Godfrey enjoyn'd Secrecy as aforesaid And that on the Same Day after Evening Service Mr. Michael Godfrey and Mr. Benjamin Godfrey came to their Brothers House to this Deponent as Mr. Michael Godfrey had Promis'd and then they did agree to make Enquiry at all Places where they knew the said Sir E. Godfrey did use to frequent to make Discovery of him but withal did then likewise Oblige this Deponent to Secrecy And amongst the Places where They with This Deponent did make Enquiry they went to the House of one Captain Gibbons and did enquire of Mrs. Gibbons for him as This Deponent believes for as soon as they came out from Mrs. Gibbons they told this Deponent that Mrs. Gibbons said he had not been there That Day and the same Day they went to my Lady Prats living near Charing Cross and several other Houses but could not hear any thing of him upon which Both the said Mr. Godfreys commanded him This Deponent to keep his Masters Absence Secret untill the Next Morning being Monday when they would come to this Deponent again and so they continued their Search and Enquiry after his said Master all That Day and at Night they return'd home charging him this Deponent still to keep it Secret But that Night after their Departure he this Deponent hearing of a great Funeral that was to be Next Night he writ to Mr. Michael Godfrey to know whether it would not be convenient to have his said Masters Absence Divulg'd abroad amongst that Number of People which would be there together to which he return'd for Answer That he should Divulge it at the Funeral but the next morning being Tuesday he was Countermanded by a Messenger from the said Mr. Michael Godfrey not to Divulge it till they both had Communicated it to my Lord Chancellor which after they had done he this Deponent did make known the Absence of his said Master at the said Funeral Here are Five Several Injunctions of Secrecy And Nothing to be Divulg'd 'till the Brothers had been with the Lord Chancellor Now there may seem to be Another Secret yet even in the Mystery of This Secrecy for they were enquiring after him all This while and the Town Rung on 't that he was Gone and that the Papists had Murther'd him So that the Secrecy seems to look rather toward a Concealment of their Opinion what was Become of him then to the Concealment of his Absence But it hangs very strangely together for People to run up and down Enquiring after Sir Edmundbury Godfrey and yet not so much as Own that he is Missing And a Man might as well Suppose the Publishing of a Proclamation or a Hue and Cry upon the Caution of making No Words on 't as such an Order given to Enquire up and down after him upon the same Condition which looks like a Design rather of Concealing One thing then of Discovering Another But however as to the Inquisitive Part Heark'ning after him was a Thing Natural and Proper to be done and as much as Could be done upon That Occasion Mrs. Gibbon speaks to the Same Effect Mrs. Gibbon Senior Deposeth That upon Tuesday Morning as she was going down Stairs from Mrs. Pamphlin she met Henry Moor desiring him to tell her the Truth how Sir Edmund did and whether he was Alive or Not the said Mr. Moor Swearing that he was as well in Health as he himself It was Order'd That at the Funeral this Enformant should be led to Church by the said Sir Edmund's Clark And This Enformant asked him by the Way Why he made such Protestations to her as aforesaid that Sir Edmund was Alive Who reply'd that Sir Edmund's Brothers had commanded him to keep All Things Private and Charg'd him to say so to Save the Estate Iudith Pamphlin Deposeth That upon Tuesday Morning after Sir Edmunds Going away she ask'd Henry Moor what was become of his Master To which the said Moor reply'd To tell you the Truth We are affraid he is Murther'd and his Brothers have been with the Lord Chancellor and my Lord Privy Seal about it and they are to attend the Council this Morning Mr. Aaron Pengry Deposeth That about the Time of the Prosecution against Mr. Payne Mr. Farwell and Thompson about the Letters pretended to be written to Prance upon the Account of the Death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey he This Enformant being in Company of Several Persons where mention was made about the said Prosecution one of the said Company to the best of This Informants Knowledge said That the Brothers of the said Sir Edmundbury Godfrey had been to Wait upon the late Lord Chancellor Nottingham about Saving their Brothers Estate But this Enformant not well remembring who it was that said those words and discourse about two Months since upon that account being had between This Enformant and several others in Company among whom was Mr. William Fall who was formerly related to the said Lord High Chancellor as one of his Gentlemen attending him This Enformant asked the said Mr. Fall before the said Company Whether he had not Vtter'd such or the like Words who Answer'd to him this Enformant and the rest of the said Company then present that he had Declar'd as much and would at any time Testify the same if occasion should be given or Words to that or the like Effect Mr. William Fall Deposeth That at the Time when Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Missing from his House Two of his Brothers came several times to the Lord Chancellor Notinghams and that it was a Common Talk in the Family that their Bus'ness with the Lord Chancellor was to beg his Lordships Assistance to secure their Brother's Estate in case he should be found to have made Himself away And then again there 's an Enformation of Mr. White 's the Coroner of Westminster that looks a Little This way too Robert White Deposeth That this Enformant hearing that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Missing went to Mr. Weldens to Enquire after him where he found Sir Edmund's Clark Sitting by the Fire-side in Mr. Welden's Private Room Smoaking a Pipe of Tobacco This Enformant reproving him for spending his Time There since there was such an Uproar in the Town about his Masters Absence To which he gave very little Answer And further That this Enformant then discoursing with Mr. Welden about the said Sir Edmunds Absence The said Welden said He could not tell what to think of it And This Enformant Frequenting the House of the said Welden afterward to hear what News of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey the said Mr. Welden at the last told This Enformant that he did very much suspect him to be Murther'd by the Papists And That between the Pall-Mall and Arundel-House And that if there were a Search made he the said Welden doubted not but it would appear so Vpon which This Enformant told the said Welden That if Sir Edmundbury Godfreys Brother This Enformant knowing but of One Brother had a Desire to
is no Security or Safety for the Protestant Religion the King's Life or the Well-Constituted and Established Government of This Kingdom without Passing a Bill for Disabling James Duke of York to Inherit the Imperial Crown of England and Ireland and the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging and to Rely upon any other Means and Remedies without such a Bill is not only Insufficient but Dangerous Here 's the Horrid Popish English Plot made the Ground for the Excluding of the Duke and keeping the King short of Mony according to the Intent of the Votes of Ian. 7. 1680. above-mention'd And That 's made the Foundation likewise for the Refusal in the Address before-Cited in the very Syllables of the said Address That your Majesties Sacred Life is in Continual Danger under the Prospect of a Popish Successor is Evident not only from the Principles of Those Devoted to the Church of Rome but also from the Testimonies Given in the Prosecution of the Horrid Popish Plot against Divers Traytors Attainted for Designing to put Those Accursed Principles into Practice against your Majesty There needs no Subtlety of Quirking or Reasoning upon this Case of MONY the Spite of it lying so Open that Every Common Eye sees thorough it and that the Terms the Republican Cabal Treated upon in some of those Parliaments were no other then a Tryal of Skill to see if they could bring his Late Majesty to a Composition for his Crown For the King was to have No Mony but upon Conditions of Disinheriting his Brother and more yet as I shall shew in Due Place Contrary to all the Tyes of Conscience Gratitude Iustice and Prudence And All for fear of a Damnable Hellish Popish Plot. We shall see now how they Dealt with his Majesty likewise in the Matter of Power No Power THE Power of a Prince Exerts it self in the Means of an Ample Revenue to Answer all the Necessities of the Crown to Pay his Troups and to Reward Honourable Services In the Privileges of Sovereign Authority the Love and the Reputation that he has in the Hearts of his People In the Arms of his Militia the Command of his Subjects and the Chearfull Obedience of his Friends They had allready Maim'd and Disabled his Late Sacred Majesty in the First Great Point of his Revenue That which comes-on Next is to see how they dealt with him in respect of his Power of Prerogative in General and as to his Forces both by Land and by Sea in Particular and whether the whole Proceeding was not still Grounded upon the Damnable Bug-bear of the Popish Plot. How they us'd him upon the Matter of his Credit and Friends shall come-on in due Time. But to Proceed now to an Enquiry how they handled him upon the Subject of his Prerogative First in the Case of the Earl of Danby The Kings Prerogative of Pardoning Question'd REsolved That an Humble Address be made to His Majesty Representing to his Majesty the Irregularity and Illegality of the Pardon mentioned by his Majesty to be Granted to the Earl of Danby and the Dangerous Consequence of Granting Pardons to Any Persons that lie under an Impeachment of the Commons of England Here 's the Kings Power of Life and Death shaken at the very Root and what 's the Unpardonable Crime at last but This among Others That he is Popishly-Affected and hath Trayterously Conceal'd after he had Notice of the Late Horrid Plot or Conspiracy Contrived by the Papists against his Majesties Person and Government and hath Suppress'd the Evidence and Reproachfully Discountenanced the Kings Witnesses in the Discovery of it in favour of Popery Immediately tending to the Destruction of the Kings Sacred Person and Subversion of the Protestant Religion There happen'd no Evil under the Sun in those Days but the Late Horrid Plot or somewhat like it had still a Finger in the Pye But from Pardoning in my Lord Danby's Case they proceeded afterward to a Bolder Step in my Lord Staffords and to make a Moot-Point of it whether the King by his Prerogative could so much as Remit any Part of the Sentence but Sir W. I. gave his Opinion upon 't in Favour of the Prerogative upon a very Weighty Reason This House says he lyeth not under any Obligation to Offer at any Opposition nor concern themselves herein Especially at This Time when such a Dispute may End in Preventing of the Execution of the said Lord Stafford And therefore I do humbly Conceive you may do well to give your Consent that the said Writ be Executed according to its Tenor. The Short of the Bus'ness was This Sentence of Death was pass'd in Form upon my Lord Stafford and the Kings Writ to the Sheriffs Commanded only his Head to be Sever'd from his Body Bethel and Cornish the then Sheriffs of London and Middlesex Apply'd themselves by Petition to the Lords to know whether they should Obey the Writ or Not The Lords found the Scruples Vnnecessary and Declar'd That the Kings Writ ought to be Obey'd After this to the Commons Stating the Matter under These Four Following Quaeries I speak upon the Credit of the Collection of Debates above-mention'd 1. Whether the King being neither Iudge nor Party can Order the Execution 2. Whether the Lords can award Execution 3. Whether the King can Dispense with any part of the Execution 4. If the King can Dispense with some part of the Execution why not with All Upon the Debate it was in the Conclusion Resolved That This House is CONTENT That is to say it does VOVCHSAFE and with MVCH A-DO too that the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex do Execute William Late Viscount Stafford by Severing his Head from his Body only The Story of these Insolencies will never be Believ'd in After-Ages but however we are upon the Foot still of the Trayterous and Execrable Conspiracy for the Imprisoning Deposing and Murdering his Sacred Majesty and the Raising and Disposing of Men Monys Arms and other Things Necessary for their Wicked and Trayterous Designs and Namely a Commission for William Viscount Stafford to be Paymaster of the Army HEre 's a Dreadfull Bus'ness as the Good Woman said about this same Trayterous and Execrable Conspiracy Pray the Lord it be all True at Last for the Government was Mightily off the Hinges about it and the Fountain of Mercy and Power seem'd to be quite Dry'd-up The Sheriffs were become the Peoples Officers and the Commons made Iudges of the Validity of the King 's Writ The Style of Authority was no longer We Charge and Command but Resolv'd upon the Question and the Power of the Keys dropt into St. Stephens Chapel Parliamentary as well as Pardoning Power Encroch'd upon AND that they might not seem Partial to One Prerogative more then Another They struck at the King's Power of Parliaments as well as of Pardons and finding that an Everlasting Parliament Agreed so well with their Predecessors
Otes'es Plot was We-the-Knights Plot 153. Try'd and Convict of Two Perjuries 154. His Sentence 155 156 157. A Villany and a Scandal beyond Example 157. A Dreadfull Appeal of his ibid. The Lewdness of his Life and Conversation 158. He Vows to make War against the Whore and Dragon of Rome 168. SHAFTSBURY's Worthy Men and Men Worthy 123. A Busie Man in Our Late Troubles 127. His Character Manage and Practices 128. His Chancellors Speech of Feb. 25. 1672. 129. A Great Stickler for the Test and Exclusion ibid. Inconsistent with Himself 130. More of his Character 131. The Plot-Faction Design'd the Ruine of the Late King and to leave him neither MONY POWER CREDIT nor FRIENDS No MONY 41 42 43. But in Composition for his Crown 44. No POWER 45. The King's Power of Life and Death Question'd 46. Bethel and Cornishes scruples about Executing the Late Lord Stafford 47. Their Quoere's and the Commons Vote upon 't 48. The King 's Parliamentary Power Encroach'd upon 49. Excluding and Proroguing stuck Mightily in their Stomachs 67. Address against Prorogations 68. Notes upon That Address 70. They Offer'd Boldly at the Militia and the Guards 54 55 56. Desperate Practices upon his Majesties CREDIT 57 58 59. They Labour'd the Ruine of the King's FRIENDS 60. His Friends were either Papists Convict or Reputed or Suspected Papists ibid. The Rigour of the Proceedings against Papists 61 62. The Meaning of Reputed or Suspected Papists 76. The Meaning of Evil Councellors and so of Adherents and Abetters 120. Their Proceedings against his Royal Highness Votes and Addresses against him 63 64. The Revenging Address 65. The Bill of Exclusion 72. The Exclusion would not do the Bus'ness without an Association 89. Nor Both together without the Choice of the King's Officers and Ministers and the Old Nineteen Propositions over again ibid. The Exclusion is the very Colour and Condition of the Association 100 101 102 103 104 c. A Terrible Expedient to save the Exclusion 85. The Reasons of Vndertaking This History 163. In respect of the Time 164. And of the Occasion 166. Objections Answer'd 167. THE END A Brief History OF THE TIMES c. Shewing the Pretended Popish Plot to have been quite another Thing then it has been taken for PART II. LONDON Printed for R. Sare at Grays-Inn-Gate in Holborn 1688. TO Posterity I Call these Papers A Second Part to a Brief History of the Times and I Dedicate This Part likewise to Posterity as I did the Other for the very Reasons given in my Former That is to say I reckon my Credit my Cause and my Writings to be only Safe in the Hands of Impartial Iudges The White-Horse-Consult I know is as Dead as Catilines Conspiracy and People will be Wond'ring perhaps after so many Thousand Rheme of Paper spent upon This Topique already to see the same Man go on Calculating and Harping-still upon the same Subject But let not the Reader Imagine that I am now about to Murder the Old Plot over again or to surfeit the World with a Nauseous and a Needless Repetition of things gone and past The Iuggle of the Republican Intrigue in Every Part Branch and Member of it has been over and over laid as Open as ever Day-Light and Demonstraâ—ion Expos'd any thing and so have the Practices and the Managers of the Project Neither is the Infamy of the Witnesses less Notorious for the bringing of Otes to Iustice has brought the Truth to Light and the Curse of Cain is gone out against them The Voice of thy Brothers Bloud says the Text Cryeth unto me from the Ground A Fugitive and a Vagabond shalt thou be in the Earth Gen. 4. v. 10. 12. Let any man but look about him now and see if This Malediction has not most Iudicially Pursu'd them to the Uttermost Degree of Misery and Contempt To Sum up the Whole in a Little The Cheat of the Plot the League and Addresse of the Conspirators and the Hypocrisy of the Pretext are Points made out in the face of the Sun beyond Doubt or Contradiction and the Mobile in Good time Deliver'd from the Incantation of That Epidemical Imposture But still though 't is Evident past all Dispute that the Supposed Plot it self was a Cheat and no other then a Treasonous Confederacy at the Root Yet how That Plot came first into Play and the Shamm of it to be Handed into the World and to get Credit in 't is a Question that has not as yet been much Enquir'd into though as Necessary perchance to be Truly Vnderstood as any other Part of That History And the rather for the Light it will give to the Order and Coherence of all the Rest for the Tracing of a Story step by step is the most Natural Method toward the finding out of the Truth Beside that upon an Impartial View of the Whole and of Every Part of the Matter in hand Men will be better able to Iudge which is the Right and which the Counterfeit and of the Dependence which One Thing has upon Another This is it that I propose for the Bus'ness of This Second Part and in regard that I find the Pretended Popish Murder of Sr Edmundbury-Godfrey to have been Impos'd upon the World as a Limb of the Pretended Popish Conspiracy and in such a Manner too as if the Whole Train of it were no more then the Series of One Entire Piece Concerted betwixt the White-Horse and Somerset-House I find my self Obliged to say somewhat of the Original Plot it self I speak of Habernfelds from whence this Larter Sham was taken and to carry-on my Discourse to the Rise Progress Conduct and Authority of Tong 's Narrative-Plot by way of Introduction to the Matters of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey which I reserve for A Third Part of This Little History The Subject that I am now to Treat of is such a Composition of Fragment and Rubbish that it will hardly bear a Methodical Distribution into any Tolerable State of Perspicuity and Order but to come as near it as I can I shall yet Endeavour to Reduce my Present General Purpose to some Certain Particular Heads that I may know where to find my self and what Measures to take toward the Shaping and Bounding of the Following Discourse The Two Main Pillars of the Old Cause were the Protestation that was afterwards Emprov'd into a Covenant and the Virtuality of the Sovereign Power in the Two Houseâ— These Two Fundamentalls of Popular Vsurpation by which Charles the First was Dethron'd and Murder'd were set-affoot in the Two Last Parliaments of the Late Blessed King under the Name and Form of an Association and an Another Expedient which they found out with the very Same Intent and Design upon Charles the Second No less then upon the Rights and Person of his Royal Brother Our Present Sovereign whom God long Preserve These two Conspiracies were Cover'd under the Pretended Necessity of a Common League of Vnion
the Plot-Masters had not been Conscious and thoroughly Satisfy'd that the Five Letters were a Downright Cheat they would Undoubtedly have Serv'd them up in Evidence but the Forgery was so Gross that the very Producing of them would have broke the Neck of the Whole Design for the Practice lay as Open as the Sun and out of the Power Reach nay and Possibility of any False Oath to Cover it The Party I say would have Insisted upon 'em if they Durst So that they Suppress'd them Wilfully and upon Prepense Purpose and Deliberation and whenever any man living shall furnish but the Least Shadow of any other Reason for the Suppressing of them then an Inhumane Thirst of Bloud or a Manifest Partiality to one of the most Impious Practices that ever was under the Cope of Heaven I will Submit to have Here lies a fool and a Knave Written upon my Grave-Stone These Letters says Sir William Iones in his Report if they can be so Prov'd as to be Believ'd to be the Hands of the Several Persons by whom they are said to be Written do â—ully make out the Guilt of the Writers Sir W. Iones in his Report upon These Letters with the Rest of the Evidence does yet Want a Second Testimony to Back Otes'es If he had given Credit to these Letters the Proof would have been Full. If he had but Doubted the Forgery he would have made some Essay upon Proving the Hand But out of all Dispute it is that he Desponded of them at First Sight and so they were let fall never to Rise again In One Syllable more now to Expound my self upon This Matter I speak only of those that Officially had the whole Affair under that Care and Consideration without Expecting that Other men should Divine upon Things that they were Strangers to and that lay out of their Province Here is as much said as is Needfull upon the Subject Matter of These Two Chapters That is to say concerning Sir William Iones'es Opinion both of the Plot and the Plot-makers from the Stating of the Evidence in October 1678. to the Death of my Lord Stafford in December 1680. And there is as much done as is Needfull too Since That Time to the Proving of the Whole History of That Pretended Popish Conspiracy that Cost so many Innocent Lives and wrought so much Mischief both to King and People to have been only a Scandalous Imposture Bolster'd-up with Perjury and Subornation But How That Sham came to be Started What it Was and Who was the Founder of it is to be the Subject of the Next Chapter CHAP. III. The Pretended Popish Conspiracy was a New Plot made of an Old One and Dr. Tong not Otes was the Founder and Contriver of it IT Fell-out that some short Time after the Broaching of the Pretended Popish Plot One Boulter a Bookseller brought me Tong 's Royal Martyr for a License I could not Pass it and the Bookseller went Mumbling away with a kind of Menace betwixt his Teeth for the Refusal Upon This I went and told Tong at Whitehall that I could not give it an Imprimatur and so Pointed him out over and above Certain Scandalous Reflexions and Historical Mistakes to some Unlucky Hints in the Preface that People I said would be apt to take Offence at You tell the World said I that you have with Great Care Drawn-up the History of the Old Popish Plot meaning the Bus'ness of Andreas ab Habernfeld and that shewing it to Dr. Otes who very much Approv'd of the Draught You did as Good as tell him Titus it were worth the while to know if This Plot does not go on still Wherefore do you go and put your self among the Jesuites and see whether it does or No. You say further that Dr Otes Did go among them pretending to be One of them and that when he came back he told you that the Bus'ness went-on and that it was no New Plot but the Old One Continued Well says Dr. Tong All This is True and where 's the Offence So I up and told him that it might be look'd upon as a Strange Councell either to Give or to Take The Advice Given said I is This Titus do you go over and pretend to be a Papist Take All their Oaths and Tests Ioyn with them in an Idolatrous Worship for so Tong Reputed it and Swear your self to the Devil through Thick and Thin only to see whether it be Cross or Pile This seems to Me to be the Advice Given and the Following of This Advice upon Fore-thought and Consideration may be taken for as Extraordinary a Resolution The Doctors Answer was to This Purpose God Allmighty will do his Work by his Own Way and Method This Account was Printed in 1681. in The Shammer Shamm'd p. 8. together with several Letters and Papers of Young Tong 's Confirming every Particular and though they were Publish'd in the very Heat of the Republican Conspiracy and my Name at Length to the Edition there was not One Syllable Objected to the Truth of it There was as little said too in Exception to an Advertisement of May. 15. 1682. Obs. 138. Vol. 1. Wherein was Notify'd that Simpson Tong Endeavour'd to Destroy the Credit of Otes and of his Evidence and that if any Man would Prosecute him I my self would find Materials to Proceed upon Thâ—re are Five or Six Passages in the Matter above that upon the Tacking of them together will Naturally leade us into the Train of the Story that I am now upon First It was an Odd kind of Bus'ness Tong 's Stumbling upon the Old Popish Plot of Habernfeld which was only the finding out of a Modell to make Another Plot by 2 ly What did he shew the Draught of it to Otes for but to set him his Lesson 3 ly There 's Otes'es Approbation of it As who should say I 'm of your Mind whatever it is 4 ly Tong 's sending Otes away among the Iesuits to see if the Old Plot of allmost Forty Year standing went on still or Not. Now This was not so much to Tell him what he was to Look for as what he was to Find 5 ly Consider Otes'es Adventure upon That Errand The Blockhead went first for Spain and after a while came back again not One jot the Wiser Tong finding that he was not Thoroughly possest of the Hint was forc'd to be a little Plainer with him and not only Advis'd him to go Over-Sea again but gave him the very Reason and his Business i. e. If he could but get the Names of the Jesuits Learn their Ways and make Acquaintance among them the People might be Easily stirr'd up to Fear Popery and it would be the Making of him for ever Now This Making of him Tong call'd putting him in a way This shall be Expounded by and by 6 ly 'T is Remarkable how Otes Edify'd upon the Second Handling by the Discovery he made to Tong at his Next
and keep themselves upon the Reserve Habernfeld Propounds the Intercepting of a Pacquet at Bruxelles Our Iesuits Five Letters to be Intercepted at the Post-House at Windsor p. 3. are the very same Project Habernfeld's Letters are Characteristically Written Ib. And so are the Letters in Tong 's Plot-Hand Reade is to Vncypher them p. 4. As Otes Vncyphers Forty Eight Sixty Six Ciocolatti Mum and Mustard-Balls as Reade is to do the Same Office for Habernfeld P. 4. Or if it falls out that Reade upon the Question will rather Hang then Discover more then he Knows 't is but Allowing him Thirty Thousand Masses for the Health of his Soul and All 's well again The Searching of Reades House for a Congregation Ibid was so much Out-done by Our Discoverers that for Habernfelds One Reade and One Congregation they have shew'd us Forty Habernfeld takes Great Care for fear of trusting Popish Pursuivants Ib. For which Reason the Searching of our Houses for Priests and Popish Trinkets was Committed to Otes Bedloe Dangerfield c. instead of Constables and Ordinary Messengers Habernfield Advises the Abolishing of All Bitterness of mind that the Intestine Enemy may be Invaded on Both Parts p. 4. Which Tongs Friends in the Westminster Parliament Translated into the Vniting of Protestants against the Common Enemy We shall come now to the General Overture and Discovery of the Plot Bearing date Hague Sept. 6. 1640. sent with Sir W. Boswells First Letter p. 6. and see how the Counterpart Answers it Head by Head as it lies The General Overture and Discovery of the Plot c. 1. That the Kings Majesty and the Lord Arch-Bishop are Both of them in Great Danger of their Lives p. 6. So says Otes'es Consult 2 ly That the Whole Common-Wealth is by This Means Endanger'd unless the Mischief by Speedily Prevented Ibid. A most Natural Consequence and so says the Consult too 3 ly That These Scottish Troubles are Raised to the End that under This Pretext the King and Arch-Bishop might be Destroyed Ibid. Father Moor and Father Saunders sent into Scotland to This very End. Otes'es Narrative Ar. 43. 4 ly That there is a Means to be Prescrib'd whereby Both of them in This Case may be Preserved and This Tumult Speedily Compos'd Ibid. This was the very Proposal on the Other side too and the Means found out to Save All were Swearing Iayling Drawing Hanging and Quartering 5 ly That although these Scottish Tumults be Speedily Compos'd Yet that the King is Endangered that there are many ways by which Destruction is Plotted to the King and Lord Arch-Bishop Ibid. And All is not Safe neither though Scotland were Quieted for there are many other ways Plotted to Destroy the King As Pickerings Gun Conyers'es Dagger Wakemans Poyson Invasions Insurrections Assassinations c. 6 ly That a Certain Society hath Conspired which Attempts the Death of the King and Lord Arch-Bishop and Convulsion of the Whole Realm Ibid. This same Certain Society may be heard of at St Omers Weld-House The White-Horse-Tavern and the like 7 ly That the same Society Every Week Deposites with the President of the Society what Intelligence Every of them hath purchased in Eight Days search and then Confer all into One Pacquet which is Weekly sent to the Director of the Bus'ness p. 7. Pacquets for the Provincial and Letters of Intelligence are a Great Part of the Narrative Intrigue 8 ly That All the Confederates in the said Conspiracy may verily be Named by the Poll But because they may be made known by Other Means it is thought Meet to Deferr it till hereafter Ib. Otes could have Poll'd All the Conspirators Man by Man if he had thought fit but some New Men and Things must be left for Bedloe to Discover some for Prance some for Dugdale with an Allowance to Otes for a Roll of Conspirators Whose Names do Not Occur at Present as well as for those whose Names Do Occurr at Present Narrative fol. 61. 9 ly That there is a Ready Means whereby the Villany may be Discover'd in One Moment The Chief Conspirators Circumvented and the Primary Members of the Conjuration apprehended in the very Act. Ibid. Otes has his Ready Means too for the Ordering of the whole Work in an Instant Grove and Pickering we know were to be Taken in St. Iames'es-Park and the Ruffians had been Dogg'd to Windsor as Tong Assur'd the Earl of Danby if One of the Horses had not got a Slip in the Shoulder Or at worst 't was but Picking-up Priests Papists and All Suspected Persons Plundering their Baggs and their Houses Rifling their Papers Cooping-up the Popish Lords in the Tower and then Swearing them All into the Treason 10 ly That very many about the King who are Accounted most Faithfull and Intimate to whom likewise the most Secret Things are Entrusted Are Traytors to the King Corrupted with a Forreign Pension who Communicate All Secrets of Greater or Lesser Moment to a Forreign Power Ibid. This was Otes'es Method too to make Traytors of Those that the King Accounted his Best Friends and Consequently to make Loyal Subjects of Traytors And then the Old Westminster Parliament Supply'd the Pensioners 11 ly These and other most Secret Things which shall be Necessary to be Known for the Security of the King may be Revealed if These Things shall be Acceptable to the Lord Arch-Bishop p. 7. This Article is an Expletive and Signifies just nothing for how many of these Secrets did the Kings Witnesses Promise to Reveal that never came to Light and in Truth never had any Beeing in the Nature of Things But the very Noise and Amusement was enough to do the Work. 12 ly In the Mean Time if his Royal Majesty and the Lord Arch-Bishop desire to Consult well to Themselves they shall Keep These Things only Superficially Communicated unto them most Secretly under Deep Silence Not Communicating them so much as to those whom they Iudge most Faithfull to them before they shall receive by Name in whom they may Confide for else they are safe on No side p. 8. Just at This rate were the Superficial Communications and the Injunctions of Silence in the Case of Tong and Otes and what was the Condition at last too but that the King should Trust No Other then such as the Discoverers or which is all one the Conspirators should Name As Otes Excepted to such and such Persons by Name out of the Committee that was to Examine him 13 ly Likewise they may be Assured that whatsoever Things are here Proposed are No Figments nor Fables nor Vain Dreams but such Real Verities which may be Demonstrated in every small Tittle For Those who Thrust themselves into This Bus'ness are such men who mind no Gain but the very Zeal
Cook threw the Bloud out at the Kitchin-Window Jurat die Anno supradict The Mark of John T Taylour The Enformation of Mr. Iames Cook of the Savoy c. SAITH That Mr. Lambe came to This Enformant upon Munday Morning the 30th of January Last past and let him Bloud And that This Enformant seeing the Bloud yet standing in the Porringer on the Day following One ask'd This Enformant what he meant to do with the Bloud to let it stand so long And so he took it and threw it out at the Window into the Thames And This Enformant heard that Bloud was seen upon the Wall and at the Bottom where it fell but This Enformant did not see it And This Enformant seeing People about the Bloud under the Window and Reflecting upon the Limbs that were there found bad the Cook not Wash the Porringer for People might possibly come to search about it Jurat die Anno supradict James Cooke Midd. Westm. ss The Enformation of Peter Bayly of the Parish of St. Martins in the Fields Taken upon Oath Ian. 9. 168 7 8. THIS Enformant saith that upon Monday the 30th of January 168 7 8. About one of the Clock he was in the Kitchin belonging to the Schools in the Savoy where he saw two Porringers of Bloud which he was told was the Bloud of Mr. Cook and of John Taylor And that he this Enformant saw the Cook throw out the Bloud of the said John Taylor as he was told it was out of the Kitchen Window Jurat ' die Anno Supradict Peter Bayly The Enformation of Ignatius Walters of the Savoy taken upon Oath Feb. 29. 168 7 8. SAITH that on Sunday Jan. 29. 168 7 8. This Enformant held the Porringer to Mr. Hall in the Great Room up One pair of Stairs while Mr. Lambe let him Bloud And saith That on Tuesday Morning next following he saw Mr. Allen throw out Mr. Hall's Bloud and Mr. Cook throw his Own out at the Kitchen-Window And that on the Monday above this Enformant saw John Taylor let Bloud and this Enformant threw it out of the Aforesaid Window the same Afternoon And this Enformant saith That a little of the Bloud stuck upon the Wall toward the Thames which was not brushed off till the Thursday following Jurat ' die Anno supradict Ignatius Walters There never were Two Shams better Match'd and the World could never have Furnished me with a more Auspicious Entrance into my Story of Godfrey then this of Aubry For Dennis Aubry is the Name of this Murther'd Person I speak as to the Emprovement of a Prodigious Mischief out of a False and a Scandalous Foundation Only for the Honour of This Latter the Other was much the Grosser Imposture of the Two as will more and more appear upon a thorough Perusal and Consideration of this Ensuing Treatise As to the Method and Disposition of the Matter in hand I have Divided the Whole into Two Parts and Each Part into Chapters with Contents to them that will do the Office of a Table And I have further for the Stopping of All Mouths Deposited the Originals in the Paper-Office to the End that whoever Doubts whether they are Authentique or not needs go no further for satisfaction then to the Bundle it self as it remains there under the Title of Enformations concerning the Death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey THE CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK PART I. CHAP. I. SIR Edmundbury Godfrey did certainly Dye a Violent Death and William Bedloe and Miles Prance took upon them to discover the Murtherers and the Murther p. 1. II. Why and How the Pretended Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was made a Branch of the Pretended Plot Exhibited by Dr. Tong and Titus Otes p. 8. III. Bedloe and Prance swore to the Plot as well as to the Murther p. 15. IV. Notes upon the Transition of Bedloe's and Prance's Evidence from the Proof of the Murther to the Witnessing of the Plot p. 22. V. Notes upon certain Omissions Enlargements Disagreements and Contradictions in the Evidence of Bedloe and Prance concerning the Plot together with the True Reasons thereof p. 28. VI. An Abstract of the Evidence that Bedloe gave concerning the Death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey First before the Lords House the Lords Committees and the King and Council 2ly Vpon the Tryals of Green Berry and Hill in the Court of Kings-Bench with Notes upon the Whole p. 42. VII How Prance came to be Taken-up How he was Manag'd With the Sum of his Evidence about Sir Edmundbury Godfrey and a General Reflexion upon the Whole p. 51. VIII The Secret History of Prance's Condition from December 29. 1678. to January 11. 1679. and the secret Manage of him in the Prison p. 64. IX Prance's Ill Vsage with a Brief Account of Himself How he came to Depart from his Evidence The Bishop of St. Asaphs Commission to Examine him and several Passages clear'd in the Proceeding p. 74. X. Why this History was not published sooner Their Ways of suppressing the Truth as in the Case of Brumwel Walters Gibbon Coral c. and of Encouraging False Witnesses p. 92. XI Notes upon Bedloe's and Prance's Evidence compared one with Another p. 110. XII Some General Touches upon the Character of Bedloe and Prance and their Credit in other Cases as well as This not forgetting Titus Otes p. 116. XIII The Relation of Godfrey's Murther as it stands in the Narratives and Tryals is one of the most Unlikely Stories to be True that ever was made Publique and Believed p. 132. XIV The Extreme Difficulty of Reconciling the History of the Murther at Somerset-house to the Matters of Fact as they appear'd in the Ditch at Primrose-hill and upon the Verdict The Reasons of that Difficulty and how it might have been in some measure prevented p. 153. XV. Supposing the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey to have been a Branch of the Popish Plot as it was commonly reputed If there was No such Plot there was No such Murther p. 159 PART II. THE Vindication of Green Berry and Hill upon the Ground of Sir William Jones's Law and Equity p. 163. II. What Humour was Sir Edmundbury Godfrey observed to be in upon the Morning and Day when he left his House p. 170. III. What Notice was taken of Sir E. B's Melancholy before he went away from his House and what Opinion or Apprehension had People concerning it p. 176. IV. What Opinion or Apprehension had Sir Edmundbury Godfrey Himself of his Melancholy before he went away and what was it that made him use that Expression so often I shall be the first Martyr or I shall not live long p. 181. V. What did Sir Edmundbury Godfreys Friends Relations Servants and Acquaintance think was become of him from the time of his going away to the time when the Body was found p. 188. VI. What Endeavours were used to lay the Death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey upon the Papists p. 199. VII How Matters
that by Persuasion and Promises from the Jesuits he was drawn over to them that he is not in Orders He KNOWS that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Murthered in Somerset-house c. Lords Journal From hence it appears that he had been Examin'd about the Murther and that he was now to give an account to the Lords of what he knew Concerning that Matter But when his Hand was once In he was pleas'd out of a Superabundant Zeal for the Safety of the King and his Government and for the Preservation of the Protestant Religion to Launch out into the Depths of the Plot with a New and Supplemental Evidence Wherein he says further that Walsh and Le Phaire Enform'd him that the Lord Bellassis had a Commission to Command Forces in the North the Earl of Powis in South-Wales and the Lord Arundel of Warder had a Commission from the Pope to grant Commissions to whom he pleased that Coleman had been a great Agitator in the Design against the King and that he asking the Iesuits why they had not formerly told him what they had Design'd concerning the Kings Death they Answered that None but whom my Lord Bellassis gave Directions for were to know it Desired he might have Time to put the whole Narrative in Writing which he had Begun And being asked If he knew Titus Otes he Deny'd it Lords Iournal Nov. 8. 1678. But he had a Salvo for This afterwards which was that he knew him by the Name of Ambrose not by the Name of Otes Journal 29. 1678. And such another Fetch he had in the Case of Whitebread I speak it with a Caution says he That I never heard of Whitebread that he was so very much Concern'd And indeed I had No Reason to say so because I heard him my self and could not so well speak from the Hear-say of Another Five Jesuits Tryals P. 32. Immediately upon This Evidence an Order was Pass'd to make a Strict Search for Charles Walsh Le Phaire and other Suspicious Persons c. and an Address the Day following for a Proclamation against Conyers Simmonds Walsh Le Phaire Pritchard and Cattaway as Persons Guilty of the Damnable and Hellish Plot c. Nov. 12. 1678. The Lord Marquess of Winton reported that the Committee appointed to take Examinations for the Discovery of the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey have spent Many days therein and do present the House Two Examinations of Mr. William Bedloe and some Examinations of several other Persons His Lordship said that the Lords Committees did Conjure William Bedloe to speak Nothing but Truth and he did in the Presence of God as he should Answer it at the Day of Iudgment assure All to be true he had Depos'd Lords Journal Then the Examinations taken November the 8th 1678. at the Committee of Lords for Enquiring into the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey were read Lords Journal After he had spoken to the Murther he proceeds as before to the Plot but not without Intermixing here and there a Word even in the Depositions touching the Murther that Skew'd upon the Plot too There was a Man to be Kill'd he says that was a great Obstacle of their Design And then he speaks Afterward Of the Principal Plotters of that Design against the King and so Passes-on to his Evidence about the Conspiracy under the Title of The Further Examinations of William Bedloe being Sworn at the Bar. THe Monks at Doway told him the Design he said and after Four Sacraments of Secrecy they sent him to Harcourt a Iesuit in Duke-street who Provided for him and sent him to Paris c. Le Phaire Walsh Pritchard and Lewis told him what Lords were to Govern What Men to be Rais'd Forty Thousand to be ready in London What Succours to be Expected Ten Thousand from Flanders Twenty or Thirty Thousand Religious Men and Pilgrims from St. Iago Hull to be Surpriz'd But just in the Godspeed the Plot was Discover'd Le Phaire gave him a Sacrament of Secrecy They told him Who and Who were to be kill'd and the Men that were to do the Work. Le Phaire saâ—d further that Conyers was My Lord Bellassis's Confessor and Communicated his Orders and that they were resolv'd if any Plotters were Taken to Dispatch 'em before they could be brought to a Tryal or to Burn the Prison And he Deposes moreover that Le Phaire Pritchard Lewis Keines Walsh and others had often told him That there was not a Roman Catholique in England of any Quality or Credit but was acquainted with this Design of the Papists and had râ—ceived the Sacrament from their Father-Confessors to be Secret aad Assistant in the Carrying of it on Lords Journal Nov. 12. 1678. On the 18th of November 1678. He Deliver'd an Enformation upon Oath concerning the Plot to the Lord Chief Iustice in the Speakers Chamber which was in Effect but so much over again adding only that the part assign'd him was to bring and carry Orders and Counsels and all other Intelligences from One Army to Another upon All occasions he knowing every Part and Road of England and Wales That about the Latter end of April or the beginning of May last was a Twelvemonth about Six a Clock in the Afternoon there was a Consult held in the Chappel-Gallery at Somerset-House where were present the Lord Bellasis and he thinks the Lord Powis Mr. Coleman Le Phaire Pritchard Latham and Sheldon and Two French-men in Orders whom he took to be Abbots and two other Persons of Quality but did not see their Faces and Others Amongst Them the Queen And further that Coleman and Pritchard told him that after the Consult the Queen Wept at what was propos'd there but was Over-perswaded to Consent by the Strength of Two French-men's Arguments That he was below walking in the Chappel at the Time of the Consult with others c. That after the Consult the Queen came through the Room where the Priests Dress'd Themselves and that he then observ'd some Alteration in her Majesties Council Chamber Nov. 27. 1678. And so he runs on into a Ramble of his carrying Letters for France and Treasonous Discourses betwixt Stapilton and Himself at Cambray c. All of the same Batch with the other Presently upon This Enformation there Follow'd an Address for Removing the QUEEN and all her Family and All PAPISTS and REPVTED or SVSPECTED Papists from his Majesties Court at Whitehall There is one remarkable Deposition yet behind that was taken before the Council Iune 24. 1679. upon the Subject of the Consult last above mentioned which is not upon any Terms to be Pass'd over for Reasons to be given hereafter He brings the Queen into the Plot of Poysoning the King her Husband by the Hand of Sir Geo. Wakeman And says that He Himself being the Latter Part of the Last Summer in Harcourt 's Chamber Sir Geo. came in there in a great Huff saying Why should I be so Drill'd on and Slighted when I have Vndertaken so
on the 8 th he gave the Lords Committees a General Touch of the Popish Lords Commissions Armies to be rais'd of Coleman's being a Great Agitator in the Design against the King The Iesuits in the Conspiracy c. Desiring Time to put the Whole Narrative in Writing which he had Begun Now to Explain the Amusement of This Wild and Uncertain Generality the Revelation was but of One Days standing and they had not as yet Time enough to Concert the Particulars so that the Bare Naming of the Lords and their Commissions The very Hinting of Armies to be Rais'd and the simple Mention of Coleman for an Agitator was as much as Bedloe durst venture Upon without further Lights and Instructions Coleman's Accusation was then upon the Anvil and the Plot the Ground-Work of the Whole Transaction but there was No want of Heart and good Will All this While to the Emproving of This Occasion and his desire of Time to put the Whole Narrative in Writing carry'd the very same Countenance as if he should have said Pray My Lords spare us but Three or Four Days to Confer with the Managers of the Intrigue and let us alone for a Damnable Hellish Popish Plot ready Cut and Dry'd and a Second Witness to support it This is so fair and Reasonable a Gloss upon the Text That the Lords Committees were not without some Jelousies of it even in the very First Instance as appears upon the same Journal by their asking Bedloe Whether he knew Otes or not And why should Bedloe then Deny the knowledge of him if he had not been Conscious that the Owning of an Acquaintance with him would have made the Evidence smell too Rank of a Confederacy But to Touch This Matter to the Quick It will appear by and By upon the Comparing of Notes and Resemblances that Bedloe and Prance were Initiated into This Mystery by the same Lesson of Instructions only with This Difference in the Motives to what they did that the One Forswore himself for Fear and the Other for Mony. Bedloe as I have sayd gave Evidence to the Murther upon the 7 th of November 1678. Prance was Committed on Saturday the 21. of December following for Assisting in the Murther of Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey He was Examin'd the same Night and stood stiff in 't that he knew Nothing either of the Death of Godfrey or of the Popish Plot and Bedloe was as Positive upon the First Examination that He knew Nothing of the Plot neither Now the Plot was a Thing so Necessary that the Five-hundred-Pound-Murther would not have been worth Fifty Farthings without it and though the Bait was thrown out for the Discoverers of the Murther the Anglers were yet secur'd before-hand that upon a sound Bite they should draw up a Discoverer of the Plot for the Matter being Equally Both ways a Perjury the One they knew as I have noted before would be as Cheap as the other They had both of them however only One Night and no more to Sleep upon 't And it was Impossible in that Pinch of Time to bring their Matters to Agree in Every Point like a Pair of Tallyes And therefore Bedloe was fain to Content himself at Present with a Tale of a Cock and a Bull Just as the Journal sets it forth without any Pregnancy of Likelyhoods or Particularity of Circumstances to give it Credit Now Prance was upon his Peril to speak out at Four-and-Twenty-hours-warning too for on the same Day that he was taken up and Examin'd Damning himself to the Pit of Hell if he knew any thing either of the Death or of the Plot he was Committed to the Condemn'd Hole in Newgate Loaden with Heavy Irons And for That Night left to Chew upon 't whether he would venture his Soul or his Carcass which was the very Choice Before him In This Condition he lay both of Body and of Mind till Early next Morning being Sunday when Up comes a Person to him Wholly Unknown Layes down a Paper upon a Form just by him and so goes his way Soon after This Comes Another with a Candle sets it down and Leaves him By the light of that Candle Prance read the Paper Wherein he found the Substance of These Following Minutes So many Popish Lords mentioned by Nameâ— Fifty Thousand Men to be Rais'd Commissions given out Officers Appointed Ireland was acquainted with the Design And Bedloes Evidence against Godfrey was Summ'd-up and Abstracted in it too There were Suggestions in 't that Prance must undoubtedly be Privy to the Plot with Words to This Purpose You had better Confess then be Hang'd Prance fancy'd This presently to be a Contrivance of Shaftsburyes and Design'd for Hints of what he was to Swear to Novv These vvere the very Points also of Bedloe's Depositions And as Bedloe vvas to second Otes in the One So Prance was to second Bedloe in the Other Prance Ponder'd for some hours upon the Heads of his Paper and the Circumstances of his Condition and what with the Noisomness of the Place the Cold of the Season the Weight of his Chains the Sense of his Misery Want of Health and the Dread of Death upon the laying of things together he took the right Quene and desired the Master of the Prison to Carry him to my Lord Shaftsburys under Pretence of Matters of Great Moment to Communicate to his Lordship Captain Richardson gave his Lordship an Account of it and Thereupon received An Order for Bringing of Miles Prance to Shaftsbury-House to be farther Examin'd He vvas Carry'd thither betwixt Five and Six the same Evening and there Continued till about Eleven that Night So soon as he came thither he was Call'd into a Low Parlour where was Shaftsbury and Three more And there Examin'd strictly upon the Points of the Paper and Threatned with Hanging if he did not Confess Upon these Menaces Prance Yielded and so fram'd a Pretended Discovery in Part with a Promise to speak out more at Large if he might have his Pardon VVhereupon there was a Paper drawn up vvhich Prance Sign'd and he vvas then return'd to the Place from vvhence he came By this time they had secured Three Strings to their Bovv and it is vvorthy of a Note that Bedloe and Prance like a Couple of School-Boys of the same Form had in Effect the very same Lesson given them and the very same Allovvance of Time to get it by Heart in But to come now to the Matter Bedloe was upon his Oath as I have said Already to Deliver the Truth the whole Truth and nothing but the Truth And the Lords Committees did over and above Conjure William Bedloe to speak Nothing but Truth And he did in the Presence of God as he should Answer it at the Day of Iudgement assure All to be True he had Depos'd Lords Journal Nov. 12. â—678 It was upon the same Terms too and Under the same Conditions that he gave his Evidence upon all Tryals of the Pris'ners
Folded it up which looks as if it had not been Folded before In Sir George Wakeman's Tryal he says that Sir Geo. VVakeman Fetched a Turn or Two about the Room seeming Angry and Discontented and asked Harcourt if he had any Thing for him Then Harcourt asked him how he did Proceed sayd he I don't know whether I shall or No c. fol. 31. with That Harcourt went to his Cabinet and took out Five or Six papers and brought a small Bill c. Ib. of 2000 l. Well sayd Sir George I will go and see if the Bill be accepted and you shall hear of me to Night And Bedloe met him Presently after and Sir George told him it was accepted and that he was to go in the Afternoon to Receive it Ib. Soon after This He is Call'd upon to go over with This Part of his Evidence again fol. 46. and There we have him searching among his Bags and finding a Little Note among them And the Relation Effectually to be quite Another Thing He is Now got into Clear Another story than the Two Former for there was no such Question as Have you any Thing for Me No such Peevishness or Hesitation as I don't know whether I shall or No In One Deposition Five or Six Papers taken out of the Cabinet Whereas in the other Depositions there 's mention made only of One. Nor is there any Talk of Acceptance or Payment There remains Yet Another scruple with a respect to the Timing of This action which is Never to be Reconcil'd He makes it before the Council to have been the Latter part of the last Summer i. e. 1678. That This Meeting was in Harcourt's Chamber It was I think says He about the beginning of August Sir George Wakeman's Tryal fol. 37. But being Press'd afterward by Sir George Wakeman in These words What Day was it that I had the Discourse with Harcourt and Received the Bill from him as You say Mr. Bedloe To satisfie you as well as I can I say it was the Beginning of August or Part of the Beginning I do not speak to a Day p. 40. So that according to Bedloe's Oath before the Council of Iune 24. 1679. Mr. Harcourt gives Sir George Wakeman a Hint which Bedloe Understood to be Meant of his being Employ'd to kill Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey and Bedloe looks the same way in his Evidence at Sir George Wakeman's Tryal Sir George asked of Harcourt says he Who I was Said he 'T is a Friend that hath been long Engaged in our Bus'ness and is to do the Next Great Work to Yours Fol. 37. Now upon the Upshot of the Matter Bedloe swears that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Murthered because of Tong 's and Otes's Enformations that he had Taken and Bedloe was Employed at the Beginning of August to Destroy Godfrey for having Taken those Enformations which he never Took nor ever so much as heard of till the Sixth of the Following September His Swearing Off and On in the Case of Whitebread and Fenwick was a Notable Cast of his Faculty too that is to say They being upon their Tryals with Ireland Grove and Pickering Bedloe declares that he does not Charge any Man but them Three and when he was told by the Court What he said was not any Evidence against Whitebread and demanded what he could say as to Fenwick his Answer was in These words No more then as I have to Mr VVhitebread Ireands Tryal fol. 42. But This Notwithstanding Whitebread and Fenwick were remanded back to the Goale by reason that Otes's Testimony was so Full It being Insisted on That the King having sent forth a Proclamation for further Discovery there was No Question made but that before the Time therein prefixed should come out there would come in more Evidence Ib. pag. 56. This was at the Sessions-House at the Old-Bayly December 17. 1678. where They were brought upon their Tryals again on the 13. and 14. of Iune 1679. at which Tryal Bedloe Charged Whitebread upon the Matter of the Four Ruffians that were sent to Windsor about September fol. 32. and Whitebread and Fenwick Both with being Privy and Consenting to the Practice fol. 33. Bedloe's Evidence pass'd for Currant notwithstanding his former Declaration and upon the Summing of it up Prance was also accounted upon as a Third Witness CHAP. VI. An Abstract of the Evidence that Bedloe gave concerning the Death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey First before the Lords House the Lords Committees and the King and Council 2ly Vpon the Tryals of Green Berry and Hill in the Court of the Kings Bench With Notes upon the Whole THE Body of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey being found a View pass'd upon it and a Verdict deliver'd up It Behov'd the Witnesses whether they were True or False to keep close to the Circumstances of the Fact that was before them And therefore since a Malicious Murther it VVas to be There must be some Provocation Thought upon or Presum'd Hands found out to Execute it a Place Convenient for the Action some Way or other Propos'd for the Doing of it and then some Means or other for the getting of the Body out of the Way when the Deed was done This Train of Fore-cast brings us Decently to Primrose-Hill and whether he went Thither by Horse Chair Litter Coach or Waggon it Matters not a Single Marque Provided there be a Decorum in the Story and that the Thing be done A-Gods-Name as they say and without the Help of Spirits or Art Magick to Convey him Thither The Next Point to be consulted is the Position of the Body in the Ditch The Sword the Bruises the Circles about the Neck and Finally the Linnen Cloth that he was Strangled with which will all be taken into Consideration in Due Time and Place As to the Visible Matter of Fact it stands good and agree'd upon at All hands That is to say the Death the Finding of the Body the Place where he was found the Date When the Time and the Manner of Removing it the Summoning of a Iury the View the Debate and the Verdict But for what lay out of Sight it must be left either to Further Discovery or to Conjecture Though in a Made-story as This was from the Beginning That which was well Fancy'd was well Prov'd And no doubt but Bedloe and Prance would have made More on 't if they had but been aware time enough of the Blessings Heaven had in store for them and that the Fates had Design'd them one day for Supporters of a Glorious Church and State. They made a Shift however to draw Blood and at That Time and in That Cause the Speaking Head might have done as much The Mischief was that Bedloe's Bolt was Shot so long before Prance appear'd And that notwithstanding the General Lights given to Prance about Godfrey and Bedloe in the Newgate-Paper heretofore spoken of he was yet left Miserably in the Dark how to put Things and Things together toward the Formalizing
it And this Enformant hearing it passing up and down the Stairs and at the Grate of the Lodge for the space as he Believeth of at least half an Hour And that This Enformant Enquiring what the Matter might be the Pris'ners in the House said that they were Torturing of Prance and this Enformant asked some of the Keepers likewise but he doth not particularly remember who they were only he remembreth that some one or more of them told this Enformant softly That it was Prance that made That Noise seeming unwilling to have any Notice taken of it They refusing to tell it to some Others that asked the Question The Enformant Delivers all the matters in this Enformation contained according to the best of his Knowledge and Memory Many more Instances might be added but upon the whole Matter Prance was made Guilty when he Deny'd the Murther though Innocent of it and no way to save his Life but by Confessing it whether Guilty or Not. The Pain that made him Roar made him Counterfeit himself Mad and no way but loading him with Fresh Irons to bring him to his Wits again But after all This How did it appear that he was come to his Senses again Why first he pretended to have Spilt his Drink when he had Drunk Three Parts of Four on 't 2 ly He found out an Expedient to draw-on his Vpper Stocking though the Stirrup was torn 3 ly He found that the Buckles of his Shoes were put on wrong and Presently set them to Rights again I shall lay no stress upon any Testimonials that are not Current but keep my self to the Lords Iournals The Entries of the Council-Books Enformations formally taken upon Oath and such other Evidences as Morally speaking are of Equivalent Certainty with any of the Rest. Let me not be thought to reckon any thing that Prance says of Himself among these Credible Testimonials tho Truth is Truth still Whoever Delivers it I shall only Condition that Men of Probity may not Suffer where Prance Agrees with them in the Point of Fact and This without Prejudice to the Reputation of any Man where they Differ As to the Enformation and the Enformers against Prance The Day of his Seizure being Saturday December 21. 1678. his Charge Examination and Commitment Wren 's Sham-Advice to him in the Lobby The Imposture of Bedloe's Story there and the Trepanning of him into the Devils Mouth The loading him with Irons in the Condemn'd Hole The Carrying of him to be Tutour'd and Curry'd by Shaftsbury the Next day and the Hammering of him by Shaftsbury again and other Examiners in the Prison the Day following His Perjury for fear of Death His Enformations before the Lords and the Promise of his Pardon upon That Discovery The Dance he led the Duke of Monmouth and the Earl of Ossory at Somerset-House upon Tuesday the 24 th The remanding of him to Newgate His Denyal of his Evidence to the King and Council December 29. and 30. His Raving in Newgate and Denying the Murther The Turning of him back out of a Convenient Lodging into the Hole again Boyce's coming to him by Order and his Privacies with him and Dr. Lloyd's being sent to him both by the King and the Lords Committees The Doctors Reports upon the Matter as well of Conscience as of Health The Killing Cold and Nastiness of the Place The Misery of his Condition The Shewing him his Pardon The Effects of it and his Change of Resolution to the very Time of his Removal into Better Quarters These Circumstances are All Punctually Reported by Prance and Confirm'd by other Witnesses He speaks also of his Horrible Pains and Extreme Weakness upon Thursday Friday and Saturday which agrees both with the Doctor 's Report and several Affidavits But for what Now follows though Prance affirms every Syllable on 't to be True the Reader is yet at Liberty whether to believe it or not He says he had a Paper of Instructions brought him into the Condemn'd Hole with Hints and Minutes of the Plot as is set forth Already with these Words in 't You had better Confess then be Hang'd He says further That the Lord Shaftsbury told him particularly that there were Great Ones concern'd and he must discover Them too for the Little Ones should not serve his Turn calling him Rogue and Rascal several Times for Crossing Bedloe 's Evidence and saying there must be Great Persons in it reflecting upon the Queen and the Duke of York bidding him not to spare the King Himself saying likewise That the Body was layd under the Altar and that he was Carry'd in a Coach to Primrose-Hill and that Bedloe said he was stifled under a Pillow and that he meaning Prance would have it anohter way He says That some of the Keepers upon his Crying-out in the Anguish of his Affliction took him to that Part of the Room that was furthest from the Street and Chain'd him down to a Staple over Night and Loosen'd him again in the Morning and that one time as he was lying with his back upon the Ground and Roaring in the Extremity of his Pain Two of the Keepers took him by Neck and Heels and cast him Three or Four Times against the Ground We have now got over the Dark and Doleful Period of Prance's Conflict betwixt a Whole Skin and a Good Conscience and brought him from the Sordid Necessities of the Condemn'd Hole to the Comfort of Meat Drink Lodging and Clean Linnen again I had no sooner Promised says Prance upon my Assurances of Pardon that I would stand to my Former Evidence but my Irons were Immediately knockt off I was removed to a very good Room and a Curious Bed in the Press-Yard where I had Varieties of Meats and Drinks as good as I could wish This was the 11 th of Ianuary 1678 9. So soon as Prance had compounded for the Wages of Vnrighteousness and Rock'd his Conscience Asleep in Attending and Providing for the Security of his Carcase he call'd for Pen Ink and Paper and had his Lesson given him to Provide for the Tryal of the Pretended Murtherers Green Berry and Hill who were Convicted on Monday February 10. 1678 9. Sentenc'd the Day following and Green and Hill Executed on the 21 th and Berry Respited till the 28 th There is Annex'd to the Printed Tryal a most Vnchristian an Vncharitable and an Inhumane Reflexion upon the Truth and Conscience of Hill's Dying Words which is not only the Killing of a Man over again but the Ridiculing of the most Sacred Test of Truth in Nature I shall have occasion to Insert a Piece of the Poor Man's Letter to his Wife in his Extremity which will do some sort of Right to his Memory The whole Course of the Story is a Mystery but This shall suffice for the Present Time Place and Occasion I am now to Proceed in Course to the Honour of the Correspondence which the Right Reverend Bishop of St. Asaph was Pleased to
to Sir Edmundbury Godfrey and No Creature more his Confident then This Lady was as will be further seen hereafter But at Present I have only to observe that when This Matter was at the Hottest before the Lords Committees This Mr. Gibbon Deliver'd a Paper the Contents whereof she hath since Attested upon Oath to a Person of Quality Sir I. B. who deliver'd the Paper to the Earl of Shaftsbury And upon This Paper Mrs. Gibbon was sent for to Attend the Committee where to speak the Words of the Enformation The Lord Shaftsbury call'd to her saying You Damn'd Woman what Devillish Paper is This you have given us in Putting her upon her Oath to Declare who Wrote it calling her Bitch and other Vile Names and Threatning her That if she would not Confess that Sir John Banks Mr. Pepys and Monsieur de Puy set her on to write that Paper she should he Torn to Pieces by the Multitude Threatning her to have her Worry'd as the Dogs Worry Cats insomuch that she fell into Fits upon 't and thought she should never have got home Note that the Enformation above spoken of was Deliver'd to Sir Leoline Ienkins several Years before ever I had the Knowledge of her Person and that she Deliver'd me a Copy of the said Enformation with This following Postscript at the Bottom of it I Mary Gibbon am Indisposed in Health but whether I Live or Dye in the Presence of God and his Holy Angels I do make Oath that this is every Syllable True And I have left the same and made Oath of it to a Worthy Gentleman a Secretary of State very Lately and if I Live till 't is Questioned I will Witness it There remains yet a very remarkable Instance of the Faith and Generosity of a Poor Hackney Coach-man his Name Francis Corral And if I could Contribute as â—uch to the making of his Fortunt as I may to the Advantage of his Name and Reputation it should be the first Thing I would do for they wanted but a Second Evidence against the Lords in the Tower and Forty other Persons of Eminent Quality that were laid up in Lavender to be in readiness for the Providence of a Further Discovery and if this Poor Fellow had but Yielded Bedloe's Coach would have done the Iobb of carrying Sir Edmund to Primrose-Hill every Jot as well as Prance's way of Horsing him Thither And so for Brumwell and Walters too Either of them would have serv'd some Way or Another to the same Purpose This Bus'ness of Corrall is a Barbarous Story but I 'le be as easie in the Telling of it as is Possible with a Respect both to Decency and to Common Iustice. The Truth of it is The Severity of his Imprisonment could not well Exceed the very Direction of the Orders that the Keeper had for the Mortifying of him and Corrall Himself does likewise Charge many Cruelties upon the Vnder Keepers which he cannot say the Master was Privy to But be it as it will we shall here Deliver Corrall's Enformation for so much as concerns the matter before us in his own Words Giving only to understand by the way that he was taken into Custody some a Fortnight or thereabouts after the Body was found upon an Officious Enformation of Some Words he had spoken concerning the Carrying of it to Primrose-Hill Whereupon he was had to Newgate and next Day to Wallingford-House where he was Sworn and Examin'd of which Examination he gives This Account Francis Corral Deposeth That The Lord Shaftsbury with others asked this Enformant if he carry'd Sir Edmundbury Godfrey to Primrose-Hill in his Coach or knew who Carry'd him To which This Enformant Answered That he did Not and that he Knew not who did The Lord Shaftsbury said to this Enformant That if he would swear the Truth he should have Five Hundred Pound The said Lord Shaftsbury laying down some Mony upon the Table saying that this Enformant should have a Room near the Court if he was affraid of any Body that set him to Work and should Command a File of Musquetiers at any time when he had Occasion to go abroad to Guard him for fear any of Those that employ'd him should do him any Mischief This Enformant asked him my Lord Who should those be No body set me at Work Nor do I know for what I am brought hither To which the Lord Shaftsbury reply'd We are the Peers of the Land and if thou wilt not Confess there shall be a Barrel of Nails provided for thee to put thee in and roul thee down a Hill. The Enformant made Answer What would you have me to say my Lord I know nothing of the matter would you have me to accuse other People to bring them into the same Condition I now am The Lord Shaftsbury Answering Then thou shalt Dye Whereupon a Mittimus was Drawn and this Enformant carry'd back and Committed to Newgate This Enformant was laid in Huge Heavy Irons and thrust into the Dungeon where after he had continued about three or four Hours he was Taken out again by Lyon one of the Keepers who likewise was the Man that put this Enformant into the Dungeon And this Enformant was so faint with the Closeness and Nastiness of the Place that he swounded away and that they were fain to give him Brandy to keep Life in him This Enformant Recollecteth that before his coming from Wallingford House the Lord Shaftsbury said to This effect The Papists have Hir'd him and he will not Confess He was now remanded to Prison and about Three in the Afternoon they had him to a House in Lincolns-Inn-Fields where the Lord Shaftsbury Examin'd him again Saying to this Enformant Now you Rogue Here 's one that will Justifie he saw you speaking of one that stood there to bear Witness The Lord Shaftsbury saying to the said Person Did not you see him Whip his Horses and go down by Tottenham-Court The Man saying Yes my Lord Sirrah said the Lord Shaftsbury to This Enformant What 's the Reason that you will not confess but put us to All this Trouble This Enformant speaking hastily said What would you have me confess my Lord I know no more than your Lordship does and it may be not so much Then said the Lord Shaftsbury If thou wilt not Confess Richardson take him away and let him be starv'd to Death which made this Enformant to weep Whereupon the Lord Shaftsbury reply'd Ah Rogue There 's never a Tear comes down This Enformant with Imprecations telling my Lord that he knew no more than the Child that was unborn That 's a Popish Word says my Lord Shaftsbury He has consulted with the Papists and will not Confess bidding Richardson take him away and punish him sâ—verely This was Thursday and this Enformant was kept in Great Irons in the Condemn'd Hole till Sunday Noon without any thing to Eat or Drink which put This Enformant into so great Despair that if his Knife had not
Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's Murther Why Truly if there were no more in 't then a bare Curiosity the very Memorial would be worth the Ink and Paper that 's bestowed upon 't Beside that in This Place it falls in most Naturally with my Purpose and Text First as it is Another Branch of Roguery apart from the Plot and shews them to be Pick-pockets as well as Knights of the Post which may serve to Illustrate what Credit is to be given them in Other Cases 2 ly It gives any Man to understand that at a Time when such Fellows and such Nonsensical Impostures could keep a Government in Awe it was not for any Private Man with a Single Voice and Reason to oppose an Epidemical Madness for the Reck'ning carry'd Fraud and Insolence in the Face on 't and the Witnesses knew before-hand that it would be no more Believ'd by Others then They Believ'd it Themselves But they Push'd on the Affront never the Less and though I never heard of a Tally struck upon that Account it was yet a kind of Victory to come off Gratis But Thirdly The Timing of it was the Great Point of All for the whole Nation was then at Gaze upon the Tryals of the Pretended Murthers of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey and most People were of Opinion that the Suppos'd Popish Plot was to Stand or Fall upon That Issue But for my own Part I was never of that Persuasion If the Verdict went against the Pris'ners it was Reasonable Enough to expect that it would make a Horrible Noise Especially considering the Pompous Solemnities that had Prepar'd Men Already for Wild and Dangerous Impressions And then on the other hand if they had been Acquitted it was but Arraigning the Bench the Iury and the Witnesses as they did in other Cases Afterwards to make All whole again This does not Hinder but that Otes and Bedloe did very Prudently strike while the Iron was hot for the Tryal bears Date the 10 th of February 1678 9. the Day of the Conviction of the Three Pris'ners And these Two Blades put in their Bills the very same Week with the Tryals Otes on the 11 th and Bedloe his on the 15 th And if ever such a Reck'ning was to pass Muster That Nicking Minute was the Time for 't As to Prance's Character All that I shall say of it is This that he had a good Will to be Honest but not the Heart to go thorough with it and that he took more Care of his Carcase at First then he did afterward of his Conscience I shall do him This Common right yet to say that he had not the Brand upon him of an infamous Course of Life to Blast his Evidence as his Fellow-Witnesses had And This may serve in some sort to Colour the Easiness of Those that gave Credit to him In one VVord more If the Murther and the Plot were the only Two Points in Dispute upon the Credit of his Testimony his Iustice and Faith in other Cases might Induce a Charitable Softness toward the Believing of him in This But from his Swearing False in Every Thing Else as That 's the Case to Infer that in One Single Point or Two he swears True would be a very Perverse way of Reasoning To shorten the Bus'ness now I have a Letter of Prance's upon This Subject and I cannot better Dispose of it then in This Place And there can hardly be a Better Testimony then that of an Ill Man who without either Hope or Fear of being the Better or the Worse for 't bears Witness against Himself SIR HEaring that you are about to Publish something concerning the Death of Sir Edmunbury Godfrey I think it my Duty to take Shame upon me and to make a Publique Declaration to the World of my Confession and Repentance of the Heinous Sins that I have committed against God and my Offences against his Sacred Majesty my most Gracious Mistress the Queen Dowager the Noblemen Gentry and All others that I have wickedly and wrongfully Accus'd about the Death of That Gentleman I cannot hope or expect that any thing I say should find Credit in the World but it will be some Ease to my Conscience if I may obtain the favour of a Place for this Declaration any where among your Papers if you shall commit any upon This Subject to the Press From the time of taking off my Irons and changing my Lodging which was upon my Yielding Basely to Forswear my self against those Innocent Persons Green Berry and Hill that Dy'd upon my Wicked Evidence Mr. Boyce was the Man that Acted for me and writ many Things which I Copy'd after him I found by his Discourse that he had been several Times with my Lord Shaftsbury and with Bedloe and he told me that I would be certainly Hang'd if I did not agree with Bedloe's Evidence and own the Periwig the Men would not be Hang'd I would not yield to 't so he yielded to mine and the Periwig was spoke no more on and bidding me consider what a Condition I should be in if any of them should confess first He got me out of Newgate some few Days after the Tryal of Green c. But before any of them were Executed Mr. Boyce told me how much some of Sir Edmund's Relations were troubled that I was out so soon for fear I should deny all again and so Mr. Boyce took me to his own House and watched me and went with me â—heresoever I went till the Innocent men were Executed I would fain have had Berry sav'd but Mr. Boyce said he was Guilty of the Murther and could not be sav'd and that if the King had a mind to pardon him he might do it without my Troubling my self It was purely the fear of Death and the Misery of my Condition that wrought upon me to For swear my self without any thought of reward although I was told several Times that Great Things would be done for me My Lord Shaftsbury told me my Trade should be Better then ever it was and bought some Plate of me Himself part whereof was for Otes This brings to my Mind that in the Time while I Deny'd the Murther or any Knowledge of it I was taken out of Newgate and carry'd to Two Eminent Lawyers where I was Vpbraided for departing from my Evidence One of them wondring much what should make me do it and speaking to me to this Effect You were affraid perhaps of Losing your Trade that lay mostly among the Papists or else perchance you did not think your self sure of your Pardon c. which Words were spoken in such a way that I took them for Hints to me what Excuse I might make upon going off again and as I am a Christian This was it that first put That Excuse into my Head. My Lord Shaftsbury gave me Two Guinnea's once to help off a Man that I had Sworn against for Dangerovus Words against the King. I received Thirty Pounds by his Majesties Order
in the Case of This Discourse are These First Was Sir E. B. Godfrey Murther'd at Somerset-House according to the Evidence of Bedloe and Prance or was he Not Whoever says or thinks he Was must Remove Forty Contradictions and Impossibilities out of the way before any Man can pretend to Believe it If he was Not there 's the Bloud of Three Innocent Men to Answer for that was Shed upon That Perjury Now if he Was again There 's the King the Queen Consort that then was and now Queen Dowager the Lord Bellassis c. These were All Expresly in 't but then by Complication and Confederacy Whoever was in the Plot was more or less a Friend to the Murther And Bedloe Swears that Every considerable Papist in England was under an Oath of Secrecy to Conceal it But once again now If he was Not Murther'd there as they swore he Was What Reparation for the Honour of so many Illustrious Names as will be deliver'd over to After-Ages in Depositions Iournals and other Records under the Blot of This Infamy To Obviate These Two Questions I have Divided This Tract into Two Parts In the Former the Forgery is layd so Open that I dare Defie the History of the whole World to produce Any One Cause where-ever a False Oath Impos'd an Abuse upon a Court of Iustice which was Afterward so Vnanswerably Disprov'd and by so many several Ways The First Part in short Discharges Somerset-House of the Murther The Question of the Second is Felo de se or Not And if Sir William Iones's Circumstances and Concurrent Testimonies Greens Tryal pag. 72. may but pass for as Good Evidence on the Behalf of Truth as for the Support of an Imposture the Felo de se is much clearer in This Case then the Popish Murther was in the Other I have not pass'd over Any Thing hitherto that I found worth a Notice but in regard that Men that have Least to say are apt to make the Most of a Little and that there are yet remaining Vntouch'd some Popular Stories that have obtained among the Multitude I shall Subjoyn an Appendix upon Those Points to what I have said Already and so Conclude APPENDIX PRANCE's History of the Merry-meeting at the Queen's-Head at Bow where was Lauson Vernatti Girald Dethick and Himself is a Sham of the same Batch with the rest of his Works and the Perjury confess'd Mr. Vernatti has Fairly and Legally Acquitted Himself and Mr. Dethick has been pleas'd to give the Following Account of That Days Meeting Sign'd with his own Hand The Attestation of George Dethick Esq about the Meeting of the Pretended Plotters at Bow. THAT about the Seventh day of November 1678. One Mr. Vernatti sent a Note for me desiring my Company at the Queens Head-Tavern at Bow where accordingly I came and found there Mr. Vernatti Mr. Lewson and One Other Person which since I have been Enformed was Mr. Miles Prance and no body else Except the Master of the House who came to us where we Dined And I do well remember that Prance a little before Dinner had some Discourse with the Drawer for Standing at the Door at which I was somewhat concern'd and being a Stranger to Prance told him we had No Bus'ness that we Cared who knew and that I was well known to the Master of the House upon which I Opened the Door and so it remained all the while we remained there during which time there was not a Paper read or account given of any Matter relating to the Murther of Sir Edmund Godfrey nor so much at his Name Mentioned to the Best of my Remembrance but I do remember there were some Verses Written and Read by Mr. Vernatti but what they were I cannot possibly say Likewise to the Best of my Remembrance I never saw Mr. Miles Prance either before or since That Time. George Dethick There was a Great Talk in Those Days too about one Iennings a Cow-keeper that was Taken up and Charg'd for Advising Bromwel Walters and Rawson that first found the Body to take no further Notice of it but rather let some body else find it out for nothing would come of it but Trouble It appears upon the Depositions of the Three Persons above Named that Iennings did speak VVords to that Effect and Iennings himself owns the speaking of the VVords but Deposeth withal as followeth Edward Iennings Deposeth That he had never seen nor heard of that Body before they told him of it And saith That in the Spring following he was committed to New Prison upon the Oath of his Wife that he brought home a Band and said it was the Band of Sir E. Godfrey He continued a Pris'ner there a Month within Two Days to the best of his Remembrance And saith That the Under-keeper of the said Prison told him that among other Persons that came there to him there was one of the Brothers of the said Sir Edmund Prance and Otes There went a Hot Report of Cattle taken away from him and of the Bus'ness being made up and his Cattle Restor'd again no body knew how I have met with many sober People that laid a great Stress upon This Story but for my own Part I could never find any thing in 't to build upon The Staffordshire Letter of Intelligence about the Death of Sir E. B. Godfrey made a mighty Noise in the Tryal of the Iesuits and of my Lord Stafford Insomuch that Challenges were made to all the Papists in England to wipe off that Evidence and the Weight effectually of the whole Cause was thrown upon that Issue Mr. Evers as Dugdale Swears received a Letter from London at Tixhall upon Monday Octob. 14. 1678. bearing Date Saturday the 12 th with These Words in 't This Night Sir E.B.G. is Dispatch'd Lord Staffords Tryal fol. 22. And this Evidence was Back'd by several other Testimonies 134 135 136 137. of the said Tryal And so likewise in the Tryal of the Five Iesuits Now the Force of the Inference was This The Body was not found till Thursday the 17 th And how should any Man that was not privy to the Murther give such an Account of it upon Saturday the 12 th For they had the News of it in Staffordshire upon the Monday I shall only Refer the Reader to the Sixth Chapter of this Second Part 199. for a Full and Final Answer where he shall find a Report Raised and Industriously spread on the very Saturday Sir Edmund went away upon that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Murther'd by the Papists so that the Saturdays-Post might well carry the News into Staffordshire by Monday There was Notable Clashing I remember about the Credit of the Staffordshire Evidence that was given upon This Point But if the Rumour was so Rife about the Town upon the Saturday 't is All a Case to me whether they had it in Staffordshire or Not for if they had it Not they might have had it which is the same Thing
205 208 324 328 Gibbon Mary Iun. 179 181 182 190 191 193 199 Giles Walter Shoemaker Girle Joseph Kings Bench. 216 244 265 Goffe Robert Goodall Charles M. D. St. Martins in the Fields 316 Goweth James Ioyner Lond. 269 Grundy Tho. Gent. Westm. 174 H. Haddon Thomas Perriwig-maker St. Giles's p. Harris Thomas Cheesmonger 242 Hartwell John Wheelwright Marybone 215 249 319 Hassard John Vintner 268 Hayes Richard Sword-Cutler 318 Hill John Sword-Cutler 318 Hill Eliz. Widow St. Clements-Danes 135 Hills Christopher Shoemaker Saâ—voy Hobbs Thomas Chirurgeon St. Clements Danes 317 Huysman James Painter St. Martins in the Fields 175 267 J. Jennings Edward Cowkeeper 333 L. Lasinby Richard Chirurgeon Coâ—vent Garden p. 258 Leeson Mary Pewterer St. Martins in the Fields 173 Leigh Lucy St. Giles's in the Fields L'Loyd Bishop of St. Asaph 82.87 M. Mason Thomas Gardner of Marybone p. 209 248 252 265.319 Merydale John St. Giles's in the F. Milward Thomas Esq of Grays Inn. Moor Henry of Little-Port 171 191 203 207 Moreton Sarah Searcher of St. Martins in the Fields 254.259 N. Newens Elizabeth London p. 77 O. Oswald John Clark. p. 89 P. Pamphlin Judith St. Martins in the Fields 191 194 200 205 208 Paris John of Marybone 216 267 Parsons John Coachmaker of St. Annes Paulden Captain St. Giles's 200 Pengry Aaron Esq 205 Prance Miles 126 Preston Mary St. Clements Danes 76 Primat Stephen Esq Grays Inne 218 R. Radcliffe Joseph Oylman St. Martins in the Fields p. 178 300 301 307 Rawson John Hamstead 216 267 Rawson Margaret 218 267 Richardson George Beadle S. Skillarne Zachariah Chyrurgeon St. Martins in the Fields p. 230 234 235 257 263 266. Smith John St. Dunstans in the West Smith Joseph Sword-cutler 318 Smith Mary Searcher 254 Snell Thomas Grocer 174 Standever Simon Cordwayner Marybone 244 319 T. Trotton Robert Taylor St. Giles's in the Fields p. 246 265 U. Urwin William Coffee-man W. Wallis Catharine Norfolk p. 77 Walters John Farrier St. Giles 's in the Fields p. 99. Warrier Avis St. Martins in the Fields 142 Warrier James Taylor St. Martins in the Fields 137 Weeks Alice Searcher St. Giles 's in the Fields 255 256 Wheeler Richard Hosier New Exchange 177 209 217 293 313 White Robert Gent. Westm. 199 Whitfield Tho. Gent. 146 Whitfield Robert 148 Whitehall Rob. Gent. Southw 199 Woollams Thomas of St. Giles 's in the Fields Chandler 244 264 319 Wyanes Philip Pump-maker St. Giles 's in the Fields 248 265 Wynel Tho. Esq Cranbrok Essex 180 187 183 195. Y. Yeomans Edmund Millener p. 171 II. Enformations before the Coroner ZAch Skillarne 279 Zach. Skillarne 279 Nicholas Cambridge Ibid. John Wilson 280 Tho. Morgan 280 W. Bromwell 281 John Walter 281 John Rawson 281 Caleb Winde 281 Richard Duke 281 John Brown 286 John Brown 286 Henry Moor 297 Joseph Radcliffe 299 Eleanor Radcliffe 300 Mary Gibbon 322 III. Depositions and Reports promiscuously as they Occur BEdloe's Narrative at the Lords Bar Nov. 8. 1678. p. 16 His further Examination Nov. 12. 1678. 19 His Enformation Nov. 18. 1678. 19 His Enformation before the Council June 24. 1679. 20 His first Appearance to his Majesty Nov. 7. 1678. His Narrative to the Lords Nov. 12. 1678. 29 His Deposition in the Council-Chamber June 24. 1679. 37 His Evidences compared 44 Prance's first Deposition before the Lords Committee Dec. 21. 1678. p. 43 His Enformation to the Committee of Secrecy 55 His Deposition to the Duke of Monmouth and my Lord Ossory 57 His Denyal of his Evidence before the Council 61 His Evidence of the Murther Dec. 24. 1678. 163 Boyce's Enformation about Prance to the Lords Committees Jan. 2. 1678 9. 65.69 Captain Richardson's Account of Prance to the Lords Jan. 3. 1678 9. 66 70 Charles Cowper's Account of Prance 67 68 69 70 71 Prance's Enformation to the Earl of Shaftsbury 80 81 The Enformation of Mrs. Mary Tilden 137. Catharine Lee 137. Nicholas Cambridge 151 235. Eliz. Curtis at the Tryal 151. Eliz. Curtis to the Lords Committees Jan. 8. 1678 9. Richard Spence 336. John Okeley 337. Henry Moor. Justice Balaam Elizabeth Dekin Robert Breedon Ralph Oakley 338. Benjamin Man 339. Robert Fawcet 339. THE END See Obs. 10.32.33.39.42.44 Vol. 3. See the Commons Votes of Jan. 10. 1680. Oâ—s Num. 38. Vol. 3. Obs. 39. Vol. 3. (a) See Ote'es Veracities Num. 60.61.62.72 Vol. 2. (b) 140.141.142.180 Vol. 2. (a) Oxford Debates Fol. 1. (b) Ibid. Fol. 2. (c) Ibid. (d) Ibid. Commons Journal Oct. 31. 1687. A Plot Uoted According to Order Two Plots in Question Otes's Plot. Tonge's Evidence The Shammer Shamm'd p. 26. Ib. p. 35. Ib. p. 39.40 Obs. N. 138. Vol. 1. The Party Conscious that Otes was a Cheat. (a) Nov. 19. 1678. (b) Mar. 21. 1678. (c) Nov. 4. 1680. (d) Nov. 12. 1680. Jan. 7. 1680. Ibid. Ibid. Commons Votes Dec. 21. 1680. (a) Com. Votes Jan. 4. 1680. Com. Votes Jan. 6. 1680. Com. Votes Jan. 7. 1680. Com. Votes Add. Dec. 21. 1680. No Mony but in Composition for his Crown Journal Mar. 24. 1678. No Power of Life and Death Com. Journal Dec. 21. 1678. Collection of Debates Dec. 23. 1680. p. 215. Bethel and Cornish's Scruple about the Execution of the Lord Stafford Lord Staffords Tryal Fol. 217. Bethel's Quaeries Coll. of Debates Dec. 23. 1680. Ibid. (a) fol. 4. Lord Stafford's Tryal (b) fol. 5. (c) fol. 6. Commons Votes Nov. 22. 1680. Commons Votes Nov. 26. 1680. Commons Votes Jan. 10. 1680. Vox Patriae f. 3. Ibid. fol. 4. See Whitlock's Memor fol. 43. Votes Dec. 30. 1680. Collection of Debates p. 218. (a) Votes Address Dec. 21. 1680. The 19 Propositions over again (b) Ibid. Attempts upon the Militia Journal Oct. 24. 1678. Journal Nov. 22. 1678. Journal Ap. 1. 1679. Journal May 10. 1679. A Libellous Address Votes Nov. 29. 1680. p. 77. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. The King's Friends were either Papists Convict or Reputed Papists Their Proceeding with Papists Journal Oct. 23. 1678. Nov. 8. 1678. Nov. 16. 1678. Nov. 23. 1678. Dec. 3. 1678. Dec. 7. 1678. Nov. 16. 1678. Ap. 27. 1679. Journal May 7. 1679. Bold Addresses Jour Nov. 8. 1678. May 11. 1679. Ibid. Votes Nov. 2. 1680. Address against the Queen Journal No. 28. 1678. Ibid. The Revenging Address May 14. 1679. Walcot's Tryal Fol. 9. Ibid. Vo. Dec. 15. 1680. Dec. 15. 1680. An Address against Prorogations Coll. of Debates No. 11. 1680. Notes upon the Address The Bill of Exclusion The Meaning of Reputed Papists Votes Nov. 29. 1680. p. 75. Votes Jan. 7. 1680. Ibid. The Meaning of Evil Counsellors The Vnaccountable Prerogative of the Commons Loyalty and Religion the Pretext Journal Nov. 8. 1678. Nov. 10. 1678. Mar. 21. 1678. and Nov. 25. 1680. The Old Humiliation-Stile over again L. Chancellours Speech Ap. 30. 1679. Journal May. 11. 1679. Exclusion Alone would not do the Bus'ness Votes Dec. 21. 1680. Ibid. Ibid. A Manifest Conspiracy The Witnesses and the Conspiratours agreed upon 't Otes'es Narrative fol. 58.59.60.61 Their