when Colonel Harrison left him And here they refuse to afford his Majesty any Ceremony of State upon the knee and hardly the Cap his attendance taken away and he clapt up close And because William Prinne of Lincolns Inn Barrester puts himself in Print the first man that brings in his Charge whether to his eternal shame or otherwise we shall give you his title wherein we finde in this case as very often in other his Pamphlets more matter in the Title Page then all that follows in the Book besides He calls it Mr. Prinns Charge against the King shewing That the Kings Design Purpose Resolution his Endeavours Practice Conversation have alwayes been engaged byassed tended to settle establish confirm Popery Tyranny Slavery in among over his Dominions Subjects People and in order to that Design End Purpose he writ to the Pope of Rome stiling him His most Holy Father Catholique Majesty thrice honoured Lord and Father engaging himself to the said Pope to endeavour to settle the Popish Religion only in his Dominions And since his coming to the Crown hath extended extraordinary favours upon protection of notorious Papists Priests Iesuites against all prosecution of Laws enacted against them notwithstanding all his Protestations to the contrary hath raised up a most horrid unnatural and bloudy War arming his Roman Catholique Subjects to Massacre Plunder Torture Imprison Ruine his Loyal Faithful pious Protestant Subjects to burn sack spoil their Cities Towns Villages collected from the Books written By VVilliam Prinne of Lincols Inne Esq. Being but a very small taste from that main Ocean of that which he hath written concerning the King and his ill behaviour since his coming to the Crown As also with references unto clear satisfactory convincing Answers unto several Objections concerning resisting censuring suspending depriving Kings for their Tyranny yea capitally proceeding against them By the said Author Thus he belches up the Charge and his proofs are plain from himself the only Author and witness directing us by his Margin to the third part of the Sovereign power of Parliaments wherein he pretends to overthrow all Scripture proofs against killing Kings and Princes His proofs against the Kings person is cited out of Prynns Popish Royal Favourite Romes Master-piece To which we refer the Reader without censuring them as some have done to be a Rhapsodie of Nonsense But then also we not to be partial refer the Reader to the History of Him Bastwick and Burton their Crimes Charge Indictments Censure Sentence and Execution And to second Prinne there follows Petitions pretended from the well-affected of the County of Norfolk from several Garrisons and other such in complyance with the Armies Remonstrance and Declarations and therein praying for justice against the King And yet not long after the 10. of Ianuary Mr. Prinne Imprints a Memento for which he reâ—uses to answer the Commons Summons untill he be sent to in a Legal way and by a lawful and sufficient Authority for he was not long before turned out of being a Member and continued now a prisoner to the Army and ever since out of date or use This man an indefatigable Author of most vast pieces in the Parliaments defence should now with others be ill intreated by their own stipendaries in the inscrutable judgement of God The appearance in Parliament is yet thin for Oligarchy gets