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A09061 An ansvvere to the fifth part of Reportes lately set forth by Syr Edvvard Cooke Knight, the Kinges Attorney generall Concerning the ancient & moderne municipall lawes of England, vvhich do apperteyne to spirituall power & iurisdiction. By occasion vvherof, & of the principall question set dovvne in the sequent page, there is laid forth an euident, plaine, & perspicuous demonstration of the continuance of Catholicke religion in England, from our first Kings christened, vnto these dayes. By a Catholicke deuyne. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. 1606 (1606) STC 19352; ESTC S114058 393,956 513

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speciall Embassadours the particular confidence that sundrie Popes had with him as may appeare by their letters vnto him his sending to Rome vpon the yeare 1123. VVilliam newlie elected Archbishop of Canterbury and Thurstyn of Yorke to receiue their confirmation and palls there for more honour and deuotion of the place and Sea though otherwise hee might haue procured the same to haue been sent to England as eight years before he did vnto Raphe Bishop of Canterbury as Florentius declareth 21. And two years after this againe to wit 1125. in which yeare the foresaid Emperour Henry died that had kept so much stir about inuestitures there was a Synod celebrated in the Church of VVestminster by order of Pope Honorius his legat Cardinall Iohannes de Crema being present President therof wherin diuers Canons were decreed and in the third That no Clergie man should receiue anie benefice at the hands of aelaie-man c. without the approbation of his Bishop and if bee did the donation should be void Which the King tooke not to bee against himself or anie way repined at that Councell gathered by the Popes authoritie neither at this Decree therof that might concerne both him his Which well declareth the pietie of his minde and what his iudgment was of his owne Ecclesiasticall authoritie deriued from his Crowne And now let vs see what M. Attorney hath obserued out of him and his raigne to the contrarie that is to say to proue his supreme iurisdiction It is but one sole and solitary instance and this nothing to the purpose as presentlie you shall see The Attorney Henry by the grace of God K. of England Duke of Normandy to all Archbishops Bishops Abbotts Earls Barons and to all Christians as well present as to come c. We doe ordaine as well in regard of Ecclesiasticall as royall power that whensoeuer the Abbot of Reading shall dy that all the possessions of the monasterie wheresoeuer it is doe remaine entire and free with all the rights and Customes therof in the hands and disposition of the Prior monkes of the Chapter of Reading We doe therfore ordaine establish this ordināce to bee obserued euer because the Abbot of Reading hath no reuenewes proper and peculiar to himself but cōmon with his brethren whosoeuer by Gods wil shall be appointed Abbot in this place by Canonicall electiō may not dispēd the Almes of the Abbey by ill vsage with his secular kinsmen or anie other but in entertaining poore pilgrimes straūgers that hee haue a care not to giue out the rent-lands in fee neither that he make any seruitours or souldiars but in the sacred garment of Christ wherin let him be aduisedlie prouident that he entertaine not young-ones but that he entertaine men of ripe age or discreet as well Clarks as lay-men The Catholike Deuine 22. Heer I desire the prudent Reader to consider how weake and feeble a battery M. Attorney bringeth forth against so stronge and founded a bulwark as before we haue set downe to the contrary wherin hauing shewed and demonstrated by sundry sortes of euident proofe that King Kenry as in all other points of Catholicke doctrine vsage and practice so in this speciall point of the Popes Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction was a perfect Catholicke Prince acknowledging and yeelding vnto him his due spiritual superiority and eminency in euery occasion as you haue heard Now M. Attorney from whome we expected some substantiall proofe to the contrary to wit that he acknowledged not nor practised the same but held this supremacy to be in himself as deriued from his Crowne in as ample sorte as Q. Elizabeth had or might haue by the Statute of Parlament that gaue her all power that had byn or might be in any spirituall person whatsoeuer c. To proue all this I say he com●●●● forth now with this one sole Charter which you haue he●●● whereby the said King as founder of the Abbey of Reading doth assure the lands and temporall possessions which he had giuen to the said Abbey that neither Ecclesiasticall nor Royall power shall take away or distract the same vpon any occasion after the Abbots death but that they shall remaine entyre and free with all their rights in the hands of the Couent Prior and Monks therof vntill a new Abbot be Canonically elected who shall haue no propriety in any parte therof but all common with his brethren in regard wherof he is willed to dispend the same religiously according to the founders meaning and intention as out of the words of the Charter it self you haue heard 23. And now what proueth all this against vs or for our aduersarie Or why is it brought forth think you For heer ● mention only of temporall matters for assuring the possession and due vse of the monasteries temporalityes Heer is no mention at all or meaning of spirituall iurisdiction And how then is this drawne in to M. Attorneys purpose We haue shewed before out of the examples of diuers Kings that founded sundry monasteryes before the Conquest namely K. Ethelbert that of Canterbury K. Offa that of S. Albans K. Edward that of VVestminster and others that besides the ordinary power and priuiledges which founders of pious works haue by the Canon-lawes which are many and great to dispose of their owne donations and to assure the same according to their perpetuall intention The Sea of Rome was wont also to graunt them authority oftentymes to dispose and ordaine spirituall priuiledges to be confirmed afterward by the same Sea as out of diuers like Charters and Graunts you haue heard which was much more then this which heer M. Attorney alleadgeth though nothing to his purpose to proue his maine proposition of supreame Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction deriued from Princes Crownes 24. Wherof it ensueth that this is lesse then nothing And if he will vrge those words of the Charter VVe doe ordaine as ru 〈…〉 regard of Ecclesiasticall as Royall power which in latin are Stat●i●● autem tam Ecclesiasticae quam Regia prospectu potestatis c. it is also lesse then nothing importing only that he both as King and founder forbiddeth all men both Ecclesiasticall and temporall to enter vpon the lands which he hath giuen to the said monast●●● either by spirituall or Royall authority euen as you haue heard K. Edgar before prohibite the like concerning the monastery of Medeshamsted founded by him Vt nullus Ecclesiasticorum vel laicorum super ipsum Dominium habeat That no Ecclesiasticall or lay-person haue dominion ouer it or ouer the Abbot thereof signifyinge in the same place that this priuiledge notwithstanding was confirmed by the Pope and Archbishop of England And the like we may presume of this other of K. Henry as also we may note the great respect that he bare euen in this Charter to the Church for that he putteth Ecclesiasticall before Royall in this affaire And finally all this auailing
benefices Per annuium baculum that is by giuing them a ring a staffe which are the ordinarie signes and markes of taking possession of their iurisdiction which though the said Princes doe acknowledge to bee a spirituall Act and consequently not possible to descend from the right of their temporall Crowne as M. Attorney would haue it yet desired they to inioy it by Commission from the Sea Apostolicke in respect of their greater authoritie amonge their Subiects and for more breuitie of prouiding and establishing incumbentes when benefices of cure fell voide and for other such reasons wherof we may read in the liues of diuers of our Kings And namelie of King Henrie the first this Conquerour his sonne what earnest suite he made to haue these inuestitures graunted him which the Pope did flattly deny to doe yea and the greatest causes of that wonderfull breach between the Popes Alexander the 2. and Gregorie the 7. and others of that age with the Emperour Henrie and his Successours were by the occasion of these inuestitures which the said Popes would not graunt Albeit I find some ages after that the great and famous Lawyer Baldus aboue two hundred years gone recordeth that in his tyme two Kings only had these priuiledges graunted them from the Sea Apostolicke The King of England to wit and the King of Hungary which perhaps was in regard that their Kingdomes lay so far of as it might be preiudiciall to their Churches to expect allwayes the said Inuestitures from Rome But yet he expresly saith that it was by Commission and delegation of the Pope Papa saith he committit spiritualia etiam mero laico ideo Rex Anglorum rex Hungaria conferunt in suis Reguis Praebendas ex priuilegio Papa The pope may commit spirituall things to a meere lay-man and this he proueth by diuers texts of law and hence it is that the King of England and King of Hungary doe in their Kingdomes giue Prebends by priuiledge of the Pope Wherby we vnderstand that in Baldus his time it was held for a pecular priuiledge of these two Kings which fithence hath byn communicated to diuers other Christian Princes who doe vse and exercise the same at this day but yet none pretending it as from the right of their Crownes For they neuer pretended to giue benefice or Bishopricke by their owne Kingly authority but only to present and commend fit persons vnto the Sea Apostolicke to be admitted and inuested therby as all other Catholicke Princes at this day doe vse yea and that this right of presentation also they tooke not but by concession and approbation also of the foresaid Sea Apostolicke as by the former examples may appeere 35. And this is so much as I thinke cōuenient to saie in this place to M. Attorneys silly instance and I haue been the longer theraout for that this K. VVilliam is the head and roote of al the Kings following and this which hath been answered to this obiection will giue much light to all other instances that are to ensue And if anie King should haue taken anie other course from this established by the Conquerour their head and origen which yet none euer in any substantiall point did vntill King Henry the 8. you may see by all this discourse that the Conquerour might say of them as S. Iohn said of some of his Ex nobis prodierunt sed non erant exnobis And so much of the Conquerour OF KING WILLIAM RVFVS AND HENRY THE FIRST That vvere the Conquerours sonnes and of King Stephen his Nephevv And how they agreed with the said Conquerour in our Question of spirituall iurisdiction acknowledged by them to be in others and not in themselues CHAP. VIII THis beginning being established in the Conquerour cōforme to that which was in the precedent Kings before the Conquest their remaineth now that wee make our descent by shewing the like conformitie in all subsequent Kings vnto K. Henry the 8. according to our former promise Wherfore first in ranke there commeth K. VVilliam Rufus second sonne of the Conquerour among those of his children that liued at his death who being named to the succession by his said father vpon his death-bed so charged forewarned as you haue heard in this verie point of honoring the Church and Ecclesiasticall power and vnder that hope and expectation embraced and crowned by the good Archbishop Lanfranke 〈◊〉 king first his solemne Oath to the same effect which his father had taken before him in the day of his Coronation he gaue g●●● satisfaction contentment to all his people at the beginning of his raigne as all our historiographers doe testifie that is to say so long as Archbishop Lanfranke liued to whom he bare singular respect loue and reuerence but the said Archbishop deceasing in the second yeare of his raigne which was about the 20. of his age the young man as thinking himself free from all respect to God or man brake into those extreame disorders of life which our historyes doe recount 2. And among others or rather aboue others in oppressing the Church holding Bishopricks Abbies in his hands as they fell void and not bestowing them afterward but for bribes and Simony And namely the Archbishopricke of Canterbury he held foure years in his hand after the death of Lanfranke vntil at length falling greiuously sicke in the Citty of Glocester and fearing to dy made many promises of amending his life as namely saith Florentius Ecclesias non amplius vendere nec ad censum ponere sed illas Regia tueri potestate irrectas leges destruere rectas statuere Deo promisit He promised to God not to sell Churches any more nor to put them out to farme but by his kingly power to defend them and to take away all vniust laws and to establish such as were rightfull And heervpon presently to begin withall he nominated to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury a great and worthy learned man named Anselmus Abbot of the monastery of Becke in Normandy who was then present in England for that some moneth or two before he bad byn intreated by the Earle of Chester Syr Hugh Lupus to come into England to found and order his Abbey saith Stow of S. VVerberge at Chester of whom Malmesbury liuing presently after him saith Quo nemo vnquam iusti ten●cior c. then which Anselmne no man was euer more constant in righteousnes no man in this age more exactly learned no man so profoundly spirituall as this Archbishop that was the father of our countrey and mirrour of the world 3. But this vnfortunate King was no sooner recouered say the same Authours but he repented himself sorely that he had not solde the said Archbishopricke with other for more money and therevpon tooke an occasion to picke a quarrell against the said Anselmus and among other things to let him that he could not doe his
monastery of Clare-vallis vnder the said S. Bernard was promoted vnto the dignity and proued a notable good Archbishop though at the beginning he being contradicted by the King had great difficulty to enter the people also being against him as well for feare of the said King as for fauour and loue of the other good man deposed and the Kings sonne Eustachius going to Yorke vpon that occasion vsed great violence and insolency and some not to be named against such as had opposed themselues against the election of the said deposed But finally the sentence and iudgement of Pope Eugenius tooke place and K. Stephen after a time permitted the other to liue quietly in his Bishopricke whereby we may see what power and iurisdiction the Pope had for such matters in England at that time And that neither K. Stephen nor his sonne Eustachius nor any of his Counsell went euer about to say for their pretence or excuse that these things belonged to the Kings authority-Royall not to the Popes tribunall 36. All which points being laid togeather and many other that for breuity I doe pretermit it commeth to be manifest that whatsoeuer actions this King in those infinite troubles fears and suspicious of his might sometymes vse for his gaine or interest or vpon persuasion of others against the Church or libertyes therof yet was his will and iudgement truly Catholike in this point nor was he euer noted for the contrary nor doth M. Attorney alleadge any one instance out of him or his tyme to that purpose And therfore shall we passe to other Kings after him OF THE RAIGNE OF KING HENRY THE SECOND Great Grand-child to the Conquerour And of his two sonnes K. Richard and K. Iohn and their conformityes in this controuersie CHAP. IX AS in the former Chapter for breuityes sake we ioyned three Kings togeather so shall we doe the like in this especially for so much as M. Attorney hath no one instance out of any of them whose raignes iudured for the space of aboue threescore years and thereby sufficiently testifieth that in this point of the Popes Ecclesiasticall authority their beleife iudgements and actions were correspondent and vniforme to those of their progenitors and predecessors as also were their lawes consequently which allwayes is to be borne in mind the common lawes of their dayes could not be contrary to that iurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome which they themselues euerywhere did acknowledge professe and practise For better declaration notwithstanding wherof we shall not omit to set downe some particular and seuerall notes as well of these Kings and their successors as we haue done of the former OF KING HENRY THE SECOND The fifth King after the Conquest §. I. 2. This King then was a French-man borne as well as K. Stephen of the English-bloud only by Maude the Empresse daughter to K. Henry the first neece to the Conquerour He was sonne and heire to Geffrey Duke of Anioy and Poytoù and a little before his inheritance of England he had the rare fortune as then it was thought to marry with the young Queene Eleanor lately diuorced from K. Lewes the seauenth of France vpon their falling out after their returne from Ierusalem which Queene was daughter and heire to the Duke of Aquitaine so as all those States of Gascoyne Gwyan Poytoù Anioy and Normandy were vnited togeather in this K. Henry and by him conioyned to England The Dukedome of Brittany also falling in his tyme to the inheritance of an only daughter of Duke Canon King Henry procured to marry the same to his third sonne Geffrey for he had foure by his said Queen that liued togeather besides a fifth that died young It was his chaunce also to haue an English Pope named Adryan in his daies by whose fauour and concession he got interest to Ireland so as if we respect the greatnes and multitude of his dominions he was the most puissant King of all that euer had dominion ouer our nation vntill that day 3. But if we respect his manners you may besides others writers read a whole Chapter in Nubergensis of the conflict combat betweene vices and vertues in him though he conclude that his vertues were the more and his vices were sore punished in him by almighty God in this life to the end that his soule might be saued in the next as the same Author writeth And to this effect was he punished and afflicted most in those things wherin he had taken most delight and for which he had most perhaps offended God as first in the alluring of the said Q. Eleanor to make the foresaid diuorce from the King of France to marry him who afterward was a great affliction vnto him for that ha●●●● borne him many faire children she set the same against him ●● thervpon the former ardent loue waxing cold between them he was the more induced to liue lasciuiously with others and ●● the end committed her to prison and held her so for neere a dozen years togeather before his death 4. His children also he couered exceedingly to aduaūce crowning the elder of them King in his owne daies by the name of K. Henry the third and giuing him in possession the States of Gascoyne and Gwyan the second being Richard he made Earle of Poitoù the third which was Geffrey he inuested as hath byn said in the Dukedome of Brittany and the fourth named Iohn for that he had no seuerall State as yet to giue him he called in iest s●●● terre or lack-land signifying therby the great desire he had to prouide some State for him And for effectuating this saith Nubergensi● which liued in that age that is to say for aduauncing his children he offered iniuries to many wherby it came to passe by Gods iust iudgement that they all at different times conspired against him For first about the middest of his raigne both the mother and the children banded themselues against him with Lewes the K. of France that had byn her former husband wherof Petrus Blesensis that was his latin Secretary maketh mention in diuers epistles that are extant as namely in one written by two Archbishops that had byn his Embassadours to the said K. Lewes to make peace but could not who discouered that both his Queene and children had all conspired against him Quid amabilius ●ilijs say they quid vxore familiarius recessit tamon vxor à latere vestro filij insurgunt in patrem What is more delectable them children what is more neere or familiar then the wife And yet is your wife departed from your side and your children are risen against their father c. And in the same epistle they counsaile him to looke well to his person for that they sought his destruction 5. And the same is testified in another epistle written by the Archbishop of Roane in Normandy vnto Q. Eleanor her self wherin he persuadeth her vehemently by manie reasons
for the indifferent Reader to consider these points following 8. First that we hauing proued the said acknowledgement in all former Kings it is not like that this deflected or went aside from their stepps or if he had done it would at least haue byn noted wherin and in what points and some records remaine therof as there doe of other points which were any way singular in him Secondly we finde this King much commended for pious deuotion by ancient writers and namely by Thomas VValsingham who in the beginning of K. Edward the first his life giueth a breife note of this King Henries life and death saying first of his sicknes and death that being at the Abbey of S. Edmunds-burie and taken with a greiuous sicknes there came vnto him diuers Bishops Barons and noble men to assist him and be present at his death at what time he humblie confessed his sinnes saith he was absolued by a Prelate and then deuoutlie receauing the bodie of our Sauiour asked all forgiuenes and forgaue all had extreme vnction and so humbly imbracing the crosse gaue vp his spirit to almightie God adding further of his deuotion in his life that euerie day he was accustomed to heare three masses sung and more priuatelie besides and that when the Priest did lift vp the hoast consecrated he would goe himself and holde the Priests arme and after kisse his hand and so returne to his owne place againe 9. Hee telleth also of his familiaritie with S. Lewes K. of France who raigning at the same time though some few years yonger then K. Henry conferred oftentimes with him about matters of deuotion and once telling him that he was delighted more to heare often preaching then manie masses K. Henry answered that he was more delighted to see his friend than to heare another man talke of him though neuer so eloquentlie 10. This then being so and K. Henry both liuing and dying so Catholicklie as both this man and all Authors doe write of him there can be no doubt but that he agreed fullie in iudgment and sense with all his predecessours as well in this point of the Popes Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction as in all others And for his obedience to the Sea of Rome it was so notorious as diuers of his owne people at that time did thinke it to haue excesse For that it was not only in spirituall matters but in temporall affaires of his Kingdome also Nihil enim saith Matthew Paris nisi ex consensu Papae vel illius Legati facere voluit Hee would doe nothing especiallie in his later years but either by the consent of the Pope or his Legat. And further in another place Ipso quoque tempus Rex secus quàm deceret aut expediret se suumque Regnum sub paena exhareditationis quod tamen facere nec potuit nec debuit Domino Papae obliga●it At that very time also the King otherwise then was decent or expedient did oblige himself and his Kingdome which yet he could not nor ought to doe vnto Pope Innocentius the fourth vnder paine of disinheritage c. So he 11. And many times elswere is this complaint renewed and yet on the otherside we may vnderstand by the same Mathew Paris who so much misliketh this ouer much subiection as he calleth it to the Sea of Rome that diuers great commodityes ensued often therby both to him and the Realme To the Realme for that the Popes wrote heerby more confidently and effectually vnto him for amending certaine errors of his then otherwise perhaps they would or could yea threatned him also with excommunication when need required Wherof the said Paris writeth thus in one place In those daies the Popes anger began to be heate against the K. of England for that he kept not his promises so oftentimes made to amend his accustomed excesses and therefore at the instance of Lautence Bishop of Ely and many other that earnestly vrged him he threatned after so many exhortations made vnto him without fruite to excommunicate him and interdict his Kindome c. 12. But yet for all this when after his Barons did rise against him and held him diuers years in warre Pope Vrban the 4. saith Mathew Paris sent his Legat Cardinal Sabinian as far as Bellen in France to pronounce there and set vp the sentence of excommunication against the said Barons who being in armes permitted him not to enter the portes of England but yet not long after by the said Vrban his meanes and Pope Clement the 4. that succeeded him peace followed againe in the said Realme after many years of warre ciuill commotion with great variety of euents succeeding on both sides For that sometymes the King himself with his brother Richard surnamed King of the Romanes and Edward the Prince were taken by the Barons and sometymes the Barons had the worse and Simon Momfort Earle of Licester their cheife head and Captaine was slaine in the field and many miseryes distresses and calamityes ensued on both parts as are accustomed in warlyke affaires but especially of Kingdomes which haue their waues and turmoiles according as the winds of great mens humours and passions doe swell stirr vp or calme the same But in all this time no question was of Catholike religion in England nor any doubt at all of the distinction and subordination between temporall spirituall power and gouernment but that the one was acknowledged in the King as cheife head of the Common-wealth and the other in the Bishops as subordinate to the Sea Apostolike 13. And if we consider the cheife and most euident points wherin this acknowledgement is seen and to be obserued they are these in effect First and principally for all points of saith and beleife which points were not receiued in England nor other wise then they came authorized and allowed by the said Sea Apostolike And secondly for matters of manners in like form if any thing were decreed or ordained by the said Sea as to be obserued generally throughout all Christendome England presently admitted the same though in other matters which were either particular nationall or seuerall to euery Common-wealth England followed that which was most conuenient for her state peace and quietnes 14. And as for Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction and libertyes of the Church we se by the said Magna Charta decreed and confirmed by this King which is the very same in effect that his Father K. Iohn out of the Charter of K. Henry the first graunted vpon the 16. yeare of his raigne and confirmed againe and published by K. Edward his sonne and all his Catholike Successours that it was wholy left vnto Clergy men and to the Sea Apostolike and not taken nor vsed by the Kings as namely in all matters of Spirituall dispensations elections institutions admissions confirmation● of Prelates and the like all gathering of Synods making of Ecclesiasticall decrees excommunications absolutions indulgences iudging and determining of
iudge of such possessions as depend of legitimation we commaund your brotherhoods that leauing the iudgment of the said possessions to the King and his Courts you examine onlie the principall cause concerning the loialtie of the marriage it self and determine the same 43. Heerby then wee see first that M. Attorney alleadging this instance hath alleadged nothing at all against vs or for himself For that when the Earls and Barons refused to change the laws of England concerning inheritance vpon legitimation they said no more then is allowed them by the Canon-law it self as you haue heard And how will M. Attorney inferre of this that K. Henry the third held himself to haue supreme authority ecclesiasticall for that this must be his conclusion out of his instance or els he saith nothing 44. And it shall not be amisse to note by the way how these men doe vse to ouer-lash in their asseueratiōs to help their feeble cause thereby By the auncient Canons and Decrees of the Church of Rome saith he the issue borne before solemnization of marriage is as lawfull and inheritable marriage following as the issue borne after marriage But this is not sincerely related For the Canon-law as you haue heard putteth diuers restrictions both in the persons to be legitimated and in the ends and effects whervnto they are legitimated as also concerning the Countries Kingdomes wherin they are legitimated Of all which variety of circumstances and considerations M. Attorney saying nothing his intention therin may easily be ghessed at And so much for this matter OF THE LIVES AND RAIGNES OF KING EDVVARD The first and second Father and sonne And what arguments M. Attorney draweth from them towards the prouing of his purpose CHAP. XI HAVING now come downe by orderly descent of seauen hundred yeares more of the raignes of our Christian English Kings shewed them all to haue byn of one and the self same Catholicke Roman religion comforme also in the point of this our controuersie about the acknowledgement and practise of the spirituall power and authoritie of the Sea Apostolicke in England concerning ecclesiasticall affaires And hauing declared the same so largely as you haue heard in three Henries since the Conquest of famous memory and authoritie aboue the rest and the last of them author also and parent of all Statute-law in our Realme we are to examine now in order three Edwardes lineally succeeding the one to the other and all three proceeding from this last named Henry Vnder which Edwardes and their ofspring M. Attorney pretēdeth more restraint to haue byn made in some points of the Popes externall iurisdiction then vnder former Kings which though it be graunted vpon some such occasions as after shal be shewed yet will you fynd the matter far shorte of that conclusion which he pretendeth to maintayne that hereby they tooke vpon them spirituall soueraingty in causes Ecclesiasticall You shall see it by the triall OF KING EDVVARD THE FIRST VVhich vvas the nynth King after the Conquest §. I. 2. When King Henry the third dyed his eldest sonne Prince Edward was occupied in the wars of the Holy land being then of the age of thirty three yeares who hearing of his Fathers death retourned presently homeward and passing by the Citty of Rome found there newly made Pope Gregory the tenth called before Theobald with whome in tymes past he had familiarly byn acquainted whiles he was Legate for his predecessor Vrbane the fourth in the said warrs of the Holy-land who receaued him with all honour and loue and graunted vnto him saith Stow the tenth of all Ecclesiasticall benefices in England as well temporall as spirituall for one yeare the like to his brother Edmund for an other in recompence of their expences made in the Holy-land Whervpon when the next yeare after the said Gregory called a generall Councell at Lions in France which was the second held in that place of aboue fiue hundred Bishops and a thousand other Prelates King Edward sent also a most honourable embassage thither both of Bishops and Noble-men 3. This King Edward beginning his raigne in the yeare of Christ 1272. continued the same for almost 35. yeares with variable euents For as he was a tall and goodly Prince in person high in stature and thereof surnamed Long-shanke so was he in mynd also no lesse war-like haughty earnest and much giuen to haue his owne will by any meanes whatsoeuer when once he set himself theron though yet when he was in calme out of passion he shewed himself a most religious and pious Prince 4. Of the later may be example among other things his speciall deuotion to the Blessed Virgin mother of our Sauiour which both Mathew VVestminster and VValsingham doe recount from the very beginning of his raigne doe cōtinue the same throughout his life by occasion of many strange and miraculous 〈◊〉 from imminent dangers which himself ascribed to the said d●uotion and to our Blessed Ladies speciall protection Wherevnto may be referred in like māner the piety of the said King shewed in diuers other occasions As first of all when in the first yeare of his raigne he voluntarily set forth published and confirmed the Great Charter made by his Father in fauour of the Church saying as in the said Charter is to be read Pro salute animae nostrae animarum antecessorum successorum nostroruus Regum Angliae ad exaltationem Sanctae Ecclesiae emendationem Regni nostri spontanea bona reluntate nostra dedimus concessinius c. We haue giuen and graunted freely of our owne good will this Charter for the health of our soule and of the soules as well of our predecessours as successours Kings of England to the exaltation of holy Church and amendment of our Kidgdome c. 5. And the like piety he shewed in many other occasions in like manner as namely when he being in his iourney with a great army towards Scotland and his wife Q. Eleanor daughter to King Ferdinand the third of Spaine surnamed the Saint a most vertuous religious Lady falling sicke dying neere the borders therof he leauing his course retourned backe with her dead body to London Cunctis diebus vitae suae eam plangebat saith Walsingham Iesum benignum iugis precibus pro ea interpellabat eleemosynarum largitiones Missarum celebrationes pro ea diuersis Regni locis ordinans in perpetuum procurans The King did bewayle this Queenes death all the dayes of his life and did by continual prayers call vpon mercifull Iesus to vse mercy towards her ordeyning great store of almes to be giuen for her as also procuring Masses to be said for her soule in diuers partes of the Kingdome 6. And moreouer in all the places where the said body rested as it came to London he erected great goodly crosses in her memory Vt à transeuntibus saith VValsingham
the memorie of Queen Mar●e without mentioning her at all so could I haue done also but that my purpose is to passe through the raignes of all our Princes without ouerpassing of anie And it maie serue also to our purpose to consider therby the broken and interrupted succession of this new headshipp in the Father sonne and daughters For as the Father by his Act had contradicted all his auncestors Kings of England before him from the beginning of their Conuersion vnto his daies so his sonne though succeeding him in the participation of that act yet contradicted him in all the rest that hee decreed touching matters of religion by vertue of that headshipp after him then came th' elder daughter who cōtradicted them both and restored all to the auncient state againe wherin it had cōtinued throughout the race of al her auncestors progenitors of England and Spaine for a thousand yeares and more So as heer M. Attorneys prescription can bee verie small for so much as his whole thrid therof was broken and cut of by Q. Marie and consequently he must begin againe with Q. Elizabeths raigne as the fountaine of all his deduction 32. And for so much as Queen Marie hauing as a deuout obedient and Catholicke Princesse returned al things belonging to religion to their auncient state and cōdition wherin her Father found them and her Grand-father left them shee repealed and mortified all such Statutes of innouations and new deuises as shee found to haue been made vpō anie occasion or fansie what soeuer during the time of her said Father and brother reducing her self in obsequium fidei to the humble obedience of that only faith which had been held and practised in Christs vniuersall Church and namely also in England from the beginning vnto her said Fathers daies punishing likewise diuers of the heads and authors of those new innouations and alterations that had been made and mamely and aboue others the chiefe author and instrument of all Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterburie who entring Catholikly as was thought into that dignity was the first Archbishop that euer failed or dissented in his faith frō the rest or from the obedience and subordination to the Sea Apostolicke and so by gods iudgmēt came to bee a stange example of a miserable end to bee burned publikly for his heresies and for that in particular against which his noble and learned predecessours Lanfrancus Anselmus and other Archbishops of Canterburie had foughten most famously aboue other learned men when it first sprang vp in Berengarius the first author and inuentor therof in the daies of VVilliam the Conquerour I meane the deniall of the Reall presence in the blessed Sacrament which of all other heresies was most hatefull vnto him for whose sake Cranmer first of all declined to schisme and heresie I meane King Henry the eight yea and to himself also for a tyme after the others death as may appeare by the foresaid first Statute made cheifly by his authority in the first yeare of King Edwards raigne in fauour of the said Reall presence against the Sacramentaryes 33. All which being so euery man may behold what ground or certainty there was in those dayes or is now for men to leave the Catholicke knowne religion and cast the saluation of their soules vpon such alterations as these were For that after Queen Mary who had restored all to the auncient state as hath byn said came her younger sister Queen Elizabeth a Lady of some fiue and twenty yeares of age who by little and little altered all againe agreeing in all points neither with the one nor with the other neither with them that had made the former alterations but brought in a new and distinct forme and fashion of beleiuing worshipping God peculiar to it self in diuers points and differing from all in some Of which innouation by the said younger sister against the elder they being the only two Queens that euer haue raigned in their owne right within our land since the beginning of Christianity we shall now passe to speake a few words and so end this whole discourse of our English Princes and their religion Of the raigne of Queen Elizabeth who was the three and twentith Princesse after the Conquest and last of King Henryes race §. v. 34. This Lady being the daughter of King Henry and Queene Anne Bullen comming to raigne after the foresaid Queen Mary her sister was persuaded to resume and take to her self that supreme spirituall power and iurisdiction which Queen Mary her elder sister had refused and caused to be restored to the place and persons from whom it was taken by her Father and brother And I say she was persuaded therevnto for that it is the opinion of many men that knew her and conuersed with her both before and after her entrance to the Crowne that she had neither great desire to take it at the beginning nor opinion that she might doe it but only that she was told it was necessary to her present state at that time in regard of diuers Popes sentences past against her legitimation the lawfullnes of her Parents marriage and the pretense of the Queen of France and Scotland at that tyme vpon 〈◊〉 supposed desect to the Crowne of England as due to her ●●ough the others illegitimation 35. For remedy of all which it was made a matter necessary that she should take the said authority Ecclesiasticall from the Pope and Sea of Rome and place it in her self especially when by negociation of some that desired the change it was brought about that the Parlamēt should offer it vnto her vnder this plausi●● Title of An Act for restoring to the Crowne the ancient iurisdictiō of the 〈◊〉 Ecclesiasticall and spirituall and the act it self so cunningly and ●●●ertly penned as before hath byn said as throughout the same ●●re is not found so much as once mentioned or named The head of the Church which euery-where is iterated vrged in the Statutes that gaue the same power to her Father and brother but in steed therof commeth in the deuise before mentioned of Supreme Gouernesse with authority to visit reforme correct errors heresies c●●ses c. And al this for sweetning the matter as a man may say to this Lady at the beginning who besides the other reason of Caluins mislike reprehension therof before mentioned in King Henry the eight had little opinion or appetite of the matter in those dayes not being ignorant for that she was of excellent wit how strange a thing it would seeme in the world to haue one of her sex Supreme in sacred and Ecclesiasticall matters i● ijt ●ua sunt ad Deum to vse S. Pauls words in this case that is to say in those things that are to be handled with God for men or between God and man 36. But being tolde by some in good sadnes at that time and M. Attorney offereth to stand to it