their time of rest during this three dayes journey Perer. But when they removed from the wildernesse of Sinai they went three dayes together without any stay the Arke still going before them to find out a resting place Numb 10.13 till they came to Kibroth Hatavah which was their next mansion place Numb 33.16 The Lord still animating and strengthning his people to go forward Iunius The third manner of staying was when the cloud remained still upon the Tabernacle two or three dayes and then they pitched their tents and thus the cloud staied in 40. yeere not above 42. times for so many mansion or camping places they had as they are set downe Numb 33. 4. Now how to know when they were to pitch their tents Pererius conjectureth at it and giveth these three rules First if the cloud stayed about noone then they knew that it onely rested till they had refreshed themselves but if it staied in the afternoone before night that they journeyed no more that day they tooke it that then they were to stay there some while and so pitched their tents But if it made no stay till the evening they pitched no tents till the next morning and then if the cloud went not forward they then set up their tents These are onely Pererius conjectures and uncertaine And it otherwise may be gathered out of the Scripture that they did not pitch their tents till the cloud had staied two dayes at the least as we read Numb 9.20 When the cloud abode a few dayes in the Tabernacle they pitched their tents at the commandement of God and afterward vers 22. If the cloud tarried two dayes or a moneth or a yeere upon the Tabernacle the children of Israel pitched their tents It seemeth then by this that this was a rule unto them not to pitch their tents or settle their campe till after two dayes Beside they had Moses to give them direction also in this case when to encampe themselves who continually consulted with God 5. Now the manner of their removing was this when the cloud arose from the Tabernacle the Priests and Levites tooke up the Arke and carried it and when they went forward with the Arke Moses used this prayer Rise up O Lord and let thine enemies bee scattered and let them that hate thee flee before thee And when the Arke rested hee said Returne O Lord to the many thousands of Israel Numb 10.35 Hereunto the Prophet alludeth when hee saith The Lord shall arise and his enemies shall be scattered Perer. 6. This cloud began not onely now to appeare when they were come to their third mansion place in Etham as Hierome thinketh but straightway upon their setting forth from Ramesis though mention be made first of it here that proveth it not now first to have appeared as Moses is said first in this place to have taken Iosephs bones with him which was done notwithstanding at his first comming out of Egypt the Scripture observeth not alwayes the order of time in setting downe matters of historie but the coherence of the argument So neither did the cloud leave them at Aarons death as is the opinion of the Hebrewes for seven moneths after Aarons death who died in the fift moneth immediatly before Moses death when Iosuah was consecrated to succeed him mention is made of the piller of the cloud wherein the Lord appeared to Moses Deut. 31.15 See more of this quest 22. before 7. Gregorie maketh the appearing of the bright cloud by day a signe of Gods favour and mercie to his obedient people and the appearing of the terrible fire by night as a signe of his severitie and justice against the wicked and unbeleevers Gregor hom 21. in Evangel Ex Perer. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the lawfull use of ceremonies Vers. 9. THis shall be as a signe unto thee upon thine hand c. As this place sheweth that there were then in the Church and so are still commendable ceremonies which the Lord hath instituted to be â—â—membrances of spirituall things as these were of their deliverance out of Egypt so their superstition is reproved that dwell in the externall ceremony not looking unto the spirituall sense Ferus as the Pharisies did which did weare their phylacteries and fringes yet forgot the law represented and signified by them 2. Doct. Christ the Mediatour both of the old and new Testament Vers. 21. IEhovah went before them He that is here called Iehovah is chap. 14.19 called the Angell of God which was none other but Jesus Christ Iun. the Prince and Captaine of his Church the Mediatour both of the old and new Testament according as the Apostle saith Heb. 13.9 Iesus Christ yesterday and to day and the same also is for ever 3. Doct. Christ sheweth us the way to the heavenly Canaan as the piller did direct the Israelites toward their Canaan Vers. 22. THe Lord went before them by day in a piller of fire This piller divers wayes represented Christ 1. He is the piller and upholder of his Church 2. He leadeth us the way unto eternall life as he himselfe saith I am the way the truth and the life Ioh. 14. 3. Aperit nobis viam maris rubei id est gratiam baptismi sanguine suo rubentes He openeth to us the way of the red sea that is the grace of baptisme died red in his bloud Rupertus 4. Christ is both a fire and a cloud that is both God and man 5. In noctâ— veteris testamenti paucis lucebat c. He did shine but to a few in the night of the old Testament as this fierie cloud gave light by night Ferus 6. But the most lively signification is this that Christ is that covering cloud under whose shadow wee are defended from the heate and stormes of temptation as the Prophet sheweth Isai. 4.6 Simler 5. Places of Confutation 1. Conf. Against the theatricall Pagean of the Masse Vers. 9. THey shall be a signe unto thee upon thine head These externall signets upon the head and frontlets betweene the eyes instituted at the first to a good end to put them in minde alwayes of the law of God they afterward superstitiously abused onely glorying in the outward ostentation of them so in Poperie the right use of the Supper of the Lord is turned into theatricum quâ—ndam actum Missa into a theatricall shew of the Masse calling men à communione ad spectaculum from the communion of the bodie and bloud of Christ to a gazing spectacle Simlerus 2. Conf. Against the adoration of reliques Vers. 19. MOses tooke the bones of Ioseph This maketh nothing for the adoration of the reliques of Saints which idolatrous use is still retained and practised in Poperie for Iosephs bones were carried to be buried they tooke up the bones of Saints and Martyrs after they have beene buried these were true bones they shew counters and ducks bones and such like trash for the bones of the Saints as hath beene found by
to have beene ten the first for want of water Exod. 17. the second likewise for water Numb 20. the third Exod. 14. when the Egyptians pursued them the fourth and fifth about Manna when they kept it till the morning and gathered it upon the Sabbath Exod. 16. The sixth murmuring was for flesh Exod. 16. and the seventh for flesh likewise Numb 11.4 The eighth for Moses absence when they made the golden Calfe the ninth when they tempted God in fighting against the Amalckites being forbidden Numb 14. The tenth upon the returne of the Spies which were sent to search the Land of Canaan Hieron dâ— 10. tentationib But if all the murmurings of the Israelites be summed together they will bee found more than ten not fewer than twenty And they were of three sorts either generall of the whole congregation or speciall of some few or particular of some principall persons 1. Their generall murmurings were upon these occasions first for things which they endured as the increasing of their bondage in Egypt at the first comming of Moses Exod. 5.21 their feare to be all destroyed of the Egyptians chap. 14.11 their wearinesse of the way Numb 11.1 their biting by Serpents Numb 21. Secondly for things which they wanted as for sweet and potable water Exod. 15.24 for bread chap. 16.3 for water in Rephidim Exod. 17. for flesh Numb 11. for water againe when Moses also offended Numb 20. Thirdly they murmured and disobeyed when any thing was imposed them which they liked not as twiâ—e they were disobedient about Manna in reserving it till the morning chap. 16.19 and in gathering it upon the Sabbath chap. 16.28 where although their murmuring be not expressed yet this their refractary disobedience could not bee without murmuring So they rebelled in fighting against the Amalekites and Canaanites being forbidden Numb 14.41 Fourthly they murmured when their expectation was deceived as upon Moses long absence Exod. 32.1 when they heard a false report of Canaan that the inhabitants thereof were invincible Numb 14. when Core Dathan and Abiram with their adherents were suddenly destroyed Numb 16.41 These murmurings in all were sixteene 2. The second kind of murmuring was of some speciall men as Core Dathan and Abirain with two hundred and 50. persons murmured against Moses and Aaron Numb 16.3 The third kind was of some principall persons as of Aaron and Miriam against Moses Numb 12. Of Moses himselfe at the waters of strife Numb 20. of Aaron being discontent and so negligent in his office because of the death of his two sonnes Nadab and Abihu Levit. 10.19 Here are foure more and unto these others by diligent observations may be added QUEST XXXIX Whether the wood had any vertue in it that Moses cast â—nto the water 25. ANd he cried unto the Lord and the Lord shewed him a tree 1. The Hebrewes thinke that this tree had no vertue at all in it to make the waters sweet but rather the contrary but that God would therein shew his power in healing one contrary by another as Elizeus did heale the waters by casting in of salt which was more like to have made them more bitter and our Saviour anointed the eyes of the blinde with clay and spittle which was an unlike thing to heale them 2. But it is more probable that there was some vertue in this wood to season and relish the water because it is said that the Lord shewed him or as the Hebrew word signifieth taught him the tree Tanquam tale jam liguâ—â—â—oc esseâ— quo posset hoc fieri As though it were such a kinde of wood as could doe this thing So Augustine reasoneth quaest 57. in Exod. to whom Calvinus and Simlerus consent for to what end else did the Lord direct Moses to that speciall tree more than to others unlesse we say that there were no trees there at all in the desert But the words will inferre another sense that seeing the Lord shewed him a tree there was a tree to be shewed as the Lord caused Hagar to see a fountaine not which newly sprung out of the ground but which was there before though she saw it not Gen. 21. The author of Ecclesiasticus chap. 38.5 affirmeth that there was vertue in the wood 3. But Iosephus is deceived who saith Moses fructum ligni accepit forte ibi jacens That Moses tooke a peece of wood lying there by chance whereas the Lord shewed it him and he further addeth that Moses did not cast in the wood because the people asked what it should doe but caused a great part of the water to bee drawne out of the fountaine and so the residue became sweet but this is also directly contrary to the text QUEST XL. Wherein the miracle consisted of healing the waters NOw although there were some vertue in this wood to heale the waters yet it was done not without a great mâ—racle 1. Which consisted not herein because the Lord Ostendit et lignum ubi nullum erat Shewed him a tree where none was for this is confuted before 2. Neither Quâ—a in tali natura ligni Creator demonstrator lâ—â—dandus est Because the Creator and shewer is to be praised in giving such a nature to the wood as Augustine in the same place for if the nature of the wood had done it it had not beene miraculous 3. But herein was the miracle that by the meanes of so small a peece of wood such a deale of water was changed as served such a great multitude Calvin And that it was suddenly and presently changed Simler And the waters were but made sweet only for that time and afterward returned to their bitter nature againe as Pliny before alleaged maketh mention of bitter waters there Iun. QUEST XLI Why the Lord used this meane in healing of the waters GOd could have healed the waters if it had pleased him without this tree But it pleased him to use this meanes for these causes 1. To teach us that we should not neglect the meanes which God appointed So the Lord divided the red sea and dried the way by a strong East winde Ezechias was healed by a lumpe of figges So God instructeth men and begetteth them to the faith by the ministery of men Simler 2. God hereby also reproveth their distrust and diffidence shewing Multa sibi in promptu esse remedia quibusque malis That he hath many remedies in store for whatsoever evils Calvin 3. Hoc medio uti voluit propter mysterium He would use this meane because of the mystery Ferus QUEST XLII Of the mysticall signification of this tree NOw what mystery is signified in this tree that sweetned the waters shall bee shewed in a word 1. Some by the bitter waters doe understand the killing letter of the Law which is impotable and unpleasant but being qualified by the Gospell Iam dulcâ—â— erit litera The letter of the Law becommeth pleasant Ferus 2. This tree was a figure of that rod which should come of the
and thereof is called terumah an heave-offering QUEST XXXIII What is here understood by the heave-offering Vers. 28 FOr it is an heave-offering of the children of Israel 1. Some by Terumah which is a speciall name signifying an heave-offering doe understand in generall an oblation Vatarlus But the same word being in the next verse before used in a speciall signification for an heave-offering must bee also so taken here 2. Some doe take it in that speciall sense but then they restraine it only to the shoulder before spoken of which is called the shoulder of the heave-offering Osiander But it is evident in that a perpetuall Law is made for Aaron and his sonnes what part they should have of the peace-offerings and they had as well the shaken breast as the shoulder that was lifted up Levit. 27.34 that this clause must be understood of both those parts before spoken of the breast and the shoulder 3. Some by the heaving here understand only the dividing and separating of these parts which was to be made by the children of Israel So Oleaster and in the same sense the Latine Interpreter translateth primitivae sunt they are the first things that is the principall or best of the offerings of the children of Israel But the word terumah being before used in that speciall signification for an heave-offering should bee also so taken here 4. Therefore this terme terumah heave-offering is given both to the shaken breast and heaved shoulder of the more principall motion for these gifts were first of all by the Priest lifted up and presented before God in the hands of the Priest and in that respect were called an heave-offering Borrh. QUEST XXXIV Of the mysticall application of the shaking to and fro and of the breast and shoulder of the ram given unto the Priests FOr the mysticall application of these rites and ceremonies 1. In that part of the sacrifice was shaken to and fro on every side it signified Deum totius terra esse Dominum that God is Lord of the whole earth Oleaster and beside it betokened that Christi vera victimae merita beneficia c. that the merits and benefits of Christ the true sacrifice should by the preaching of the Gospell be spread abroad into all the world Borrh. But the Hebrewes exposition is fond who would have hereby signified that all men from all parts of the world should come to Jerusalem ibi optimâ aurâ fruituros there to have their health and to enjoy an wholesome aire Ex Oleastro For wee see that not by comming to Jerusalem but in departing from the earthly Jerusalem with the carnall rites thereof by preaching of the Gospell the Gentiles have received health and salvation of their soules which is more precious than the health of the body 2. In that part of the sacrifice was given unto the offerers to eat it sheweth that Christ did not only deliver himselfe unto death for us sed etiam in cibum dare c. but also giveth himselfe to be our meat nourishing us unto eternall life as he saith Ioh. 6.54 My flesh is meat indeed my bloud is drinke indeed c. Marbach 3. And in that the breast and shoulder are given unto the Priest it teacheth as Gregorie well saith Vt quod de sacrificio praecipitur sumere hoc de seipso discat authori immolare That what he is commanded to take of the sacrifice he should learne himselfe to offer unto God quod toto pectore oper◠c. that with all their heart and endevour they should watch upon their office Iun. Vt sint tanquam pectus humeri populi c. To be as the breast of the people to provide and take care for their soules and to bee as their shoulders to beare the burthen of their vocation Simler QUEST XXXV Of the consecrating of Aarons successour in his garments Vers. 29. ANd the holy garments c. 1. The Latine Interpreter readeth in the singular the holy garment but it is in the plurall bigdee garments for there was not one garment but many ten in all which were consecrated for the high Priest 2. The Priests which succeeded Aaron were not to use any other garments but those which Aaron was consecrated in as Eleazar put on Aaron priestly vesture when he was consecrated Priest in his fathers place Numb 20. Lyran. 3. And it is added shall be his sonnes after him whereby the use of these garments is not made generall to all the Priests but onely unto them which should succeed in the priesthood Cajetane 4. And this difference may be observed betweene the consecration of Aaron and his successour that Aaron in his consecration was both consecrated himselfe and his garments with him but his successour only was to be consecrated in those garments which needed not to be consecrated againe unlesse the old garments being old new were to be made in their place and then they were to be consecrated as Aarons priestly garments were at the first Tostat. quaest 13. 5. These garments the high Priest at the time of his consecration was to weare seven dayes together he was not afterward tied necessarily to weare them so long together but as his ministery and service required Tostat. qu. 14. QUEST XXXVI By whom the high Priests succeeding Aaron were consecrated Vers. 29. TO be consecrate therein 1. There were two high Priests consecrated extraordinarily first Aaron who received his consecration from Moses who was no Priest but only for the time executed that office in Aarons consecration secondly Eleazar was consecrated high Priest his father being yet living which was not afterward seene in any other succeeding high Priest for there could not be two high Priests together But Eleazar was consecrated his father yet living because the time of his death was certainly knowne as the Lord had shewed to Moses and immediatly after Eleazars consecration he died Numb 20 but this could not be knowne in any other high Priest 2. The rest of the high Priests which followed after Moses death were consecrated by the inferiour Priests Tistetus giveth an instance how the Pope at this day is consecrated by the Bishop of Hastia But the Gospell acknowledgeth no such high Priesthood and the Pope doth usurpe that place over other Churches therfore it is nothing to us how an usurper entreth A better instance may be given Act. 13.3 where certaine that were but Prophets and Doctors of the Church do yet lay their hands upon the Apostles Saul and Bernabas and so they did consecrate them to the worke whereunto they were called Therefore by the like example the inferiour Priests might consecrate the high Priest in the old Testament there being no other high Priest to do it QUEST XXXVII Whether Eleazar was consecrated after the manner here prescribed Vers. 30. THat sonne that shall be Priest in his stead c. Which is not understood onely of the next sonne of Aaron which should succeed him which
Hexapla in Genesin Exodum THAT IS A sixfold commentary upon the two first Bookes of Moses being GENESIS and EXODVS WHEREIN THESE TRANSLATIONS are compared together 1. The Chalde 2. The Septuagint 3. The vulgar Latine 4. Pagnine 5. Montanus 6. Iunius 7. Vatablus 8. The great English Bible 9. The Geneva edition And 10. The Hebrew originall Together with a sixfold Vse of every Chapter shewing 1. The Method or Argument 2. The divers readings 3. The explanation of difficult questions and doubtfull places 4. The places of doctrine 5. Places of confutation 6. Morall observations In which worke about three thousand Theologicall questions are discussed above forty Authors old and new abridged and together comprised whatsoever worthy of note either Mercerus out of the Rabbines Pererius out of the Fathers or Marlorat out of the new Writers have in their learned Commentaries collected Now the fourth time imprinted with the Authors corrections before his death By ANDREW WILLET Minister of the Gospell of Iesus Christ. IOHN 5.46 47. Moses wrote of mee but if you beleeve not his writings how shall yee beleeve my words LONDON ¶ Printed by Iohn Haviland and are sold by Iames Boler at the signe of the Marigold in Pauls Church-yard 1633. Hexapla in Genesin THAT IS A SIXFOLD COMMENTARIE UPON GENESIS Wherein six severall Translations that is the Septuagint and the Chalde two Latine of Hierome and Tremelius two English the Great Bible and the Geneva Edition are compared where they differ with the Originall Hebrew and Pagnine and Montanus interlinearie interpretation TOGETHER WITH A SIXFOLD USE of every Chapter shewing 1. The Method or Argument 2. the divers readings 3. the explanation of difficult questions and doubtfull places 4. the places of doctrine 5. places of confutation 6. Morall observations WHEREIN ABOVE A THOVSAND THEOLOGICALL questions are discussed and is comprised together whatsoever worthy of note either Mercerus out of the Rabbines Pererius out of the Fathers Marlorat out of the new Writers have in their learned Commentaries collected Divided into two Tomes and published to the glory of God and the furtherance of all those that desire to read the Scripture with profit Now the third time revised corrected and with divers additions enlarged By ANDREW WILLET Minister of the Gospell of Iesus Christ. IOHN 5.46 47. Moses wrote of me but if you beleeve not his writings how shall ye beleeve my words AMBROS EPIST. 41. Deambulabat Deus in Paradiso c. nunc deambulat in Paradiso Deus quando Scripturas lego Paradisus Genesis in quo virtutes pullulant Patriarcharum Paradisus Deuteronomium in quo germinant legis praecepta God sometime walked in Paradise c. and now God walketh in Paradise when I read the Scriptures Genesis is a Paradise wherein the vertues of the Patriakes doe branch forth Deuteronomie is a Paradise wherein the precepts of the Law doe sprout forth LONDON ¶ Printed by the Assignes of THOMAS MAN PAVL MAN and IONAH MAN 1632. TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTIE RIGHT VERTVOVS AND MOST CHRISTIAN PRINCE King IAMES our dread Soveraigne by the grace of God King of Great Britaine of France and Ireland Defender of the Christian faith MOST gracious Soveraigne as under the shadow of your Highnesse great and mighty tree I meane your Princely and peaceable government the goodly beasts of the field honourable and great persons doe solace themselves so the fowles of heaven and the little birds doe sit and sing in the branches thereof and there build their neasts and lay their young and I among the rest have brought forth my implumed and unfeathered birds those imperfect workes which heretofore I have dedicated to your excellent Majestie and now this which wanteth but the wings of your Highnesse favour to flie abroad To your pious and sacred Majestie therefore I here present this absolute Tractate upon Genesis such as hath not beene yet in respect of the order matter and manner set forth vpon this booke wherein whatsoever questions of weight are discussed and other necessarie matters added as the short preface following sheweth This my third work to your highnesse I here in all humility exhibite and offer as an unfained pledge of our hearty joy for the joyfull entrance of this third yeare of your Majesties happy reigne This divine booke of Genesis as Ambrose advised Augustine to read the Prophesie of Isaias Augustine sendeth Volusianus to the Apostles writings I would commend in the first place as it is in order first to be read of all the Scriptures wherein are declared and set forth the beginning of the world and the progresse thereof the punishment of the wicked and rewards of the righteous so many examples and enticements to vertue such judgements and dehortations from sin and the same so lively and effectuall â—s if they were now presently done before our eyes as Augustine saith of this historie of Genesis I know not how but as often as it is read the hearer is so affected as though the thing were even now effected This worthy history containeth the space of 2368. yeares above halfe the age of the world from the first to the second Adam It insisteth principally in setting forth the life and acts of six honourable Fathers as starres among the rest Adam Noah Abraham Isaack Iacob Ioseph from all these your Majestie may receive somewhat with Adam who in Enos time when religion decayed taught his sonnes apart from the wicked to call upon the name of God your princely care must bee that you and your people as separated from the superstition of the world should worship the Lord more purely with Noah God hath raised you up to bring rest and comfort to his Church as another Abram the Lord hath made you an high Father as Isaack to procure joy and laughter to the Church as Iacob a supplanter of Popish superstition as Ioseph to adde what is wanting in the Church or Common-wealth Much bound unto God is this Church and Common-wealth for your Highnesse peaceable and religious government that whereas we for our sins had deserved with Israel neither to have King nor Church as the Prophet Hoshea saith We have no King because we feared not the Lord and againe in the same place the thorne and thistle shall grow upon their Altars yet the Lord in mercy hath blessed us with both We praise God for your princely vertues your worthy clemencie equity bountie piety which doe shine in your Majestie as the pretious stones in the King of Tyrus garment your gracious clemencie is as a cordiall unto this land which having remitted some great offences must needs passe by smaller trespasses If David pardoned Shemeis rayling he could not but forgive Mephiboseths negligence Your princely peace made abroad doth give us hope of a peaceable state at home as Davids favour toward Abner a reconciled enemie was a signe of grace to Barzillai an ancient friend what would we have
Hebrew ach to be read as an adversative as Paulus Burgensis readeth veruntamen notwithstanding as though the sense should be this though yee are permitted to shed the bloud of beasts yet it is unlawfull for you to shed the bloud of man 3. Neither is this another exception concerning mans food as Cajetane that as before the bloud of beasts is excepted so here humane flesh that if it be not lawfull to shed the bloud of man neither is it to eat his flesh which first must be kiâ—led before it be eaten 4. Neither need there to be here understood any sentence as this I will not have you to shed mans bloud and then this to follow as a reason for this prohibition to shed mans bloud followeth directly in the next verse 5. But this word translated for may be read as a causall why God would have them abstaine from all cruelty or savage behaviour in eating of the bloud of beasts that they should have a greater detestation of the spilling or shedding of mans bloud Perer. Mercer QVEST. VII How God will require the bloud of man at the hand of beasts Vers. 5. AT the hand of every beast 1. Rupertus by beast understandeth the Devill that shall answer for the death of mens soules but Moses here directly speaketh of the bodily life which is in the spirits and bloud 2. Neither by beasts here are understood cruell and beastiall men for it followeth afterward aâ— the hands of man will I require it c. 3. Neither doth Moses insinuate the death of martyrs which were exposed to beasts for which the persecutors shall answer for that did cast the Saints before the beasts 4. But here is shadowed forth that Law which was afterward published that even the beast that killeth a man should be stoned Exod. 22. QVEST. VIII How his bloud shall be shed that sheddeth bloud Vers. 6. BY man shall his bloud be shed 1. Some reade in homine and referre it to the first clause Hee that sheddeth mans bloud in man as they which are strangled have their bloud shed as it were in them sic Tostatus but in this sense one kinde of murther onely should be prohibited 2. Some read in homine against man that is in despite of man Cajetan 3. But the best reading is per hominem by man and to referre it to the last clause by man shall his bloud be shed that is by the Magistrate as the Chalde interpreteth by witnesse by the sentence of the Iudge for it should seeme that before the floud there was no law made nor power given to man to punish murther as Adam proceeded not against Cain that killed his brother Abel Mercer 4. And this must be understood not de facto sed de jure merito not of the fact for many times murtherers escape but of the right and due desert of murtherers that they are by Gods Law worthy of death and many times where the law of man faileth that such are not executed Gods vengeance overtaketh them such are either slaine in battell or by the hands of other or by some other meanes as it is in the Psalme men of bloud shall not live halfe their daies Psalm 55.24 Calvin QVEST. IX That mans life should be preserved because of Gods image IN the image of God c. 1. Hence it followeth not as Oleaster collecteth that the image of God is in mans body because the image in the soule cannot be by the killing of the body destroyed for the reason concludeth well though this image of God be not in the body yet because the body is the Tabernacle of the soule and beareth that which beareth the image of God it ought for that cause to be reverenced and yet the image of God though not originally or principally yet by the consequent and effects is expressed and shineth in some sort in mans body in that it is made upright and aspiring to celestiall things and so sutable to the soule and in regard that into the hand of man God hath delivered the rule and dominion of the creatures cap. 1. vers 28. 2. Though the image wherein man was created be much decayed and impaired yet some part thereof remaineth for the which the life of man should be spared and preserved Calvin 3. And if for this reason the life of any man whatsoever should be regarded much more the life of Christians in whom this image is renewed in Christ Muscul. QVEST. X. Of the Raine Bow Vers. 13. I Have set my bow in the cloud c. 1. Neither Ambrose conceit can be admitted who understandeth not here the visible Raine-Bow in the clouds but the invisible power of God whereby he sometime intendeth sometime remitteth his judgements as a bow is bent and unbent againe But this collection is contrary to the text which saith The Bow shall be seene in the cloud vers 14. 2. Neither is their opinion found that thinke there was neither raine noâ— Raine-Bow before the floud for how could the plants and fruits of the earth have beene so many yeares preserved without raine so then the Raine-Bow was before the floud but it beganne onely now to be a signe of this covenant betweene God and man as the Lord chuseth sometime naturall things for signes as Bread and Wine and Water in the Sacraments Mercer 3. Neither is the opinion of some Hebrewes to be admitted that thinke the Raine-Bow to have beene before the floud but then it appeared in the cleare aire now in a cloud for the iris or Bow can have no existence or being but in a dewing or stilling cloud Mercer 4. Neither is Thomas Aquinas judgement and Cajetanus sound which thinke that the Râ—ine-Bow is partly a naturall signe that there shall be no floud because the Raine-bow sheweth not but when the clouds are thinne and dispersed whereas thicke and blacke clouds ingender inundations for the causes of the generall floud were not naturall and God without the clouds by the overflowing onely of the waters could drowne the world and beside if the Rain-bow were a naturall signe then before the floud came it might have prognosticated so much but then it should have beene a lying signe for notwithstanding the Raine bowes often appearing before the deluge as it is like the floud came 5. Though the Raine-bow bee not a naturall signe but voluntary depending upon the will and institution of God yet notwithstanding hath it some agreement with that which it is made a signe of like as baptisme in the flesh hath some resemblance of the soule so the Raine-bow is a fit and convenient signe to portend no inundation likely to follow because it is orâ—inarily a signe either of faire weather or of no long raine And it hath beene observed that a Raine-bow in the morning betokeneth showers in the evening faire weather Beside the Raine-bow is found to be wholesome to plants and herbs that where it lighteth it giveth them a more pleasant and
was a time of abstinency 2. Neither as some that for the more speedy increase of the world children were borne in a shorter time as at 7. moneths 3 Nor yet that Elam and Assur might bee twins both borne at a birth 4. But I rather thinke that Arphacsad might be either the eldest of all or the second of Sems sonnes for the scripture observeth not the order of time in setting downe names as we saw before in rehearsing of Sem Ham and Iapheth QVEST. XVIII Why it is here omitted in the genealog of these fathers and he died FVrther whereas in the Patriarkes lives before the floud it is added and hee died which is omitted here 1. Some thinke it is to shew that Henoch died not a common death as the rest did 2. Some to signifie that none of them perished in the floud 3. Some yet are more curious aâ— Bahai who thinketh this clause and he died to bee here omitted because Messiah was to come of this line whom they hold to be immortall and further he prescribeth Messiah his age that hee should live 837. yeares before the end of the sixt millenary or thousand yeare which hee would gather by the letters of the word Lemarbaty used by the Prophet Isay 9.7 which is of the increase of his government there shall bee no end where the first letter lamed signifieth 30. men 600. râ—sh 200. beth 2. he 5. which maketh together 837. But it is evident to all the world how they are deceived for the six thousand yeare is expired within lesse than 400. yeares and yet their supposed Messiah commeth not and againe Messiah came as well of the line of the fathers before the floud as of them after the floud 4. Wherefore this is more like to bee the reason because then after Adams transgression Moses would shew how the curse tooke place thou shalt dye the death in those long lived patriarkes that although they lived divers hundred yeares yet in the end they dyed Mercerus QVEST. XIX At what age of Terah Abraham was borne Vers. 26. TErah lived 70. yeares and begat Abraham c. Terah lived 205. yeares and died in Charran at what time Abraham was 75. yeares old Genes 12.5 Abraham then was borne when his father was an 130. yeare old not in his 70. yeare for the reconciliation then of these places 1. We need not with Hierome that followeth therein the Hebrewes to say that Abrahams age of 75. yeares is not counced from his birth but from his departure from Vr. of the Chaldes and his miraculous deliverance out of the fire wherein they cast him because he would not worship their Idols for beside that this tradition of Abrahams deliverance hath no sufficient ground to warrant it a great inconvenience will follow it if it bee admitted that Abraham was an 130. yeare old at this time when he is said to bee but 75. which must of necessitie followe if Abraham were borne in the 70. yeare of Therah then it would follow that Isaack borne when Abraham was an 100. yeare old was borne 30. yeare before hee came into the land of Canaan which is contrarie to the Scripture or if they will count those hundred yeares also from Abrahams departure out of Chaldea and that he was indeed an 160. yeares old when Isaack was borne and Isaack was 40. yeare old his father yet living when he tooke Rebeccah to wife Genes 25.20 Abraham should have lived above 200. yeares whereas the Scripture saith he lived but an 175. Genes 25.7 2 Neither is it a sufficent answer that Abraham went out of Charran at 75. yeares of his age long before his fathers death and that Moses doth recapitulate the story afterward as Aben Ezra for Steven saith that God brought him out after his father was dead Act. 7.4 And to say his father was spiritually dead not naturally because he staied still and refused to goe into Canaan living in idolatrie which is the devise of one Andreas Masins cited by Pererius is a forcing of Stephens words which in an historicall narration must be taken properly 3. And with Augustine to make two departures of Abraham into the land of Canaan the one when Terah was yet living being an 105. yeare old and Abraham 75. sojourning there 60. yeares while his father lived in Charran and another after Therâ—hs death whome Abraham might visite before going and comming into Canaan but now he came from thence his father being dead and returned no more that in the first departure his bodie remooved but his affection was toward that place where his father was but now his affection and all was removed This imagination of two departures into Canaan dissenteth from Stephens narration Act. 7. where indeed he speaketh of two journeyes of Abraham one out of Mesopotamia the other out of Charan But into Canaan the Lord brought him after his father was dead v. 4. and not before 4. That also is a meere fancy that the rest of Abrahams age is concealed who should be an 130. when hee is said to be but 75. to this intent because God would keepe secret the end of the world Calvin for this would nothing have helped to the knowledge of that secret the account of yeares past will not tell us what yeares are to come and our Saviour saith the Angels know not of that day and yet they knew very well the age of Abraham 5. Wherefore the best solution is that Abraham though he be named first because of the privilege and preeminencie of his faith yet was not the first borne Terah at 70. yeares began to have sonnes but Abraham was not borne till the 130. yeare of his fathers age for he was but 75. at his fathers death who was then 205. So Noah is said to be 500. yeare old when he begat Sem Cham and Iapheth yet was not Sem borne till two yeares after Gen. 11.10 beside Sarah is held to have beene Abrahams brothers daughther Abraham then could not be the eldest brother for Sara was but 10. yeares younger than Abraham Gen. 17.17 Iun. QVEST. XX. Sarai not sister but neece to Abraham Vers. 29. THe father of Milcha and of Iscah c. 1. Some thinke that this Iscah was not Sarai Abrahams wife but that shee was rather the daughter of Thare and Abrahams owne sister by the fathers side than the daughter of his brother Aran and that it was lawfull then for the halfe brother by the fathers side to marrie his sister sic Clement Alexand. Lippoman Cajetan Scotus 2. Others thinke that Sarai was not the naturall but the adopted daughter of Thare 3. But the truer opinion is that Sarai was the daughter of Haran sister to Lot and Milcah and the same that is called Iscah as may appeare by these reasons thus thinke Iosephus and Augustine Iunius 1. It is like that as Nachor married the one sister so Abraham married the other because it was their great care not to
have not these words the rest have v. 6. unto an high oake S. famous valley H. unto the plaine of Morch caet celon signifieth both an oake and a valley or plaine v. 8. Bethel toward the west caeter toward the sea S. heb because the Mediterranean Sea was in the west side of Canaan v. 9. in the desart S. toward the South caeter negebh signifieth both v. 11. tooke his journey toward the East T. tooke his journey first C. from the East câ—t heb micehedem toward the East Gen. 28. v. 13. Say I am his sister S. thou art my sister caet I shall live for thy sake H. T. by thy occasion B. shall be preserved by thee G. for thy words C. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because of thee S.P. heb biglal propter because v. 16. mules and Camels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. she ashes and camels câ—t athon a she asse chamer an hee asse the mule is the shee v. 19. I have taken her to my wife S.C.P. I might have taken her caet 3. The Exegesis or Theologicall Explication QVEST. I. Where and how the Lord spake to Abraham Vers. 1. FOr the Lord had said c. 1. God thus spake to Abraham not after his fathers death but while he was yet in Mesopotamia Act. 7.2 for to what end should the Lord have thus said Get thee out of the countrey c. if hee had beene come out thence already Calvin 2. Wee read that God spake unto Abraham eight times Gen. 12.1 againe v. 7. and c. 13.14 and c. 15.4 and 17.1 also c. 18.9 and c. 21.9 and 22. 1. It is like that divers other times the Lord spake unto him but these are expressed 2. And how God spake unto Abraham Basil thinketh it was citra ullam corporis vocem without any corporall or outward voyce but by the illumination of his minde Ramban thinketh it was by dreame some that God spake to him by Sem or some other Prophet but in this place it is like that God spake to Abraham either by himselfe or his Angels when he spake by dreame in sleepe or by vision when he was waking it is so expressed in the text as c. 15.1 QVEST. II. Whether God named it a countrey to Abraham whither he called him TO the land that I will shew thee c. 1. When the Lord thus called to Abraham hee named no certaine countrey whither hee should goe for the better triall of his faith for the Apostle saith Hee knew not whither hee went Hebr. 11.8 and Stephen Act. 7.3 nameth no countrey whither hee was called 2. Whereas Canaan is named in the former chapter vers 31. either Moses setteth downe the name of the country by way of anticipation or God might afterward shew unto Abraham as he went whither hee would have him to goe Calvin R. Isaach Carus thinketh that at the first Abraham understood that countrey to the which hee was called to be Canaan because of the curse that hee should be a servant c. but that is not like QVEST. III. Wherefore Abraham was called out of Chaldea into Canaan ANd the Lord called Abraham out of Chaldea into Canaan 1. Because Chaldea was given to abominable Idolatry and other great corruptions of life where Abraham could not remaine without great danger 2. That Gods blessing in the multiplying of Abrahams seede might better appeare abroad in a strange countrey Perer. 3. But the greatest cause was not as some thinke to converse with Sem who is held to be Melchizedek but that Abraham might take possession of that countrey and by faith and hope enioy that which was promised to be given to his seede Calvin QVEST. IIII. Where Abraham was when the Lord first called him Where Abraham should be when as God first called him there are divers opinions 1. It can neither be as Augustine thinketh that Abraham was called after he was departed out of Chaldea before he came to Charran beeing yet in Mesopotamia for to what end should the Lord have bidden Abraham to goe out of his countrey if he had beene removed alreadie To say with Augustine and Eucherius that now he is commanded to leave his countrey in affection as he had alreadie done in bodie hath no probabilitie for both Abraham should have beene disobedient to Gods Vocation beeing wedded still in desire to his countrie and it is not like that he had a minde to returne to an idolatrous countrey where he was to expect nothing but persecution Steven indeed saith he was in Mesopotamia when God called him but Mesopotamia is there taken largely as it comprehendeth Siria and Chaldea and so Steven saith that he came out of the land of the Chaldeans Act. 7.4 Mercer 2. Neither was Abraham twice called once in Chaldea and againe in Charran as Rupertus and Tostatus thinke upon this place for this had argued Abrahams sloth and negligence if hee had made no more haste to obey the calling of God Steven also Act. 7. maketh mention but of one calling 3. To say further that Steven beeing occupied with other matters might forget himselfe and not well remember the circumstance of time or that he was contented to follow the vulgar account is to doe wrong to so holie a man being directed by the spirit of God to speake neither doth Eucherius answer satisfie that expoundeth Steven thus that Abraham was placed in the land of Canaan after the death of Terah he might depart from Charran his father yet living but all that while hee was a sojourner in Canaan had no certaine place till after his fathers death Contra. But this sense is contrarie to the text that God after his fathers death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 translated or brought Abraham into Canaan this must be understood not of Abrahams setling in Canaan but his first remove thither 4. Neither is Lyranus opinion sound who therein followeth Rasi and Mizrahi that the calling which Moses here speaketh of was that in Charran for Abraham is bidden to come out of his countrey but Charran was not his countrey and the Lord saith hee brought him out of Vr of the Chaldeans chap. 15.7 not out of Charran But Paulus Burgensis opinion is farre wide that Charran was Abrahams countrie not Chaldea for Vr of the Chaldees is called the land of his brother Arans nativitie now whereas Abraham calleth it his countrie where Naâ—or dwelt in Charran in Aram Naharahim or Mesopotamia Gen. 24.8.4.10 there Mesopotamia or Naharaim the countrie betweene the rivers is taken in a large sense as it containeth both Siria and Chaldea as is before shewed or for that all his kindred were now remooved thither Mercer 5. Wherefore the truth is that Abraham was in Chaldea when the Lord called him so Aben Ezra Mercer for so the Lord saith cap. 15.7 and although he is bid to leave his kindred who came with him as Terah and Lot yet for all this his calling was in
60. yeares Gen. 25.26 and Iacob was an 130. when hee went into Aegypt Gen. 47.9 which all make 215. yeares the other 215. yeares may be accounted thus Cahath the sonne of Levi went downe with Iacob into Aegypt who as Eusebius thinketh begat Amram at 70. yeares Amram also at 70. might beget Moses who lived 80. yeares before the departure of the Israelites out of Aegypt the whose summe maketh 220. yeares from the which we must detract five yeares of the age of Cahath when he came downe with Iacob into Aegypt so there remaineth 215. yeares which is the time of the sojourning of Israel in Aegypt ex Mercer 3. Though the Israelites dwelt in Aegypt 215. yeares yet they were not kept in thraldome and affliction above an 130. nor yet so much for all the time of Iosephs government after Iacob came into Aegypt must be accepted which was 71. yeares for Ioseph was then 36. yeare old 30. yeere old hee was when he stood before Pharaoh and expounded his dreame Genes 41.49 and the seven plentifull yeares were past and two of famine Gen. 45.11 And Ioseph lived in all 110. yeares if then 39. bee deducted from 110. there will remaine 71. yeares all this while Israel was not afflicted Beside whereas their affliction began not till Ioseph and all his brethren were dead Exod. 1.6 and Levi supposed to bee 44. yeare old when he came into Aegypt lived 137. yeare Exod. 5.16 was 39. yeares in Aegypt which being subtracted from 215. yeares the time of their dwelling in Aegypt there will remaine not above 122. yeares which was the time of their thraldome and bondage in Aegypt 4. Their foure hundred yeares of servitude in a land not theirs 1. must not be counted from Abrahams first comming into the land of Canaan as Chrysostome for from thence the 430. yeares mentioned Exod. 12.40 must take beginning and the text is thy seed shall be a stranger we must then begin to count from the birth of Isaak Abrahams seed 2. Neither is it like that God afterward seeing their extreme affliction shortned this time of 400. yeares which also is Chrysostomes conjecture for Gods word altereth not and S. Steven Act. 7.6 abridging this story setteth the same time of 400. yeares not of 430. as some latine copies have wherein the translation is corrupted 3. Neither is the land of Canaan here to be excluded as Oleaster thinketh for although it was promised to Abraham for an inheritance they were as yet strangers therin for Abraham had not so much as a breadth of a foot Act. 7.5 and Iacob counted himselfe a pilgrime and stranger there Gen. 47.9 4. Neither to make up these foure hundred yeares need we with Iosephus to count 170. yeares betweene Iosephs death and Moses birth which was not above 64. yeares Iosephus confuting Cheremons errour that would have Ioseph and Moses both of one time falleth into another rour himselfe 5. Wherefore this time of 400. yeares must begin at Isaaks birth though precisely they were 405. yeares which few odde yeares in so great a summe maketh no great difference Againe this land not theirs is not only Aegypt but Canaan and where the text rehearseth these three they shall be strangers serve and be entreated evill wee must joyntly not severally apply all these to the time limited of 400. yeares that this whole time they were either strangers or served or were afflicted and so Augustine well understandeth qu. 47. in Exod. Mercer QVEST. XV. How diversly a generation is taken Vers. 16. IN the fourth generation they shall come hither c. A generation is sometime taken for the whole life of man and continuance of an age as Matth. 24.34 this generation shall not passe till all these things be fulfilled that is some now alive may live to see it sometime it is taken for the succession of persons as Matth. 1.17 sometime for a certaine number of yeeres as for the space of ten yeares Baruch 6.2 the time of the captivity in Babylon which was 70. yeares is limited to seven generations for 20. yeares Euseb. lib. de praepar 10. c. ult for 33. yeares Herod lib. 2. for 30. Diodor. lib. 3. c. 13. for an 100. Dyonis Halicar lib. 1. Rom. antiquit According to these divers acceptions 1. Some doe understand here a generation for an 100. yeares but that cannot be for the Israelites came not out in the fourth hundred yeare but in the beginning of the fifth Iun. 2. Some take it for the space of seventy yeares out of the Psal. 90.10 and so after the Israelites had dwelt three generations that is thrice 70. yeares 220. yeares in Aegypt then in the fourth 70. yeare they entred the land of Canaan sic Iunius But the best computation of these generations is from the succession of persons yet we must neither begin from the eldest persons that entred into Aegypt as Cajetanus and Lyranus reckon these foure generations from Iacob to Iudas from Iudas to Pharez Pharez to Ezron Ezron to Caleb so also Mercerus which make foure generations which computation is a great errour for that Caleb which entred to Canaan was not the sonne of Ezron but of Iephunne Ios. 14.6 long after the other Caleb for we reade of three Calebs the first the son of Ezron 1 Chron. 2.9 the second the sonne of Hur ibid. v. 50. the third the sonne of Iephunne 1 Chron. 4.15 from Iudah to this Caleb were six or seven generations neither could Ezron bee the father of this Caleb for Ezron came downe with Iacob into Aegypt Gen. 46.12 and Caleb was about 40. yeare old when the Israelites came out of Aegypt Iosu. 14.7 and the time of the Israelites abode in Aegypt was 215. yeares take from that the 40. yeares of Calebs age and suppose Ezron to have beene but five yeares old at his comming to Aegypt by this account he should be 170. yeare old before he begat Caleb whereas Caleb the sonne of Ezron was borne long before his father was 60. yeares old 1 Chron. 2.21 wherefore that Caleb which lived with Iosua was not the sonne of Ezron Neither must we account only those generations that were borne in Aegypt as Perer. for so wee shall have but three generations Caath begat Amram in Aegypt Amram Aaron Aaron Eleazer who divided the land but the right reckoning is to begin from the youngest of those generations that went downe to Aegypt and so from Kohath to Eleazer are foure generations Cohath begat Amram Amram begat Aaron Aaron Eleazer 4. But Philo his allegoricall conceit I let passe who by the fourth generation understandeth the fourth age of mans life when after the simplicity of his childhood the riot of his youth the instruction of his middle age he commeth to yeares of gravity and judgement for who seeth not how unproper and disagreeing to this historicall prophecie such mysticall collections are QVEST. XVI Why God spared the wickednesse of the Amorites Vers. 16.
thinketh the word also signifieth to he Iud. 7.12 so that this is the sense that he lay that is dwelt as the Septuagint and Chalde translate before his brethren that is he bordered upon them his brethren the sonnes of Keturah not he onely in person but his posterity inhabiting this large countrey whereof the desart of Sur was the bounds on the south the land of Chavilah not that in India but another in Arabia where the Geographers place the Chaulateans on the East Assiria on the North so that this sheweth the accomplishment of that prophecie Gen. 16.12 he shall dwell in the presence of all his brethren Mercer Iun. QUEST XX. Why Isaack is againe said to be the sonne of Abraham Vers. 19. THese are the generations of Isaack Abrahams sonne c. 1. Although the birth of Iacob and Esau was long before Ismaels death for at that time Ismael was but 74. yeares old 14. yeare elder than Isaack who was 60. at the birth of his children but Ismael lived in all 137. yeare yet Moses finisheth and knitteth up briefly the story of Ismael because he maketh haste to set downe the story of Isaack and Iacob the Patriarkes of the Church and people of God 2. Yet hee dwelleth not long in the history of Isaack handling the life and acts of Iacob in the most part of this booke behinde and as it may appeare for these reasons 1. Because all the children of Iacob the twelve Patriarkes were founders of the visible Church whereas Esau came of Isaack 2. For that greater variety of temptations and changes happened to Iacob than to Isaack wherein he shewed experiment of his vertue 3. More excellent visions were manifested to Iacob than to Isaack six in all Genes 28.2 Genes 31.3 cap. 32.4 and 5. chap. 35.6 Gen. 46. whereas two onely were revealed to Isaack expressed c. 26. ex Perer. 3. Isaack is here againe called the sonne of Abraham not because some sorcerers of that time held him to be Abimelechs sonne and therefore to put the matter out of doubt hee is againe repeated to be Abrahams sonne thus the Hebrews conjecture but because Genealogers must beginne from the first famous author or father Moses beginneth with Abraham to whom such large promises were made concerning his seed QUEST XXI Why Isaack staid three yeares after Sarahs death for Rebecca Vers. 20. ISaack was 40. yeare old when he tooke Rebecca to wife c. 1. The Hebrewes doe but fable that Rebecca was borne about Sarahs death and that Isaack stayed for her 3. yeares after for though the report of Rebecâ—a her birth about that time came to Abraham Gen. 22. yet then it was not done and if Rebecca had beene then borne Isaack must have stayed longer for her than 3. yeares Rasi thinketh Rebecca was then 10. yeare old and that Isaack stayed for her three years more but it is more like that she was then 30. yeares of age ten yeares younger than Isaack as Sarah was to Abraham Mercer 2. Rupertus allegorie also is but forced that as Sarah died 3. yeares before the marriage of Isaack and Rebecca so from the baptisme of Christ three yeares before his passion the law began to die 3. Mention is here made of Bethuel and Laban to shew the grace of God toward Rebecca that was a rose between two thornes having a superstitious both father and brother Muscul. as also Laban is brought in to make a way for the storie following whose daughters Iacob married Iun. QUEST XXII Whence Mesopotamia was called Padan Vers. 20. OF Padan Aram. This was not the name of a city but a country for the name of Laban and Bethuels city was Charran 1. It was not called Padan Aram that is the region or countrey of Aram. 2. Neither because Padan in the Syrian tongue signifieth a paire is it so called because there were two countreys of Syria or Aram Aram Soba and Aram Naharaim or Mesopotamia and the name of Padan to be given to Mesopotamia as the chiefe 3. But a part of Mesopotamia was so called because of two floods which parted and divided the river Chaborah and Euphrates a monument of this name Padan appeareth in the name Aphadans given unto two townes one situate by Euphrates the other by the river Chabora Iunius ex Ptolem. QUEST XXIII Wherefore barren women were the mothers of the Church Vers. 21. BEcause she was barren We finde in Scripture that many excellent women appointed to be the mothers of holy men were barren as Sara Rebecca Rachel Anna the mother of Samuel Elizabeth the mother of Iohn Baptist the reasons are yeelded to be these 1. That we might know genus Israeliticum non naturali successione sed gratia esse multiplicatum that the Israelites were multiplied not by naturall succession but by grace Theodoret. qu. 74. in Genes 2. Vt ex mirabili partu sterilium foemmarum praestrueretur fides partus virginis that by the miraculous bearing of barren women a way mihgt be made to beleeve the birth of a virgin Chrysost. hom 49. in Genes 3. This was also done ad consolaâ—dos autmos sterilium conjugum to comfort the minds of barren couples Chrysost. ibid. 4 It might be that God would qualifie the excesse of Isaacks love by this meanes Calvin QUEST XXIV Why and how long Isaack prayed for his wife Vers. 21. ISaack prayed to the Lord for his wife 1. He knew that the impediment was in his wife and not in himselfe because of Gods promise made to Abraham Gen. 21.17 I will greatly multiplie thy seed and therefore he prayeth for Rebecca 2. It is not like that hee continued in this prayer twenty yeares so long as Rebecca was barren as Chrysostome thinketh hom 49. in Gen. for some experience Isaack first had of her barrennesse which could not be immediately after their marriage 3. Neither as Rasi did hee expect ten yeares as Abraham so long tooke triall of Sarah before hee tooke Hagar and hereupon the Hebrewes after ten yeares triall of barrennesse doe take liberty to repudiate their wives for the ten yeares after the which Sarah gave Hagar to Abraham are to be counted not from their marriage but from their comming into Canaan 4. The time therefore cannot be presently set how many yeares Isaack continued praying for his wife but it is like he continued and waited in prayer for so the word gnathar here used signifieth to frequent and multiply prayer 5. And where the word is nocach he prayed in respect or toward his wife we need neither to understand his wife alway to be present when he prayed or that they prayed together one in one corner the other in another as the Hebrewes but the meaning is that he prayed in the behalfe of his wife though it is not unlike but that sometime they prayed together QUEST XXVII Why Isaack did not thinke of second marriage as Abraham tooke Agar NOw Isaack seeing his wife to be barren did not take unto him another
them after him to keepe the way of the Lord for which care the Lord himselfe commendeth him Gen. 18.19 than either Nachor or Esau had and therefore it is not unlike but that Iobs great knowledge was the fruits of Abrahams instruction propagated to his posterity QUEST XV. In what time Iob lived COncerning the time wherein Iob lived 1. He was neither so ancient as Iacob which seemeth to bee the opinion of Philo who thinketh that Dinah Iacobs daughter was Iobs wife for Eliphaz the Temanite of Teman of Eliphaz of Esau the third from Esau one of Iobs friends will make him after Iacobs time 2. Neither was Iob in the time of Moses which must be the opinion of Hierome who maketh Eliâ—u to be Balaâ—m 3. Much lesse lived he in the time of the judges as Gregorie thinketh for at such time as Iob lived who is commended for offering sacrifice the sacrificing priesthood was not instituted 4. Wherefore it is probable that Iob lived in the time of the Israelites being in Egypt after the death of Ioseph before the birth of Moses when Sathan compassed the earth and it was a rare thing to finde a righteous man for Moses is held to be the writer of the booke of Iob and as Eliphaz of Teman of Eliphaz of Esau of Isaack of Abraham was the sixt from Abraham so might Iob be in another line QUEST XVI Of Baal-hanan the seventh king of Edom. Vers. 38. BAâ—l-hanan the sonne of Achbor c. In that the city or country of this Baal-hanan is not expressed as of the rest 1. Some thinke it is omitted because he was of the same city of the which was the king next before named 2. Some because he had many adversaries and therefore had no certaine place 3. Some as Ramban that Hanan was his citie and so he is called Baal-hanan that is Lord of Hanan 4. But it may be that he was not so famous as the rest and therefore his citie is not noted Mercer QUEST XVII Of Mehetabel the wife of Hadad Vers. 39. MEhetabel the daughter of Matred the daughter of Mezabâ—h c. 1. Some thinke that Matred was her father Mezabah her mother 2. Some as R. Levi will have her the naturall daughter of Matred and the adopted daughter of Mezabah 3. Some thinke that Mezabah was the name of the place otherwise called Medeba or with Ptolome Medava Iun. but this seemeth to be somewhat coact and strained that she should be called the daughter of such a citie or towne 4. Therefore she is said to be the daughter of Matred her father not mother and daughter that is niece of her grand-father as Aholibamah before is said to be the daughter of Anah and daughter that is niece of Sibeon Mercer 5. Mezabah signifieth golden waters it might be that he was inriched by such waters where gold was gathered Matred also is interpreted one that is diligent or conversant in his worke of the word tared from whence some thinke the name Mithridates to be derived Mehetabel that is doing wel or giving unto God of the same signification with the name Theodosâ—â— Mercer QUEST XVIII Of the Dukes of Edom. Vers. 41. DVke Timna c. Duke Aholibamah 1. As the principality of Edom began with Dukes and rose to Kings so it returneth to Dukes againe who did not one succeed another as the Kings but they were all rulers together in divers places of Edom after the death of Hadad in Moses time 1 Chron. 1.51 2. These are not here the names of women as thinketh Aben Ezra that first the Dukes are named that came of Timna then those which came of Aholibamah neither are they the names of men Iun. but rather of the places called by the names of their first mothers where these Dukes had their seat Mercer Muscul. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. The prosperity of the wicked of short continuance Vers. 32. THese are the Kings that reigned c. The wicked are soone raised to honour and are quickly cast downe againe as Esaus posterity was speedily advanced to a Kingdome but it continued not long Iacobs seed though a long time kept under in affliction yet at the last obtained a firme and permanent Kingdome such is the condition of the elect though of a long time their happinesse appeareth not yet when it breaketh forth it hath a durable continuance but the prosperity of the wicked soone fadeth away therefore they are said to be set in flippery places and they are as a dreame when one awaketh Psal. 73.18.20 Mercer 2. Doct. Alteration of states in the hand of God FUrther whereas first the Horites dwelt in mount Seir and had divers Dukedomes and Principalities there and after them the Edomites were first Dukes then Kings then Dukes againe wee see that the alteration of states transplanting and changing of Kingdomes is in the Lords hand it is God that maketh low and maketh high Psal. 75.7 Muscul. 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Outward prosperity no sure note of the Church Vers. 32. THese are the Kings that reigned in Edom c. There were divers Kings in Edom before any reigned in Israel yet was not Edom the Church of God but Israel prosperity then and outward glory is no sure note of the true Church as the Papists make it Luther For then Moses would not have chosen to suffer affliction with the people of God and have refused the glory pompe and pleasure of Pharaohs Court Heb. 11.25 2. Confut. Against the Iewes that Magdiel is not Rome Vers. 43. DVke Magdiel the Hebrewes take this for Rome because they thinke that the Romans came of the Idumeans but they have no reason for it spiritually indeed the Romanists and all other enemies to the Church of God may be counted Idumeans But otherwise there was no affinity betweene Rome and Idumea being so farre distant Magdiel was a place in Edom as Timna and Teman and the rest were It signifieth annuntians Deum praising or confessing God in which sense it were happy for Rome now spirituall Babylon if she could truly be called Magdiel 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. God blesseth the seed of the righteous for their fathers sakes Vers. 15. THese were the Dukes of the sonnes of Esau c. As Ismael was temporally blessed for Abrahams sake so was Esau for Isaacks sake his posterity was renowned and honourable Thus the Lord often vouchsafeth temporall and outward favours even to the degeneraâ—e seed for their righteous forefathers sake as the Lord would not take away the whole Kingdome from Rehoboam that David still might have a light in Jerusalem 1 King 11.36 2. Observ. The wicked void of naturall affection Vers. 20. THese are the sonnes of Seir the Horite c. Esau was by marriage allied to this Seir for hee married Aholibamah neeâ—e to Sibeon the third sonne of Seir Gen. 36.2.20 yet the children of Esau chased away the Horims and destroyed them and dwelt in their stead
the one may be preserved the others poore estate pitied that the people may say unto them as the Egyptians did to Ioseph Thou hast saved our liues for as Amb. well saith they thought it no sale of their right but a safety of their estate Lastly Ioseph most wisely did temper severitie and clemencie justice and mercy together first he dealt roughly with his brethren charged them to be spies imprisoned them caused Simeon to be bound laid theft to their charge but afterward he lovingly embraced them wept over them and was afoster father unto them O tormenta misericordiae cruciat amat O the torments of pittie hee vexeth and yet loveth them So mercie and judgement tempered together make a sweet harmony as David saith I will sing mercie and judgement such a song did Ioseph sing His wrath asswaged which appeared and was not his mercie prevailed which was and appeared not So Magistrates doe well sometime with Ioseph to use threats and speake roughly where is cause but I well hope that Iosephs irefull words and pretended threatnings will end toward his brethren with mercifull deeds and extended embracings We praise God for your Honours mercifull government let them first taste of your mercie that teach you to shew mercie The Egyptian priests under Pharaoh by the hand of Ioseph were maintained in the time of dearth I doubt not but your Honour under our peerelesse Pharaoh will doe your best that the Ministers of the Gospell be stored with maintenance where they have it not much more bee suffred to enjoy that they have Ioseph remitted his brethrens trespasse that had taken away his particoloured coat and although some of our brethren would have certaine ceremonies which may seeme as the coat of this Church removed yet Iosephs brotherly connivence may heale up that breach Toleration and forbearance toward friends and brethren in such matters may well beseeme Ioseph But your Honours constant resolution therein concurring with his excellent Majestie against all toleration of contrary religion or giving countenance to such is most honourable and joyous to all faithfull hearts If they differed from us only in some externall rites and were beside peaceable and profitable men they might have some reason to desire and expect to be tolerated and borne with according to that conclusion of the Toletane Councel In una fide nihil officit Ecclesiae sanctae consuetudo diversa c. In the Church the unity of faith is not hindred by the diversitie of rites But seeing they dissent from us in substantial and fundamentall points of faith and so are enemies to the Church and depend upon a forreinē Prelate for their direction and so are dangerous to the state your Honours resolution is most Christian to shew no connivence in this case much lesse to give protection but to use against such all providence and circumspection for Christ and Belial Dagon and the Arke light and darknesse cannot dwell together God give your Honour courage strength and zeale notwithstanding the malice and envie of idolatrous Romanists to hold on this happie course that with Ioseph though archers shoot at you your bow may abide strong and the hands of your armes be strengthened by the hand of the mightie God of Iacob Now lastly I wish unto your Honour Iosephs portion that according to his name first Iosephs vertues then Iosephs honours may be added unto you in this life and his everlasting inheritance afterwards in the heavenly Canaan through the great mercies of our gratious God and infinite merits of our blessed Saviour Christ Iesus to whom bee praise for ever Your Honours ready to bee commanded in the Lord Andrew Willet CHAP. XXXVII 1. The Method FIrst in this Chapter are set forth the causes of the envy and hatred of Iacobs sonne◠against Ioseph 1. His complaining of them to his father vers 2. 2. Iacobs extraordinary love and affection toward Ioseph vers 4. 3. His two dreames of the sheaves vers 7 8. of the starres vers 9 10. whereby was prefigured his preheminence over his brethren Secondly the fruits and effects of their envy are declared their hard dealing toward Ioseph with the occasion thereof and the sequele 1. The occasion was ministred by occasion of Iosephs sending to his brethren by Iacob vers 13. to 19. 2. Their hard dealing appeareth first in consulting to kill Ioseph but that Ruben otherwise turned them vers 20 21. secondly in casting of him into a pit while they themselves did eat and drinke not regarding the affliction of Ioseph vers 23. to 26. 3. In selling of him to the Madianites at Iudah his motion who sold him afterward to Potiphar Thirdly the sequell and issue is this first they dissemble with their father making him beleeve that Ioseph was torne of the wild beasts then they are causes of Iacobs great sorrow and griefe that mourned for his sonne vers 34 35. 2. The divers readings v. 2. when Ioseph was sixteene yeere old H. seventeene caeter v. 2. hee accused his brethren of a bad crime H. Ioseph brought their accusation C. evill saying or report B.G. evill fame T. dibbah signifieth infamy slander reproach v. 5. who hated him so much the more all have but the Septuag v. 13. Israel said to him H. Israel said to Ioseph caet v. 14. and Israel said to him S. and he said caeter v. 20. into an old pit H. into one of these pits caeter v. 21. endevoured to deliver him H. delivered him out of their hands caeter v. 22. this he said to deliver him H. that he might deliver caet v. 28. for twenty peeces of gold S. twenty peeces of silver caet v. 36. to Potiphar Pharaohs Eunuch H.S.B.G. one of Pharaohs courtiers T. Princes C.P. saras a Prince an Eunuch it is like he was not an Eunuch being married Pharaohs chiefe cooke S. chiefe captaine C.H. chiefe steward B.G. master of his guard T. chiefe of his slaughter men P. tabach signifieth to kill to put to death 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. What generations Moses here meaneth Vers. 2. THese are the generations c. 1. Some by generations expound the events and things that happened to Iacob and his posterity sic Vatab but the word toldoth will not fitly beare that sense 2. Some referre these generations to Ioseph as the principall among Iacobs sonnes in whom the image of Iacobs inward vertues and outward countenance did more appeare than in any of the rest Rupert but then he would have said generation not generations in the plurall 3. Others as Ramban Cajetan send us to the 46. chapter following wherein Iacobs posterity is rehearsed and numbred and understand those generations here to bee spoken of but that genealogy following ten chapters after cannot conveniently have dependance of this place 4. Therefore I thinke rather that we are to looke to the 35. chapter where in the end Iacobs twelve sonnes are rehearsed and
sometime be used appellatively for a merchant Prov. 31.24 But he was a Canaanite as we reade the like of Simeon that he had his sonne Saul by a Canaanitish woman Gen. 46.10 Mercer 3. No marvell then if Iudah matching into the cursed stocke of Canaan whose land was promised to Abraham and his seed which Iudah could not be ignorant of had no good successe in his children the fruits of this marriage who also were accursed of God Calvin 4. Iudah saw this woman he tooke her and went in to her all was done in haste so that his affection carried him headlong his judgement did not guide him Muscul. QUEST V. Er and Onan whence and upon what occasion so called Vers. 6. IVdah tooke a wife to Er his first-borne 1. Though Iudah tooke him a wife without the consent of his father yet he will not have his sonne so to doe Muscul. 2. Whence he is called Er it is not certaine some will have it to signifie watchfull Augustine doth interpret it pelliceus to have his name of skinne or leather such as Adam was cloathed with in token of his transgression lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 84. Isaack Carus will have all these three sonnes to be named from Iosephs calamity Er because Ioseph was in a manner desolate or destroyed of gnariri Onan of the griefe of their father Shelah of the errour which Iudah committed in selling of Ioseph Ramban thinketh Onan to be so called of the paine of his mother in travell as Rachel called Benjamin Ben-oni and Shelah of his mothers errour in ceasiâ—g to beare afterward But if it bee lawfull to use conjectures I thinke upon what occasion soever they had these names given at the first that the event answered their names for Er was solitary without children Onan had a lamentable end and about Shelah Iudah committed a great errour with Thamar 3. Iudah gave Er his name the mother named the other two not that as the Hebrewes note the father did alwayes name the first-borne the mother the rest for as we saw before in Iacobs sonnes sometime the father sometime the mother indifferently gave the name but not without the consent of the father Mercer 4. Concerning Thamar some Hebrewes would have her the daughter of Seâ— the high Priest Melchisedeck because Iudah judgeth her to be burned according to the law of the Priests daughter committing fornication Levit. 21.8 but seeing Sem died ten yeare before Iacob he lived not to the 50. yeare of Iacobs as Mercerus it cannot be that Thamar a childe-bearing woman should bee his daughter Iacob being at the least an hundred yeare old It is like she was a Canaanitish woman Luther and a vertuous woman that did leave and forsake the idolatry of her Countrey to worship the true God Perer. ex Philone QUEST VI. Of the sinne of Er what it was Vers. 7. NOw Er was wicked in the sight of the Lord. 1. The wickednesse of Er was not as Augustine supposeth in being given to oppression or cruelty lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 34. but it is like to be the same sinne of unnaturall lust which Onan committed as may be gathered both by the likenesse of the punishment as by the phrase that he was wicked in the sight of God as it is said of the Sodomites Gen. 13.13 his sinne was not secret as Tostatus but it was a sinne very hainous and grievous against the order of nature and institution of God for he abused himselfe and spoiled his seed not because he would not have any issue by a Canaanitish woman as Mercer for then he needed not to have maried her but rather as the Hebrewes conjecture that hee might long enjoy the beauty and favour of Thamar which would be impaired by bearing of children or some such like cause 2. So then this sinne was against nature which is diversly commited either alone when men doe vitiously procure and provoke their seed or with others either of a divers kinde as with bruit beasts or with the same kinde but not the right sex as with the male or with the right sex that is the female but not in due manner which was the sinne of Er and Onan 3. This sinne of Er was against the order of nature using the act of generation for pleasure onely and not for generation it was against God whose institution he brake against his wife whom he defrauded of the fruit of her wombe against himselfe in preventing his issue against mankinde which should have beene increased and propagated Perer. 4. Yet Onans sinne was not lesse than Ers as Augustine thinketh who maketh Er of that sort of wicked men that doe evill to others Onan of that kinde that doe no good to others but herein Onan exceedeth the wickednesse of Er both because he was not warned by his brothers example as Daniel reproveth Belthasar because his heart was not humbled by the fall of Nebuchadnezer his father Dan. 5.22 As also for that Onan committed this sinne of envie against his brother to whom hee should have raised seed whereas Er did it not of envie but of an immoderate desire of pleasure Perer. QUEST VII Whether in any case it were lawfull by Moses law for one to marry his brothers wife Vers. 8. IVdah said c. goe in to thy brothers wife Here a question is moved whether it were lawfull by Moses law for the brother to marry his brothers widow to raise up seed to his brother 1. Philo thinketh that it was not onely lawfull among the Israelites but that it was the custome so to doe among the Canaanites and that the Judges of the Countrey did give Thamar to Onan after the death of his brother Er but the contrary is evident out of the text for Iudah and not the Judges of the Countrey gave Thamâ—r to Onan And I thinke rather that it was a custome received among the fathers and afterward confirmed by Moses law than any usage learned of the Canaanites whose fashions they were not to imitate 2. Neither doe I thinke with the Hebrewes that Iudah was the first that brought in this kinde of marriage though hee be first mentioned but that he had received that custome from other of the fathers 3. Wherefore it seemeth that Moses gave liberty to the next brother to take the wife of his brother that departed without issue and not to the next removed kinsman onely that was without the compasse of the Leviticall degrees and so some expound that law Deut. 25.5 sic Genevens upon that place D. Fulk in 6. Mark annot 2. But the other sense approved by Mercerus Calvin Iunius which understand it of the naturall brother seemeth more probable for these reasons 1. Because the first president of such marriages is taken from this place where one naturall brother succeedeth another in taking his wife 2. The word used in the law Deut. 25.5 jabam signifieth not to doe the office of a kinsman but of
Priest as the Hebrewes imagine for he died ten yeares before Iacob was borne who was now above 100. yeare old and therefore Melchisedeck could not have a daughter so young to beare children neither was this punishment arbitrary in Iudah and inflicted without law according to his pleasure Burgens for Iudah had no such authority there nor yet as Lyranus and Tostatus was she worthy of the fire because she had committed not simple fornication but adultery because she was by law obliged to the third brother and so in a manner espoused for it was not adultery for the widow of the brother to marrie with some other than the surviving brother else Naomi would never have advised her daughters in law to get them other husbands in their owne Countrey Ruth 1.9 But I rather thinke that Thamars adultery was in this that she had played the whore whereas Iudah had betrothed and espoused her to Selah and that Iudah who never was minded to give Selah to Thamar fearing lest he might die also as is evident vers 11. was very forward to take this occasion to be rid of Thamar that Selah might not marrie her 3. But herein appeareth Iudahs too much rigour and injustice that before the matter was examined gave sentence and was partiall the truth being knowne in his owne cause and further it was a savage part to put to death a woman great with childe which is contrary both to divine and humane lawes for it is written Deut. 24.16 The fathers shall not bee put to death for the children nor the children for the fathers but if Thamar had now died the infant had died with her The Romans had a law that the execution of a woman with childe should be deferred till she had brought forth the same also was practised among the Athenians Aeltan lib. 5. And therefore Claudius the Emperour is noted for his cruelty that spared not to put to death women with childe Perer. ex Dion lib. 57. QUEST XI Wherefore the Midwife useth a red threed and what colour it was of Vers. 28. THe midwife bound a red threed c. 1. It is so rather to be read than with Oleaster a twine or double threed the word sani here used commeth indeed of sanah that signifieth to double which is rather to be referred to the double die and colour than the double matter Iun. Tostatus also is much deceived here that taketh it not for a red but a blacke colour twice died ex Perer. 3. The Midwife tied this red threed as a marke of the first-borne because he first put forth his hand and the purple colour very well agreeth to the birth-right or eldership Muscul. QUEST XII Whence Pharez was so called and whereof he is a type Vers. 29. HOw hast thou broken thy breach upon thee 1. Hierome is deceived that of this word pharatz that signifieth to breake or divide thinketh the Pharises to have taken denomination whereas they had their name rather of Pharas which signifieth to disperse or separate because they were separate from other in profession of life and their apparell Mercer 2. This story hath bin diversly allegorized by the fathers some by Pharez understand the beleeving Gentiles by Zarah the Israelites and by the red threed their bloudy circumcision sacrifices sic Iren. Cyril Some contrariwise will have Phares to signifie the Jewes Zarah the beleeving Gentiles Chrysost. 3. But this Phares is more fitly a type and figure of Christ who hath broken downe the partition wall and hath broken the power of hell and death Mercer And by this strange and extraordinary birth the Lord would have Iudah and Thamar admonished of the sin which they had committed and to be humbled thereby though he in his mercie had forgiven it Calvin 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. The difference betweene the apparelling of widowes and wives Vers. 14. SHe put her widowes garment off c. It seemeth that it was the use in those dayes for widowes to be knowne from wives by their mourning and grave apparell in which case more is permitted to women that are married whom the Apostle alloweth to adorne themselves with comely and sober apparell without pride or excesse 1 Timoth. 2.9 to please and content their husbands but widowes having no husbands to whose liking they should apparell themselves ought not to decke themselves to please other mens eyes Luther 2. Doct. Friendship ought alwayes to be joyned with pietie Vers. 20. IVdah sent a kid by the hand of his friend This Hâ—rah Iudahs friend did performe an evill office in being as it were a broker for Iudah who should neither have requested any dishonest or uncomely thing of his friend nor the other yeelded unto it love truth and piety ought not to be separated as Saint Iohn saith Whom I love in the truth Epist. 3.1 Muscul. 3. Doct. Adultery in former times punished by death Vers. 24. LEt her bee burnt We see that even among the Canaanites adultery was judged worthy of death for Iudah inventeth no new kinde of punishment but speaketh according to the law and custome of that Countrey So the Lord himselfe said to Abimelech that had taken Sarai unto him Behold thou art but a dead man for this c. Gen. 20.3 Now although this law as peculiar to that Countrey bindeth not now neither in respect of the kinde of death for by Moses law onely the Priests daughter if she played the whore was burned Levit. 21.9 the rest were stoned nor yet in the inequality of the law for the women offending were burned the men escaped as appeareth in Iudah Calvin whereas both adulterers and adulteresses are alike guilty and though then there was greater cause of keeping their seed uncorrupt for preserving of their lives and the distinction of families in which respect it may be thought somewhat of the former rigour and severity may be abated yet this example condemneth the security and connivence of magistrates in these dayes in the punishing of this sinne when as faults of lesse nature are more severely censured than adultery And whereas the president of our Saviour is urged by some for the mitigation of the punishment of adultery because he would not condemne the woman taken in adulterie it doth not serve their turne for this mercie Christ shewed not to cleare or exempt the adulteresse leaving her to the magistrate but partly to shew that he came not to be a judge in such causes as neither in other like businesses as dividing of the inheritance Luk. 12.14 partly by this example he would teach what is to be required in the person of an accuser not to bee guilty of that crime whereof he accuseth others 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. That it is not lawfull upon any occasion to marrie the brothers wife Vers. 8. GOe into thy brothers wife Because in this place as also Deut. 25.5 it is permitted to naturall brethren to marry the wives of their brother deceased Bellarmine
excellent and he shall be nourished with the delights of Kings C. Assher his bread shall be fat and he shall give pleasures for a King caet v. 21. Nepthali his lot shall fall in a good ground c. they shall praise and blesse over them C. Neptali a trunke or post remissus sent backe sending forth beautie in the branch S. Nepthali as an hinde let goe or sent forth giving goodly words caet aial signifieth an hart and a post oomer a word amir an high branch v. 22. Ioseph a sonne increasing H.S.C. a fruitfull bough cater ben sig a sonne and a bough Pleasant to behold H.S. as a fruitfull bough beside the fountaine caet gnen sig an eye and a fountaine His daughters ran upon the wall H.P. my young sonne returne unto me S. two tribes shall come out of his sonnes and shall receive their part and inheritance C. his small branches run upon the wall caet baenâ—th daughters branches v. 22. The men of dissention C. the archers or shooters caet v. 2.44 Their bowes were broken with strength S. his how abode strong caet jashab to sit to rest to continue The sinewes or strings of his arms were dissolved H.S. the arms of his hands were strengthened T.B.P. the hands of his arms were strengthened G. phazzaz to strengthen From thence Israel is strengthened of God thy father S. of whom was the feeder appointed by the stone of Israel G. of him shall come a shepherd or herd-man B the stone of Israel T.H.B.P. the Chalde translateth here very corruptly comming nothing neare the text thus the prophecie was fulfilled in them because he kept the law in secret and propounded his constant hope then gold was put upon his armes c. v. 25. The blessing of the earth having all things S. the blessing of the deep beneath caet With the blessings of thy father and mother C. with the blessings of the breasts and the wombe caet v. 26. The blessing of thy father and mother above the blessing of the stable hills S. the blessings of thy father shall be added above the blessings of my fathers C.B.G.P. the blessings of thy father are strong with the blessings of his fathers H. or of mine elders T.H. he Har an hill harah a father a progenitor v. 26. In the blessings of the everlasting hills S. untill the desire of the everlasting hills come H. which the Princes have desired which were since the world C. to the utmost hills of the world B. to the end of the hills of the world T.G. ta ah sig to limit avah to desire which was ruler over his brethren S. which was a Nazarite or separate among his brethren caet nazar to separate v. 27. In the land of Benjamin shall dwell the majestie of the temple and in the possession thereof the sanctuarie evening and morning shall the Priests offer sacrifices and in the evening they shall divide the rest c. the rest agree in the vulgar reading v. 31. There they buried Leah S. there Leah lyeth buried H. there I buried Leah caet v. 32. The possession of the field and cave therein of the sonnes of Heth. S.T. the purchase of the field c. of the sonnes of Heth. B.G.C.P. chanah sig both to possesse purchase this verse is omitted in the vulgar Latine 3. The Explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Of the propheticall testament or Iacobs in generall Vers. 1· THen Iacob called his sonnes c. 1. Iacob not by any naturall instinct as some hold an opinion that the soule is more divine and apter to foretell things to come when death approcheth as Xenophon reporteth of Cyrus lib. 8. Plato of Socrates in apolog but by a divine inspiration doth prophesie what shall befall his children as Isaack did blesse his two sonnes Gen. 27. Moses the tribes of Israel Deut. 33. David blessed Salomon 1 Chron. 29. our blessed Saviour praied for his disciples immediately before his death Ioan. 17. Perer. 2. Iacob doth not blesse all his children three of them he censureth for their sinne Ruben Simeon Levi but Moses blesseth all the tribes Deuter. 33. the cause is not as R. Salomon imagineth that Iacob purposed to blesse all but being forsaken of Gods spirit and beside himselfe he falleth into a fit of phrensie which were impious to thinke Perer. 3. Some make question whether Iacob spake these words or Moses rather so penned them Mercer But it is more like that Iacob being moved by the spirit spake after this concise manner as a prophet though not altogether in the same forme of words· 4. Some doe wonder how Moses should come by the knowledge of these words which Iacob spake 200. yeares before to his sonnes in a corner they may as well muse how Moses should describe the particular places of the land of Canaan which hee never saw and set downe the historie of the creation which things Moses might have by godly tradition but most of all by the revelation of the spirit Calvin 5. Iosephus is too slender in the reporting of this propheticall speech of Iacob making onely mention thereof in generall that he prophesied how his children should inherit the land of Canaan lib. 2 antiquitat Some other have beene too bold to forge other fables upon this occasion as Origen maketh mention of a booke entituled The narration of Ioseph the sonne of Iacob tom 2. in Ioâ—uâ— out of the which he citeth certaine testimonies to prove the incarnation of Angels and the prognostication of things done in the world by the starres but Athanasius in Synops. holdeth this to be a forged booke so is that other called The testament of the twelve Patriarkes mentioned by Origen hom 15. in Iosun ex Perer. Some also of our own have beene too bold in allegorizing Iacobs words whereas the literall and historicall sense is full enough and containeth excellent matter Calvin QUEST II. What last times Iacob speaketh of GAther your selves c. I will tell you what shall come in the last daies 2. He calleth all his children to be present who were not all before assembled when Iacob blessed Ephraim and Manassâ—h and he stirreth them up also to attention to consider diligently what he saith Mercer 2. We need not with Rupertus by Iacobs sonnes to understand his spirituall seed the Church of Christ seeing this prophecie was literally accomplished in his carnall ofspring 3. By the lust daies wee understand not onely the times of the Messiah as David Kimhi Hierome and Lyranus will have it alwaies taken in the prophets but sometime it betokeneth the age next ensuing as Dan. 2.28 God sheweth the King what shall be in the latter daies that is vers 29. what shall come to passe afterward some part of his dreame fell out in the next times and age after Nabuchadnezzar Like as then in this place Iacob speaketh of the comming of the Messiah vers 10. so also he propesieth
him 7. Iosephus is here deceived that Iosephs brethren refused to returne into Egypt with him but that hee gently intreated them for all this was done after that they were returned QUEST XI In what sense Ioseph saith am I God Vers. 19. AM I in Gods stead c. 1. Some doe read Am not I under God and make this sense if God be ready to forgive much more I. 2. Some I doe feare God or I am Gods S.C. therefore I will not seeke to revenge 3. But the best reading is Am I in Gods stead with an interrogation not without as Cajetane readeth I am in Gods stead that is I follow Gods will and sentence I looke not to your evill intent the word thacath signifieth both pro for and sometime it is a note of subjection but here it is taken in the first sense 4. The meaning then of these words Am I God is not 1. either that they should aske God forgivenesse and not him 2. or that he committed his revenge to God for hee thought of no revenge 3. or that he would not have them to worship him as God for he had divers times before received that reverence at their hands 4. neither doth he by this meanes excuse their fault because he referreth all to Gods will 5. But the meaning is that seeing God had turned their evill counsell against him to his good and theirs and of many beside he would not for his part be the man that should turne it to revenge Calvin Mercer and so the Latine Interpreter doth hit the sense though not the words can I resist Gods will Iacob after the same manner said to Rachel that said give me children am I God Gen. 30.2 that is it is not in my power to give thee children so here Ioseph saith am I God it is not in my power to hurt you whom the Lord intendeth by this meanes to blesse Iun. QUEST XII The computation of Iosephs age Vers. 22. IOseph lived an hundred and ten yeeres 1. Thus God recompenced Iosephs short affliction which endured 13. yeeres from the 17. yeere not from the 16. as Pererius saith following the corrupt Latine text of his age to the 30. when he stood before Pharaoh with a long time of prosperity for the space of 80. yeeres that is from the 30. yeere to the 110. yeares for so long he lived 2. Yet attained not Ioseph to the yeeres of his father which were 147. and some of his brethren overlived him as Levi who lived 137. yeares Exod. 6.16 nhether Ioseph dyed first of all his brethren as Pererius thinketh it is uncertaine the great affliction and hard imprisonment in his youth the cares and troubles of the government and administration of the kingdome might be some reason of the shortning of his dayes Perer. 3. This then was the age of Ioseph hee was 17. yeares old when he was sold into Egypt Gen. 37.2 at 30. yeares he stood before Pharaoh Gen. 41.46 he was 49. yeares old when Iacob came into Egypt for the seven yeares of plenty were then past and two of famine Gen. 45.6 at Iacobs death who lived 17. yeares in Egypt Gen. 47.28 he was 56. yeares old and 54. yeares he lived after which make 110. in all 4. By this age of Ioseph it may appeare how long hee dyed before Moses was borne namely 64. yeares and 144. yeares before the departure of Israel out of Egypt as may be thus gathered from the promise made to Abraham to the going out of Israel are 430. yeares Exod. 12.40 Galat. 3.17 of this time 215. yeares were run when Iacob came downe to Egypt for Abraham was 75. yeares old when the promise was first made Gen. 12.4 Isaack was borne when Abraham was 100. yeares old Gen. 17.17 Isaack at 60. had Esau and Iacob borne Gen. 25.26 Iacob at 130. came downe to Egypt Gen. 48.9 these yeares put together 25. of Abrahams age 60. of Isaacks 130. of Iacobs make 215. exactly there remaineth then the other halfe of 215. of the which time Ioseph lived 71. yeares for he was 49. when Iacob came downe to Egypt and lived 110. yeares there remaineth then 144. yeares take from this 80. yeares for so old was Moses when Israel went out of Egypt and the remnant is 64. from Iosephs death to Moses birth 5. Here appeareth Tostatus errour that would have 66. yeares from the death of Ioseph till Moses and 146. from thence to Israels departure wherein he faileth in 2. yeares But Iustinus the historiographer is in a greater error who would have Moses to be Iosephs son lib. 36. and in the same place he hath other untruths as that Ioseph was his fathers youngest sonne that his brethren sold him for the excellency of his wit whereas they did it of malice that he got his skill of interpreting dreames by art magicke whereas the Magitians and wise-men of Egypt could not do it but he by the spirit of God was enabled thereunto ex Perer. QUEST XIII How many generations Ioseph saw of Ephraim Vers. 23. IOseph saw Ephraims children to the third generation 1. Thus most doe read that Ioseph onely saw Ephraims childrens childrens children in the third descent from Ephraims proâ—epotes his grand-nephewes which were abâ—epotes to Ioseph nephewes in the fourth degree but of Manasseh he saw onely his childrens children so that Manasseh was only a grand-father Ephraim a great grand-father while Ioseph lived so that Ephraim was forwarder in his posterity than Manasseh by one descent 2. But I rather thinke that Ioseph saw Ephraims children in the fourth generation from Ephraim in the fift from himselfe 1. Because they are called in the originall the sonnes of the third namely from Ephraim the sons of the third are in the fourth generation and so Iunius translateth well abnepotes that is nephewes in the fourth descent 2. Because we finde that Ephraim though younger than Manasseh exceeded him by two descents for Iosuah was the seventh from Ephraim who was the sonne of Nun the son of Elishama of Ammihud of Hadan of Shutelah of Ephraim 1 Chron. 7.26 27. But Zelophehad who lived with Iosua and dyed in the wildernesse of Hepher of Gilead of Machir of Manasseh was but the fift from Manasseh Numb 29.1 Therefore when Ioseph saw the sonnes of Machir of Manasseh in the second degree from Manasseh he might see Elishama in the fourth descent from Ephraim and thus Iacobs prophecie more fully tooke effect even in Iacobs time that Ephraim should be greater in number than Manasseh QUEST XIV The meaning of this phrase to be brought up upon the knee Vers. 23. WEre brought up on Iosephs knees The Scripture useth three phrases of this kinde 1. As to come from betweene the feet which is taken for education and bringing up Genâ—s 49.10 though sometime it be specially applied to the birth of women Deuter. 28.57 2. They are said to beare upon his knees that is to receive the children newly borne and to
Such things as went before as The occasion which was their grievous oppression in Egypt chap. 1. The preparation of the instruments of their deliverance of Moses chap. 2 3 4. and Aaron chap. 4. with their message to Pharaoh chap. 5 6. The meanes procuring their deliverance those ten severall plagues which were sent upon Egypt described from chap. 7. to chap. 12. 2. Their deliverance it selfe consisting of their Departure out of Egypt with the manner thereof and institution of the Passeover chap. 12. and their going forward in their journey c. 13. Their passing thorow the red sea with the destruction of the Egyptians chap. 14. Their thanksgiving chap. 15. â— In the constitution of the Church is set forth 1. The provision of things necessarie for them as 1. Their foode chap. 16. and water for their thirst chap. 17. 2. Defence from their enemies as the Amalekites chap. 17. 3. A politike order set for government c. 18. 2. The prescription and promulgation of lawes Morall chap. 20. with the preparation thereunto chap. 19. Judiciall belonging to the policie of the Common-wealth chap. 21. to 24. Ceremoniall touching The sacred things of the Tabernacle chap. 25.27.30 The Tabernacle it selfe c. 26.27 The Ministers of the holy things the Priests and Levites Their institution with their holie garments chap. 28. Consecration ch 29. The workmen and instruments chap. 30. 3. The execution and practice of their people partly in Their disobedience to the Morall law in their apostasie and idolatrie chap. 32. with their reconciliation chap. 33.34 Their obedience concerning the ceremonials Of the people in bringing stuffe to make the Tabernacle and other holy things chap. 35.36 Of the workmen in making all things according to the patterne chap. 36. to 39. Moses in approving the worke chap. 39. and disposing it chap. 40. 3. Certaine generall questions out of the whole booke explaned QUEST I. Concerning the inscription of the booke THis booke is called in Hebrew of the first words velle shemoth that is and these are the names of the Greekes it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exodus of the miraculous going of the Israelites out of Egypt Simler The inscription of the bookes of Scripture is of three sorts for it is taken either from the persons that wrote them as the bookes of Esay Ierem. c. or whereof they be written either in generall as the bookes of Ioshuah and of the Judges or in part as the bookes of Samuel or else from the things entreated of as the booke of Leviticus Numbers c. or of the first words of the booke as Genesis is called of the Hebrewes beresheth in the beginning Leviticus veâ—â—kra and he called c. which are the first words of the text and so also is this booke named as is said before Iun. and the reason of it may be this because where the writer of any booke of Scripture left it without name they of elder time for reverence and religion sake did forbeare to give it any title Simler QVEST. II. Of the computation of yeeres comprehended in the storie of Exodus COncerning the continuance of time and number of yeeres which are comprehended in this booke they are found to be 142. as may bee thus gathered From the death of Ioseph to the birth of Moses are yeeres 60. from the birth of Moses unto the departure of Israel out of Egypt are yeeres 80. chap. 7.7 from the departure of Israel thence unto the Tabernacle erected was one yeere chap. 40.17 Iun. These two latter numbers are certainly gathered out of the Scripture only the first may be doubted of which is thus also warranted all the time of the peregrination of Abraham and his seed in Egypt and Canaan maketh 430. yeeres Exod. 22.40 this time beginneth when Abraham was called out of his countrie and 30. yeeres was run at the birth of Isaack who at 60. begat Iacob Gen. 25.26 who at an 130. went downe into Egypt unto Ioseph Gen. 47.9 who being then 39. yeeres old and dying at an 110. Gen. 50.26 lived after that yeeres 71. then put hereunto 80. yeeres of Moses age all maketh joyning the summes of 30.60.130.71.80 together yeeres 371 there remaineth then the summe of 59. yeeres or 60. to make up the whole summe of 430. yeeres QUEST III. Whether Moses were the writer of this booke NOw that Moses was the pen-man and writer of this booke the spirit of God being the author and inspirer thereof it is diversly evident 1. for Moses testifieth of himselfe that he wrote all the words of the Lord Exod. 24.4 which are contained in this booke 2. The Scripture so divideth the bookes of the old Testament that they were written either by Moses or some other of the Prophets Luk. 16.31 3. Our Saviour alleaging a certaine place out of this booke doth call it the booke of Moses Mark 12. 26. Have you not read in the booke of Moses so also Luk. 20.37 And that the dead shall rise againe even Moses shewed it beside the bush when he said c. QUEST IV. Whether Moses Iudiciall lawes do now necessarily bind the Civill Magistrate BUt whereas in this booke divers both morall ceremoniall and Judiciall lawes are prescribed whereof the two first there is no question but that the one doth bind us still and the other is abrogated only concerning the Judicials of Moses it is controverted whether Christian Magistrates are bound to observe them which Judicials being of three sorts either such which are annexed to the Morall law as the punishment of adulterie and murther and disobedience to parents with death and such like or such as were appendant to the Ceremoniall law as the punishment of those that touched any dead thing or that came neere a woman in her monethly course and such like or such as belonged to the peculiar policie and state of that Common-wealth as concerning the yeere of Jubile the raising up of seed to the brother departed in marying his wife and such like of the two latter there is no doubt made but that the one is abrogated together with the ceremonies whereon they attended the other as proper to that government are now determined only the third kinde of Judicials remaineth about the which great question is made how farre Christian governours are obliged to the same For the discussing of which question 1. I neither am of their opinion which thinke that the Judiciall law is left to the libertie of the Christian Magistrate to adde to it and take from it and to alter it as shall â—e thought fit for the time and manner of the countrey for this were 1. to be wiser than God to leave altogether those directions and rules of justice which he hath set downe and the Apostle saith the foolishnesse of God is wiser than men 1. Cor. 1.25 that which seemeth to be meanest of the Divine orders is farre beyond the wisest humane inventions 2. And there is but one Law-giver that
can save and destroy Iam 4.12 Onely God that gave unto man his life hath power to take it away and therefore otherwise than God hath given direction either by particular precept or generall rule the life of man is not to bee taken away 3. And seeing Magistrates are but Gods Ministers Rom. 13.4 they must execute justice according to his will for it is required of a disposer that he bee found faithfull 1. Cor. 4.2 but Gods will otherwise appeareth not than in his word 4. And seeing whatsoever is not of faith that is firme perswasion is sinne Rom. 14.23 and faith must be grounded upon the word as being wrought by the word Rom 10.17 how can the Magistrate approve his acts of justice as in the sight of God unlesse hee can warrant the same by the word 2. Neither yet can I consent with those which thinke that the punishment inflicted by Moses for the breach of the morall law together with the morall law is imposed upon Christian Magistrates as it is not lawfull to punish adulterie otherwise than by death nor simple theft by death but by restitution Piscator praefation in Exod. for if this were so then the Gospell should overthrow the policie and institution of divers Common-wealths which of a long time have continued but God is the author of peace not of confusion 1. Cor. 14.33 2. Mardoche and Daniel having place of government under the Persian Kings did no doubt minister justice according to the lawes of that countrey 3. Our Saviour Christ commanding to give tribute to Caesar and injoyning obedience to the higher powers which did beare the sword and that for conscience sake Rom. 13. seeme to give approbation to the lawes of nations maintaining right and tending to equity 4. Our Saviour himselfe observed not the judicials belonging to the morall law for whereas he that gathered stickes upon the Sabbath was stoned to death by Moses yet out Saviour excuseth and defendeth his Apostles who did as much as the other in rubbing the eares of corne for their necessity Matth. 12. yea hee giveth a rule that for fornication onely and adulterie it was lawfull for a man to put away his wife Matth. 19. which exception needed not if either in fact then or in right afterward adulterers and adulteresses were to bee punished by death If it be answered that Christ tooke not upon him the office of the Civill Magistrate to impose corporall punishment yet would not our Saviour have defended his Apostles nor yet by silence have left them unreproved for neglect of the law 3. Wherefore the best resolution is that the morall judicials of Moses do partly bind and partly are left free they do not hold affirmatively that we are tied to the same severity of punishment now which was inflicted then but negatively they doe hold that now the punishment of death should not be adjudged where sentence of death is not given by Moses Christian Magistrates ruling now under Christ the Prince of peace Isai. 9. that is of clemencie mercie may abate of the severitie of Moses law mitigate the punishment of death but they cannot adde unto it to make the burthen more heavie to shew more rigour than Moses becommeth not the Gospell to extend more favour is not unbeseeming of these two assertions my reasons are as followeth 1. That which Ambrose urgeth out of the mouth of Luke how our Saviour reproveth his Disciples because they would have had fire come downe upon the Samaritanes upon the which example hee thus inferreth Ostenditur nobis non semper in eos qui peecaverunt vindicandum quia nonnunquam amplius prodest clementia tibi ad patientiam lapso ad correctionem It is shewed us that alwayes vengeance is not to bee taken of those that offend because oftentimes clemencie is more profitable for patience in thee and amendement in the offender And this collection is ratified by the answer of our Saviour in that place The Sonne of man is not come to destroy mens lives but to sâ—ve them Luk. 9.55 2. Augustine urgeth the example of Christ who suffered the woman taken in adâ—â—tery to escape without punishment of death Ioh. 8. Whereupon hee inferreth that the adulter◠〈◊〉 not now to bee put to death but to live rather to be reconciled to her husband or to come 〈…〉 the usuall answer is that our Saviour doth not here abrogate the Law against adultery 〈◊〉 only to meddle with the Magistrates office Piscator Ans. Neither doe wee say that Christ abrogateth that law but leaveth it free and taketh away the necessitie of it And though Christ exercised not the Magistrates office in his owne person yet in this case it had not beene impertinent to have given direction to have her before the Magistrate as in another case he sendeth the leper to the Priest Matth. 8.4 if it had pleased him to impose still the severitie of the law yea our Saviour sheweth by his answer Let him that is amongst you without sinne cast the first stone at her Ioh. 8.7 that hee would not have them such strait executors of the rigour of Moses law upon others but rather to bee severe judges of themselves and with charitable affection to support the frailty of others to the which themselves were subject 3. Further the difference betweene the times of the Law and of the Gospell must be considered then they received the spirit of bondage to feare but now the spirit of adoption Rom. 8.15 then they which came neere the mount where the morall Law was given were stone or stricken thorow with darts whether man or beast Heb. 12.20 but it is not so now then the bloud of Abel cryed for vengeance but the bloud of Christ now calleth for mercie and so speaketh better things than that of Abel Heb. 12.24 Therefore to mitigate the severitie of Moses Law in some cases yet not leaving sinne unpunished nor by connivence cherishing the same it is more sutable to the profession of the Gospell of peace and mercie Wherefore I here say with Chrysostome Vbi paterfamilias largus est dispensator non debet esse tenax Where the master of the house is bountifull the steward must not be sparing Melius est propter misericordiam rationem reddere quà m propter crudelitatem It is better to be called to account for too much pitie than for cruelty 4. The continuall practice of the Church sheweth as much that the rigour of Moses judicials is mitigated S. Paul willeth the incestuous man only to be excommunicate 1. Cor. 5. it seemeth then there was no law in force to put such to death nor in Cyprians time who thus writeth Quidam episcopi in nostro provincia c. Some Bishops in our province have altogether shut up penance against adulterie Nor after that in the time of the Eliberin Councell which was held under the reigne of Constantine where it was decreed can 9. Moechatus post
poenitentiam That he which committed adulterie after publike penance should finally be denied the Communion In Hieromes time it seemeth that adulterie was punished by death who in a certaine epistle maketh mention of a young man qui adulterâ—i insimulatus ad mortem trahitur who being accused of adultery was led forth to death yet Augustine as is shewed before reasoneth against it but of all other Origen writeth most plainly Apud Christianos si adulterium fuerit admissum c. Among Christians if adulterie be committed it is not commanded that the adulterer or adulteresse bee punished with corporall death c. neither therefore was the law cruell then neither now doth the Gospell seeme to bee dissolute but in them both the benignitie of God appeareth yet by a divers dispensation then by the death of the bodie the people was rather purged from their sinnes than condemned but unto us sinne is purged not by corporall punishment but by repentance and it is to be seene unto lest our punishment be greater whose vengeance is laid up for the next world when as they were absolved from their sinne by the paying of the punishment as the Apostle saith how much more punishment is he worthy of that treadeth under foote the Sonne of God Two reasons Origen yeeldeth of this his opinion that there is now a mitigation of the rigour of Moses law because then it served as an expiation of their sinnes prefiguring the death of Christ as S. Paul applieth that sentence Cursed is every one that hangeth on a tree which is generally delivered by Moses to the particular death of Christ Galat. 3.13 but now the expiation of sinne is by repentance and remission of sinnes in Christ. Againe now a greater punishment abideth the contemners of the Gospell even eternall in the next world and therefore corporall death is not so much inflicted now for God punisheth not twice for the same thing as Origen in the same place alleageth Yet although we contend that the capitall punishment of Moses law may now be dispensed with in some cases upon the reasons before alleaged this is not either to condemne those Common-wealths which doe reteine still and practise the severity of Moses law against adulterers who therein sinne not but as Ambrose saith of the Apostles that asked for fire to come downe upon the Samaritanes Nec discipuli peccant legem sequentes Yet did not the Disciples offend following the law neither to excuse those places where this sinne is too easily and lightly punished as Erasmus complaineth in his time Nunc adulterium lusus magnatum est Now adulterie is but a sport of great men Where adulterie is not capitally punished yet great severity otherwise should be used as it was decreed in the Elibâ—rin Councell that he which having a wife committed adulterie should be under penance five yeeres can 〈◊〉 He that did sinne that way after should not bee received to the peace of the Church till his dying 〈…〉 that did commit adulterie after penance should never be restored to the communion of the Chuâ—â—â— c. 7. These or such like severe constitutions this wanton and lascivious age hath need of that this overflowing sinne might be kept in with higher bankes than now it is So then I conclude this point with Cyprian who speaking of divers kindes of Ecclesiasticall censure used in divers places thus writeth Manente concordia vinculo actum suum disponit dirigit unusquisque Episcopus c. The bond of amity remaining still every Bishop so directeth and disposeth his owne act that he is thereof to give account unto God The like may bee said of Princes and Magistrates in their dominions and regiments that the difference in publike punishments all intending the glorie of God and the brideling of sinne is no cause to breake peace or breede jelousie betweene Christian states Now for the other part that Moses Judicials doe bind negatively that is where Moses Law inflicteth not death there Christian Magistrates are not to punish with death the reasons are these 1. Because then the regiment of the Gospell should exceed in terror the strictnesse and severitie of Moses Law 2. God is that one Lawgiver that saveth life and destroyeth Iam. 4.12 he gave life and he only hath right to take it away God hath created man in his image Gen. 9.6 which image is expressed in mans soule animating the bodie This image then is not to be defaced and dissolved but by warrant and direction from God therefore the equitie of the Judicials of Moses ought to be a rule either by generall direction or particular president to all Magistrates in what cases and for what sinnes they are to deprive the offendors of their life But here it will be objected that if this be so then all those Common-wealths are in error which punish theft by death which by Moses law is satisfied by making restitution Exod. 22.2 Ans. Even by Moses law some kinde of theft received a capitall punishment as if it were a violent theft as it was lawfull to kill a theefe breaking into the house Exodâ—s 22.2 or a wanton theft as David judged him worthy to dye that having many sheepe of his owne tooke by violence the onely sheepe which his poore neighbour had 2. Sam. 12.5 Likewise publike theft and sacrilege in Achan was punished by death Iosh. 7. But that simple theft when a man stealeth only to satisfie his hungrie soule or to supply his present necessitie should be proceeded against to the losse of life it seemeth hard And as I take it the lawes of this land have used a good consideration herein that such small felons should escape by their booke wherein to my understanding greater clemencie and favour in some Judges were more commendable who require an exactnesse of such simple clerkes unlesse they bee such as are worthy for other former evill demerits to be cut off as rotten members There is a saying in the law Favores sunt ampliandi Where favour is intended it should be the largest way extended It were also to be wished that a greater valuation were yet set than of the usuall rate in such small fellonies when a man is to bee judged for his life By Dioclesians law some kindes of theft are charged with restitution of foure fold by another authentike law the theefe is adjudged to bee beaten with clubbes By the Decrees Qui fecâ—rit furtum capitale c. Hee that committed any capitall theft as in breaking into an house in stealing a beast or some other thing of price if he were a Clergie man he was to be under penance seven yeeres if a lay man five if it were a small theft he was to make restitution and to doe penance one yeere By any of these or the like constitutions sufficient provision might be made against simple theft But it can no wayes be justified that such simple theft should bee more straightly
untimely death or sicknesse it seemeth not unpossible that such a number by ordinarie meanes in the circuite of 215. yeeres might be multiplied for seventie persons in thirtie yeeres if they beget every one but one in a yeere will have 2100. Cut off the odde hundred and admit that the third part onely of the other number was apt for generation that is sixe hundred which make 300. couples or mariages those will beget in thirtie yeeres more which is the 60. yeere from their comming into Egypt nine thousand the third part hereof three thousand maketh fifteene hundred couples which having but every yeere one will beget the next thirtie yeeres which makes 90. in all 45000. hereof the third part 15000. will make 7400. couples leaving the odde hundred which will beget by the 12. yeere 222000. the third part whereof 74000. maketh 37000. couples and will beget by the 150. yeere 1110000 the third part hereof 370000. maketh 185000. mariages which will beget the next thirtie yeeres by the 180. yeere 5550000. whereof the third part 185000. which maketh beside the five odde thousand 920000. mariages which will beget by the 210. yeere 27600000. that is 27. thousand sixe hundred thousand Simler Though herein no miracle be admitted yet could it not be done without the exceeding blessing of God especially that notwithstanding their cruell bondage and sore labour yet they multiplied without number Perer. Somewhat about this time the children of Ephraim being increased went against the men of Gath to take away their cattell but presuming before the time they were slaine and Ephraim mourned for them 1 Chron. 7.21 Osiander QUEST VII Who this new King was that knew not Ioseph Vers. 8. THere arose a new King in Egypt 1. This new King was neither an Assyrian borne as Cajetano conjectureth upon these words of Isay chap. 52.4 My people went downe into Egypt to sojourne there and Asshur oppressed them without cause but the Prophet in this place toucheth both the oppressions of the Israelites in Egypt and under Asshur neither in the Egyptian Chronicles was there any Assyrian King either before Moses or for a thousand yeeres after till the reigne of Cambises the Persian 2. Neither could this King be Mephres in whose ninth yeere Ioseph should die and the bondage of Israel begin as Vincentius For seeing all the Patriarkes were dead before their affliction began of which number Levi elder than Ioseph by foure yeeres lived 137. yeeres Exod. 6. and so survived Ioseph who died at 110. yeeres 23. yeeres then could not Mephres be this King that began to reigne before Ioseph died 3. Neither was this King Ramesses as some thinke because one of the cities which the Israelites built was called by that name for Ramesses was King of Egypt in the time of the Trojane warre Plin. lib. 36. cap. 8. which was three hundred yeeres after the death of Moses if he reigned in Egypt in the time of Deborah as thinketh Eusebius he was 140. yeeres after Moses 4. But it is more probable that this King was Amemphis in whose 18. yeere Eusebius thinketh Moses was borne so also Hierome in Chronicis some call him Memnon the speaking stone whose image did use to speake at the Sunnes rise and so continued untill Christ Perer. Simler QUEST VIII Why this Pharaoh is called a new King HE is called a new King because he came of another family Ioseph or for that he brought in a new kind of government altering and changing the lawes as the Chalde Paraphrast and ruling after his owne pleasure Simler He knew not Ioseph either being borne after his time or having forgotten his benefits as Darius had Mardoches faithfulnesse Esther 6. Iunius Wherein his great ingratitude appeared for two great benefits Ioseph had procured one in generall in saving the whole land in the time of the famine the other to the Crowne in annexing to it the fift part of the revenewes of Egypt Perer. As also herein Iosephs modestie appeared that did not in his long time of honour which continued 80. yeeres raise up an honourable and wealthie state to his posteritie seeing his house was so soone obscured but as is most like he and his sonnes joyned themselves unto their brethren not hunting after the wealth of Egypt where they knew they were but strangers Simlerus QUEST IX The causes of the affliction of the Israelites Vers. 10. COme let us worke wisely with them c. 1. There were three causes why the Egyptians consulted to oppresse the Israelites first they envied their happinesse and prosperitie for God every way blessed them then they hated them for their religion in which regard the Hebrewes were an abomination to the Egyptians for they sacrificed those beasts which the Egyptians worshipped see Gen. 46.34 and Exod. 8.26 Thirdly they were afraid of them lest they should joyne with their enemies and rebell against them Perer. 2. And three things they feared lest they might take part with their enemies or rebell by their owne strength or make an escape out of the land Iun. They feared all these joyntly and every one in particular therefore it is better read disjunctively see before in the divers readings 3. They worke wisely or cunningly câ—â—ftily for so the word Chacham is taken both in the good bad part not as the Hebrewes imagine because they would not destroy them with the sword or fire lest God might be revenged of them in the same kind but devised by the water to destroy them whereby the Lord promised never to destroy the world againe but their craft is seene in attempting divers wayes to keepe them under that if they prevailed not by one meanes they might by another and in respect of themselves they worke wisely providing both for their owne securitie and for their profit in the service of the Israelites Simler Likewise they opprest them cunningly that they might not be accused of open and manifest tyrannie Osiander 4. Iosephus alleageth another cause of this affliction that about that time one of the Egyptian Priests foretold unto the King of one that should be borne who when hee once came to yeeres should worke much harme to the Egyptians and greatly exalt the people of Israel lib. 2. antiquit cap. 5. But this being his conjecture no such thing here insinuated by Moses may be more safely rejected than credited QUEST X. Of the hard affliction of the Israelites 12. THerefore they did set taskmasters over them c. 1. Divers wayes were the Israelites most grievously oppressed in Egypt 1. Philo writeth that they were caused to carrie burthens above their strength that they were forced to worke night and day that the same were constrained to be both workmen and servers they were employed in making brick digging and building insomuch that many of them died under their burthens and were not suffered to be buried and beside the most cruell men were set to be their taskmasters Phil. lib. 1. de vita Mosis 2.
masculine gender better than to read it in the feminine as V.L.I.A.P. Vers. 18. When they came to Revel their father I.G.B. cum câ—ter not Iethro L. Vers. 22. Here the Latin and Septuagint make mention also of the birth of Eliezar transposing it out of the 18. chapter but no such thing is in the Hebrew Vers. 23. It came to passe after these dayes I.A.P.S. rather than in processe of time G. B. or when many dayes were past V. the sense rather than the words dayes are here put for yeeres for this was 4â— yeeres after 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Of Amram Moses father Vers. 1. THere went a man of Levi. This was Amram the sonne of Kabath the sonne of Levi who lived 137. yeeres Exod. 6.20 he was borne as Eusebius writeth 14. yeeres before the death of Ioseph that is 55. yeeres after Iacobs going downe into Egypt who saith he begat Moses at 77. yeeres Perer. Moses yet maketh no mention of his parents names lest he should seeme to boast of his parentage Ferus 2. The Hebrewes have here a notable fiction that this Amram lived unto the time of Ahiah the Silomite who was in the dayes of Ieroboam that is above sixe hundred yeeres for from the going of Israel out of Egypt unto the fourth yeere of Salomons reigne are numbred 480. yeeres adde unto these 77. yeeres of Amrams age when he begat Moses and 80. yeeres the age of Moses at the returne of Israel out of Egypt so we shall have above 600. yeeres whereas the Scripture testifieth that he lived but 137. yeeres 3. But that which Ioseph reporteth is more probable that this Amram being a faithfull man praying unto God for his people had a vision wherein hee was bid to bee of good comfort and that the childe whose life was sought should be his sonne who should be preserved from the Egyptians rage and be the deliverer of his people Ioseph lib. 2. cap. 5. but seeing the Scripture maketh no mention we may bee at choise whether we will receive this report QUEST II. Why it is said he went and tooke NOw it is said he went not that he went to any other place or Citie for seeing his wife was of the same familie of Levi it is like that they did dwell not farre asunder 2. Neither it is understood of his returning to his wife from whom he had sequestred himselfe to fasting and prayer as Ferus for this text evidently speaketh of his first taking of her to wife 3. But hereby is shewed his advised purpose and determination in taking her to wife as also some notable thing insinuated to follow as it is said that Ruben went and lay with his fathers concubine Gen. 25. Simler QUEST III. Of Iacobed Moses mother whether she were aunt or cosine German to Amram TOoke to wife a daughter of Levi. This was Iocebed 1. who was not the daughter of Amrams uncle and so cosine Germane to Amram as the Septuagint Latine translator to whom consent Lyranus Montanus Cajetanus Pererius with others for though it should be granted that the Hebrew word Ded doth sometime signifie the uncles sonne as Ierem. 32.12 Hananâ—el is called Ieremies uncles sonne yet the word sonne may be supplied as before vers 8. he is called his uncles sonne yet seeing the Scripture evidently saith that Iocebed was borne unto Levi Numb 26.59 it is without controversie that she was Levies daughter sister to Rahath and Aunt to Amram being his fathers sister Exod. 6.20 2. But yet the Hebrewes are farre wide that would have Iocebed borne about that time that Iacob went downe into Egypt for then she should have beene about 135. yeeres old elder by fortie yeers than Sarah when she bore Isaack and if Moses birth had beene so miraculous the Scripture would not have concealed it ex Perer. And the Scripture beside saith that she was borne to Levi in Egypt Numb 26.59 3. Neither was this Iocebed another of the same name beside the daughter of Levi as some thinke seeing that the she is said to be Dodatho his that is Amrams Aunt Exod. 6.20 4. The sounder opinion then is that this Iocebed was the naturall and proper daughter of Levi the Scripture so testifying and of this opinion are Vatablus Paguine Iunius with the Chalde Paraphrast and Simlerus with others Thostatus conjectureth well that Levi might beget her at 100. as Abraham begat sonnes at 137. after Sarahs death who lived 127 yeeres being 10. yeeres younger than Abraham and Iacob at 107. begat Benjamin And it is not unlike but that Iocebed at 68. yeeres might beare Moses in those dayes women might continue child-bearing till then but howsoever this computation be counted yet it is evident out of Scripture that Iocebed was daughter unto Levi and therefore all disputation to the contrarie is needlesse QUEST IV. Why such mariages were tolerated in those daies NOw though afterward such mariages betweene the aunt and the nephew were forbidden by the Law directly Levit. 19. yet it need not seeme strange that then such mariages were in use even among the faithfull 1. Because as Thostatus saith it was ante legem datam before any law was published As Abraham married his brothers daughter Iacob married two sisters 2. The paucitie and the fewnesse of the righteous seed is to be considered and the confusion of those times which made those things to be tolerated Iun. Annot. 3. They had a desire to match in their owne kindred as Abraham Isaack and Iacob did and by that meanes they joyned often mariage in neere degrees of kindred Simlerus QUEST V. When Amram married his wife COncerning the time when this man of Levi tooke his wife though it be mentioned after Pharaohs cruell edict yet it was done before 1. Because Aaron was elder than Moses by three yeeres Exod. 7.7 and Miriam Moses sister elder than he for she was of discretion to watch what should become of the babe the conservation therefore of these children sheweth that this cruell edict tooke no place then 2. Neither is it likely that it continued long after Moses birth for if all the male children had beene cut off after Moses birth who was 80. yeeres old when Israel came out of Egypt then there should have beene few or none under that age that went out and although by some secret provision some infants might have escaped yet considering the strait and diligent search which was made as the Hebrewes thinke every three moneths such a multitude in all likelihood could not have beene preserved as went out of Egypt therefore it is not unprobable that Iosephus writeth that an Egyptian Priest told Pharaoh that about that time a child should be borne which should bee the ruine of him and his Kingdome and that Pharaoh thereupon did especially at that time give charge to destroy the infants to meet with that childe as Herod did cause to bee put to death all the children in
Bethlem and the coasts thereof from two yeere old and under Matth. 2.16 thinking also among the rest to surprise that holy babe 3. Now it may seeme strange that Amram would take a wife in this miserable time not being ignorant that they should beget children to be bondslaves but hee being a faithfull man and beleeving verily that the Lord would remember his people to bring them into the promised land doth therefore take the married estate upon him both for mutuall comfort in those heavie times and to increase the people of God Simler QUEST VI. Of the time of Moses birth compared with the times before and the times after Vers. 1. ANd the woman conceived and bare a sonne 1. Moses is borne the seventh from Abraham another Enoch who was the seventh from Adam Iud. 14. buried also of God another Noah who was saved also in the Arke and preached to the world 120. yeeres for so long Moses lived â— For the time of Moses birth First to compare it with the yeeres which went before and the notable accidents therein it was from the beginning of the world 2430. yeeres not 2370. onely as Pererius and from Noahs floud 714. from the birth of Abraham 425. after the going downe of Isaack into Egypt 135. and from the beginning of the Egyptian servitude 7. yeeres The truth of this computation may appeare by gathering the summes of yeeres together From the beginning of the world to the floud are yeeres 1656. Gen. 5. from thence to the birth of Abraham 352. not 292. as Pererius for hee reckoneth Abraham to be borne at the 70. yeere of Terah whereas hee was begotten 60. yeeres after at the 130. yeere of his father being 75. yeeres old when Terah died at 105. as it is evident by comparing Gen. 11.32 and 12.4 From the first promise made to Abraham to the giving of the Law in Mount Sinai S. Paul counteth 430. yeeres from the going downe of Isaack into Egypt untill the returne of Israel thence are 215. yeeres and Moses was borne 80. yeeres before their going out of Egypt 3. The time of Moses birth thus agreeth with the computation of the yeeres following Moses was borne 80. yeeres before the going of the Israelites out of Egypt Exod. 7.7 120. yeeres before their entrance into Canaan Deut. 34. before the reigne of David 517. yeeres before the building of Salomons Temple 560. yeeres for from the going out of the Israelites untill the fourth yeere of Salomon when the Temple was built are counted 480. yeeres 1 King 6.1 to which adde 80. yeeres of the life of Moses before the captivitie of Babylon 990. yeeres for from the building of Salomons Temple untill the captivitie are yeeres 430. which put unto the aforesaid summe 560. maketh 990. And before their returne out of the captivitie of Babylon which was 70. yeeres after 1060. yeeres before the comming of the Messias 1620. as Pererius but with others more truly not above 1500. Concent Pererius to justifie his computation maketh his account by the Greekes Olympiades Christ was borne in the last yeere of the 194. Olympiade that is from the beginning of the Olympiades 776. yeeres And the Olympiades begun about the 8. yeere of Ahaz King of Judah about 280. yeeres from the building of Salomons Temple But seeing the computation of yeeres unto the Messiah is expressed in Scripture there is no need to take any direction from forren Chronicles So then whereas before the summe of yeeres from the building of the Temple unto the captivitie meaning the last captivitie of all under Zedekiah was said to be 430. from this must be abated 20. yeeres from the third yeere of Iehoiakim when the first captivitie begun Dan. 1.1 and there the 70. yeeres captivitie tooke beginning so we have 480. yeeres unto this number must be added Daniels 70. weekes unto the death of the Messiah which make 490. yeeres and thirtie and odde yeeres must bee substracted the space betweene the birth and the death of the Messiah so we shall have about 940. yeeres from the building of the Temple to the birth of the Messiah unto which adde 560. yeeres from Moses birth to Salomons Temple so the whole summe of yeeres from Moses birth untill Christs will bee 1500. as it is said before 120. lesse than Pererius by his Olympiades accounteth 4. To compare Moses time with forren accidents Moses was borne before the beginning of the Olympiades 840. yeeres which began in the 8. yeere of Ahaz and after Ogyges floud 180. yeeres for Eusebius out of Iulius Africaâ—us sheweth that Ogyges floud was 1020. yeeres before the beginning of the Olympiades Moses birth was 430. yeeres before the Trojane warre which was 407. yeeres before the beginning of the Olympiades and Moses was borne before the building of Rome 865. yeeres for Rome was founded in the beginning of the 7. Olympiade that is the 25. yeere after they begun ex Perer. QUEST VII Of the antiquitie of Moses who is found to be the most ancient of all writers either sacred or prophane COncerning then the antiquitie of Moses it is evident that hee is the first and most ancient of all either sacred or prophane writers 1. The prophesie of Enoch mentioned in the Epistle of Iude is not from a more ancient writer than Moses which was either kept by certaine or undoubted tradition or else was framed by the Doctors of Iudah from the short speeches which Moses hath of Enoch The booke of the Lords warres Sihoâ—s victorie Numb 21. was after the Law and it was some rehearsall of the battels which the Lord fought for Israel made much about the time but being not now extant it is without compasse of this question 2. For prophane authors and writers Moses farre exceedeth them all as it may be thus shewed 1. The Greeke Chronicles have nothing more ancient than the times of Iâ—ichâ—â— and Phoroneus the first Kings of the Argives when Ogyges floud happened as witnesseth Dionys. Halicarness and Plato in Timao reporteth that Solon contending before the Egyptian Priests for the antiquitie of Greece goeth not beyond Phoroneus and Niobe About this time Ptolomeus Mendesius the Egyptian Chronicler writeth that Moses reigned among the Jewes but as is before shewed he could not be above 180. yeeres after Ogyges floud 2. From this floud unto the time of Cecrops the first Athenian King Athens lay desert almost two hundred yeeres and long after Cecrops were Deucalions floud Phaetons burning Cadmus that builded Thebes Esculapius Thesius Hercules so that Moses being before Cecrops is found to be farre more ancient than any of these 3. Moses is elder than Homer the most ancient Greeke writer as Iosephus sheweth lib. 1. cont Appion who was long after the Trojan warre Plinie thinketh 250. yeeres after Solinus 270. Cyrillus 160. Herodotus three hundred yeeres but it is certaine that heâ— was at the least one hundred yeeres after But Moses was borne 430. yeeres before the battell of Troy as
But afterward he rejected this opinion quâ—st 2. in Exod. Oâ—cumenius also upon Iude bringeth in the Devill contending with Michael the Archangell that Moses was not worthy of buriall because he unjustly killed the Egyptian But S. Stephen defendeth this fact of Moses as being a proofe of his calling from God Acts 7.25 2. Some of the Hebrewes thinke that the Hebrew here smitten of the Egyptian was the husband of one Salomith with whom the Egyptian committed adultery and had by her that blasphemer that was put to death Levit. 24. and therefore he was justly killed of Moses but these are meere conjectures 3. Some other Hebrewes thinke that Moses killed not the Egyptian with the sword but by the word of his mouth as Peter killed Ananias Act. 5. but then Moses needed not to have beene so circumspect and to have buried him privily in the sand Simler 4. Cajetane defendeth this fact because this Egyptian was one of the cruell taskmasters that oppressed the Hebrewes and therefore it was lawfull to kill him but if Moses had beene a private man it had not beene lawfull no not to kill an enemie in this case 5. Paulus Burgensis upon this place is of opinion that Moses might doe this in charitie to deliver his brethren and to relieve the oppressed though he had not a singular inspiriation or publike calling to doe it so Ambrose seemeth to thinke lib. 1. de officiis cap. 36. And the Scripture seemeth to warrant it Deliver them that are drawne to death Prov. 24.11 But though it be an act of charitie to deliver and to rescue yet it is an inordinate charitie to kill one to deliver another 6. Wherefore the best defence is that Moses was inspired of God and had his authoritie from him to doe the office of a Judge betweene the Hebrew and the Egyptian which is affirmed by Saint Stephen He thought that his brethren would have understood that God by his hand should give them deliverance Act. 7.25 And this is the resolution of Augustine quast 2. in Exod. Thostatus Lyranus and Thomas Aquin. Unto this may be added that Moses being the reputed sonne of Pharaohs daughter was a publike person and so of great authoritie Iun. in Analys It may be also that all the circumstances of this fact are not expressed as that the Egyptian did so assault the Hebrew as that the one could not be rescued without killing of the other or Moses might kill him in his owne defence the Egyptian running upon him when hee offered to rescue the Hebrew Perer. But the best defence is that Moses was hereunto extraordinarily stirred up of God which extraordinarie motions are not now of us to be imitated or to be drawne into example Ferus QUEST XX. Why Moses though warranted from God yet useth great secrecie and circumspection in this businesse Vers. 12. ANd he looked round about and when hee saw no man c. It will be objected if Moses had authoritie and a calling from God to kill the Egyptian why did hee it secretly To this may be answered that although Moses was to himselfe assured of his calling yet was it not knowne either to the Hebrewes or Egyptians and therefore his calling being yet secret and hid it was fit that his acts should be secret otherwise his publicke acts his calling being yet secret would have beene as much offensive and called in question as if hee had had no such calling Iun. in Analys So Ehud killed Eglâ—â— privately in his secret chamber Iudg. 3. and Gedeon being not yet pulikely knowne and taken to be appointed of God to deliver his people did pull downe the altar of Baal by night Iudg. 6.27 Herein thâ—n Moses sheweth his godly discretion that he might proceed by order QUEST XXI How Moses is said to feare seeing the Apostle denieth that he feared the King Heb. 11.26 Vers. 14. THen Moses feared and said c. Yet the Apostle saith he feared not the fiercenesse of the King Heb. 11.26 To reconcile Moses and the Apostle 1. We approve not Theodorets exposition that Moses is said not to feare in respect of the cause of his flight the killing of the Egyptian which fact he feared not as not repenting him hereof but this interpretation seemeth somewhat hard and the Apostle sheweth that he feared not the King no not when he left Egypt therein then consisted the vacuity of his feare not in respect of the fact 2. Chrysostome expoundeth his not fearing of his so leaving Egypt that yet he feared not to returne againe thither but Moses was strengthened and incouraged of God to returne afterward the vision which he saw 40. yeeres after did not take away his first feare 3. Theophylact understandeth it of the degree of his feare hee did not so feare the King as that he fled a farre off but went to Midian a Countrie adjoyning not fearing that the King would pursue him thither But the Apostle exempteth him not onely from some degree but from all feare 4. Some referre his feare unto the affliction and persecution that by this meanes was like to be increased so hee feared not for himselfe but for the people Pellican but Moses speaketh of his owne feare upon the which he fled his fleeing was a meanes to deliver himselfe from the danger and not the people 5. Other say that he feared not so much the King as hee feared to offend God lest if he had offered himselfe to the danger and not made an escape he should have tempted him by presuming Osiander But the text sheweth that hee was afraid of Pharaoh and fled from him 6. Others confesse that Moses shewed his infirmitie of feare but it was covered by faith and so not imputed Genevens But the Apostle denieth that he feared at all 7. Some doe expound it not of Moses first leaving of Egypt when indeed he feared the King but of his second departure when he brought out the people thence for then hee feared not Pharaohs anger at all as is evident cap. 10.29 Lyranus Thostatus Pererius Iun. And this exposition doth very well resolve this doubt 8. Unto this also may be added that if wee understand it of his first departure Moses fled not for any feare in respect of himselfe but lest that his calling by this meanes should be hindred and he withdraweth himselfe not so much of feare as to reserve himselfe for a better opportunitie Simler Nor yet doth he feare as distrusting his calling but because hee lost this opportunitie Iun. And the reason of his feare is expressed in the text Then Moses feared and said certainly this thing is knowne Hee feared lest he should be hindred in this businesse of the deliverance of the people Thomas also to the same effect saith that there are two things to be considered in feare unum vituperabile one to be dispraysed when for feare any evill is committed or any good omitted and this was not in Moses another that is Laudabile praise
worthie si quis salva fide refugiat periâ—ulum instans If one not violating his faith doth shun the instant danger unlesse we will say that Christ when he escaped out of their hands that sought to stone him did it of feare Luke 4. But I rather preferre the 7. exposition before touched QUEST XXII Why Moses sufferings are called by the Apostle the rebukes of Christ. BUt seeing so oft mention hath beene made of that place to the Hebrewes it shall not be amisse briefly to shew the meaning of those other words of the Apostle vers 26. esteeming the rebuke of Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt 1. We refuse here the exposition of Lyranus that he calleth the rebukes of Moses the rebukes of Christ because by faith foreseeing what Christ should suffer hee by Christs example was confirmed to endure the like for in this sense they are Moses rebukes rather than Christs 2. Neither are they called Christs rebukes because they were such as Christ commendeth Blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousnesse sake Matt. 5. 3. or for that Christ was to come of that people and therefore their rebukes are counted the rebukes of Christ Cajetan 4. or because Moses was a figure of Christ and suffered the like rebukes because that as Moses left the Court and palace of Pharaoh to be partaker of the afflictions of his people so Christ descending from heaven tooke upon him our infirmities Oecumenius Theophylact. 5. But they are called Christs rebukes because he suffereth in his members and accounteth their afflictions as his owne in which sense the Apostle saith he fulfilled the rest of the afflictions of Christ in his flesh for his bodies sake which is the Church Col. 1.24 QUEST 23. Why Pharaoh sought to slay Moses Vers. 15. PHaraoh heard of this matter and sought to slay Moses The causes why Pharaoh sought Moses life Iosephus alleageth to be these three 1. Because the Egyptians envied his prosperous successe in the warres against the Ethiopians 2. They feared him as like to be one that aspired to great matters and might seeke some innovation and change in Egypt 3. The Egyptian Priests did prophesie of him that he was like to prove very dangerous to Egypt By these meanes the King was incensed against him But I rather approve that which Philo writeth that Pharaoh was not so much moved against Moses for the death of one Egyptian as for that by this he perceived that Moses was a friend and favourer of the Hebrewes whom he accounted his enemies and an enemie to the Egyptians his subjects and friends Philo lib. 1. de vita Mosis QUEST XXIV The causes why Moses lived in exile and banishment 40. yeares Vers. 15. THerefore Moses fled Zeiglerus thinketh that whereas at the fortieth yeere of Moses age there were 390. yeeres expired since the promise made to Abraham and that tenne yeeres onely remained of the affliction of the people which was to continue 400. yeeres in one place and other Genes 15.13 Moses thought to prevent the time there being but tenne yeeres to come and therefore God punished his presumption with fortie yeeres exile But this cannot stand with the Apostles testimonie of Moses that by faith he forsooke Egypt if it were a worke of faith how could it be a punishment for his presumption Therefore the causes of Moses flight and exile are better touched by Ferus 1. That the people should not depend upon man but trust in God for their deliverance 2. That Moses might be weaned altogether from the pleasures of Egypt and delicate life in Pharaohs Court 3. That he might be taught that the deliverance of Israel should not be by sword or strength but by the spirit of God 4. To punish the peoples ingratitude for not more thankfully accepting of this benefit that God had stirred them up a deliverer for not onely this Hebrew whom Moses rebuked rejected his calling but generally all the people made light of it as S. Stephen sheweth Act. 7.25 QUEST XXV Of Midian what countrie it was and where situate Vers. 15. ANd dwelt in the land of Midian 1. This was the chiefe Citie of the Midianites so called of Midian one of the sonnes of Keturah by Abraham it was situate in Arabia upon the red sea as Iosephus 2. Hierome saith there were two Cities of this name one on the South part of Arabia by the red sea the other by Arnon and Arcopolis the ruines whereof were to be seene in his time 3. The whole Countrie was called Arabia where the Midianites Amalekites Israelites dwelt together Philo. And these Arabians were called Petrei of their metropolis or chiefe Citie Petra Borrh. 4. This Midian was not farre from Mount Sinai for thereabout did Moses keepe his father in lawes sheepe Exod. 3. and thither came Iethro with Moses wife and children and S. Paul placeth Sinai in Arabia Gal. 4. 5. The women of this Countrie joyning with the Moabites inticed the Israelites to commit fornication Numb 25. These Midianites oppressed Israel seven yeeres of whom Gideon slew 135000. Iud. 8. QUEST XXVI Rehuel Iethro Hobab whether the same Vers. 18. ANd when they came to Rehuel their father c. This Rehuel was not the same with Iethro as the Septuagint and Latine translator here read Iethro and as Hierome thinketh they were two names of the same man 2. Neither had he foure names Iethro Rehuel Hobab Keni as Thostatus Lyranus for Hobab was the sonne of Rehuel Numb 10.29 and hee was called Keni of his nation and countrey because he was a Kenite Numb 24.21 Iunius 3 Pererius also is deceived thinking that Hobab was not Moses father in law but his wives brother and his father in lawes sonne because saith he Moses father in law departed from them at Mount Sinai Exod. 18. but Hobab staied with them still and was their guide in the wildernesse Numb 10.31 But Pererius herein erreth also for these two stories of Iethro and Hobab Exod. 18. and Numb 10. must be joyned together they were both one man and hee tooke his leave of Moses as it is shewed Exod. 18. but he returned againe unto them before they departed from Sinai to be their guide as Moses requested Numb 10. and it is like he brought his kindred and family with him because the Kenites are read afterward to have cohabited with Israel Iudg. 1.16.4 Wherefore Rehuel was grandfather unto Moses wife called also their father after the manner of the Hebrewes Iethro and Hobab are the same for they are both said to be the father in law of Moses Exodus 18. and Num. 10.29 and Hobab and Iethro was the sonne of Rehuel ibid. Iun. QUEST XXVII Whether Rehuel were Prince and Priest of Midian Vers. 16. ANd the Prince of Midian c. The Hebrew word is Cohen which signifieth both Prince and Priest and one that is preferred or exalted in any office or authoritie as Davids sonnes are called cohanim
first common and usuall as a signe of griefe and mourning as David came to Jerusalem barefoote 2. Sam. 15.30 The second civill as by putting off the shooe they signified the yeelding up of their right as it is prescribed Deut. 25.9 and practised Ruth 4.7 The third was religious which betokened the putting off of earthly carnall thoughts and the preparing of the minde for spirituall things Iun. in Analys 2. This putting off the shooes 1. some say was commanded Moses that he thereby should sanctifie that place by making bare his feete but the place was holy already because of Gods presence the place was not holy because Moses put off his shooes but because it was holy Moses is bid to put off his shooes 2. Ambrose thus applieth it that because the shooes are made of the skinnes of dead beasts Moses should put off all feare of death for feare whereof hee fled at the first time from Pharaoh 3. Cyprian would have thereby signified that Moses by putting off his shooes doth not challenge any right in the spouse of the Church but resigneth it to Christ the head and husband thereof for this was the custome that the next kinsman by putting off the shooe did surrender his right in the brothers wife deceased unto the next after him Ruth 4. 3. Because the putting on of the shooes did betoken haste as the Israelites were commanded to eat the Passeover with their shooes upon their feete therefore the putting them off betokeneth the contrarie not in haste but with due preparation Moses should approach Perer. 4. But the most likely signification is that all carnall thoughts set apart Moses should draw neere with reverence and spirituall preparation Ferus as into the house of God Eccle. 4 17. QUEST X. Why the Lord called himselfe the God of Abraham Isaac and Iacob Vers. 6. I Am the God of thy father the God of Abraham the God of Isaac and the God of Iacob 1. By thy father he meaneth Amram shewing that he was the God of them and of their seed and of all Israel being mindfull of his promise made to their fathers Simlerus 2. Abraham Isaac and Iacob are here named not so much in regard of their sanctity and excellent vertues for Abel Enoch and Noah were holy men in their time but for these causes are they especially named 1. Because to them specially were the promises made touching the land of Canaan 2. They were the next and immediate fathers of Israel 3. To them God more fully revealed himselfe and shewed his counsell 4. And principally for that those Patriarks had most evident prophesies of the Messiah as Abraham Gen. 22.18 that all the earth should be blessed in his seed and the same promise was renewed to Isaac Gen. 26.4 Iacob also prophesieth of the comming of the Messiah under the name of Shiloh 5. These three Patriarks are named to shew the efficacie of Gods promise made unto them the time now approching when they should see the accomplishment thereof Perer. 3. The name of God is thrice repeated and set before Abraham Isaac and Iacob both to expresse the mysterie of the Trinitie and to shew the speciall and particular care that God had of each of them being a gratious God unto them all and because unto them all were the promises made the certainty whereof by this repetition is insinuated Pererius QUEST XI Why Moses hid his face Vers. 6. THen Moses hid his face 1. For these causes wee find in Scripture that men have used to hide them for feare as Adam hid himselfe in Paradise for shamefastnesse as Rebeckah covered her selfe with the vaile when she saw Isaac Gen. 24. for reverence and humility as Elias covered his face when the Lord spake unto him 1. King 19. for weaknesse and impotencie as Moses face was covered from the Israelites because they were not able to behold the glory of his countenance Exod. 34. Perer. 2. For two of these causes Moses here covereth his face first as being guilty of his owne infirmity and weaknesse as being not able to behold the exceeding great glory of God as also of reverence Piscator 3. Moses is not mentioned here in direct words to have prayed or worshipped as wee read of others the servants of God when the Lord appeared unto them not that Moses either being astonished forgat it or disabled himselfe as not worthy but he inwardly in his soule adored the divine Majesty as the humility of his externall behaviour sheweth Simler QUEST XII How this text is alleaged by our Saviour in the Gospell to prove the resurrection of the dead NOw whereas our Saviour Christ Matth. 22. Mark 12. and Luk 20. alleageth this divine testimony I am the God of Abraham c. and inferreth thereupon he is the God of the living and not of the dead and so convinceth the Sadduces that held there was no resurrection the question is seeing that this scripture proveth onely the immortality of the soule which some of the Philosophers held and yet beleeved not the resurrection how this place was applied by our Saviour to prove the resurrection of the body First then it may bee answered that seeing Abraham Isaac and Iacob being departed out of this world are said to bee living unto God and these names were given unto them as consisting of soule and body this place sheweth that both their soules doe live actually with God and their bodies also in hope not being dead but onely asleepe Ireneus lib. 4. cap. 11. so also Chrysostome in 22. cap. Mat. 2. Some answer that by necessarie consequent the mortality of the soule being granted the resurrection of the body must follow because the soule naturally hath a desire to the body and cannot have true and full happinesse untill the bodie which was partaker of the labours and travels of this life with the soule bee made fellow also with it in joy which reason moved some of the Philosophers as the Pythagoreans and Platonists which held the soule to be immortall to dreame of the remigration and returne of the soule to the body thinking it impossible that the soule should for ever bee separated from the body sic Thomas lib. 4. contra Gent cap. 79. 3. But the best solution of all is Hieromes that against the Sadduces who denied the resurrection of the body onely for that they beleeved not the immortality of the soule it was a strong argument to convince them of error in denying the resurrection to take away the ground of their error in proving by this text the living and being of the soule this also is the solution of Cajetane QUEST XIII Why our Saviour specially urgeth this place against the Saduces FUrther though out of the old Testament divers other places might be alleaged more pregnant at the first sight than this to prove the resurrection of the dead as Hierome doth specially note that place Iob. 19. I know my redeemer liveth yet our Saviour maketh
text is against his conjecture and Zipporah calleth him a bloudy husband because shee was forced to draw her owne childs bloud with that cutting which she was not put to before 2. Some therefore thinke that Moses had left one of his sonnes with his father in law as a pledge of his love and sincere affection so that he had one only child with him Hugo But the text also is against this conceit for Moses tooke both his sonnes with him vers 20. 3. Some thinke that Eleazar Moses youngest sonne was borne but a little before Moses tooke his journey and that for haste thereof he deferred his circumcision Lyranus Thostatus Pererius But if Moses had it in mind to circumcise his child he would not of purpose have transgressed the law of circumcision which exactly requireth every male to be circumcised the eight day 4. Wherefore the more probable conjecture is that Moses seeing the circumcision of his first child to have beene so offensively taken did in gratiam uxoris to content his wife forbeare this deferring then of circumcision proceeded rather of his humane infirmity and forgetfulnesse than of any set or deliberate councell And this the circumstance of the text will beare seeing Zipporah as not yet thorowly acquainted with this mystery doth cast away the foreskin with such indignation Iunius Pellican Piscator QUEST XXVIII At whose feete Zipporah and what she cast Vers. 25. CAst it at his feet c. 1. The Septuagint read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fell downe at his feete so also Cajetane whose meaning is that Zipporah fell downe at the Angels feete intreating to spare her husband but so soone as the child was circumcised Moses recovered and the Angell left him 2. Rupertus readeth after the same manner shee fell downe thinking that shee was prostrate at Moses feete intreating him to dismisse her But Moses rather sent her backe in his owne discretion unto his father with her children it had beene an unwomanly part and not commendable for the wife to desire to depart from such an husband Simler 3. But whereas the Hebrew word tagangh signifieth she caused it to touch that is cast some say she cast the circumcised foreskin at the feete of the Angell to appease him so the Chalde Paraphrast and Tharg Hierâ—solymitan but the words following in the next verse shew that she cast it at his feete whom she called bloudy husband Perer. 4. Some referre it to the child that shee cast it at his feete and Kimhi saith it was an use among the Hebrewes to call the infant circumcised the spouse or husband But to what end should Zipporah say thus to a young infant that understood her not Simler 5. Therefore she cast it at Moses feete whom in indignation she calleth bloudy husband Simler Iun. Perer. QUEST XXIX Why Zipporah calleth Moses husband of bloud Vers. 26. THou art indeed a bloudy husband unto mee 1. The Septuagint translate the bloud of my sonne stetit is stayed which translation having no ground at all or colour out of the originall but Augustine to great businesse quaest 11. in Exod. and maketh him flie unto allegories and mysteries for it seemeth to make a contrary sense unto the originall seeing she called Moses a bloudy husband because of shedding of her sonnes bloud it is like then it stayed not 2. Rabanus thinketh that shee called Moses so and accuseth him of cruelty for commanding her to circumcise her child so also Vatablus But seeing shee by this meanes redeemed her husbands life shee no doubt did not thinke much of her childs circumcision in that behalfe but thought it well done to save his life 3. Some thinke shee by bloud meaneth not only this present griefe but other troubles which she was like to endure as if shee should say if our journey began with such a hard hap what is the end like to be 4. Aben Ezra will have Zipporah thus to say unto the child whom they used to call chatan husband spouse because of the joy of circumcision whom she first calleth husband of bloud because she feared that her husband would dye but when she saw he was escaped then she correcteth her speech and calleth him husband of bloud because of the circumcision but this name of husband who seâ—th not better to agree to Moses than to her child Ex Perer. 5. Wherefore she thus saith unto Moses calling him husband of bloud both because shee was faine to redeeme him with the bloud of her child and in respect of circumcision it selfe which she held to be a bloudy law being not yet thorowly instructed in these rites sic Thostatus Iunius Ferus but shee calleth him not man of bloud which name in Scripture is given to cruell and bloudy men but husband of bloud QUEST XXX Whether those words rehearsed againe were uttered by Zipporah or by Moses the writer Vers. 26. BVt shee had said husband of bloud because of the circumcision 1. Piscator because the word is put in the plurall circumcisions thinketh that she so speaketh in respect of the circumcision of both her sonnes but seeing one of them only is here circumcised and because at this time only Zipporah was put to doe it her selfe which caused her thus to say shee so speaketh because of the circumcision of this child 2. Some thinke that these are the words of Zipporah and that shee either qualifieth her former speech turning her words which she had uttered of the bloud and death of her husband for so Aben Ezra taketh them to be spoken to the child that he was circumcised with the death and losse of her husband and after that by this circumcision she perceived her husband to bee recovered shee applied her speech to circumcision Iunius in his Analysis saving that hee holdeth these words to be uttered to Moses and not to the child expresseth the same meaning that Zipporah expoundeth and excuseth her former words that by bloud she understandeth circumcision whereby the young infant being upon the way and in an Inne might bee put in danger 3. But I rather approve Iunius judgement in his annotations that these are the words of Moses rather than of Zipporah shewing a reason of her speech for that shee repeated the same words being uttered with indignation twice it is not like especially after that the danger was over shee had small cause to expostulate with Moses for then she had shewed that shee had preferred the childes health before the life of her husband so also Zeiglerus QUEST XXXI How Zipporah knew that Moses was striken for the neglect of circumcision BUt another question will be here moved how Zipporah knew that Moses was in danger for neglect of circumcision 1. Some thinke that the Angel appeared in a visible shape and both by signes and words threatned Moses because his child was uncircumcised Cajetan But to devise words or speech to be said beside Scripture it is not safe 2. Some thinke that Moses was put in mind
his stead in earth but the Godhead and name of God is simply and properly given unto Christ. 3. Cont. Ecclesiasticall persons subject to the civill magistrat FUrther though Aaron be Moses mouth and speake for him to the people yet Moses is made his superiour so though the Priests and Ministers doe declare unto the people the will of God and the law is to be required at their mouth yet are they subject to the Civill power as here Aaron to Moses Pellican as the Apostle saith Let every soule be subject to the higher powers Rom. 13.1 4. Cont. Against the baptisme of infants by women Vers. 25. ANd Zipporah tooke a sharpe knife This example is alleaged by the Romanists to prove the lawfulnesse of Baptisme by women in the case of necessity Bellar. lib. 1. de Bapt. cap. 7. Contra But this example cannot serve their turne 1. because the Minister of circumcision in the old Testament is not precisely appointed as the Minister of Baptisme is for the Levites and Priests were not specially charged by commandement to bee Ministers of circumcision but that charge did indifferently lie upon the masters of the family Gen. 17.9 But in the Gospell they are bid to baptise that are commanded to teach Mat. 28.20 Piscato◠2. The Romanists lay upon baptisme a necessity of salvation but here the necessity was not in respect of the infant uncircumcised but in regard of Moses and not a necessity of eternall salvation but of preserving the outward life Piscator 3. Zipporah did it in presence of Moses by this example they may allow women also to baptise in the presence of the lawfull Minister Simler 4. And though it pleased God to remit the temporall punishment upon this externall obedience yet this sheweth not that God did approve this act as before instance is given of the Samaritanes who were delivered from the Lions being but halfe worshippers of God 2. King 17. the Lord onely sheweth hereby that it is pleasing unto him that the externall discipline of the Church should be preserved Simler 5. This then being in it selfe an unlawfull act in Zipporah saving that necessity forced it and extraordinary it cannot be drawne to an ordinarie practice specially where there can bee no such necessity Iun. 6. This example rather sheweth that baptisme though by an unlawfull Minister is to be held to bee baptisme as after Zipporah had circumcised her sonne he was not circumcised againe then that such are to be allowed lawfull Ministers Heretikes are not fit Ministers of Baptisme yet if they keepe the true forme of Baptisme the Church useth not to baptise after them for as Augustine well saith That which is given 〈◊〉 be said not to be given although it may be rightly said not to be rightly given 5. Cont. That the punishment for the contempt of circumcision was not only temporall but in Gods justice eternall Vers. 24. THe Lord met him and would have killed him Bellarmine from hence would prove that the penalty of the neglect of circumcision was only temporall and consequently that circumcision had not to it annexed the promise of remission of sinnes and deliverance from eternall death as the Sacraments of the new Testament have lib 2. de effect sacrament cap. 17. Resp. 33. ad argum 1. Cont. 1. The penalty inflicted for the omission of circumcision is laid upon the party himselfe that is not circumcised even that person shall be cut off Gen. 17.4 therefore this example of punishment imposed upon the parent for the neglect of it in his sonne is not fitly urged to that end 2. that law is made against those that willingly neglect circumcision and so wilfully breake the Lords covenant but here is no contempt but only negligence and oversight 3. It followeth not Moses only should have beene temporally chasticed for this negligence therefore the neglect of circumcision was onely punished by temporall death like as God would have killed Aaron with temporall death for consenting to the Idolatry of Israel Deut. 9.20 Doth it therefore follow that the punishment of Idolatrie was only temporall God unto his servants remitted in mercie the eternall debt chastising them onely temporally for their owne amendment and the example of other 4. But that the contempt of circumcision deserved everlasting death in the justice of God appeareth both by the phrase that soule shall be cut off from his people which signifieth a finall perishing from the Church of God both in this world and in the next as it is taken Levit 20.3 that he which giveth his seed to Moloch shall bee cut off as also by the reason there given because hee hath broken the Lords covenant and cursed is every one which transgresseth any part of the law Deut. 27.26 And the curse of God is not only temporall but eternall 5. Further that circumcision had annexed to it a promise of grace and remission of sinnes the Apostle sheweth calling circumcision the seale of the righteousnesse of faith Rom. 4.11 and the outward circumcision represented the circumcision of the heart whose praise was not of men but of God Rom. 2.29 6. Cont. Against the necessity of Baptisme NEither can this example of Zipporahs necessary circumcision of her sonne bee fitly alleaged to prove an absolute necessity of baptisme an hypotheticall that is a conditionall necessity depending upon the precept of Christ wee graunt that it is necessary that baptisme both in generall should bee retained in the Church because Christ hath instituted it and in particular that every one should yeeld ready obedience thereunto as unto Christs ordinance when it may bee conveniently had but such a penall necessity as to imagine children dying without baptisme to bee excluded the kingdome of God cannot be admitted 1. This were to tye salvation unto the externall signe and so to limit the worke of the spirit 2. Some of the fathers indeed as Augustine held such a necessity but hee made the same necessity of the other Sacrament upon these words of our Saviour Ioh. 6.53 Except yee eat the flesh of the Sonne of man c. ye have no life in you c. Simler 3. There is not the like necessitie of baptisme now and of circumcision then for that was tied to the eight day so is not baptisme and the necessitie was not in respect of the infant but of the parent that neglected it as the child here was not in danger but Moses himselfe 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. That one standeth in need of anothers gifts Vers. 14. DOe not I know Aaron thy brother c. that he shall speake God could if it had pleased him have given unto Moses the gift of eloquence utterance but he rather joyneth Aaron as assistant unto Moses not giving all gifts unto one but so diverslie dispensing and disposing his graces that one may stand in need of another even as the members of the bodie cannot say one to another I have no need of thee 1 Cor. 12.21
procureth divers plagues as here Moses feareth lest the people if they should not offer sacrifice and doe service unto God should be punished Simler So the Apostle affirmeth that the Corinthians were chastised some with sicknesse some with death for unreverent receiving of the Lords supper 1 Cor. 10.30 2. Observ. Many receive the Gospell joyfully at the first but after fall away Vers. 21. THe Lord looke upon you and judge At the first this people when Moses brought them a joyfull message of their deliverance were glad and thankfully received that gladsome tidings chap. 4.31 But now being more vexed and oppressed than before and not seeing their present deliverance they murmure against Moses Such is the propertie of many in these dayes that are content to receive the Gospell as long as it bringeth ease and prosperitie with it but in time of adversitie they fall away Ferus whom our Saviour compareth unto seed sowne in stony ground which as soone as it riseth is parched away with the heate of the sunne Matth. 13.5 3. Observ. The Gospell falsly challenged to be the cause of Gods judgements Vers. 21. YE have put a sword into their hand to slay us They lay the fault upon Moses and Aaron and make them the cause of their trouble So Achab charged the Prophet Elias that he troubled Israel Thus the heathen Idolaters accused the Christians as the causes of the plagues and famines that were in the world as blind superstitious people doe now lay the like imputations upon the Gospell whereas their superstition and Idolatrie procureth Gods judgements Simler 4. Observ. In the time of affliction we must fly unto God by prayer Vers. 22. MOses returned to the Lord c. By which example wee are taught in all our afflictions and necessities to have recourse unto God by prayer as the Apostle prescribeth If any man be afflicted let him pray Iam. 5.13 So the Prophet saith For my friendship they were my adversaries but I gave my selfe unto prayer Psal. 109.4 5. Observ. Some things fall out in shew contrarie to Gods promises in the beginning to trie our faith Vers. 23. ANd yet thou hast not delivered thy people The Lord after he hath made gracious promises to his servants doth suffer some things contrarie thereunto to fall out for the time for the triall of their faith and patience God promiseth unto Abraham to multiplie his seed as the starres of heaven and yet afterward bid him sacrifice his sonne in whom the hope of his seed was So God promised the Israelites prosperous successe against Benjamin yet at the first they were twice overcome David was annointed King in Sauls place yet hee was persecuted of Saul and driven from his countrie for a while but at the length the Lord made good to the full all his promises toward him Perer. CHAP. VI. 1. The Argument and method THis chapter hath two parts the first is a declaration or rehearsall of the charge which the Lord giveth unto Moses which containeth a double commandement or commission the first to goe unto the Israelites to promise them deliverance unto vers 20. The other unto Pharaoh to vers 14. In the former three things are shewed 1. The foundation of the peoples deliverance which consisteth in the power of God vers 3. his promises made to the fathers vers 4. his compassion upon the afflictions of the people vers 6. 2. The promise followeth partly to deliver them out of bondage vers 6.7 partly to bring them into the land of Canaan vers 8. 3. The effect is shewed that the people because they were afflicted hearkened not unto him In the other commission first the Lords commandement is set downe vers 11.2 Then Moses refuâ—â—â— vers 12. 4. The renewing of the commandement In the second generall part by way of digression is inserted the genealogie of Moses who came of Levi wherein first briefly the genealogie of the two elder sonnes of Iacob Ruben and Simeon is set downe vers 14.15 to make a way for Levi. Then the genealogie of Levi is expressed and of his three sonnes of Gershom vers 17. Merari vers 19. of Kohath and of his sonnes Amram of whom came Moses and Aaron who are specially insisted upon vers 25. to the end and of Izzari vers 21. and Vzziel vers 22. 2. The divers readings Vers. 3. I appeard c. in the name of God almightie I.G. in God shaddai V. as an almightie God B. being their God S. but the word name is fitly supplied as the other part of the verse sheweth but in my name Iehovah c. But in my name Iehovah was I not knowne B.G.I.V.A.P. better than my name Adonai H. my name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord. S. Vers. 7. That I Iehovah bring you out from the burdens of the Egyptians B. G. cum caeter rather from being under the burdens A. that ye be not subject to the burdens I. Vers. 8. Which I did lift up my hand to give it A. B. H. better than upon the which I lift up my hand to give it L. S. P. for upon is not in the text or for the which V. for also is added or which with lâ—ft-up hand I sware to give I. I sware is inserted Vers. 12. Gave them a commandement to the children of Israel V. L. I. or commanded them to the children of Israel A. P. better than concerning the children of Israel B. the preposition el signifieth to or then gave them a charge to goe to the children of Israel G. S. to goe is added Vers. 14. Chenoch and pallâ— A.P. rather than Chanoch I. for it is hatephpathah where pathah is assumed to sheva to helpe to pronounce it and it is better expressed with e than a as the Septuag Hanoch so also V.L. for it is expressed with the some points with the other Henoch Gen. 5. and rather than Henoch S.L.V.B.G. for it is written with cheth which is rather expressed with ch than h. Chetzron I. rather than Hesron L. B. or without an aspiration Esron S. or Hetzron V. or Chezron A P. The first letter is cheth which is as much as ch the other tsadi which is expressed by â—z Vers. 16. Kehath I. B. A. P. rather than Caath L. S. or Cahat V. or Kahath G. for it is with sheva which soundeth e. Vers. 18. The yeeres of the life of Kohath I.V.L. cum caeter rather than Kahath lived B. G. Vers. 25. Pinchas I.A.P. not Pinhas V. or Phinees L.S. or Phinehas G. for the middle letter is cheth ch but because of the better sound the last is used Vers. 27. These are they that spake to Pharaoh and in the end of the verse This is that Moses and Aaron I. V. L. S. cum caeter better than these are that Moses and Aaron which spake B. G. Vers. 29. And it was what day the Lord spake I. V. A. P. better than in the day that the Lord
is inserted Vers 14. THese bee the heads of their fathers houses c. Moses setteth downe the genealogie of certaine tribes that it might bee knowne for the more certaintie of the storie of what stocks those two famous Prophets Moses and Aaron came the Lords Ambassadors to Pharaoh and instruments of these great works and wonders wrought in Egypt and of the deliverance of the people Borrh. 2. And Moses setteth downe the generation of Reuben and Simeon which were the two elder that he might orderly proceed to Levi lest hee might have beene thought onely to set downe his owne petigree Simler 3. And these three tribes are specially named because they of all other were most hardly censured by Iacob Reuben for his incest and the other two for their murther lest they might have beene thought utterly to have beene rejected Perer. 4. Moses most insisted upon the genealogie of Levi because that tribe was afterward chosen for the dignitie of the Priesthood Simler QUEST IX How Reuben is said here to be the first borne Vers. 14. THe sonnes of Reuben the first borne 1. He was the first borne by nature but he lost the prerogative of the first borne by his incest unto the which belonged a double preeminence the one of a double part which right was transferred to Ioseph of whom came two tribes the other of dignitie and authoritie over the rest of the brethren which was conveyed to Iudah Perer. 2. Of Reuben and Simeon onely those are rehearsed that came downe with Iacob unto Egypt because Moses doth make haste to set downe at large the offspring of Levi descending even unto Phinehes the sonne of Eleazar the sonne of Aaron Iun. 3. Some names are elsewhere otherwise termed as he which is called Iemuel is named in the Chronicles Nemuel and Sahar Zerah Ohad here named is there omitted either because he died in Egypt or else his posteritie was extinct and ceased in the wildernesse Simler QUEST X. Of the age of Levi. Vers. 16. THe yeeres of the life of Levi were 137. Levi was elder than Ioseph by foure yeeres for hee was the third sonne of Lea borne in the third yeere of the second seven of Iacobs service in the end whereof Ioseph was borne hence divers certaine conclusions concerning the Chronologie of the Scripture may be inferred 1. That Levi was 43. yeere old when he came downe with Iacob into Egypt for then was Ioseph 39. 2. That Levi lived 23. yeeres after the death of Ioseph who lived an 110. yeeres for Levi was 4. yeere elder than Ioseph and lived 137. 3. That Levi lived after he came into Egypt 94. yeeres unto the which if we adde 43. yeeres which was his age before he went into Egypt we shall have the whole life of Levi 137. yeeres 4. Levi died 121. yeeres before the going of the Israelites out of Egypt for all the time of their aboad in Egypt was 215. whereof Levi lived 94. in Egypt which summe being deducted from 215. the residue is 121. yeeres 5. It is gathered that Levi died before Moses birth 41. yeeres for Moses was 80. yeeres old when Israel was delivered out of Egypt but Levi died 121. yeeres before that then it will follow that he died 41. yeeres before Moses ex Perer. QUEST XI Of the age of Kohath Vers. 18. KOhath lived 133. yeeres 1. Thus read both the Latine Septuagint and Chalde agreeable to the Hebrew So that Eugubinus is deceived that saith Kohath according to the Septuagint lived but 130. yeeres 2. Hence it is evident that Kohath died 2. yeere before Moses birth and 82. yeeres before the deliverance of Israel for Kohath comming downe with Levi into Egypt may be supposed to be borne the same yeere from whence to Moses birth are 135. yeeres unto which adde 80. yeeres of the life of Moses and we have the whole summe of 215. yeeres the whole time of the Israelites being in Egypt But hee lived onely 133. yeeres then he must be dead two yeeres before Moses birth 3. Hence Alexander Polyhistor is found to be in error who holdeth as Eusebius reporteth Kohath to bee but 40. yeere old when Levi died who was rather than 94. yeere old but 43 yeere younger than his father being borne the same yeere when Levi went downe into Egypt QUEST XII Of the age of Amram Vers. 20. ANd Amram lived 137. yeeres If Amram were borne 14. yeeres before Ioseph died and begat Moses in the 77. yeere of his age as Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius accompteth then it is evident that he died 21. yeeres before the departing of Israel out of Egypt and in the 60 yeere of Moses age as may bee thus gathered Ioseph lived after Iacob came downe into Egypt 71. yeeres being then 39. and his whole age was 110. so Ioseph died 144. yeeres before the departure of Israel for the foresaid numbers of 71. and 144. put together make the above said summe of 215. yeeres it will then follow that Amram borne 14. yeeres before Iosephs death and living 137. yeeres died 121. yeeres before the going forth of Israel ex Perer. QUEST XIII Why the sonnes of Korah and Aaron are set downe Vers. 21. ALso the sonnes of Izhar 1. Moses in the rest of Levi his posteritie descendeth but to the fourth degree saving in Aaron and Korah because of the one came famous Phinehes and the sonnes of the other are expressed because they died not in their fathers rebellion Numb 16.11 2. Hebron or Chebron his posteritie is not set downe it may be he was obscure and therefore not mentioned Borrh. 3. The rest here also are expressed because elsewhere they are spoken of for the manifestation of the history as Nadab and Abihu Levit. 10.1 Mishael and Elzaphan Levit. 10.4 Eleazar Numb 20. and Ithamar Exod. 38.21 Iun. QUEST XIV Why Aaron tooke a wife of the tribe of Iudah Vers. 23. ANd Aaron tooke Elishebah daughter of Aminadab 1. These two Aminadab and Nahashon his sonne were Princes of Judah 2. Thus Levi and Iudah doe match in marriage together to signifie the conjunction and affinity that should bee betweene the regall and priestly office Simler 3. Hitherto the positive law of not confounding the tribes by marriage was not made and yet afterward notwithstanding it was lawfull for the Priests of Levi to take unto them wives of other tribes for because the Levites had no inheritance given them by such marriages there could follow no inconvenience by confusion of their inheritance So Iehoiadah the high Priest married the King of Judahs sister and Elizabeth wife to Zacharie the Priest was Cousin to Mary the blessed Virgin of Judah Simler QUEST XV. How Moses without ostentation setteth forth his owne commendation Vers. 27. THese are that Moses and Aaron c. 1. Some thinke that these words should be inserted by Ezra who digested the Scriptures into order because it seemeth not to stand with the modestie of Moses and Aaron to set forth such a
me what time I shall pray for thee to destroy the frogs Moses promiseth to pray confidently being assured that the Lord would heare him for the faithfull are sure that the Lord heareth them Ferus Who herein crosseth the judgement of the Romanists who 〈◊〉 call the assurance of faith presumption But our Saviour Christ giveth this rule that Whatsoever yee aske in prayer if ye beleeve ye shall have it it shall be done unto you Matth. 11.14 2. Conf. Against praying for the dead BEside as here Pharaoh entreateth Moses and Moses promiseth to entreate God for him so we find in other places of Scripture that the living have prayed for the living and have been prayed to pray for others but for the dead to be prayed unto to pray for the living we have no example in Scripture Pellican For they are not present to heare our prayers and succour our necessities neither doe know our heartes and wee have one sufficient advocate and Mediatour our blessed Redeemer 1. Ioh. 3.1 and therefore neither neede we the mediation of any other neither will they assume unto themselves any part of Christs office 3. Conf. Against repentance which proceedeth only of feare Vers. 15. WHen Pharaoh saw he had respite given him he hardened his heart Then Pharaohs former repentance was but in hypocrisie and proceeded only from feare of punishment such sorrow then and repentance which onely is caused by the feare of punishment is no true repentance neither continueth long yet this slauish feare of hell is much advanced and extolled by the Romanists as being a fruite of true obedience against whom I will urge the testimonie of Ferus in this place one of their owne preachers Poenitentia ex solo timore poenae proveniens non diu durat quae autem ex amore justitiae oritur haec perseverat Repentance proceeding only from the feare of punishment cannot endure long but that which springeth of the love of righteousnes the same persevereth So the Apostle saith that feare hath painfulnes and he that feareth is not perfect in love 1. Ioh. 4.18 6. Places of Morall use 1. Observ. God can arme his smallest creatures against the wicked Vers. 2. I Will smite all thy countrie with frogs The Lord can arme his smallest creatures to take revenge of the wicked as he with the sand keepeth in the sea Ierem. 5.22 so with his smallest armies he can checke and daunt the haughtie spirit of Tyrants as here Pharaoh is punished with frogs therefore feare ye not me saith the Lord Iere. 5.22 This should make us to stand in awe feare of God whose armies are alwayes readie to punish the disobedient Ferus 2. Observ. To pray for our enemies Vers. 8. WHat time I shall pray for thee Moses by this example teacheth us to pray for our enemies according to Christs rule Matth. 5. So S. Paul would have prayer supplication made for Princes 1. Tim. 2.2 even then Nero that beastly Tyrant was Emperour If it bee objected that Pharaoh sinned unto death and therefore Moses should not have prayed for him as the Apostle teacheth that such sinners are not to be prayed for 1. Ioh. 5.16 The answere is first that though Moses saw that Pharaohs heart was hardned yet he did not know whether the same might be mollified afterward Secondly he prayeth not for everlasting salvation but onely for a temporall blessing Thirdly and not so much for Pharaoh as because it should be a benefit to the whole land Simler 3. Observ. The Devils power nor his ministers is to be feared Vers. 18. THey assaied to bring forth lice but they could not Therefore not the Devill but God is to bee feared for the Devill hath no power unlesse God permit to invade man or beast he could not runne upon the uncleane swine till Christ had given leave Perer. If the Devill be not to be feared much lesse his ministers as Sorcerers Conjurers Witches God bridleth both them and their master that without the will of our heavenly father he cannot touch a haire of our head 4. Observ. God will not have his servants tempted above their strength AGaine whereas it was a great triall and temptation to the Israelites to see these wicked Sorcerers to contend with Moses in working of wonders the Lord will not trie them beyond their strength but at the length confoundeth the Sorcerers lest his servants might have stumbled and fell Perer. as the Apostle saith God is faithfull and will not suffer you to be tempted above that you are able 1. Cor. 10.13 CHAP. IX 1. The Argument and method IN this Chapter three other plagues are described the fift of the murrane of cattell to vers 8. the sixt of the botches and sores to vers 13 the seventh of the thunder haile and lightning to the end of the Chapter In the first part containing a description of the first plague we have first the denouncing of the plague with the occasion thereof if Pharaoh refuse to let Israel goe vers 1.2 the manner thereof vers 3. the limitation thereof the Israelites are exempted vers 4. the time is appointed vers 5. Secondly the execution followeth vers 6.3 The events are two Pharaoh sendeth to see how it fared with the Israelites cattell and his heart is hardned vers 7. In the second part containing the sixth plague there is the commandement of God to Moses and Aaron prescribing the signe of the plague in taking the ashes vers 8. and the effect vers 9. secondly the execution vers 10. thirdly the events which are two the plague of biles overtaketh the Sorcerers themselves vers 11. yet Pharaohs heart is hardned vers 12. In the third part where the seventh plague is described there is 1. The commandement of God to denounce the plague in which denuntiation wee have first the occasion of this plague Pharaohs refusall to let the people go vers 13. then a description of the plague in generall vers 14. and the end why God had not consumed them with the pestilence and other plagues that God might shew his power vers 15.16 then a particular designing of the plague vers 18. with advice and counsell given how to scape the plague vers 19. and the successe of that counsell vers 20.21 2. The execution followeth where God commanded Moses vers 22. Moses obeyeth vers 23. the effect followeth set forth by way of comparison vers 24. 3. The events are these first what hurt the haile and storme did vers 25. the preservation of Israel vers 26. the relenting of Pharaoh and his request to Moses vers 27.28 Moses admonition first to Pharaoh vers 29. with a parenthesis what things were smitten with the tempest what not vers 31. Moses prayer with the effect vers 33. the hardning of Pharaohs heart vers 34.35 2. The Argument and Method Vers. 3. VPon the cattell the sheepe with a very great plague I. better than upon the cattel sheepe shall
They filled their houses vers 6. as the frogges did before and went into every roome and chamber their amberies victuals storehouses were pestered with them for so it may be gathered by the like annoyance in the frogges 4. And not onely so but with their venemous teeth they did bite and destroy men and therefore Pharaoh desireth vers 17. that God would take away that death onely and so we read Wisd. 16.9 that the biting of Locusts and flies killed them QUEST VI. Why sometime Aaron sometime Moses stretched out the rod. Vers. 13. NOw Moses stretched forth his rod c. 1. This is to bee observed that in the bringing of some plagues Moses commandeth and Aaron stretched out the rod as in the three first plagues of the bloudie waters frogges and lice in the two next of the swarmes and murrane Moses and Aaron doe nothing in the three following Moses is the instrument to bring the botches the haile and Locusts 2. The reason of this difference the Hebrewes ascribe to the dignitie of Moses who brought the plagues that came from above out of the aire and skie and Aaron those which were wrought below And herein is fulfilled the promise of God to Moses that he had made him Pharaohs God for so Moses commandeth the aire fire and water and all the elements as a terrene God 3. Yet Moses doth not any thing by his owne power neither is there any vertue in his rod Moses indeed stretcheth out his rod but is said that the Lord brought the East wind Simler QUEST VII What kâ—nde of wind it was which brought the Locusts THe Lord brought an East wind 1. God useth the Ministrie of the wind not as having any need of it but that we might know that when any wind or weather is sent God is the author of them 2. This was not a southerly wind as the Septuag read and Philo to whom Pererius subscribeth affirmeth the same but beside that the word kedâ—m signifieth the East it is evident by the contrarie wind which cast them into the red sea called the West wind vers 19. that the East wind brought them Thostatus And the Latine interpreter though missing of the sense of the word calleth it urentem ventum a searing wind which best agreeth to the East wind which is well knowne to seare and wither fruit and to breed caterpillers and wormes 3. Though it be usuall in those parts for Locusts to be brought with the wind yet such an infinite number of them and in so short a time to bee brought was mircaulous and extraordinarie Simler QUEST VIII Whether this plague of Locusts were incomparable and not to be matched Vers. 14. SO grievous Locusts like to these were never before neither after them shall be such How then agreeth that place of the Prophet Ioel with this where he speaking of the like plague of Locusts saith There was none like iâ— from the beginning neither shall be any more after it Ioel. 2.2 It may bee answered that it is here meant of Egypt that in that land there were never any such Locusts neither should be as it is said of the haile so grievous as there was none throughout all the land of Egypt since it was a nation chap. 9.24 2. But because the words here are generall no mention being made of Egypt it may rather be answered that these Locusts came all at once but in that plague which Ioel speaketh of these foure kinds the Palmer worme the Grashopper Canker worme and Caterpiller did one succeed another and one devoured that which the other left Ioel. 1.2 And in that respect it is said to bee so grievous as none was before it Simler 3. Or rather it is said to be incomparable for the continuance of it which was certaine yeeres whereas these Locusts indured not many daies QUEST IX In what sense it is said the Locusts devoured that which the haile left Vers. 15. THey did eat all which the haile had left And yet it is said before that the haile did smite all the herbes of the field chap. 9.25 then there was nothing for the Locusts to devoure 1. Some answere that the haile onely touched the corne as rie wheate barlie flax but not the grasse then the Locusts came and devoured herbe grasse and all Pellican But the text it selfe admitteth not this for the haile is said to smite all the herbes of the fields and so the Locusts did also eat all the herbes of the field vers 15. 2. Some thinke that there was some respite betweene the haile and the comming of the Locusts and that in the meane time the corne and other fruits which the haile and lightning had smitten did grow againe and then the Locusts came and devoured it Simler But beside that it is shewed before that this plague of Locusts followed the other within two or three daies quest 9. in chap. 7. in which time there could be little renewing of the fruits by a second growth and spring the text favoureth not this conceit because the Locusts are said to eat that which the haile left but that which was then not growne cannot be said to be left 3. Therefore it may be better answered that where the haile is said to have smitten all the herbes of the field it must be understood for the greatest and most part as it was said before chap. 9.6 that all the cattell of Egypt died whereas some remained for the other plagues as for the haile chap. 9.25 Simler 4. But neither are we forced in this place so to restraine the generalitie of these words but this may be said that where the haile and lightning did smite though all the herbes and fruits were touched yet not the whole there might be some greene thing remaining after the haile and lightning played the part as wee see in the searing and blasting of corne that some escapeth so that which this tempest had not blasted and seared the Locusts devoured QUEST X. Why the plague of Locusts is called a death Vers. 17. THat he may take away from me this death onely 1. Some thinke that be so called this plague as if he should say this destruction because it brought a decay and consumption upon all things Vatab. but death properly is understood of living creatures as cattell and men 2. Some referre it to the event which Pharaoh might feare lest that the people being offended with Pharaoh who was the cause of these plagues might make some mutinous insurrection whereof slaughter and death might follow Simler But he speaketh of death and mortalitie alreadie begun and not feared onely 3. Therefore some thinke that the Locusts with their biting killed men as it is collected Wisd. 16.9 and that therefore it is called a death Perer. but this is not all for he saith this death onely his meaning is not that the men in their houses should be delivered from the biting of Locusts but generally that the land might be rid
and smoke by day and the shining of flaming fire by night c. and a covering shall be for a shadow in the day for the heate c. Isai. 4.5.6 QUEST XX. How this cloud differed from other clouds THis piller of the cloud was much differing from all other cloudes 1. In respect of the substance it was cleere and lightsome not darke and thicke as other cloudes are 2. It was in figure and shape as a piller the nether part thereof descending unto the Tabernacle the upper part reaching aloft unto heaven whereas other cloudes descend not as low as the earth 3. It alwayes kept this figure and fashion of a piller whereas other cloudes doe alter and vary in shape and appearance 4. This cloud moved of it selfe whereas other cloudes are moved by the wind and of themselves have no motion this way or that way but only as they ascend and goe up in vapors but this cloud both ascended and descended 5. Other cloudes are made of naturall causes as of vapors and exhalations but this cloud was raised by the Lord beside the ordinarie course of nature 6. The effects were divers for other cloudes are apt to engender raine and drop downe moisture but this was not ordained for that end but to shew them the way in going before them 7. This cloud differed in motion from all other cloudes for they are carried all one way with the wind this sometime went forward when the camp removed sometime it came backe and stood upon the Tabernacle it went sometime to the right hand sometime to the left according as the journies of the people were appointed out 8. The motion of it was alwayes certaine it went before the campe as they were able to endure to follow whereas other cloudes are carried swiftly that they cannot bee followed 9. The situation of it was divers not carried aloft as other cloudes which can be no direction to leade a man in his journey but this cloud was of such equall distance as it did part out their way before them like as the starre that guided the Wise men appeared below in the aire to conduct them Matth. 2.10 Lastly whereas other cloudes are not durable but are soone dissipated and dissolved by the wind and weather this cloud remained firme and so continued for the space of 40. yeeres Ex Perer. QUEST XXI· When the cloud began first to appeare BUt concerning the time of the first and last appearing of this cloud it is not like as Hierome thinketh that it went not before them till they came unto the third station in Etham because mention is first made of it there 1. For they had need as well before of a guide to direct them the way as afterward and therefore it is like that they had this direction in their first setting forth out of Egypt 2. As it is in the Psalm He made his people to goe out like sheepe and led them in the wildernesse like a flocke Psal. 78.52 where the Prophet alludeth unto the fashion of those countries where the shepheard goeth before and the sheepe follow after as our Saviour saith in the parable Ioh. 10.27 So the Lord went before his people as a shepheard in the cloudy and fierie piller even when he brought them out of Egypt 3. The Prophet Esâ—y also alluding unto this cloud saith That upon every place of mount Sion and the assemblies thereof shall be a cloud Esay 4.5 So that hence it may be gathered that the Israelites in every place and in all their assemblies and campes had the presence of this cloud 4. Then like as the Wise men saw the starre that brought them to Christ in the beginning of their journey as they say Wee have seene his starre in the East and are come to worship him Matth. 2.2 they first saw the starre and then came forth so it may bee thought that the Israelites saw this cloud in their first setting forth 5. The people had need to have had all encouragement in their first going forth and to be animated in their journey and therefore it is like that the Lord did at the very first shew these comfortable signes of his presence QUEST XXII When the cloud and fiery piller ceased ANd as the cloud appeared not so late as Hierome supposeth so neither was it taken out of their sighâ— so soone as the Hebrewes imagine for they say that after Aarons death who died on the first day of the first moneth in the 40. yeere after their departure out of Egypt Numb 33.38 the piller of the cloud and of the fire were no more seene and their reason is because that after that time no more mention is made of them Contra. First this is no sufficient reason for neither is there mention made of them a good while before 2. The words of the text are against their opinion for it is said That the Lord tooke not away the piller of the cloud by day nor the piller of fire by night from before the people Vers. 22. So then as long as they had need of this direction the Lord failed them not 3. Seeing the use of these pillers was to leade them the way that they might goe by day and by night it is like so long as they were in the way and travelled in the wildernesse they had the presence of the cloud the same cause remaining the meanes are like to have beene still continued But from the mount Hor where Aaron died untill they came to the plaine of Moab in the borders of the land of Canaan there were many solitary desert and waste places thorow the which they passed for divers of their stations were yet behind as appeareth Numb 33. that they had after they came from Mount Hor eight severall stations therefore it may well bee gathered that as they had the direction of the cloud in their other stations so also in these Perer. 4. Then like as the starre left not the Wise men till it had brought them to the very house where the holy 〈◊〉 was Matth. 2. So we may judge that the cloud left not the Israelites till they came into the land of Canaan whither the Lord intended to bring them QUEST XXIII Of the foure great miracles which the Lord wrought for the people in the desert THis extraordinary leading of the people by the going before of the piller of the cloud and fire was one of the great miracles which the Lord wrought for his people in the desert for as foure things are chiefly necessary for those that travell strength and health of body foode rayment and a guide so the Lord in every one of these wrought wonderfully for them 1. Their feete did not swell for the 〈◊〉 of forty yeeres Deut. 8.4 And of all that great multitude there being not so few in all as 2000. thousand seeing the third part of this number even 600. thousand were fighting men above twenty yeere old there was not one feeble
vers 1. 2. The crying of the people unto God vers 10. 3. Their murmuring and expostulating with Moses because hee had brought them out of Egypt amplified both by their present feare of death and their former foolish prediction in Egypt vers 11 12. 4. The confident answer of Moses wherein he exhorteth them not to feare with a promise of deliverance and destruction of the Egyptians grounded upon Gods assistance vers 13.14 In the second part there is first the counsell of God to Moses containing both a commandement that they should goe forward vers 15. and a promise both of the safe passing of the Israelites thorow the red Sea with the instrumentall meanes prescribed the stretching out of Moses hand with the rod over the Sea vers 16. and the destruction of their enemies with the end thereof Gods glorie vers 17. and the effect the confession and acknowledgement by the Egyptians themselves of Gods power vers 18. 2. The performance and execution followeth first on the part of the Israelites where the causes are expressed of their safe conducting thorow the Sea both the principall Gods presence and working testified by the removing of the cloud vers 19.20 and the instrumentall either voluntarie in the stretching out of Moses rod or naturall which was the East wind vers 21. then is expressed the manner of their passing thorow the Sea vers 22. Secondly the other part of Gods promise is effected concerning the Egyptians where we have first the occasion the pursuit of the Egyptians vers 23. 2. The causes of their subversion first the hand of God upon them in striking them with feare and taking off their chariot wheeles vers 25. with the efficient thereof the Lord looked toward the host of the Egyptians vers 24. and the effect the flight of the Egyptians vers 21. Secondly the returning of the waters with the principall cause the power of God in commanding the instrumentall cause the ministerie of Moses Thirdly the effect followeth Pharaoh and his host are drowned vers 28. 3. The events follow first the saving of Israel in passing safe thorow the red Sea vers 29. Then the overthrow of their enemies whose carkasses they saw upon the Sea banke vers 30. Lastly the people beleeve God and reverence his minister Moses with the cause thereof the beholding of the great power of God vers 31. 2. The divers readings Vers. 2. Campe before the streits of Chiroth I. Piscat not before Pihahiroth A.P.B.G. cum cater for pi is here no part of the proper name as is evident Numb 33.8 where pi is omitted mippeâ—e hachiroth from the face or sight of Hachiroth where also Ha is the article prefixed no part of the name as the Septuagint read Eroth and the Chalde in that place Hiroth Vers. 5. and 11. What is this that we have done I.C.V. rather than why have we done this A.P. cum cater as Gen. 42.28 What is this that the Lord hath done unto us Vers. 9. All the horses and chariots of Pharaoh B. G. cum cater rather than the chariot horsemen I. for seeing the horses were the chiefe strength of the chariots who had not every one a rider but chariot men to guide them the originall word and sense is better retained Vers. 12. Is not this the thing that we said unto thee V. or did we not tell thee this thing B.G. is not this the word or saying I. cum caeter dabar signifieth both a word or thing their meaning is that the thing now answereth to their words then Vers. 17. And concerning me behold I will harden I. Piscat rather And I behold I will harden B.G.A.P. cum caeter vaani and I. He the nominative case is put absolutely though in this place it agree with the construction following yet elsewhere it doth not as Gen. 17.4 And I behold my covenant is with thee where unlesse it be read concerning me or some such word supplied the nominative case I will not agree with the sentence following Vers. 30. And the Israelites saw the Egyptians dead upon the Sea banks B.G.C.V. cum caeter rather than the Israelites saw the Egyptians dying in the Sea banke I. that is the Israelites standing upon the banke saw the Egyptians dying in the Sea for the word meeth signifieth dead rather than dying as chap. 12.33 we are all meet him dead men and the Hebrew comma or imperfect distinction at Egyptians sheweth that the last words on the shore are referred to the Egyptians dying not to the Israelites beholding and further the preposition ghal signifieth on or upon rather than in and the Sea useth to cast up the dead bodies on the shore Also if the Israelites saw the Egyptians yet alive how should Moses speech be true that they should never see them againe vers 13. that is alive 3. The Explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Of the place where they are commanded to pitch Vers. 2. THat they returne and campe before the streits of Chiroth 1. The reason why they are bid to returne or turne aside was as is shewed before chap. 13.17 because the Lord would not have them goe thorow the Philistims countrie 2. They are commanded to campe in a most incommodious place where they were hemmed in on every side betweene the Sea before them and on one side the Tower or Citie Migdol which was the Citie Hero a Garison of the Egyptians and the mountaines on the other side so that they had no way to passe but by the straits whereby they entred and so to returne upon the face of the enemies that pursued them Iun. Iosephus 3. This Chiroth were certaine craggie mountaines which run along unto the hill Casius Iun. and reach even to the Sea Iosephus which might be so called either of Chur because they were full of dens and caves or of Charath which signifieth to cut of the craggie rocks that seemed as hewne or cut Calvin 4. Baalzephon was a certaine plaine neere unto the Sea where the Idoll so called of the place was worshipped which hath the name of espying or looking there might be some watch Tower to observe the wayes that they might bee safe for the travellers Simler QUEST II. Why the Lord would have them pitch in so discommodious a place Vers. 3. FOr Pharaoh will say of the children of Israel 1. The Hebrewes thinke that the Egyptians had great confidence in this Idoll Baalzephon whereof they had this opinion that hee could fetch againe fugitives that were run away and that therefore they hearing that the Israelites were inclosed there thought them to bee in sure keeping of the Idoll Ex Simler But there is no such cause here touched the onely reason that moved Pharaoh to pursue them was to take advantage of the place thinking they were so hemmed in that they could by no meanes escape 3. The Egyptians might have pursued and overtaken them if they had pitched elsewhere but not so easily or
that they being a people infected with the leprosie and the contagion being so generally dispersed that by reason of the diseased people the land lay waste the King Boccharis consulted with their gods who advised them to expell the Hebrewes and to drowne all those that were infected among them The Hebrewes hereupon secretly in the night kindled fires and lights and went away under the leading of one Moses and agreed among them to spare none yea to deface the Temples of the gods till they came to some places inhabited and at length they came to that countrey which is called Judea and there built the Citie Jerusalem Concerning also this tale that the Hebrewes were expelled because of the leprosie Iustinus and Cornelius Tacitus doe concurre with Lysimachus Iustinus adding further that the Egyptians pursuing the Hebrewes were driven home by tempest and Tacitus that Moses bid them to looke neither for the gods helpe noâ— mans but to trust to him Contra. That this fable is worthie of no more credit than the other it may diversly appeare 1. These fabulous Chroniclers doe not agree together one saith they were expelled for their leprosie another because they warred with the Egyptians one saith that Themasis was then King the other that Bocchar is then reigned in Egypt 2. Beside how is it like that the Hebrewes should be a leprous people seeing Moses made such straight lawes against such as were lepers shutting them out of the congregation as Iosephus well reasoneth 3. The Hebrewes at their departure used no artificiall or naturall lights but lead by the fierie cloud the light of heaven 4. And untrue it is that they agreed among themselves to put to the sword the people that inhabited Jordan before them they were commanded of God so to do who is the Lord of the whole earth and may give it to whom it pleaseth him 5. They destroyed indeede the idolatrous Temples because they were a dishonour to God and for their abominable Idolatrie were those nations worthily cut off 6. Untrue also it is that the Egyptians were driven home with tempests for they were utterly overthrowne by tempest in the sea not one of them returned 7. Untrue also it is that Moses bid them trust wholly in him he did indeede exhort them neither to trust in the vaine gods of the Heathen nor in man but he bid them wholly to relie upon God and to wayte for the saluation of the Lord chap. 14.13 QUEST XXVIII Of the comparison betweene the red sea and baptisme NOw to conclude this passing of the Hebrewes thorough the sea is by the Apostle made a type and figure of Baptisme They were all baptised unto Moses in the cloud and in the sea 1. Cor. 10.2 Which resemblance consisteth of divers part 1. As in Baptisme there is a dying unto sinne a rising to newnesse of life so the Israelites were as it were buried in the sea and afterward were restored to the land Simler 2. As Pharaoh was overthrowne in the sea and the Israelites delivered from their servitude so in Baptisme wee renounce the devill and the service of sinne Thestatus â— As the cloud did shelter them from the heate of the Sunne so Christs bloud doth defend us from the wrath of God Simler 4. As the Israelites after they had passed the red sea did eate of Manna and dranke of the water of the Rocke so they which are baptised into the name of Christ are made partakers of the heavenly mysteries Theodoret. 5. Like as all the Israelites were baptised in the sea yet many of them because of their unbeliefe did not enter into the land of Canaan so many that have been baptised into the name of Christ afterward falling away either in faith or life do not enter into the kingdome of heaven Osiander 6. As in the morning watch the Egyptians were destroyed so Christ rising in the morning made a perfect conquest of the devill Pellican 7. As the Israelites were all baptized in one sea so as S. Paul saith there is one faith one baptisme Ephes. 4. Ferus 8. As the Egyptians being cast up dead were a spoile to the Hebrewes so Christ hath lead captivitie captive and given gifts unto his Church Ephes. 4 4.9 As the Egyptians being dead could doe no more hurt to the Israelites so our sinnes being remitted and as it were buried in the death of Christ shall no more rise to our condemnation Simler 10. As Moses lift up his rodde and the waters were divided so Christ saith All power is given unto me which is signified by the rodde and then he giveth this commission to his Apostles Goe and baptise c. Matth. 28. Ferus QUEST XXIX How the people are said to beleeve Moses or in Moses Vers. 31. THey beleeved the Lord and his servant Moses In the Hebrew the phrase is they beleeved in the Lord and in Moses for beth the preposition here used signifieth in Now whereas this distinction is received in schooles Credere Deo credere Deum credere in Deum To beleeve God that he is true to beleeve God to be and to beleeve in God that is to repose our trust and confidence in him as we say in our beleefe I believe in God hereupon ariseth this question how the people are said to beleeve in Moses that is to have any confidence in him Therefore howsoever this distinction hath prevailed in schooles and it may well be retained yet it is not grounded in respect of the phrase upon the Scripture which taketh these two credere Deo credere in Deum to beleeve God and to beleeve in God for all one so that the letter beth is taken here in the same sense with lamed and the Chalde Septuagint and Latine doe in this place translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crediderunt Deo Mosi they beleeved God and Moses So also 2. Chron. 20.20 Beleeve his Prophets and ye shall prosper the same phrase is used with beth Likewise in the new Testament to beleeve in the name of Christ is sometime taken not for confidence but to give credite or beleeve him to bee true and so betokeneth a temporarie faith as it is said that many beleeved in the name of Christ at Jerusalem when they saw his miracles yet Jesus would not commit himselfe unto them Ioh. 2.24 And credere Christo to beleev Christ is other where taken for true faith Ioh. 5.46 Had ye beleeved Moses ye would have beleeeed me likewise credere Christum to beleeve that Jesus is the Christ is taken for true faith that bringeth us to everlasting life Ioh. 20.31 Here then they are said to beleeve Moses that is to acknowledge him to be a true Prophet and the faithfull servant of God Simlerus 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Of the difference betweene filiall and servill feare Vers. 5. ANd the heart of Pharâ—â—â— and his servants was turned against the people Here wee see a difference betweene a servile and filiall and true
much away Simler 4. Now further it is to be observed that this 15. day of the second moneth when Manna was given was the same day which was prescribed for them to keepe the Passeover in that were uncleane Numb 9. signifying thus much that the true Manna was not given to the Jewes which observed the first legall pasch but to the Gentiles which were uncleane through their filthy Idolatry Christ the true Passeover was offered and this was the second pasch under the Gospell which succeeded the first pasch under the Law Ferus ex Gloss. ordinar QUEST III. Whether all the children of Israel murmured Vers. 2. ANd the whole congregation of the children of Israel murmured 1. The word Lun here used signifieth to persist as also to murmure but the latter is more proper they persisted obstinate and opposed themselves by their murmuring against Moses and Aaron 2. It is like that there were some godly persons among them that murmured not as Caleb and Ioshua but because they were but few in respect of the rest all are said to have murmured Lyran. and even the Saints also are not without some infirmities Ferus 3. The whole congregation therefore is said to murmure both because it was generall throughout the campe and in regard of the manner they assembled tumultuously against Moses and Aaron and shewed their discontent Simler 4. It is added in the desert to shew the cause of their murmuring the place where they were was barren and dry and yeelded no hope of any succour or comfort Iun. And beside their wretched nature appeareth that being in such misery and distresse which should have stirred them to prayer they fell to murmuring Simler 5. This famine then which they endured was the more grievous in these three regards because all their provision which they had brought out of Egypt was spent and there was small hope of any new supply in that vast and barren desert and beside the multitude was so great that a little provision would not suffice Borrh. 6. So for this cause all the congregation is said to murmure both to include the Levites who also murmured with the rest and there were beside other strange people mingled with the Israelites who set them on worke to murmure as we reade Numb 11.4 Tostat. quaest 1. QUEST IV. How they are said to have murmured against Moses and Aaron here and afterward against the Lord. AGainst Aaron and Moses Yet afterward verse 8. they are said to have murmured not against them but against the Lord the reason is this 1. Because they were the servants and Ministers of God and he which murmureth against Gods Ministers contemneth God himselfe Genevens And Moses so saith Vt adversus illum se scirent murmurasse qui illos miserat That they should know that they had murmured against him who had sent them August quâ—st 59. in Exod. 2. They are said then to murmure against Moses and Aaron because their speech was directly against them and to them but in effect it was against the Lord because not Moses and Aaron but the Lord had brought them out of Egypt which the Israelites repented them of and were discontented with Lyran. and beside that which they murmured for the want of flesh and of bread Moses could not give them but God Thostat quaest 1. QUEST V. Of the grievous murmuring of the Israelites Vers. 3. O That we had died by the hand of the Lord c. These murmuring and obstinate Israelites doe diversly offend 1. In their ingratitude in extenuating the benefits which they had received upon every occasion they looke onely unto their present state and place where they were and thinke not of the place of bondage whence they were brought Pellic. 2. They preferre carnall things before spirituall the flesh-pots of Egypt before the glorious presence of God who now shewed himselfe visibly among them Ferus 3. They preferre their miserable bondage in Egypt with their grosse flesh-pots before their glorious liberty being in some want whereas men will even with the losse of their lives redeeme their liberty Marbach 4. Yea they untruly accuse Moses and Aaron as though they had brought them out for their destruction whereas they did therein nothing of their owne head but as the Lord directed them Ferus Pellican 5. Yea they call their glorious vocation from bondage to liberty a death and destruction Borrh. QUEST VI. How the Israelites are said to have fit by the flesh-pots of Egypt WHen we sate by the flesh pots 1. The word sir signifieth both a pot and a thorne because they used to hang their pots upon hookes of iron or wood like unto thornes and so the meaning is that they sate by the pot hangers whereon they used to hang their pots Oleaster 2. Some thinke this is spoken because they had flocks of cattell in Egypt whereof they might have fed if they would but they did rather use to eat of fish and fowle which they had there in abundance Gloss. ordinar 3. But though the Egyptians abstained from the flesh of bullocks and sheepe it is like the Israelites had their fill and their fitting by the flesh pots both noteth their security Lyran. and their carnall voracity and greedinesse Sedebant affectuoâ—e They sate gaping over the pots Tostat. They had cattell in the desert but if they should have eaten of them they might soone have killed them all up 4. But it is very like that they speake somewhat lavishly in the commendation of Egypt as Dathan and Abiram did call it a land that flowed with milke and hony Numb 16.13 of purpose to disgrace and diminish the true praise of the land of Canaan which indeed was the land that flowed with milke and hony 5. Some thinke further that they had no such store of cattell in the wildernesse because of the want of pasture oâ— that they spared that kinde of flesh lest they should want for sacrifice but it is not like that this people had any such religious thought at this time therefore it is more probable that they longed not for such kinde of flesh which was at hand but for the flesh of fowles such as they used to eat in Egypt and they wanted now for the nature of discontented people is to loath such things as they have and to covet and desire that which they have not and in that the Lord giveth them quailes it seemeth hee satisfied their owne desire but to their further hurt in sending that kinde of flesh which they lusted after Sic fore Gloss. Ordinar QUEST VII In what sense the Lord saith he will raine bread from heaven Vers. 4. I Will cause bread to raine from heaven 1. Some thinke that by bread is understood generally any kinde of nourishment after the manner of the Hebrew phrase Gloss. ordinar Lyran. Oleaster But Augustines reason overthroweth this interpretation Nam isto nomine carnes complectuntur ipsa enim alimenta sunt for so also the flesh
of his place which was done after Tostat. He therefore resolveth that Moses did write this propheticè by a propheticall instinct so also Iun. But this may be rather thought to be added by Ioshua or some other of the Prophets afterward as likewise the story of Moses death and buriall Deut. 34. which is not like to have beene penned by himselfe Piscator 2. Till they came to a land inhabited Augustine thus expoundeth Non quia continuò ut venerunt ad terram habitabilem c. Not because as soone as they came to a land inhabited they left eating of Manna Sed quia non ante But because not before But what land inhabited it was is expounded afterward namely the land of Canaan for though the Israelites possessed before the land of the Amorites on the other side of Jordan yet the Manna ceased not till they had passed over Jordan and were entred into the bounds and borders of Canaan which was the promised land that flowed with milke and hony Tostat. quast 15. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the excellencie and prâ—â—ogative of the Lords day Vers. 5. BVt the sixth day c. it shall be twice so much Origen upon this place well collecteth the prerogative and excellencie of the Lords day beyond the Sabbath of the Jewes proving that the Manna began first to fall upon that day his words are these Si sex diâ—bus continuis ut scriptura dicit collectum est à septima autem die quae est Sabbati cessatum est sine dubio initium ejus à die prima qua est dies Dominica fuit c. If the Manna were gathered six dayes together as the Scripture saith and it ceased upon the seventh which is the Sabbath without doubt it began on the first day which is the Lords day 2. Doct. That it is lawfull to lay up in store so it be done without distrust in Gods providence Vers. 19. LEt no man reserve thereof till the morning Though the Israelites were bound unto this precept because every day they received Manna from heaven and so the Compassions of God were renued every morning as the Prophet Ieremie saith Lament 3.23 yet this taketh not away all store and provision to be laid up aforehand for the sluggard is condemned for his sloth and carelesnesse and is sent by the Wise man to learne of the Ant which gathereth her meat in summer Prov. Our blessed Saviour also commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the remainder of the meat to be kept And the reason is not alike for then they received Manna every day and therefore needed not to lay up any thing in store But now the fruits of the earth are onely gathered in summer wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the letter of this precept is not to be urged but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sense and morall equitie bindeth us still that we take heed of an immoderate distrustfull care in making provision for the time to come but depend upon Gods fatherly providence Pelarg. 3. Doct. How Manna was a type and figure of Christ. Vers. 31. THey called the name of it Man c. The holy Apostle S. Paul maketh this Manna an evident type of Christ calling it their spirituall meat 1 Cor. 10.3 And in many things the type and figure agreeth unto the bodie and substance 1. In the causes of sending this Manna 2. In the conditionâ— and qualities thereof 3. In the manner of the gathering 4. In the use thereof Ferus First touching the causes 1. The Lord had compassion of his people when they were in want and almost famished in the wildernesse so Christ was given unto us that by faith in his bodie and bloud our hungrie soules should bee nourished Marbach 2. The Lord in sending Manna shewed his power his mercie goodnesse and love to his people and in nothing more appeareth the love of God to us than in sending his onely Sonne into the world to die for us 3. The Lord by sending Manna did prove whether his people would walke in his law or no vers 4. So the Lord maketh triall of the obedience of the world in receiving the law of his Sonne Christ that is the Gospell Ferus Secondly concerning the qualities and properties of Manna 1. It was but a small thing yet had great vertuâ—â— and Christ though in the low degree of a servant was of great power 2. The Manna was white and Christ was pure and unspotted 3. The Manna was ground in the mill or beaten in a morter and Christ was beaten and bruised for us Ferus 4. The Manna came from heaven so the Sonne of God descended and tooke upon him our flesh Simler 5. The Manna was sweet and pleasant as hony so is Christ unto the soule 6. The Manna fell with the dew so Christ brought with him abundance of spirit and grace 7. The Manna fell every day and Christ hath promised to be with his Church unto the end of the world 8. The Manna ceased as soone as they came into the land of Canaan and in the next world there shall be no use of the Word or Sacraments Ferus Thirdly in the gathering of Manna these conditions were observed 1. It was lawfull and free for all men and children male and female young and old master and servant to gather the Manna so there is neither bond nor free male nor female but all are one in Christ Gal. 3.28 Simler 2. They were commanded to gather every day and we must all our life long gather of the heavenly Manna 3. They were to goe out of their tents to gather it and wee must depart from our old conversation Ferus 4. They which gathered much had not the more nor they which gathered little the lesse so both those which are strong and they which are weake in faith are admitted to this Manna Marbach Fourthly for the use both good and bad did eat of the Manna so men of all sorts come unto the Word and Sacraments but not all to the same end for as the Manna putrified to those which kept it contrary to Moses commandement so the Word of God and the Sacraments are the savour of death unto death to those which unworthily receive them Ferus But it will here bee objected if this Manna were spirituall and heavenly food to the Israelites as S. Paul saith how is he reconciled with our Saviour Christ who saith Moses gave you not bread from heaven but my father giveth you true bread from heaven Ioh. 6.32 The answer here is ready that our Saviour speaketh according to their capacity and understanding with whom he there dealeth who had a carnall imagination of Manna and could see therein nothing but corporall food Simler 5. Places of Confutation 1. Conf. Against the carnall presence in the Eucharist Vers. 5. THe people shall goe out and gather Rupertus hath upon these words this glosse applying them to the Eucharist Si digne manducare
places where they stayed but such as they passed by Tostat. ibid. 5. They are said to have journeyed at the mouth of God because they followed the direction of the cloud for when the cloud was taken up they journeyed and where it abode they pitched this was the commandement of God here spoken of as it is interpreted Numb 9.18 Tostat. Simler QUEST II. Of penury and want of water which the Israelites here endured Vers. 1. WHere was no water for the people to drinke c. 1. The Rabbines here are deceived which thinke that the thirst of the people here was not naturall and necessary for Manna was both meate and being full of moisture served for drinke say they but of wantonnesse rather The words of the text shew the contrarie that there was no water for the people to drinke and therefore it was a violent and necessary not a wanton and voluntary thirst Simler Calvin 2. Their conceit also hath no ground that thinke some of the people had water which they brought along with them from Elim and therefore they are said to tempt God to shew his power when there was no such necessitie Tostat. quast 2. For all the people murmured as though they were ready to die for thirst vers 3. 3. The truth is therefore that they were driven to great extremitie for want of water for drought and thirst is a great triall and a miserable calamity as is evident by divers examples in sacred and forren stories As Hagar with her sonne were ready to perish for want of water Gen. 21. And the three Kings that were to fight against Moab were like all to bee undone for want of water if the Lord by his Prophet had not relieved their want The men of Berhulia when the Citie was besieged fell downe and died for thirst The Samaritanes being assaulted by the Romanes died of thirst Thales Milesius as Laertius writeth perished through heate and thirst Ioannes Leo hath a memorable storie of certaine Merchants that perished by thirst in the desert of Azoad in Africa where are to be seene two Sepulchers the one of a Merchant the other of a Carrier of wares who sold unto the other a cup of water for a thousand crownes and yet the water not being able to suffice both they twaine died there Lysimachus yeelded himselfe and his whole host for want of water and having drunke being now become a captive he uttered these words O Dii inquit quam brevis voluptatis gratia ex rege me feci servum O God for how small a pleasure of a King have I made my selfe a captive Pelarg. QUEST III. Why it pleased God to prove his people with thirst NOw it pleased God as before hee tried his people with hunger so now with thirst for these causes 1. Because the people were very oblivious and forgetfull of Gods benefits God by afflictions would put them in mind of their dutie that they which in prosperitie did forget him by want and penurie might be driven to seeke him as it is in the Psalme When he slew them they sought him and returned 2. Another cause was in respect of themselves because they were a proud and haughtie people and thought well of themselves as the rebellious say unto Moses All the Congregation is holy Numb 16.3 therefore the Lord by this meanes would humble them and make them know themselves 3. The Lord being purposed to make the Israelites a peculiar people to himselfe and purposing to give unto them his lawes by this meanes would prove and trie them whether they would keepe his commandements Deut. 8.2 Even as a father nurtureth and schooleth his child whom he purposeth to make his heire so the Lord saith As a man nurtureth his sonne so the Lord thy God nurtureth thee Tostat. 4. The Lord also brought them into this strait that the faithfull thereby should be discerned from the rest for affliction and temptation is as a sieve to trie the chaffe from the wheat Ferus QUEST IV. How the people are said to tempt God Vers. 2. WHerefore doe yee tempt the Lord 1. Some will have them to tempt God because there were among the people that had water and yet would have God to helpe them when there was no need for then to expect or require the divine helpe when there is no urgent necessitie is to tempt God Tostat. But it is shewed before that this want of water was generall and all the people were in great extremity 2. They are therefore said to tempt God either because they doubted of his power and therefore would trie whether he could give them water for the word nasah signifieth properly to make triall as David is said not to have tried or proved before to goe with armour 1 Sam. 17.39 Oleaster Or they tempted God doubting of the truth of his promises as vers 7. Is God among us or no Pelarg. And so they tempted God by their incredulity Iun. Further they doe prescribe and limite God that unlesse he shew them some signe of his presence and power they will not beleeve that it was his will to bring them out of Egypt unto that place Marbach They doe tempt him also by their impatiencie they urge Moses presently to give them helpe or else they will stone him whereas they should patiently have waited upon God Simler And further though they are not herein said to tempt God expecting his helpe where all humane meanes counsell was denied yet herein they tempted him because they thought God was bound unto them to succour them at their need Lyran. Whereas the heathen by the light of nature could see and say Diis parentibus non possumus reddere aequalia Wee cannot recompense the Gods and our parents God is no way indebted unto man Tostat. quast 2. QUEST V. Of Moses feare lest he should be stoned Vers. 4. YEt a little while and they will stone me 1. Iosephus here somewhat altereth and transposeth the storie for this taking up of stones to cast at Moses hee placeth before the giving of Man when they murmured for food in the desert of Sin But this their violent and audacious enterprise fell out in Rephidim 2. This was not a carnall worldly or distrustfull feare in Moses but a naturall feare which a right perfect man is subject unto for so our Saviour saith My soule is heavie unto death Tostat. 3. Yet this feare of Moses was not so much in respect of his present danger as in regard of the people lest they if he should have beene slaine after his death might have fallen to Idolatrie Lyran. 4. Or he might feare lest if they should have killed him the Lord would have punished them and revenged his death as Ieremie saith in the like case As for me behold I am in your hand doe with me as you thinke good But know for a certaine if ye put me to death you shall surely bring innocent bloud upon your selues
a Court consisting of so many which would have tended rather to confusion than setling of order the text saith that all these were heads of the people some were made rulers of 1000. some of 100. some of 50. c. vers 25. These divers names of rulers then have not relation to the number of the Judges but to the divisions of the people over whom they were set 3. The most usuall and received opinion is that this distribution of Officers was made according to the computation of those in the campe which were fit for warre who from 20. yeare to 60. were numbred to 600000. and above Numb 1. Lyran. Iun. But this is not like for whereas these officers were appointed not for military discipline but for the deciding of controversies and questions which might grow among them by this account all under 30. yeare and above 60. which were not meet for warre should be excluded whereas questions might arise among both the younger but especially the elder sort as well as among the rest Tostat. 4. Some thinke that this division was not in respect onely of the limits of the Judges but to reduce the people into order and to distribute them into their severall ranks and divisions because it is not like that such a multitude of suits should arise among them as that they needed so many officers for the rulers over tens in 600000. would come to 60000 Simler But it appeareth by Iethros motion that in this division he onely intended the peace and quietnesse of the people and Mosesâ—ase â—ase that they might without any great travell have their controversies ended neither is it like there were so many officers for not over every ten persons or polleâ— was an officer set but over every ten families as now shall be shewed 5. Wherefore this account of thousands hundreds c. might be made three wayes either reckoning those onely which were fit for warre which kind of account is before removed or by every single person and poll as they counted for the eating of the paschall Lambe chap. 12. and for the gathering of Manna chap. 16. But neither was this account here followed for then women and children should bee here reckoned whereas the one were under their parents and the other under their husbands government and their controversies might be ended at home and need not bee brought before the Judges The third way remaineth that this computation was made according to the families that over every ten families an officer should bee set Tostat. So by this meanes a goodly order was established that every Tribune or millenary officer had under him ten Centurians that iâ— officers over hundreds and every Centurian had under him two rulers over fifties and every ruler over fiftie had under him five which were set over ten Ferus Iosephus saith further that there were bands appointed of thirties and twenties but there is no such thing in the text QUEST XXI Of the number of these officers and of their continuance and succession Vers. 22. LEt them judge the people at all seasons 1. Concerning the number of these officers it is uncertaine Lyranus thinketh there were six hundred Tribunes or millenarie officers and six thousand Centurians and three score thousand set over tennes which number is rightly taken according to the summe of six hundred thousand But it is shewed before that in that number containing the summe onely of those which were fit for warre divers are not comprehended over whom the Judges were set for compounding of their controversies and therefore by that proportion the summe and number of the Judges cannot be taken And so it cannot certainly be defined the number of the families being not knowne over the which these officers were appointed how many these Rulers were in all Tostat. 2. In that they are said to judge at all seasons both the time of continuance in their office is signified which was during their life untill they were made unfit by reason of their age for then it is like they gave over their government as the Levites were freed at fiftie yeares from the service of the Tabernacle As also their diligence and attendance upon their office is noted that dayly and continually unlesse upon solemne and festivall dayes they attended the causes of the people 3. It is also evident that this Magistracie did not descend by succession from the father to the sonne but was conferred by election for whereas it is required that they should be good men fearing God and endued with other vertues this could not be perpetually observed if the sonnes had succeeded their fathers for a good father may sometime have a bad sonne as Hezekiah had Manasseh and an evill father may have a good sonne as Aâ—moâ— begat Iosias Ex Tostat. QUEST XXII The difference betweene Moses office and the rest Vers. 22. BVt every great matter let them bring to thee 1. There were two reasons why the great causes were reserved unto Moses hearing both because he was a Prophet and so consulted with the oracle of God and beside he was the chiefe Magistrate as in all Common-wealths appeale is made unto the Prince Simler 2. The greater matters were of two sorts either such as were of a divers kinde which concerned the worship of God and ceremonies of religion which wholly belonged unto Moses and the other Officers were not to meddle with them or else they were of the same kinde wherein the other used to deale but difficult and hard matters wherein they were to require Moses judgement as they did about the punishment of the blasphemer Levit. 24. and the violater of the Sabbath Numb 15. Tostat. 2. The smaller causes which were referred to the under Officers were pecuniary and civill causes the greater as capitall were reserved for Moses hearing for in these causes if there were any aggrievance the sentence might be reversed but when the sentence of death was inflicted it could not bee revoked therefore it is like that none was put to death without Moses consent and direction 3. In giving this advice Iethro intendeth two things both the case of Moses in dividing the burthen with others and the profit of the people that should not be wearied by this meanes by long attendance Tostat. qu. 8. QUEST XXIII Of the meaning of these words And God commmand thee Vers. 23. IF thou doe this thing and God so command thee 1. The Latine Translator readeth thus If thou doe this implebis imperium Deiâ— thou shalt fulfill the commandement of God whereof there may bee two senses given first that Iethro doth insinuate that this device and councell is of God the other that by this meanes he shall be able to discharge his office in governing and taking care for the people which thing God had commanded him Tostat. But this translation differing from the originall which hath and God command thee neither of these interpretations can stand 2. Some make this the sense if thou
doe as I counsell thee poteris aâ—dire pracepta Dei thou shalt have time to heare what God commandeth thee that is to consult with God which his leisure would not now permit him to doe Oleast Osiand 3. But this clause seemeth to depend of the first word â—m if so that the meaning rather is this if God doe approve this my councell Iun. Wherein appeareth the piety of Iethro that would not obtrude his councell upon Moses no otherwise than it should have the divine approbation Simler Calvin QUEST XXIV In what sense the people are said to goe quietly to their place ANd all this people shalâ— goe quietly to their place 1. Some take this to be the meaning that this order devised by Iethro was but to serve during the time of their travell but when they were come to their place that is to the land of Canaan then they should have Officers and Judges set in their Cities Ex Siml But Iethro in these words sheweth the present benefit which should redound unto them by this order both Moses should be eased of much labour and the people of their attendance 2. In these words therefore Iethro doth insinuate two things both that the people should dispatch their businesse whereas they were constrained before to goe home their controversies undecided because Moses was not at leasure to heare all and so they should goe home quietly Simler And againe they should not need to hang so long and give such attendance as they did Iun. For Moses should bee able to dispatch their greater causes which they brought unto him in time and their smaller controversies should be taken up at home Tostat. quast 8. QUEST XXV Whether these Officers were chosen by Moses Vers. 25. ANd Moses chose men 1. These Officers and Magistrates were taken out from the rest of the people by election so that the government of Israel was in respect of Moses Monarchicall for the supreme authority still remained in him but in respect of these inferiour Magistrates it was Aristocraticall which forme of government is so called because the best and most worthy are elected to rule and governe 2. Moses is said to have chosen them because he coÌ„nfirmed the peoples choice and admitted those whom they presented for so hee said unto the people Bring you men of wisdome c. and I will make them Rulers over you Deut. 1.13 For it was the safest way for the people to make choice of them because they were better knowne unto them and they would the more willingly obey them Tostat quaest 9. 3. Further whereas Moses saith Deut. 1.8 I am not able to beare you my selfe alone as though Moses himselfe first thought of this device it must be understood that after Iethro had given this councell unto Moses then he propounded it unto the people Genevens QUEST XXVI Whether these Officers were of equall authority or one subordinate to another Vers. 25. ANd make them heads over the people 1. It is not like that these Officers whereof some were set over thousands some over hundreds some over fifties some over tennes that they had their severall distinct regiments so that they which were not under one Officer as under the Ruler over ten were not also under his superiour Officer that was set over fifty for then if they had beene all of equall authority this distinction needed not to have beene that some were Rulers of thousands some of hundreds c. But it had beene better for them all to have beene of one sort as all over hundreds or tens and againe if these Officers had not beene subordinate one under another that inconvenience should not have beene prevented which Iethro intended to deliver Moses of trouble for by these meanes if the people might not appeale from one Judge to a superiour a multitude of causes still should have beene devolved to Moses 2. Therefore it is resolved that these Officers were one under another the Ruler of ten under the Ruler of fifty and he under the Centurion and this also under the tribune or millenary Officer so that there was none of the people which was not subject to a Ruler of ten or tithing man to a Ruler of fifty a Ruler of an hundred and a Ruler over a thousand And this subordination served to two purposes both for the Officers themselves that if any controversie fell out among them it might bee ordered by the superiour Judge and if the people found themselves agreeved with their tithing men and inferiour Officers they might appeale for redresse to their superiour Judges And so the appeale ascended from the Ruler of ten to the Ruler of fifty from the Ruler of fifty to the Centurion and from him to the millenary Judge or Tribune and thus their causes were decided before they came at Moses only the hardest and most difficult matters were reserved for his hearing and from him there was no further appeale Tostat. quaest 11. QUEST XXVII Of the difference betweene these Officers and the 70. Elders Num. 10. FUrther it is here to be considered that this institution of Officers which was brought in by the councell and advice of Iethro was divers from that order of 70. Elders which was instituted afterward by the Lord Numb 10. For they differ both in order of time these were appointed before they came to Sinai the other after they removed thence and in number these were many no doubt divers thousands the other onely 70. Iethro gave the advice for the choice of the first but the Lord himselfe of the other Their office also and administration was divers the seventy were the Councell of State which consulted only of the publike affaires of the Kingdome the other attended upon the private causes and suits of the people This difference betweene the Senators and Counsellers of State and inferiour Judges was observed in all well ordered Common-wealths among the Athenians Lacedemonians Romans and is to be seene in our State This was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Senate of the Jewes which at the first consisted indifferently of men taken out of all the tribes six out of each of the eleven tribes the Levites excepted and the other foure to make up 70. were supplied by Levites and Priests to direct the rest This indifferent choice out of all the tribes continued untill the time of the Kings when the choice of these Elders was overruled by their authority then after the captivity because of the prerogative of the tribe of Iudah to whom the principality of right appertained most of the Elders were taken out of that tribe and so it continued till Herod dissolved that honourable and grave Senate of the Elders making havocke of them and putting most of them to death Iun. ex Ioseph Analys in Num. cap. 11. QUEST XXVIII At what time Iethro tooke his leave of Moses Vers. 27. AFterward Moses let his father in law depart c. 1. Some thinke that Iethro neither came unto Moses in
Gloss. interlinar Si quis lapsus in haresim c. If any being fallen into heresie or blasphemy doe abuse the sacred Scriptures he shall perish eternally But there is no certainty in these devised allegories neither will the text warrant them therefore I will not insist upon them QUEST XXVI Whether at any time it were lawfull for the people to goe up to the mountaine Vers. 13. WHen the horne bloweth long they shall come up into the mountaine 1. Some thinke that after the Lord was gone from the mount then Moses commanded by the sounding of an horne to give notice to the people thereof that the people might then come up into the mountaine Cajetan Simler But it is rather to be understood of the sound of a trumpet which the Lord caused to bee heard by the ministry of the Angels Osiand Hugo de S. Victor As vers 16. mention is made of a sound of a trumpet which was a signe of Gods presence 2. The Septuagint and Chalde reade When the trumpet shall cease then the people may goe up but the word is mashac which signifieth to protract When the sound of the trumpet shall be protracted or blow long they should goe up and to what end should the people goe up when the Lord was gone it would but have shewed their curiosity to gaze upon the place where the Lord shewed himselfe especially seeing as Iosephus writeth it was such an high hill aâ— that it did not only Ascensus hominum sed aspectus defatigare Weary not only their going up but their very sight And after the trumpet had sounded the people were bid to returne into their tents Deut. 5.3 and so to goe from the hill therefore not to come up to the hill Tostat. 3. Iuxius thinketh that this blowing long of the trumpet did signifie an end of that sacred action as in the end of songs the use is to conclude with a long and protracted sound and this he thinketh was done when the camps removed from before Sinai Numb 10. But it was needlesse to give them a signe by the sound of a trumpet then seeing the cloud removed and the Lord spake also to Moses to depart from that place and this was a yeere after but this thing which is here spoken of was by all likelihood presently done 4. Some thinke that they were not simply forbidden to come up into the mountaine but that they should not doe it of themselves they were to expect till they were called Humanam an daciam compescens premit c. So hee doth keepe under humane audacity and stirreth them up to obedience to the voice of God Raban ex Lippoman But it is cleare that the people were absolutely bidden to keepe their bounds and not to goe up into the mount vers 24. 5. Therefore the meaning is that the people when they heard the sound of the trumpet should then come out of their tents unto the bottome of the hill so farre as their limits and marks extended but not beyond Rupert Hugo de S. Victor And this to bee the sense the words following shew that when the sound of the trumpet was exceeding loud vers 16. which is the same mentioned before vers 13. when the horne bloweth long then Moses brought the people forth of the tents to meet the Lord vers 17. that the people might heare the Lord talke with Moses vers 9. and that this was the ascending unto the mount ad ejus radicem non ad cacumen to the bottome not to the top Hugo it may be gathered chap. 24.9 where it is said that Nadab and Abihu and 70. of the Elders went up with Moses and Aaron and yet Moses onely with Ioshua went up to the mountaine vers 13. that is to the top of the hill the other might ascend to some part of the hill about the bottome which was higher than the place where the host was encamped but the bounds and limits which were set they exceeded not Tostat. quaest 8. 6. The morall application is this that as the people came not up to the mount or toward the mount till the trumpet began to sound loud so Ad sacram praedicationis vocem ad superna debet se erigere mens auditorum so the minde of the auditors must be lifted up to things on high at the voyce of preaching Raban The mysticall interpretation also is this This loud sound of the trumpet signifieth the loud sound of the Gospell over all the world whereby wee are called to more full and perfect knowledge of God Lex non ad montem adducere potest illos quos informavit The law cannot bring them to the hill whom it instructeth but the trumpet of the Gospell Procepius Christ also shall call us by the sound of the trump in the last day and we shall meet him in the aire and ascend up unto him and so ever remaine with him as the Apostle teacheth 1 Thess. 4.17 QUEST XXVII Why Moses is not set downe to have reported all to the people which was given him in charge Vers. 15. ANd he said unto the people Moses received two commandements from God that he should sanctifie them and set them marks and bounds with a penaltie of death to them that went beyond them but of this latter hee saith nothing and for the former he maketh mention of not comming at their wives which was not mentioned before But it is not to be thought that Moses being so commended for his faithfulnesse did either conceale any thing of that which was given him in charge or adde any thing But the Scripture useth to avoid needlesse repetitions not to make mention of the same thing twice therefore because this is set downe before in the Lords charge unto Moses it is not rehearsed againe but it is evident vers 23. that Moses had declared that also unto the people what danger there was in passing their bounds And as here in Moses report to the people somewhat is omitted which is spoken of in the charge so at other times some things are reported by Moses which were given in charge but not expressed as chap. 12.22 that clause of sprinkling the doore-posts with hyssop dipped in the bloud was not mentioned in the law of the Passeover before prescribed but onely in Moses relation to the people Tostat. QUEST XXVIII With what water they washed their cloaths Vers. 24. HE sanctified the people and they washed their cloaths 1. Moses is said to sanctifie the people because he declared unto them the will and commandement of God that they should sanctifie themselves and so they did accordingly Tostat. Nihil aliud fecisse legitur quam monnisse ad munditiem Moses is not read to have done any thing else but to have admonished them unto puritie and cleannesse Cajetan 2. By the washing of their cloaths the puritie of their manners is signified Cyrillus Lotione indumentorum corporis puritatem ostendit By the washing of the garments he sheweth the
the law of Christ but that much was permitted and tolerated unto the Jewes onely for the hardnesse of their heart as our blessed Saviour sheweth Matth. 19. 2. Some doe urge the lawes of men and the greater punishments which have beene laid upon women for adulterie rather than upon men and that therefore the sinne of the woman should bee the greater But this sheweth not the greatnesse of the sinne before God but the greater inconvenience that is brought upon the civill and politike state which the lawes of men seeke chiefly to preserve by the adulterie of the woman rather than of the man 3. Some thinke that it is a greater sinne in the man because of his authoritie quia vir caput mulieris because the man is head of the woman and the Apostle biddeth that women if they would learne any thing should aske their husbands at home 1 Cor. 14.35 Est ergo vir doctor mulieris The man then is the womans teacher then as the Priest sinneth more than a lay man because he is his teacher so the man doth more grievously offend than the woman Thomas in opuscul But this proveth not that the sinne of the man simply is greater than the sinne of the woman but in a certaine respect 4. Wherefore the best answer is that the sinne of adulterie in some respects is equall in both sexes and in some other greater both in the one and the other 1. In regard of the law of Matrimonie whereby they have given their faith each to the other the sinne seemeth to be equall for the man hath no more power over himselfe in this behalfe than the woman as S. Paul teacheth 1 Cor. 7.4 and therefore by Moses law as well the adulterer as the adulteresse was to be put to death 2. But in respect of the qualitie and condition of the person because the woman is the weaker vessell and the man is the head of the woman and of the more strength this sinne is greater in the man because hee therein give than evill example to the weaker partie and teacheth her an evill lesson Ecclesiasticus 9.1 3. But the inconveniences considered that follow hereupon as the ignominie and shame of houses the confusion of inheritances and the obtruding of false heires by the adulterie and false play of women their sinne is thought to exceâ—d Simler Which might be the reason also why among the Jewes the men were permitted to have divers wives but not the women to have divers husbands QUEST IX Whether adulterie be now necessarily to be punished by death SOmewhat here would bee inserted concerning the punishment of adulterie by the sentence of death wherein there are these three opinions 1. Some thinke that adulterie ought to be punished capitally according to the judiciall law of Moses and not otherwise Piscaetor giveth divers reasons hereof but two especially I will single out 1. Delicta temporibus naturam suam non mutant Sinnes doe not change their nature in time 2. Deus naturam suam non mutat Neither doth God change his nature so that he hateth sinne no lesse now than in times past neither will he have it lesse punished Praefat. in Exod. Contra. 1. The nature of sinne is the same though the punishment bee altered adulterie is as grievous before God now as it was under the law but the circumstances as of place and person so also of time may give occasion of aggravating or alleviating the punishment Hee that gathered sticks upon the Sabbath was stoned to death Numb 30. because it was necessarie that the law at the beginning being then newly given should bee established by severitie But yet our Saviour excuseth his Apostles for gathering and rubbing eares of corne upon the Sabbath Matth. 12. Saint Peter pronounced the sentence of death upon Aâ—amas and Sapphira for deteining part of that which they had given to the Church for the terror and example of others yet now such dissimulation is not held to be worthie of death 2. Neither is God changed by the changing or mitigating the rigour of the law but he removing the same applieth his law according to the different respect of 〈◊〉 and persons for as well hee might bee said to be changed in the changing of other 〈◊〉 as of the ceremoniall and judicials thereto annexed 4. If all judicials annexed to the Morall law are now to be necessarily retained then the violating of the rest of the Lords day as then of the Sabbath which was in that respect morall should be punished with death and blaspheming and prophaning of the name of God by swearing as Levit. 24.16 which would seeme to be too rigorous 5. And seeing the times of the Gospell are the times of mercie and those under the Law were the times of rigour and severitie to abate somewhat of the rigorous punishments of the Law not leaving sinne unpunished may seeme not unlawfull 2. Another opinion is that adulterie is not at all now to be punished by death for our Saviour would not condemne the woman taken in adulterie Ioh. 8. Contra. 1. Upon that example of Christ it cannot be gathered that it is unlawfull to censure adultery by death for it would follow as well that adultery is not to be punished at all because Christ inflicteth no punishment at all upon her onely this may be inferred that by Christs silence and forbearance it appeareth that the punishment of adultery by death is not necessary for if his will had beene that the rigour of that law should stand in force our Saviour needed not to have feared their trap lest they should have condemned him of rigour and severitie if he had judged her worthie of death and if he had repealed that law they would have accused him as contrarie to Moses 3. This then may bee collected by Christs silence and connivence that it is not necessarie that adulterie should alwayes and in all places be sentenced unto death but rather that it is left indifferent that neither those Churches are to be condemned of too great severitie which follow the president of Moses judicials herein nor yet they are to be accused of too much lenitie which judge adulterie otherwise than by death as they see it best to fit their estate so that the severitie of the punishment be answerable to the quality of the sinne By Moses law they which committed adulterie were to die the death that is if it were duplex adulterium that both the adulterer and adulteresse were married or if the woman were anothers wife Levit. 20.10 otherwise it was not death for a married man beside his wife to have a Concubine or to one wife to take another so shee were not anothers wife What will they thinke now of such single adulterie that would have it revenged by death they have no president in Moses law for the punishing of this kinde of adulterie by death then it is evident that all adulterie by the law of Moses was not adjudged to
death The Romane lawes followed Moses president in punishing of adulterers so did some other nations beside The King of Babel burnt Zedekiah and Ahab two false Prophets with fire for committing adultery Ierem. 29.23 Among the Egyptians the man taken in adulterie was beaten with a thousand stripes the woman had her nose cut off Diodor. Sicul. lib. 2. cap. 3. The Germanes used to set the adulteresse naked before her kindred and cut off her haire and then her husband dâ—ave her before him through the street beating her with cudgels Cornel. Tacit. de morib German The Cumeans placed the adulteresse in the Market place upon a stone in open view that shee might be derided and scorned of all and then set her upon an asse and ever after shee was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an asse rider and the stone they abhorred as an uncleane thing Plutar. tom 1. in quastionib Graciâ— These or some other grievous punishment may be imposed upon the odious crime of adulterie where it is not recompensed with losse of life but to dallie with so great iniquitie and either to winke at it or to let it passe with a light and superficiall checke is displeasing to God and offensive to all good men See more of this question how farre Moses Judicials doe now binde 1 qu. generall in Exod. QUEST X. Whether it be lawfull for the husband to kill his wife taken in adulterie BUt whereas the ancient Romane lawes permitted the husband to kill his wife taken in adulterie as appeareth in the declamations of Seneca how a man having lost both his hands in warre comming home and taking his wife with another in adulterie commanded his sonne to kill them both and for refusing hee did abdicate and renounce him for his sonne Some would justifie this also as lawfull pretending the example of Phinehes that stroke the adulterer and adulteresse thorow at once Contra. 1. Though the ancient lawes did not punish the husband that killed his wife taken in adulterie yet that act was not thereby made lawfull but the law did therein beare with the just griefe of the husband 2. And though the lawes of men should tolerate it yet before God he committeth murther because he doth it in his rage and in his owne revenge 3. But the lastâ—r Romane lawes gave no such libertie for the man to kill his wife but onely the adulterer with whom shee is taken in her husbands house for by this meanes if men hated their wives they might seeke occasion to be rid of them and if he were a Noble personage with whom the woman was found it was not lawfull for the husband to kill him but only to keepe him foure and twentie houres prisoner at home untill he brought the witnesses 4. Phinehes example is altogether unlike for beside that he was stirred by the extraordinarie motion of the Spirit if this president should be followed it might be lawfull for any man to kill the adulterer and the adulteresse and not for the husband onely for both of these whom Phinehes killed were strangers unto him the man was of another tribe and the woman a Midiaâ—iâ—esse ex Simlerâ— QUEST XI Simple fornication whether a breach of this Commandement THou shalt not commit adulterie c. 1. Some are of opinion that simplex fornicatio single fornication which is soluti cum soluta of a single man with a single woman is not here forbidden Oleaster Hee granteth that fornication with a woman quae esset alteri vel omnibus exposita which was either defiled by another or common to many was forbidden to the Israelites as Deut. 22.21 Shee that played the where in her fathers house should be put to death but otherwise it was not in this Commandement therefore he thinketh adultery only to be forbidden according to the native signification of the word naâ—ph which signifieth only to commit adultery Contra. 1. But I rather preferre the opinion of Aben Ezrah a learned Rabbin who thinketh Oâ—â—em concubitum qui non est viri cum uxore sua hîc esse prohibitum That all companying with a woman beside of the man with the wife is here forbidden for seeing single fornication is against the Law of nature as Iudah before the Law was written adjudged Thamar for her whoredome to the fire Gen. 38. as Oleast himselfe confesseth it must also of necessity be held to be a breach of the Morall law which is grounded upon the Law of nature 2. And as for the use of the word Augustine well sheweth by the interpretation of our blessed Saviour Matth· 5.9 that even adultery is a kinde of fornication Hee that dismisseth his wife except for fornication causeth her to commit adulterie the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fornication which is taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adulterie Beza in hunc locum 2. But that single fornication even betweene parties both unmarried and unbetrothed is forbidden in this Commandement it shall bee manifested by these reasons 1. Augustine thus argueth 1. If that kinde of fornication be not forbidden here Vbi sit illa prohibita in decalogo utrum inveniri possit ignore Whether it can be found prohibited elsewhere in the decalogue I am ignorant c. But it is certaine that it is either forbidden here or no where in the morall law 2. Againe Si furti nomine bene intelligitur omnis illicita usurpatio rei alienae c. if under the name of theft is well understood all unlawfull usurping of other mens goods Profectò nomine moechiae omnis illicitus concubitus c. by the same reason also by the name of adulterie all unlawfull companie with a woman is forbidden August quaest 71. in Exod. 3. Further Augustine in another place thus reasoneth Say not Vxorem non habeo c. I have no wife and therefore I sinne not against her neither doe I covet another mans wife ad meretricem eo I goe unto an harlot In Deum pecccas cujus imaginem per diffluentias libidinis in te violasti c. Thou sinnest against God whose image thou hast violated in thy selfe by thy overflowing lust 4. Againe Dominus quiscit quid tibi utile sit uxorem concessit hoc pracepit hoc jussit The Lord who knoweth what is best for thee hath granted thee a wife that thou shouldest not wander in lust this he commandeth thee to doe if thou canst not containe thy selfe c. Therefore the fornicator in giving himselfe to lust and refusing the remedie which God hath appointed therein offendeth against God 2. Thom. Aquin. addeth these arguments 1. A rigno Dei non excluditur aliquis nisi per peccatum mortale c. one is not excluded the Kingdome of heaven but by a mortall sinne but fornication excludeth out of the Kingdome of God 1 Cor. 6.9 therefore it is a deadly sinne 2. Licet non detur corpus uxoris datur tamen corpus Christi c. although he have not a wife given
given to keeping of cattell their horse were for the most part brought out of Egypt Simler 2. It is understood to be such a goring and wounding as that death followed upon it for otherwise though one were sore wounded with the push of an oxe if he died not the oxe was not in this case to be stoned Tostat. 3. But that other conceit of Tostatus in this place is not so good secus est si calce petierit c. It is otherwise if the oxe strike with his heele not with his horne in this case the oxe is not to die because it was his fault that stood within the reach of the oxes heele whereas he pursueth after men to gore them with his horne for what saith he then to the horse heele if any were stricken to death therewith was not the horse to be killed by the equitie of this law as Lippoman expoundeth it as well de equo calcitroso of a striking horse as of a pushing oxe If this law provideth for the stroke of the horse heele why not for the oxe hee le also And this is yet more evident Gen. 9.5 that the Lord will require mans bloud at the hand of every beast the heele is as well the oxe hand as his horne By what meanes soever then a beast killeth a man this law was to take place QUEST LXIII Why the oxe that goared was commanded to be stoned to death Vers. 28. THe oxe shall be stoned to death c. 1. Though a bruit beast cannot sinne and therefore this punishment is not inflicted for any sinne committed by the beast yet it is in joyned ad horrorem facti for the horror of the fact Tostat. 2. Quia esset horribilis ad videndum c. Because the sight of such a bloodie beast would be horrible and grievous to men Lyran. 3. And it might be feared lest such a dangerous beast if he should live should kill others also Simler 4. This was also provided for the masters advantage who was bound to make good all losses which should fall out afterward by his beast which used to push Tostat. 5. And by this law men are given to understand that if bruit beasts are not spared much lesse shall they goe unpunished if they shed mans bloud Gallas 6. The equitie also of this law herein appeareth that sicut creati sunt boves in hominum gratiam c. That as oxen were created for mans sake so they should serve for the use of man whether by their life or death Calvin 6. Agreeable to this law of Moses as grounded upon the law of nature were the like constitutions among the Heathen as Solon made a law in Athens that if a dogge had bitten a man hee should be tied in an halter and delivered to him that was hurt So among the Romanes in their 12. tables it was decreed that if a beast had done any hurt Dominus aut litis astimationem solvito aut eam noxa dedito The owner should either pay aâ— was awarded or deliver up his beast to punishment Draco also was the author of this law in Athens that not onely men but beasts yea things without life that had beene the meanes of any mans death should be banished out of the countrie and cast out whereupon the image of Theogenes among the Thrasians falling upon one and killing him was adjudged to be cast into the Sea Simler QUEST LXIV Why the flesh of the oxe was not to be eaten ANd his flesh shall not bee eaten 1. It was neither lawfull for them to eat the flesh themselves nor yet to sell it to the Gentiles as they might doe other things that died alone Deut. 1â— 21 Iun. But the flesh should be cast away as a cursed and abominable thing 2. Not so much because being stoned to death it was as a thing suffocated and so they should have eaten it with the bloud Simler Osiander But tanquam aliquid maledictum c. as a thing accursed they were to abhorre the flesh of such a bloudie beastâ— so that although the owner should slay this murtherous oxe before it were stoned it was not lawâ—ull to eat the flesh thereof Tostat. quaest 30. 3. And this was tum propter horrorem factâ— both for the horror of the fact tum quia per hoc damnificabatâ—â— Dominus bovis and by this meanes also the owner of the oxe was damnified the flesh thereof being unprofitable for any thing that he might be more â—autelâ—â—â— afterward and take better heed to his cattell Lyranus 4. The Hebrewes addâ— further that the very skin of the oxe was not to be used to any purpose but the whole to be cast away as a thing abominable Tostat. quaest 28. QUEST LXV In what case the owner is to die when his oxe goared any to death Vers 29. IF the oxe were wont to push c. Another case is put when the oxe chanceth to doe any hurt with the masters knowledge where divers conditions are required 1. That the oxe used to push before the words are in the originall yesterday and yeâ— yesterday a definite time is put for an indefinite it is noâ— enough if he had once goared before but he must have one it twice at the least as R. Salomon Lyran. He must have beene knowne in former time to have beene used to push 2. This also must have beene notified and signified also to the owner for it may be that the oxe had used formerly to push and the owner knew it not Simler Or if he knew it he might denie it unlesse he had beene admonished by others to take care of his beast Tostat. quaest 28. 3. He or she must be free and not a servant whom the oxe used to push goareth to death for concerning the goaring of servants there followeth another law afterward vers 32. If the oxe goared a man or woman a sonne or daughter that is though they were never so little it was all one Lyran. Some thinke it is understood of the owners owne sonne and daughter Calvin Oleaster But the next law as touching the goaring of servants sheweth that it is rather meant of his neighbours sonne or daughter Hugo de S. Victor But it is rather understood in generall de quo viâ— capite libero of every free bodie great or small man or woman Iun. 4. In this case the owner being warned before of his oxe is to die for it because he did not keepe him in knowing him to be a harmefull beast Quia videtur illud quasi immittere aliorum cervicibus because he seemed of purpose to let him loose to doe mischiefe Simler QUEST LXVI When the owner might redeeme his left with money Vers. 30. IF there be set to him a summe of money 1. R. Salomon thinketh that in this case the next of kin to the partie slaine were to take a peece of money of the owner of the oxe and they could not refuse but might be compelled to take it and
and 〈◊〉 2. And beside the facility easinesse and readinesse of theft other things are to be respected as the worth and price of the thing stollen and the boldnesse and impudency of the theefe 6. Wherefore these reasons rather may be yeelded 1. Quia frequâ—ntius furtâ— subtraâ—ebantur 〈◊〉 It might be that it was a more frequent and usuall thing to steale oxen among the Hebrewes than sheepes and therefore God would restraine the more usuall theft by the greater punishment Tostat. 2. In hâ—c dominium majus â—adacia major In this theft of oxen the losse was greater to the owner when his exe was stollen and the boldnesse of the theefe greater 〈…〉 esse Such a theefe as should steale oxen had need be bold and cunning because such a theft cannot so easily be hid as of sheepe 3. Ab. Ezra also giveth this reason because when a sheepe is stollen the owner loseth but his sheepe but in the other theft 〈…〉 he loseth his oxe and the labour of his oxe this reason also is approved by Oleaster 〈◊〉 Gallasâ—â—â— But Tostatus taketh this exception that iâ— the losse of the oxeus labour â—e accounted here in the restitution of five-fold why should it not be respected as well when the thing stollen is found with the theefe in which â—ase he was to pay but two-fold qu. 2. The answer here is ready because where the oxe is found though thâ—â—e â—e an intermission of his labour yet there is hope of restitution againe so is there not here the oxe being killed or sold. 7. Iosephus thinketh that this Law extendeth it selfe also to other cattell in the fields as to goats as well as sheepe though they be not here 〈◊〉 But concerning the asse or horse because they are not so easily stollen being kept in the house Tostatus thinketh that the Law of two-fold restitution tooke place as in the stealing of houshold stuffe and other moveable goods But it is more like recording to the rule observed before in other Lawes that by one kinde the rest are understood and these two the oxe and sheepe are given â—n â—ssistance as the most usuall and common beasts unto which all other great and small cattell should be reduced as afterward vers 4. direct mention is made of the asse QUEST III. Of the divers punishment of theft and whether it may be capitall NOw concerning the punishment of theft 1. The licentious liberty of the Lacedemonians is much to be misliked who punished not theft at all because they thought it was a meanes to traine and exercise their people in the practice of warre Gallas for it being a Morall law Thou shalt not steale and so grounded upon the Law of nature it ought not by any contrary custome to be discontinued 2. Neither is that Law of Solâ—â— which the Romans also inserted into their twelve Tables to be altogether approved aâ—â—â—ing opposite to Moses Law for they punished manifest theft with foure-fold when the theefe was taken in the manner whereas Moses setteth it but at two-fold and theft not manifest when the theefe is not found with the thing that was stollen they censured with restitution of two-fold whereas Moses chargeth such offence with foure-fold because such an one as hath sold or killed the stollen good hath added sinne to sinne having no purpose of restitution nor there being any possibility thereof Herein therefore the Law of Moses is more equall than the other 3. The Law also of Draco is too severe which punished theft with death the Scythians did so also but they had some reason for it because they had no houses or places of defence for their cattell so that if theft among them had not beene most severely punished nothing could have beene safe 4. Nor yet am I of their opinion that thinke that lex Mosis non pertinet ad politiam nostram the Law of Moses doth not at all belong to the policie of Common-wealths now Lippom. Non sumus alligati ad leges Iudaicas forenses That we are not bound how to the Jewes Civill lawes at all Osiand but that Magistrates may increase the externall punishment whether by death or otherwise as the circumstance of time quality and condition of the people require Contra. 1. As we are not strictly tied in every point to Moses Judicials so yet the equity thereof remaineth still which chiefly consisteth in this in the due measuring and weighing of the nature of sinnes which are thought to be worthy of death 2. Punishments externall may be increased which concerned either pecuniary mulcts or other bodily chastisement not touching the life as Moses punished theft with foure-fold but afterward the sinne increasing it was set at seven-fold Prov. 7.31 Pelarg. 3. But whereas mans life is only at Gods disposition this may be safely affirmed that no humane Law can take away the life of man for any offence without either generall or particular warrant and direction from Gods Law as is more at large before declared p. 4 5. 5. And yet I cannot consent to those that thinke no theft at all ought to be punished by death for even by Moses Law a violent theft as in breaking up of an house was judged worthy of death it was lawfull to kill such a theefe vers 2. Againe sacrilegious theft was likewise punished in the same manner as Iakob giveth sentence that they should not live that had stollen Labans gods Gen. 31.32 So Achan was put to death for stealing the excommunicate thing Iosh. 7. Theft committed of wantonnesse and without mercie David adjudgeth unto death 2 Sam. 12. vers 6. Chrysostome thinketh that David legem est praetergressus exceeded the Law in that he commandeth beside the restitution of foure-fold the man to be slaine and he calleth it supereffluentem justitiam overabounding justice But the Law of God did beare out David in it for he which did sinne presumptuously and with an high hand that is of malice and obstinacie was to dye for it Numb 15.30 Such was the sinne of the rich man whose case there is propounded which having many sheepe himselfe tooke away the poore mans sheepe by violence and had no pity Further he that did steale a man was to dye for it by the Law of Moses vers 16. So that it is evident even by Moses Judiciall lawes that some kinde of theft deserved death By the Romane Lawes also as is extant in their 12. Tables servants convicted of manifest theft were first beaten and then cast downe headlong from the rocke By the Imperiall lawes a theefe for the first offence was whipped then if he offended againe he lost his eares and the third time he was hanged in Anithent ut nulli Iudici c. for now such a theefe sinneth of obstinacie and malice and contempt against the Lawes and Magistrate and may by the Law of God be worthily put to death Simler So likewise such thefts whereby the publike peace and safety is violated as in the Campe
among souldiers and robbing by the high way where ones life is put in danger All these kindes being more than simple thefts may receive the sentence of death by Moses Law and Magistrates herein may with a good conscience execute the rigour of the Law upon such violent outragious impudent wanton and incorrigible thefts But they are wisely to consider every circumstance and the occasion that draweth one to steale whether he doe it of necessity to releeve his hungry soule or of an evill custome and obstinate minde to maintaine his lewd and unthrifty life In the first case it seemeth to be too sharpe to take away ones life unlesse he be such an one as will take no warning but continueth hardened in his sinne And so for simple and single theft only except it be in stealing of men unlesse it be aggravated by other circumstances concurring 〈◊〉 violence rapine obstinacie custome in sinne and such like neither the Law of Moses prescribeth punishment of death nor yet is it practised by our Lawes which in such cases intend favour by allowing the privilege of the booke See before p. 6. QUEST IV. Why the theefe breaking up might be killed Vers. 6. IF a theefe be found breaking up c. 1. R. Salomon thinketh that this Law which alloweth the theefe found breaking up an house to be slaine is understood not only of theeves that breake in by night but by day also and that clause which followeth When the Sunne riseth upon him they interpret metaphorically that if it be evident and manifest as the light that the theefe came not only to steale but to kill that whether by day or night he may be killed So also the Chalde Interpreter seemeth to follow the same sense Si oculus testium vidit eum If the eye of witnesses saw him that is if it were evident that he came not only as a theefe but to assault Contra. Though this be true that a man might defend himselfe even by day against him that assaulted his life yet this is not the meaning here the words of the Law are literally not metaphorically to be understood 2. The reason of this difference betweene a night theefe and a day theefe is because in the night breaking in it is not knowne whether he came to steale only or to murther but in the day it may easily appeare by his armour and weapons Tostat. Simler Beside in the day he may call for helpe against the theefe which cannot be so well done in the night when he is left without all other remedy but his owne defence Galas Marbach And in the day he may have witnesses of his theft and so convent him before the Magistrate Lippom. 3. The Romane Lawes allow not onely to kill a night theefe but a day theefe also si se tel◠defenderit if he defend himselfe by a weapon Moses Law much disagreeth not for though he that commeth only as a theefe in the day time is not to be killed but to make restitution only yet if he come with weapons as having a murtherers intent now he may be repelled by force even as a night theefe may not now as a theefe but as one which commeth to assault and murther Iunius QUEST V. How it is made lawfull for a private man to kill a theefe Vers. 2. ANd be smitten that he dye no bloud shall be imputed 1. Cajetanus here observeth that this Law simply alloweth not to kill the theefe but if a man smite him in his owne defence not intending to kill him that in this case he shall be free Percussio fuit intenta mors autem per accidens sequnta c. He intended only to smite him but death followed accidentally upon such smiting so also Simler Non probat ut animo occidendi feriatur This Law alloweth not that he should be stricken with a minde to kill him sed indulget affectui c. but it beareth with a mans sudden passion if in defence of himselfe it so fall out that he be killed 2. But this Law seemeth not only to permit one to smite a night theefe but directly to kill him also so it be not with a desire to kill him where he may otherwise escape but to defend him and his from violence which he cannot doe unlesse the theefe be killed Borrh. 3. For seeing both the Law of nature and other Civill lawes doe allow a man to defend himselfe now when the Lawes doe arme a man they seeme publicam personam imponere to impose upon him a publike person so that now he smiteth not as a private man but by authority of the Law and in this case he is tanquam minister vindex Dei as the minister and revenger of God so that he doe it not of a lust and raging desire to be revenged but intending to use a lawfull defence in the safegard of his owne life Gallas And the case is here all one as if a man being set upon by the high way should kill him that maketh the assault upon him Marbach QUEST VI. After what manner the theefe was to be sold. Vers. 3. HE should be sold for his theft c. 1. So was also the Law among the Romans that the debter should be given up in bonds unto his creditor Whereupon Cato was wont to say Fures privates in nexu compedibus vivere publicos in aur◠purpura c. That private theeves lived in chaines and fetters but the publike in gold and purple c. But this custome because it seemed very hard was abrogated by the Law of Arcadius and Honorius Gallas 2. But here it must be considered whether the theefe were an Hebrew or a stranger if an Hebrew how great soever the debt were for his theft he could be but sold over for six yeeres for all Hebrew servants were to goe out free the seventh And as the theft was valued so should he serve more yeeres or fewer But if he were a stranger he might be sold over to serve all his life if the value of the theft were great if it were but small he was but to be sold to serve so many yeeres as might suffice to recompence the theft Tostat. QUEST VII Why the theefe is only punished double with whom the thing stollen is found Vers. 4. HE shall restore double 1. That is one beside that he stole because that is found in his hand which is stollen and so restored Iun. And so must the five oxen be taken which the theefe must make good five with that which was stollen Lippom. 2. Now the reasons why when the thing stollen is found only double must be restored and five or foure-fold when it was killed or sold are these 1. Because he seemeth to be the more cunning theefe when the thing stollen cannot be found 2. Adhuc difficilior ratio in investigando and it is harder to finde out the theft and therefore he is worthy to be more punished Simler 3. Potest haberi
fault otherwise not as si fecisset animal illud nimis laborare if he caused the beast which was borrowed to be over laboured Lyran. But in the case of borrowing he is bound not only to make restitution where any thing is lost by his fraud and wilfull default sed tenetur de levissima culpa but for every small fault oversight or negligence is he bound to make satisfaction Tostat. qu. 8. QUEST XX. Whether the fornicator by this Law be sufficiently punished Vers. 16. IF a man entise a maid not betrâ—thed c. 1. This Law enjoyning only unto the fornicator marriage with the virgin corrupted if her father consent may seeme to be too easie and gentle But here it must be considered that in these civill Lawes the punishment is not alwayes answerable to the sin for even the sinne of fornication is one of those which without Gods mercy excludeth out of the kingdome of heaven but the intendment of this Law is to bridle such inordinate lusts and to restraine them that they still increase not Simler 2. And beside it must be considered multa pro ruditate populitâ—lerare that many things in that Common-wealth were tolerated because of the rudenesse of the people Gallas 3. Although the offender by this meanes doe satisfie the politicke Law in marrying the virgin by him corrupted yet coram Deo c. in the presence of God he is not cleared from this offence in making amends by marriage and giving her a dowry Osiander But repentance beside is necessary for the expiation of this sinne 4. The speciall scope of this Law is to provide for the virgin thus abused that shee being made by this meanes unapt for any marriage with another should be taken to be his wife that had done her this wrong 5. The like Law there was among the Athenians that he which defiled a maid should take her to be his wife But among the Romans there was a more severe Law that he which had committed fornication if he were of good sort should be punished in the losse of halfe his goods if of base condition he should be banished Simler 6. This Law is onely concerning virgins not betrothed for to lye with them which were espoused to another was death by Moses Law Deut. 22.23 QUEST XXI Why the women committing fornication be not as well punished by the Law AGaine this Law may seeme to be defective as in laying so easie a punishment upon the man so imposing none at all upon the woman 1. But the reasons thereof may be these the woman might be entised and deceived upon hope of marriage and it was sufficient punishment unto her the losse of her virginity and beside being under her fathers power and so having nothing of her owne shee could not be charged to pay any summe of money as the man is Simler 2. Yet the high Priests daughter if shee played the whore in her fathers house was to be burned because shee had dishonoured her fathers house Levit. 21.9 therefore she is to be excepted out of this Law Tostat. quaest 9. 3. The word patah here used signifieth to decline or turne so that whether he entise the maid blanditiis vel mendaciis by faire promises or by lying words whether he promised her marriage or not he is bound by this Law to take her to wife Oleaster 4. And as this Law is meant for the one party of virgins not betrothed so is it intended on the other part that he must be a single man that is by this Law enjoyned to marry her Iun. If he were married it seemeth he was rather to endow her than marry her because the father would not willingly consent to give his daughter to one that was married already 5. The word shacab signifieth to lye or sleepe non est peccatum dormire cum puella it is no sinne saith Tostatus only to sleepe with a maid if no other thing be committed though he follow the Latine text reading and sleepe with her it is better therefore to read lie with her Iun. Vatab. QUEST XXII What kinde of dowry this Law speaketh of HE shall endow her There is difference betweene Dos the dowry and donatiâ— propter nuptias the marriage gift or joynture this is not meant of the joynture which the man should make his wife but of the dowry which the father used to give in marriage with his daughter as may appeare by these reasons 1. The endowing of the wife is inflicted hâ—re as a punishment the man for his fault is enjoyned to doe that which otherwise he was not bound to doe but the husband alwayes bestowed upon his wife a marriage gift therefore this Law meaneth he shall beare also her dowry which his wife should bring with her or her friends give with her 2. If it were understood of the joynture or marriage gift it had beene superfluous to say he shall endow her and take her to wife for in taking her to wife the husband was of ordinary course to bestow on her a marriage gift or joynture 3. If he have her not to wife her father not consenting yet he was to pay her dowry vers 17. that is not a joynture or marriage gift but that portion which her friends used to give with her Tostat. qu. 9. QUEST XXIII How this Law differeth from that Deut. 22.29 SOme make this Law all one with that Deut. 22.29 where the man which defiled a maid is enjoyned to pay 50. sicles to her father which R. Salomon thinketh to be the certaine dowry of a virgin and so they say that there is duplex dos una qua datur uxori alia quae datur patri a double dowry one which is given unto the wife the other unto her father Lyran. Simler Gallas Lippom. But these two appeare to be divers Lawes 1. This case is put when a man entiseth a maid and she consenteth and is willing therewith but there the Law speaketh of the violent taking of a maid Iun. Tostat. 2. There the summe of 50. sicles is paid to the father for the wrong done unto his daughter it is not given in the name of a dowry for there could not be any certaine rate or summe of money appointed for every maids dowry some might give 1000. sicles with their daughter others not thirty therefore that summe of 50. sicles is not prescribed here but it is said in generall He shall pay money according to the dowry of virgins that is according to their state and condition as dowries used to be given with virgins and maids of like parentage calling and birth for a poore maid had not so great a dowry as one of noble stocke and high degree 3. The maid by violence first defiled and then taken to wife by that Law could never be put away Deut. 22.30 but no such thing is mentioned here he that taketh a maid to wife whom with her owne consent he before defiled might according to the generall liberty then
permitted Deut. 24.1 if there seemed unto him cause after put her away and the reason of this difference may be this he that taketh a wife willingly will not put her away without cause but he that taketh her against his minde never loved her and so upon every occasion would be ready to send her away whether there were cause or not if he were not by Law restrained of his liberty Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XXIV What was to be done if the fornicatour were not sufficient to pay the dowrie HE shall endow her c. But what if the man which had committed this wrong to a maid were not able to endow her the question is what course was then to be taken 1. If he were a free man and an Hebrew he was to be sold as in the case of theft vers 3. and to serve so many yeeres as might raise this stocke or dowry for the maid but longer than for six yeeres he could not be sold for all Hebrewes were to be set free in the seventh 2. If he were a free Gentile he might be sold for his life or for so many yeeres as sufficed to make up the dowry 3. If he were an Hebrew servant if his master refused to pay so much money as might serve for the dowry then he was to deliver up his servant to be sold over for so many yeeres as might recompence the dowry before the yeere of remission came and if the yeeres which remained were not sufficient he might be sold over againe 4. If he were a stranger or Gentile being a servant then he might be set over to serve his whole life Tostat. quaest 12. QUEST XXV What if the fornicatour refused to take the maid to wife BUt yet further it will be enquired what if the maids father would consent and yet the party will neither take her nor endow her 1. By the Civill lawes if he be a noble person he should be banished that had defloured a virgin if of base condition he should be whipped and if they ravished a maid against her will in that case they were to suffer death By the Canon lawes if one refused to marry her whom he had defiled he was to be throughly whipped and excommunicate and enjoyned penance till he had fully satisfied 2. And though this be omitted in Moses Law yet so much may be inferred and collected by the letter of the Law that as he was necessarily to endow her for the future of the Indicative moode semper inducit dispositionem necessariam doth alwayes imply a necessary disposition so he was of necessity to marry her like as in another case of forcing a maid he was to be compelled to take her to wife and never to put her away Deut. 22.30 Tostat. quaest 11. QUEST XXVI Whether this Law were generall without any exception NOw although this Law be propounded generally if a man entice a maid he was to endow her and marry her yet there were some exceptions to be made 1. For whereas the Israelites were charged to take them wives out of their owne tribe Numb 36. it is evident that if the maid were of another tribe then the man could not take her to wife but because this case was very rare and unusuall seeing the tribes after they were setled in Canaan when these Lawes were to take place dwelt every one apart by themselves and so there was no feare of such unlawfull entercourse and commixtion betweene a man and maid of divers tribes the Law therefore is silent in this point for ad ea qua raro accidunt jura non adaptantur lawes are not applied to those cases which fall out seldome 2. If he were a Gentile and a stranger of another religion which committed this sinne with a maid neither could she in this case bee given him to wife because they were forbidden to make marriages with such Deut. 7.3 And the Israelitish women were to match in their owne tribe and therefore not with strangers 3. If an Hebrew servant had trespassed herein neither could he have the maid to wife whom he had abused for he was first to endow her which a servant could not doe for either he had fold himselfe into servitude because he was poore or was sold by the Magistrate to make satisfaction for some offence which he had committed and therefore being poore he had not wherewithall to endow her and so could not take her to wife 4. Beside if it were the Priests daughter with whom he had wrought this folly she could not become his wife for she was in this case to be burned Levit. 21. And the man likewise by equity of the same Law being guilty of the same offence 5. Yea if the high Priest himselfe had defloured a maid he could not take her to wife because he was forbidden by the Law to marry any polluted or an harlot Levit. 21. vers 14. 6. If also one had defiled a maid neere of his kin being within the degrees of marriage forbidden they were both to suffer death for it Levit. 20. and therefore could not marry together This Law therefore being generally propounded must yet be interpreted and expounded according to other Lawes for they must all be made to agree together Tostat. qu. 12. QUEST XXVII How farre this positive Law against fornication doth binde Christians now ANd as this Law did not hold generally in the old Testament so neither is it now necessary that whosoever hath committed fornication should be compelled to marry the maid so abused 1. For though it were admitted that this Judiciall and positive Law of Moses were in force still yet some exceptions must needs be admitted as if they are to neere of kin for no such marriage can be allowed within the limited degrees As Saint Paul willed the young man that had committed fornication with his fathers wife to be excommunicate for that fact 1 Cor. 5. he was not suffered to marry her Againe if a Christian maid should commit fornication with an Infidell with a Turke Jew or Heretike in this case the rule of the Gospell will not allow marriage for Christians must marry only in the Lord 1 Cor. 7.39 therefore not with those which are blasphemers of God and enemies to true religion and the Apostle saith Be not unequally yoked with Infidels 2 Cor. 6.14 2. But Tostatus bringeth in two other exceptions as if the maid defiled be either a professed Nunne and so devoted to Monasticall and single life or the man entred into orders unto the which the vow of single life is annexed in neither of these cases can saith he marriage be admitted after fornication committed Tostat. quaest 12. Contra. But against both these exceptions I will oppose the holy judgement of the Apostle and touching the first I urge that Apostolicall saying It is better to marrie than to burne 1 Cor. 7.9 If then Nunnes are subject to this burning as it appeareth they are by their secret
with these abominations for the which the Lord cast them out Levit. 18.24 Simler QUEST XXXV What is meant by sacrificing to other gods 〈…〉 hearing that the two tribes and an halfe beyond Jordan had erected them an Altar they assembled themselves together against them as jealous lest they purposed to bring in a new worship of God Tostat. 5. And not onely they which committed Idolatrie themselves but they which perswaded others were to be put to death Deut. 13.6 7. QUEST XXXVI Whether Idolatrie now is to be punished by death Vers. 20. SHall be slaine 1. The word is charam that simply signifieth not to cut off but to destroy as an anathema thing accursed and bequeathed to destruction Iun. Pelarg. 2. The Interlinearie Glosse expoundeth it of excommunication and of eternall death but both the practise of those times and the like punishment here â—nflicted upon other capitall crimes sheweth that it must be understood of the losse of the temporall life though beside without their great repentance Idolaters deserve also everlasting death Rev. 22.8 3. Some object that now Idolatrie is not to be punished by death but that such rather that are seduced should be instructed in the true worship of God and in the times of the Gospell it is fit more clemencie and mercie should be shewed than under the rigour of the law Answ. 1. Though Idolaters are to be instructed to reforme their error for the salvation of their soules yet this letteth not but that for so great impietie and for the example of others they should worthily suffer the paines of death 2. And now under the Gospel seeing robberie against the common peace and â—reason against the life and safetie of the Prince and State are judged worthy of death Qui majestatem Dei 〈◊〉 dissime violavit tam leve facinus admisisse putabitur shall he which violateth the Majestie of God most impiously be thought to commit so small an offence Gallas 4. But although as Osiander saith the Magistrate non gladio in idololatriam vindicare teneatur be not now bound to take revenge of Idolatrie by the sword for some difference there is betweene Pagane idolatrie and Popish superstitious Imagerie the one being an absolute deniall of all Christianitie the other a mixing therewith of superstitious vanitie yet by the equitie of this Judiciall law which serveth for the strengthening of a morall precept the like sin of idolatrie may justly receive the like punishment As Cyprian repeating that law Deut. 13.12 Si audieris in una ex civitatibus c. If thou hearest of any of the cities c. that are drawne away to serve other gods that such a city should be destroyed thus further inferreth cujus praecepti memor Mattathias which precept Mattathias remembring killed him that approached to the idolatrous Altar to sacrifice c. Then he further addeth Quod si ante adventum Christi circa Deum colendum et idola spernendâ— haec pracepta servata sunt c. Now if these precepts concerning the worship of God and despising of Idols were kept before the comming of Christ quanto magis post adventum Christi servanda sunt How much more ought they to be kept after the comming of Christ seeing he hath not onely exhorted us in words but in deeds Augustine likewise shewing a difference betweene the schisme of the Donatists and Pagane idolatrie thus concludeth Quis vestrum non laudat leges c. Which of you doth not commend the lawes given by the Emperours against the sacrifices of the Pagans illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est c. for the punishment of that impietie is capitall 5. R. Salomon thinketh that if a Jew did sweep an Idol Temple velornaret vel alia similia faceret quae sunt praambula c. or adorne it onely and doe other things which are but preambles to Idolatrie he was not to be punished by death but some other wayes Ex Lyrano But if enticing in words to idolatrie were judged worthy of death Deut. 17.5 much more to entice and draw by fact and example as in adorning and beautifying the Temples of Idols QUEST XXXVII Why idolatrie is judged worthy of death NOw the reasons why idolatry was held by Moses law to be worthy of death were these 1. Quia is cultus diabolo exhibetur qui idolorum author est Because that idolatrous worship is giuen unto the devill who is the author of Idols Gallas 2. Aequum est vita privari eos c. It is just that they should be deprived of life which forsake God the author and fountaine of life Simler To leave the worship of God who is the author of life and to worship the devill the author of death and destruction mille mortibus c doth shew himselfe to be worthy of a thousand deaths Gallas 3. Though euery transgression of the law be in some sort a breach of Gods covenant yet idolatry more specially is said to be a transgression of the covenant of God Deut. 17.2 Because men apparently and professedly thereby forsake the profession solemnely made of their service and obedience vnto the Lord Simler 4. And this severe punishment the Lord appointeth for idolatrie quia inter Aegyptios idololatria assiâ—everant because the Israelites had accustomed themselves unto idolatry among the Egyptians in so much that they Moses yet living set up a golden calfe to worship Simler 5. Because of the ready inclination and propension of mans nature unto idolatry it was fit that it should by some severe punishment be restrained Calvin 6. And two things there are which doe exaggerate the nature of a sinne and aggravate the punishment thereof Res in quibâ—s committitur is in quos committitur c. The things wherein they are commited and they against whom they are committed Borrh. Both which concurre here in the sinne of apostasie and idolatrie For what mattâ—â— can be of greater moment than the service and worship of God and what sin more grievous than that which is committed against God QUEST XXXVIII Of kindnesse how to be shewed toward strangers and why Vers. 21. THou shalt not doe injury to a stranger 1. There are two reasone why men are apt to doe wrong unto strangers a both because they are not allied by affinity or consanguinity and therefore no naturall affection is commonly shewed toward them because they are destitute of friends and patrons and therefore lye more open to wrong Tostatus 2. The stranger must neither bee injured in word nor wronged in deed Simler Neither secretly by fraud nor openly by violence neither must they be hindred by any private man nor publikely prejudiced by lawes made against them Tostat. And it is not enough not to doe them wrong but we must help them and doe them what good we can Gallas 3. And this reason is added because they were strangers in Egypt they did feele by experience what it was to use strangers hardly that by
consecration Vers. 35 THou shalt do thus unto Aaron and to his sonnes c. 1. Some are of opinion that all things here prescribed to bee observed and done were de necessitate consecrationis of the necessitie of the consecration and if any thing were omitted the consecration was voide R. Salomon Lyranus But this is not like that if any thing were neglected in the manner of eating in respect of the place persons or time that their consecration should thereby have been void as Levit 10.17 Aaron being in griefe for the sudden death of Nadab and Abihu forgot the sinne offering which they should have eaten and suffered it to be all burnt and this was the eighth day after their consecration Levit. 9.2 when as yet the anointing was fresh upon them and they did not yet come forth of the doores of the Tabernacle Levit. 10.7 And yet notwithstanding this negligence there was no nullitie of Aarons consecration Tostat. quâ—st 18. 2. Therefore Tostatus opinion is rather to be received that some things were of necessitie in the consecration as the washing anointing of the Priests the putting on of the priestly apparell the sprinkling of themselves and their garments some things were only de solennitate belonging to the solemnitie of the consecration as the seething and eating of it in the holy place and eating it the same day it was a sin to omit any of these but thereby their consecration was not made voide QUEST XLI Why the consecration of the Priests continued seven daies Vers. 35. SEven daies shalt thou consecrate them c. 1. This consecration of the Priests was to continue seven daies together that both the Priests hereby might bee confirmed in their vocation and be assured thereof that they were thereunto appointed of God and that the people also might thereby take better notice that they were set apart by the Lord for that holy function Osiander 2. And further hereby thus much was signified that as the Priests seven daies together were consecrated so we per totum vitae curriculum throughout the whole course of our life should be consecrated and addicted to Gods service Simler Marbach 3. Likewise we are hereby admonished Pontificem continuo proficere non posse repente summum fieri c. that the Priest must daily increase and go forward that he cannot be made perfect at once that many gifts and graces are required in him Lippoman 4. It also sheweth that as their consecration was not perfect before the seventh day so we cannot attaine to perfection in this life Osiander QUEST XLII Whether all the sacrifices of the first day were iterated seven daies together or the sacrifice for sin only Vers. 36. ANd shalt offer everie day a calfe 1. Lyranus thinketh that not onely a calfe for a sinne offering was sacrificed everie day but two rammes also so that seven calves were offered and fourteene rammes in these seven daies So also Simler Borrh. Lippom. Pellican But seeing there is no mention made but only of the sinne offering we have no warrant to imagine any other sacrifice to have been iterated but that as belonging to their consecration 2. Iosephus thinketh yet more that all things were iterated every day which were done upon the first day as the anointing of them and the sprinkling of the Priests themselves and their garments But this is not like that their consecration was iterated it was sufficient for them once to be consecrated and seeing the ramme of consecration was killed onely upon the first day with the bloud whereof they were sprinkled they were so sprinkled but upon the first day 3. Tostatus his opinion is that the calfe which was the sacrifice for sinne and the consecration ramme were offered everie day expresse mention is made of the one and the other is implied in these words seven daies shalt thou fill their hands that is put into their hands part of the peace offering to be shaken to fro before the Lord as is prescribed vers 24. Now the ramme of burnt offering needed not to be daily offered during these seven dayes because there were every day morning and evening a lambe offered for a burnt sacrifice Sic Tostat. But this opinion cannot stand 1. Seeing Moses is bid to take two rams chap. 24.2 it is like that either both of them were â—â—nued every day or none 2. And the filling of their hands signifieth nothing else but the consecrating of their Ministery as is before shewed whereof the hand was the organe and instrument it is not literally to be pressed to signifie the putting of the things offered into their hands 4. Therefore according to the words of the text of all the sacrifices appointed for the first day onely the calfe which is the sinne offering is prescribed to be iterated and the reason is because it was to cleanse and purifie the Altar Levit. 8.15 But only in this sacrifice were the hornes of the Altar touched with bloud and so sanctified which was not done in any of the other sacrifices QUEST XLIII To what end the sinne offering was offered every day of the seven Vers. 36. THou shalt offer every day a calfe c. for reconciliation or to make atonement 1. This reconciliation was not only made for the sinne of the Priests as thinketh Tostatus for the hornes of the Altar were laid on with this bloud whereby it was purified Levit. 8.15 2. Neither yet was this sinne offering prescribed only ad expiandum Altare to cleanse the Altar as thinketh Osiander Calvin For he had said before seven dayes shalt thou consecrate them that is the Priests and then it followeth and shalt offer every day c. so that this daily offering for the space of seven dayes belonged unto the consecration of the Priests 3. Therefore the end of this sacrifice for sinne was both to make atonement for Aaron and his sonnes as also to purifie and cleanse the Altar Iunius QUEST XLIV How the Altar was cleansed and why Vers. 36. ANd thou shalt cleanse the Altar 1. After the consecration of the Priests is set forth their Ministery and service both at the Altar of burnt offering and in the golden altar in the next Chapter Here three things are declared concerning the Altar of burnt offering 1. How it should bee purified 2. What should bee offered thereon 3. The profit and benefit that should come thereby the Lord would there come unto them and speake with them vers 42. and dwell among them vers 45. Lyranus 2. Two things are required to the purifying of the Altar it must first be cleansed not that it was polluted of it selfe but to shew that in respect of man omnia corruptione naturae profana ob peccatum c. that all things by the corruption of our nature are profane because of sinne Gallas Marbach As also it was not only cleansed but sanctified and set apart for holy uses that it should not be lawfull to offer their sacrifices elsewhere
non valent propter alienam linguam tam multa legere cognoscere Video tamen qualescunque mei conatus fuerint illos omnibus non comprobari Alii scriptis nomen meum lacerant alii verbis in libros meos invehuntur quod dudum expertus sum studiis conatibus Alii se mihi minime favere prodiderunt tanquam nimiam meam ut credo incusantes diligentiam Sedista me non movent utcunque mihi iniqua mensura metiantur homines obliti illius praecepti non sit in te mensura major nec mensura minor quod fit ut commode quidam interpretatur quando aut plus donatur rebus quam merita deposcunt vel subtrahitur rebus quod debetur Aequissimum retributorem Servatorem meum Optim Maxim expecto qui Apostolos suos fidelesque omnes servos istis verbis erigit consolatur Gaudete c. quià multa est merces vestra in coelis Ista inquam mihi parum molesta sunt neque ab incepto itinere revocabunt Ad scribendum fateor me primò impulit juveâ—ilis fervor scribentem aluit proficiendi spes nunc scribendo proficienti aliorum proponitur quaeritur commodum Militem pugnantem mori Episcopum orantem gloriosum est si optionem mihi dare dignetur misericors Deus inscripturas me commentantem scribentem diem meum extremum obire mihi in votis est Denique cum Apostolo laetus pronuncio Nullius rei rationem habeo neque vita mea mihi chara est ut peragam cursum meum cum gaudio ministerium quod accepi à Domino Iesu. Tibi vero sat scio humanissime Domine ministrorum studia grata sunt accepta tam in scriptores quà m concionatores qui gregi pascendo operam dant te clementem mitem fore speramus qui ipse in hoc genere exercitatus es Isto modo non oculi solum nostri sed animi in te erecti erunt re ipsa experieris quod olim scripsit Hieronymus ad Theophilum Tu offers osculum illi colla submittunt exhibes militem ducem impetras quasi unus in pluribus es ut sis unus expluribus Sic locus ille sublimis quem possides non tam tibi dignitati erit quam tu illi ornamento ut bene Ambrosius Dignum est ut dignitas sacerdotalis primò noscatur à nobis deinde servetur Et recte iterum Hieronymus Minus est tenere sacerdotium quà m mereri Sed vereor ne tuae reverentiae gravioribus negotiis occupatae si isto modo pergerem molestiam facesserem sic tibi felicem rerum omnium prosperum successum precatus in Domino desino importunae meae rusticitatis veniam petans sic lineolis bisce exitum dabit Hieronymi sententiola Haec ad brevem lucubrationem celerisermone dictavi c. quod idcirco dixi ut qui non ignoscat ingenio vel ignoscat tempori Dat. Barleae summo mane 5. Calend. Maii. Tuae reverentiae observantissimus Andreas Willet CHAP. XXXI 1. The Method and Argument THis second booke sheweth the execution of the Lawes prescribed unto the people in the former booke of this second part or tome which execution consisteth in the declaration of the peoples disobedience to the Morall law and their falling from God by their idolatrie with their â—â—conciliation to chap. 35. And of their obedience to the ceremoniall prescriptions touching the erecting of the Tabernacle with the parts ornaments and services thereof in the six last chapters In the former of these is set forth the sinne of the people chap. 32. then their reconciliation chap. 33. and afterward the renuing of the covenant and the restoring of the Law written in the tables of stone chap. 34. In the second is declared 1. The readinesse of the people in offering their gifts toward the making of the Tabernacle chap. 35 36. 2. The diligence of the work-men in framing all things according to the patterne chap. 36 37 38 39. 3. Moses approving of the worke chap. 39. vers 33. and the erecting and setting up of the Tabernacle chap. 40. But first of all the Lord giveth certaine caveats and provisions to be observed before they should settle themselves toward this worke in building the Tabernacle and they are two which are contained in this chapter the first concerning the work-men and instruments by whom this worke should be undertaken to vers 12. the second of the time that during this businesse the Sabbath notwithstanding should be kept to vers 18. First concerning the work-men three things are declared 1. Their vocation and calling who they were whom the Lord had called and appointed Bezaleel vers 2. and Aholiab vers 6. 2. Their gifts whereby they are made able and fit for this worke are rehearsed vers 3 4 5. 3. Their worke is appointed which is either of the Tabernacle it selfe vers 7. or of the things which belonged to the Tabernacle vers 8 9. or of the instruments necessary for the service thereof the Priests apparell anointing oile and perfume vers 10 11. Secondly they are charged to keepe the Sabbath vers 13. which charge is renued vers 16. enforced by three reasons 1. From the end it is a signe betweene the Lord and them vers 13. 2. From the punishment of death threatned to the transgressors vers 14 15. 3. From Gods example that rested on the seventh day vers 17. Then followeth the ratification of all this the delivering of the tables unto Moses whereby all before delivered unto Moses is warranted confirmed and as it were sealed 2. The divers readings Vers. 7. The Tent of the meeting together I.V. better than the Tabernacle of the meeting together A. or the Tabernacle of the Congregation B.G.P. or the Tabernacle of the Covenant L.C. or the Tabernacle of the Testimonie S. the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—hel moghed the Tent of meeting together Vers. 10. The garments of the ministration and the holy garments for Aaron G.B.I.C.A.P. not the ministring garments of Aaron L.S. for here the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bigdhe twice repeated is omitted or the vestments wherein the things remaining are wrapped up V. for here wrapped up is added the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sharad signifieth to remaine but shered is a ministery or service See afterward qu. 9. 3. The questions discussed QUEST I. How the Lord is said to call Bezaleel by name Vers. 2. BEhold I have called by name Bezaleel 1. After that the Lord had made an end of shewing unto Moses all things belonging to the Tabernacle which he would have made lest Moses might have beene troubled how to finde workmen to undertake such a curious and cunning worke the Lord preventeth this doubt of Moses and telleth him that he had provided such as should take it in hand Tostat qu. 1. 2. And he saith he had called by name that is had specially appointed him to
here is taken for the singular according to the Hebrew phrase Oleaster As so the Lord saith I have made thee Pharaohs god chap. 7.1 where the word is Elohim in the plurall and sometime a word of the plurall number is joyned with an adjective of the singular as Isai. 19.4 I will deliver the Egyptians into the hands adonim kasheh Dominorum duri of Lords hard where the adjective is put in the singular sometime the adjective that is joyned with it is put in the plurall also but the relative in the singular Iosh. 24.19 Elohim kadashim his he is holy gods that is an holy God so likewise sometime Elohim is put with a verbe singular as Gen. 1.1 Bara Elohim creavit Dii God created sometime with a verbe in the plurall as in this place asherjeeben which may goe before us So then Elohim gods in the plurall is here put for the singular Make us a god Tostat. qu. 4. QUEST VIII How the Israelites would have their god to be made to goe before them TO goe before us 1. It is evident by this wherefore they desired a visible god to be made not to that end that they might with greater libertie eat and drinke feast and play before the idoll which they could not doe before the Lord for the Lord did allow them to rejoyce before him in sober and seemely manner Nor yet because they bee like unto other nations to have some visible image to worship but they shew the end thereof that they might have some visible presence to goe before them Tostat. qu. 6. 2. And whereas Moses being absent they might have desired some other guide in his place to direct them they doe not so both because they know none could be given them like unto Moses and if such an one might be found he was subject to the like danger as they imagined Moses to be fallen into they desire rather some visible god to be given unto them Tostat. qu. 8. 3. Neither were they so senselesse to thinke that an idoll made of silver or gold which hath eyes and seeth not eares and heareth not could goe before them 4 And Tostatus conceit is too curious that because they had seene images in Egypt which had as they thought a certaine divine power in them speaking sometimes and making answer unto demands And among the rest the Egyptian God Apis which was like a pide bull did appeare once in a yeare unto them and used to goe before them unto Memphis and all the Egyptians followed after playing upon their harpâ— and other instruments he thinketh that the Israelites desired the like god to bee given them that they might have an image made endued with some divine power to goe before them But they never had seene any image in Egypt made with mens hands to stirre and move and walke before them The Egyptian god Apis was either a very pide pull indeed or the devill in that likenesse therefore they having seene no such president in Egypt it is not like they imagined any such thing 5. Wherefore these Elohim gods which they desire to be made were none other but images as Laban so calleth his little images gods Gen. 31. Gallas This then is the meaning that some image may be made them quae admoneret eos praesentiae divina which should admonish them of the divine presence Osiander And they say in effect but thus much Instituâ— nobis cultum c. Appoint us some kinde of worship that God may be reconciled unto us Vt pergat nos praecedere That he may go forward still before us as he hath begun Ferus So then their meaning is not that the idoll to be made should still goe before them but that God represented and reconciled thereby might goe on still with them QUEST IX Why the people came to Aaron rather than to Hur his fellow governour BUt it will bee here questioned why the people demand this rather of Aaron than of Hur who was joyned with him in the government chap. 24. 1. R. Salom. maketh this the reason because that the people had killed Hur because he resisted them and this he saith was the manner of his death al the people came and spet into his mouth and so choaked him But it is not like if Hur in so good a cause had given his life that it should have beene omitted Phinehes fact in slaying the adulterer and adulteresse is commended and honourable mention is made thereof but Hur had beene more worthie to have beene recorded for not killing but in suffering himselfe rather to bee killed in defence of Gods pure worship Tostat. qu. 3. 2. Neither yet is it to be supposed that Hur was dead for some mention then is like to have beene made of his death being a principall governour and of the peoples lamentation for him 3. Therefore although Hur may bee thought to have yeelded and consented to their motion as well as Aaron as not being a more holy man than hee yet because Aaron was the chiefe and more principall he onely is mentioned Tostat. qu. 3. QUEST X. Whether at this time the Israelites wanted the presence of the cloud FUrther whereas they desire gods to bee made to goe before them it will be here objected that they had the presence of the cloud which went before them and they therefore needed not to have had any other guide 1. Oleaster therefore thinketh that the cloud might at this time be taken out of their fight but this opinion is briefely confuted before quest 4. the cloud did not leave them till they came into the land of Canaan when the manna also ceased Iosh. 5. 2. Some make the blinde curiositie of the people the cause why they regarded not that ordinarie signe of Gods presence but requested some figure and representation of God answerable to their vanitie Calvin So also Chrysostom Adhuc iâ—spicis quod miraris oblitus es largitoris Thou seest daily that which thou wonderest at namely the manna which fell every morning and thou forgettest the giver 3. But this also may bee joyned to the former reason they had staied 40. dayes in a plat and the cloud stirred not they had continued as long in this place about mount Sinai even fortie dayes as they had beene in all the mansion places since their comming out of Egypt and so they might doubt that this cloud should be their direction no longer to goâ— before them into the promised land and therefore they desire another guide QUEST XI Why they say they knew not what was become of Moses Vers. 1. FOr of this Moses c. we know not what is become of him c. 1. R. Salom. thinketh they supposed he had beene dead and that Satan had made such an apparision in the aire as if they had indeed seene a coffin as if Moses had beene dead and his bodie put into it But if they had conceived that Moses were dead they would not have spoken
therefore thinketh right that these gates were onely the places of entrance into the great streets which went thorow the camp for the host lay in such order as that they had wayes and streets betweene their tents as wee see now in cities and townes as Iosephus also describeth the situation and disposing of the camp 3. Now Moses stood in the gate or entrance not because the use was to give sentence and judgement in the gates Lyran. Borrh. Or because Moses would have the Levites to give the onset in the beginning of a street and so to go thorow as Tostat. ibid. But this was the reason Moses tabernacle or tent was without the camp and so upon that occasion Moses stood in the entrance of the camp going now to his owne tent Iun. QUEST LXVIII Whether all the Levites were free from consenting unto this idolatrie Vers. 26. ANd all the sonnes of Levi. R. Salom. to whom consenteth Tostatus thinketh Quod nullus de Levitis aliquid peccaverit That none of the Levites sinned in this great transgression because it is said All the sonnes of Levi gathered themselves unto him and if the Levites had sinned â—s other tribes there had beene no more cause to advance them to the Priesthood than other tribes Contra. 1. If that generall particle all bee pressed then it would follow that the children and all came which could not be for they were not able to use swords the meaning then is not that all the Levites came but all which came were Levites Iun. Sa. Or all is taken for many as this speech is usually restrained in Scripture as all nations are said to have come and bought corne in Egypt Gen. 41. 2. The Levites were more of Gods favour and grace than of their desert separated and selected for the Priesthood yet it is evident that this tribe was freer from consenting to this idolatrie than other tribes and for this their courage and readinesse in Gods service they received a blessing 2. Some thinke that even these Levites which armed themselves against their brethren were not altogether immunes à reatu free from this sinne but while they did it for feare levius peccarunt their sin was the lesse and so the mercie of the Lord appeared so much the more not only in pardoning their sin sed gloriam suam eorum manu asserere dignatus est but he vouchsafed by their hand to maintaine his glory Calvin Simler But it is not like that God would use their ministerie in the punishing of others which were guiltie of the same punishment themselves and their owne conscience accusing them they would have had no such courage to revenge the Lords cause upon their brethren it had beene also verie offensive to the guiltie parties to be punished by them which had beene alike guiltie And Moses proclaiming who pertaineth to the Lord let him come to me did meane that they only should come who had beene faithfull unto God and had not consented to that sinne 3. Some Hebrewes doe help the matter thus that because they cannot avoid it but that some of the kindred of the Levites were guiltie of this transgression because they did not spare their owne sonnes vers 29. that because it was lawfull for any of the other tribes to take unto them the wives of Levites their husbands being dead those children which they had by them might be said to be the sons of Levi that is grand children on their mothers side But this shift is taken away because Deut. 33.9 it is said that the Levites knew not their owne father or mother or children therefore they must needs bee understood to be Levites not by marriage or in some removed degree of kindred unto them but the immediate fathers and sonnes of Levites 4. Therefore the best opinion is that all of the tribe of Levi were not free from this sin of idolatrie many of them kept themselves as it is like at home and consented not but that a great sort even of Levi offended it may thus appeare 1. Because both Aaron himselfe was a ring-leader who can by no meanes be excused from this sin Lyranus 2. It could not be avoided but that many of the Levites were drawne away by Aarons example Iun. 3. But yet it is more evident because they consecrated their hands upon their owne sonnes and brethren yea their fathers and mothers that divers of the tribe of Levi fell away with the rest Lyran. Iun. Tostatus here answereth that the name of brethren is taken largely Pro fratribus qui sunt de filiis Israel For their brethren which were of the children of Israel qu. 35. Contra. 1. If it be allowed that the name of brethren is sometime so taken what saith he to the other names of father mother sonne These must be taken for the names of kindred or else we shall never have any certaintie in Scripture when we should by these names understand naturall fathers mothers and children 2. The other words companion and neighbour shew that the first is a name of kindred the first word ach signifieth here a brother in affinitie the second râ—ah a companion and friend the third karob Vicinia ratione conjunctum him that was a neighbour in dwelling and vicinitie or neernesse of place Simlerus 5. It is evident then that some of the Levites were accessarie to this great impietie because they were punished among the rest So that R. Salomon is herein greatly deceived who thinketh that the Levites though they were blame-worthy in not resisting the idolaters yet were not idolaters themselves neither consensu mentis nec facto exteriori in consent of minde nor in any outward fact c. for the Levites had beene unjustly punished if they had beene innocent Nay R. Moses Egyptius goeth further saying that although the Israelites often are found to have committed idolatrie yet Levita nunquam idolatraverunt the Levites never committed idolatrie But the contrarie is evident by Aarons fall for hee apparantly was an idolater in his externall act in building an altar unto the golden Calfe and offering sacrifice before it Paulus Burgensis in his reply proceedeth yet further that when our blessed Saviour was put to death the Levites as they are distinguished from the Priests were not principeâ— in crimine illo pâ—ssimo principall agents in that wicked crime whereas it is evident that the Priests were the chiefe enemies that Christ had the Levites indeed are not named but seeing the high Priest with the other Priests which were of the tribe of Levi were the contrivers of Christs death then cannot that whole tribe be exempted from this villanous act which is the intendment of Burgensis a great favourer of that nation QUEST LXIX Of the authoritie which the Levites had to doe execution upon the idolaters and the rules prescribed them Vers. 27. THus saith the Lord c. 1. Tostatus thinketh that it is not necessarie here to understand that Moses had any speciall commandement
from God but because he had received a Law from God that idolaters should bee put to death in executing that Law hee might justly say that God commanded it quest 35. But seeing Moses was faithfull in all Gods house we must not thinke that hee would pretend the name of God without Gods speciall warrant yet whether Moses received this commandement from God by revelation or by manifest vision is not expressed Pelarg. The latter is more like as God used to speake to Moses at other times face to face 2. And Moses maketh mention of Gods commandement both to deliver himselfe from all suspition that he did not give this charge of hatred toward the people and in rage Simler As likewise the Levites were encouraged hereby to enterprise this worke which otherwise they would have beene hardly drawne unto Tostatus 3. Certaine rules are given them to observe 1. They must goe to and fro non solum transire jussi sunt they are not only bid to passe thorow but to returne to goe everie way ut in omnes populi partes animadverterent that they should in everie place take punishment of the people Gallas 2. They must go from gate to gate that is thorow the streets and common wayes Non committitur istis ut ingrediantur tentoria It is not permitted them to enter into their tents and houses Cajetan 3. And everie man is commanded to slay his brother c. not that everie one had a brother or kinsman to slay sed ut occidat indifferenter but he must indifferently kill both one and other whom he met that was to be killed not respecting kindred affinitie or acquaintance Tostat. qu. 35. QUEST LXX Whether the Levites did not make some difference among the people as they went and killed Vers. 27. SLay everie man his brother c. 1. Some thinke there was an outward marke of difference made among the people by the which the Levites discerned who were to be killed and who to be spared And here are divers opinions 1. Ab. Ezra with some other Hebrewes thinke that by drinking of the water their faces or bellies did swell that were the chiefe actors in this sinne But then many more should have been killed than 3000. See this conceit overthrowne before quest 59. 2. Gallasius thinketh that by the drinking of the water Moses perceived quibus idolum displiceret who they were which were displeased with this idoll and repented of their sin and who were obstinate by their refusall But it is not like that any of the people trembling now and being afraid at Moses presence durst so publikely and openly shew their contempt 3. Simlerus inclineth to thinke that there were some seditious persons in the camp that went about to make a commotion among the people and that the Levites did slay these 〈…〉 But it is evident vers 35. that they were not slaine 〈…〉 but for the golden Calfe Gallas 2. Some thinke there was no other signe of difference but in the notice and 〈…〉 of the Levites it is probable Minime Levitas latuisse quinam primi esseâ—◠〈…〉 Levites were not ignorant who were the chiefe Captaines of this perverse counsell 〈…〉 beene hard for the Levites who as it is like kept themselves at home and were not present with the people of themselves to know in so great a multitude and in so short a time who were the ring-leaders Cajetan resolveth that the Levites were so directed by God who commanded this to bee done Et qui cunctâ— recte disponit and who rightly disposeth all things so that no innocent man was put to the sword But this needed not to be feared seeing all the people in generall consented in this sinne and few or none of them were innocent 3. Wherefore their opinion is most probable who thinke that seeing all the people were guiltie only of this sinne a few only excepted that the Levites could not doe amisse whomsoever they killed as they met without making any difference that whereas all had sinned it was not unjust if a few were singled out from the rest to pacifie the wrath of God and to terrifie the rest 1. Ambrose giveth this reason Quia melius est pancorum supplicio universos eximi quà m in omnes vindicari It was better by the punishment of a few for all to escape than all to be punished 2. Gregorie Nyssenus saith Omnes sine dispositione punitoâ— that all were punished without any difference quia una omnes admalum conspirantes quasi unus effecti sunt because all of them conspiring together in evill were now but as one c. Like as when one is chastised for his fault Non hoc aut illud affligit membruÌ„ he that beateth him doth not make choice of one part rather than another knowing that wheresoever he is whipped ad totum corpus sensum doloris transiturum that the sense of the griefe will reach to the whole body so was it here 3. Lippoman addeth because all the people were culpable Vt totus populus aliquando punitus videatur That the whole people might seeme to be punished it was more to Gods glorie and the honour of the tribe of Levi Si praceptum 〈◊〉 generaliter factum intelligamus If we understand this precept of Moses generally without any difference to have beene executed 4. Oleaster further so thinketh Omnes occurrentes sine delectu c. That the Levites killed all they met without any choice quemâ—dmodum in aliis punitionibus accidiâ— as it happened in other generall punishments when some were plagued for all 5. Calvin and Simlerus make mention how the like thing was in use among the Romans that if a whole band or company of Souldiers had run away or committed any grievous offence the Emperour would tithe them out and put everie tenth man as he was drawne out by lot to death And thus the Thebean Legion which consisted all of Christians was twice tithed out by that cruell Emperour Maximinus 4. Now the contrarie reasons why some thinke that there was some difference made are these 1. Deus caco turbulento impotu c. God would not have revenge taken in his cause upon a blinâ—e and disordered heat Simler 2. By this meanes it came to passe ut placidâ— totus populus quiesceret that all the people was well pacified when they saw only certaine pestilent men to be taken out of the way Calvin 3. Otherwise if there had beene no such difference made there would have no respect beene had of those which shewed themselves penitent for their sinne Gallas Contra. 1. Here need no disorder or confusion to bee feared seeing all the people were guilty the sword could not light upon any unjustly and in that three thousand onely of six hundred thousand were slaine it sheweth that the Levites executed Moses sentence with great discretion and moderation 2. The people might as well be pacified when they saw a few for examples sake to be punished among
9.20 4. Therefore these may be the causes why Moses prayeth againe 1. The Lord granted before that he would not destroy all the people at once sed 〈◊〉 ex inâ—ervallo vel per partes but whether he would doe it in continuance of time and as it wore by peecemeale hee knew not which he prayeth for here Lippom. 2. And there might be other sinnes as well as this for the which the Lord should be angry with them as Deut. 9.18 he saith he prayed and fasted because of all their sins Tostat. 3. And now he prayeth not only for the turning away or judgements but that the Lord would be againe fully reconciled unto his people and restore them to their former state and condition of favour Simler 4. And he prayeth not only for the pardoning of their temporall punishment but against everlasting death which sinne deserveth Osiander QUEST LXXVIII What booke it was out of the which Moses wisheth to be raced Vers. 32. IF thou wilt not race me out of the booke which thou hast written 1. By this booke R. Salomon understandeth the booke of the Law as Deut. 33.4 Moses commanded us a Law hee desireth if the Lord were purposed to destroy the people that his name should not be mentioned in the Law nor he taken to be the Law-giver for to what purpose should he be spoken of as a Law-giver unto that people which was not Contra. But this is not the meaning 1. Because the bookes of the Law were not yet written Moses therefore would not desire to be raced out of a booke which was not 2. Neither would Moses aske that of God which was in his owne power to doe now Moses did write the booke of the Law and he might have left out his owne name if he would 3. Againe Moses setteth against this great benefit the safety of the people the greatest losse which he could have but this had beene no such great losse unto Moses not to have his name remembred in any such written booke 4. Moses here useth a disjunctive speech Doâ— this or else race mee c. but if he meant the racing of his name out of the booke of the Law there had beene no disjunction at all for one had followed upon the other for if Israel had beene destroyed neither should Moses have written the booke of the Law which was only given unto Israel for it had beene in vaine to give Lawes unto a people that were not 5. Moses also speaketh of a booke which God had written now Moses writ the booke of the Law the ten Commandements only were written with Gods hand Tostat. quaest 41. 2. R. Abraham Francus who writeth upon Aben Ezra understandeth the racing out of this booke of the death of the body and he addeth further that there is quaedam rota coelestâ—â— a certaine celestiall wheele wherein are many starres which worke by their influence upon those iâ—â—eriour bodies and by the moving of this wheele death or life is caused so that thus he would interpret Moses speech Cause me by the motion of this wheele to dye But seeing the motion of this wheele which he imagineth is the naturall cause as he supposeth of life and death Moses could not dye naturally before his time came and if now he should have died it had beene not a naturall death but supernaturally caused by God therefore not by the motion of any such wheele Tostat. ibid. 3. Hierom also differeth not much from this former opinion in substance understanding Moses desire of death in this life he wisheth Perire in praesentiam non in perpetnum To perish for the present not for ever But whereas the Lord afterward answereth Moses Whosoever hath sinned will I put out of my booke vers 33. it followeth that they which sinne not that is without repentance are not put out of that booke but all as well the righteous as unrighteous the just and the sinners are subject to this temporall death therefore Moses speaketh not of that 4. Hierom hath beside another opinion for upon that place Psalm 69.28 Let them bee put out of the booke of life neither let them bee written with the righteous he inferreth that God hath two bookes viventium justorum of the living and of the righteous that was the booke of the living In quo ante adventum Dei Prophetae Patriarchae scripti sunt Wherein the Prophets and Patriarkes were written before the comming of God in the flesh the other wherein the faithfull are written whereof our blessed Saviour speaketh Rejoyce because your names are written in the booke of life and of the first Moses saith he speaketh in this place So some doe understand this booke in the same sense with Hierom of the booke of Gods Covenant which hee made with Israel out of the which the Gentiles were excluded of which mention is made Ezech. 13.9 where the Lord saith that the false Prophets shall not be written in the writing of the house of Israel So Moses desireth here not to be counted of the family of Israel wherein all the Prophets and Patriarkes were written But if Israel had now perished the booke of Gods Covenant with Israel likewise should have beene no more remembred therefore it had beene superfluous for Moses to desire to be raced out of that booke And againe the booke of the living mentioned in the Psalme is the same with the booke of life spoken of Apocal. 3.5 I will not put his name out of the booke of life In which booke of life not only the Prophets and Patriarkes before Christ but all the faithfull before and since are written 5. Cajetane understandeth it De libro principatuâ— in hoc mundo Of the booke of principality and preeminence in the world for it is decreed with God as in a booke Quod isto vel illi principentur in hac vita That such or such shall beare rule in this life And so Moses desireth to lose his principality and government which the Lord promised him that hee would make of him a great nation c. But whereas they which sinned only are taken out of this booke of life and yet many wicked and evill men are governours in the world it cannot be meant of any such booke or decree of principalitie or government 6. Oleaster by this booke thinketh to be understood the booke of the acts and doings of the righteous which is mentioned Iosh. 10.13 and 2 Sam. 1.18 But there are many righteous men whose names and acts were not written in that booke which is now thought also to be lost therefore it had beene no great matter for Moses to wish to be put out of that booke 7. Burgensis maketh foure bookes of God 1. One is the booke of life wherein only are written the names of the Elect that are ordained unto life as when souldiers are written in the muster booke which are pressed and appointed for warre 2. That also may be called the booke
alleaged QUEST LXXXII Whether Moses did well in wishing to be raced out of the booke of life and in what sense he so prayeth NOw then seeing the elect which are once written in the booke of life can never be blotted out and Moses was not ignorant thereof how could he pray so directly against the will of God 1. Some thinke that he might so pray to be raced out not as he was there eternally written according to Gods prescience but in respect of his present state of grace as Lippoman saith that when Moses sinned at the waters of strife delevit eum de libro secundum praesentem justitiam God blotted him out of his booke in respect of his present justice but afterward put him in againe c. But it cannot be so here for seeing none are so blotted out but by their sinne for Moses to desire to be so raced out had beene petere peccare mortaliter to crave to sinne mortally and againe God doth not thus race out any in respect of their unrighteousnesse but they race out themselves 2. Some thinke that Moses thus prayed quia turbatus erat because he was troubled and perplexed and did not consider at that instant whether that were impossible which he desired and they thinke he thus spake ex impetu passionis in the heat of his passion Ex Lyrano And Calvin saith not much unlike Mosem tanta vehementia fuisse abreptum ut loquatur quasi ecstaticus That Moses was carried away with such vehemencie that he spake as a man beside himselfe But Lyranus reason confuteth this answer because tranquillitas mentis tranquillity of minde is required in him that commeth unto God 3. Augustine giveth this exposition Ego sum certus quod non delebis me de libro vitae c. I am sure that thou wilt not blot me out of the booke of life and so Lord let me be as sure that thou wilt not destroy this people Ex Lyran. Tostat. But in that to this part of Moses request the Lord answereth negatively that he will not blot out him but whosoever sinneth Moses spake not so in that sense of his owne confidence and assurance for then the Lord would not therein have contradicted him but rather have given consent unto his speech as approving his confidence or else it would seeme to be an impertinent answer neither of which is to be admitted 4. Rupertus whom Ferus followeth thinketh that Moses speaketh affirmatively in this sense that if so the Lord in mercie would not pardon the peoples sinne but deale rigorously consequitur ut me de libro tuo deleas it must also follow that I be blotted out of the booke of life But this should have shewed Moses to be wavering and doubtfull of his owne salvation whereof the faithfull have such confidence and assurance that though thousands should perish they would make no question of their owne salvation 5. Lyranus giveth this interpretation that Moses thus spake Secundum dispositionem partis inferioris anima According to the disposition of the inferiour part of his minde that is in his affection and desire though it were not so in voluntate rationem superiorem sequente in his will following his judgement the superiour part of his soule as Christ in his desire wished the cup to passe from him yet simpliciter vellet pati simply would suffer and so Moses here simpliciter voluit non deleri simply would not bee blotted out But this example is nothing like 1. For first divers of the ancient Writers prove out of this place the two wils of Christ as Athanasius Humana voluntas propter infirmitatem carnis refugiebat passionem His humane will by reason of the infirmity of the flesh refused to suffer sed divina prompta erat but his divine will was ready c. So also Hierom then in this sense this example fitteth not Moses at all who had not two such wils as Christ had 2. But allowing Christ here to pray as man which is rather to be received for as God he prayeth not but is prayed unto We may further admit that distinction of Peter Lombard that there is Duplex affectus mentis sensus A double affection of the minde and of the sense Christ in the affection of his minde and judgement was willing to suffer but sensualitatis affectu in the affection of his sense he desired the cup to passe but this was a naturall desire in Christ to escape death now in Moses to wish not temporall but eternall death was a supernaturall desire and therefore proceeded not from the sensuall part of his minde but rather out of his most inward feeling and meditation 6. Tostatus thinketh it to be a parabolicall speech Ad signandum intentionem defideriâ— To shew the intention of his desire like unto that of Rachels unto Iacob Give me children or else I dye Gen. 30. and yet Rachel would rather have chosen to live and have no children than to have children and then presently die like as if a man should say Doe this thing for mee or else kill me and yet he had rather that thing should be left undone than himselfe to be killed and after the same manner doth Moses pray here But this were for Moses to speake one thing and meane another And as Hierom well compareth them together Moses spake here with the like affection that S. Paul prayeth to be an anathema and accursed for his brethren sake which the holy Apostle spake with his whole desire calling Christ to witnesse that he lied not As S. Paul is not to be taken there to speake parabolically or figuratively but even from his heart so doth Moses here 7. Borrhaius saith that Moses thus prayeth with a condition Si non vis if thou wilt not pardon Israel then race me out I am vero Moses non velle Deum Israelem in totum perdere fide agnovit Now Moses was sure by faith that God would not wholly destroy Israel But Borrhaius maketh that the conclusion here God will not destroy Israel therefore I cannot bee blotted out c. which Moses useth as an argument to perswade the other Race mee out of thou wilt not c. And beside Moses here prayeth not that the Lord would not wholly destroy the people for that God had granted him before vers 14. but that the Lord would forgive them their sinne and be fully reconciled 8. Iunius understandeth this desire of Moses also to be conditionall but in another sense as this condition he would have supplied Si Deo placebit si videbitur If it shall please God if it shall seeme good unto him which condition the Apostle would have generally understood Iam. 4. So also Marbachius would have the like condition expressed Si possibile fit If it be possible as our Saviour putteth in that condition If it be possible But these instances are not alike in temporall things because Gods will is not revealed unto us we
of Israel of whom they were afraid 4. And the Israelites themselves did not use to stray farre out of the host Tostat. quaest 13. 10. Moses meaning then is this ostende te fore ducem nostrum c. shew that thou wilt be our guide as before notwithstanding that threatning vers 3. that I may know thee to be present and finde favour to have accesse unto thee as before Iun. And Calvin collecteth well that it appeareth by the Lords answer vers 14. My presence shall goe with thee what Moses desired and so uno verbo affirmat se praiturum ut solebat he affirmeth in one word that he will goe before them as he was wont QUEST XXVIII In what sense Moses saith That I may finde grace c. which he was assured of Vers. 13. THat I may know thee and that I may finde grace in thy sight 1. Tostatus maketh this as a part of Moses petition that although he had found grace already with God in many things as in bringing the people out of Egypt in dividing the red sea in talking with God face to face yet that in this also he might finde favour with God to see his glorie But Lyranus better collecteth that Moses yet desired not a fight of the Divine Essence sed procedebat ordinatè but he proceeded orderly in his petitions and by degrees as he found the Lord enclined in his gracious answers And this to bee so appeareth by the Lords answer My presence shall goe with thee that yet Moses desired not a sight of his glorie 2. Cajetan understandeth it actively after I have knowne thy way that is the disposition of thy minde Exhibebo me morigerum gratiosum I will shew my selfe dutifull and pleasing that is I will apply and frame my selfe to please But this phrase is taken in the same sense as it is before the Lord saith to Moses Thou hast found grace in my sight where it is understood passively of grace and favour which Moses received of God 3. Some take it to bee no part of Moses petition but an argument thereof from the effect by this meanes if thou wilt goe with us I shall certainly know that I have found grace in thy sight Osiander Calvin Simlerus But Moses could no way doubt of that seeing the Lord had before certified him that he had found grace and upon that assurance Moses groundeth his prayer If I have found grace in thy sight this had beene to make the ground and foundation unstable and then his prayer also had failed 4. Wherefore with Iunius I take it rather to be a part of Moses request that as God had beene many wayes gracious before unto Moses and he had diversly found favour in his sight so that the Lord would vouchsafe in such manner to be present still that Moses might have accesse unto his presence and finde acceptance in his prayers as before To the same purpose Lyraniâ— Ostende te mihi familiarem scut ante fabricationem vituli Shew thy selfe familiar unto me as before the making of the calfe QUEST XXIX What is understood by Gods presence Vers. 14. MY presence or face shall goe with thee 1. Augustine by face here understandeth the knowledge of God Facies Dei est cognitio Divinitatis c. The face of God is the knowledge of his divine nature 2. Cyrillus saith Facies Dei Spiritus sanctus The face of God is the Holy Ghost because he declareth the essence of God 3. Gregorie Facies Dei respectus est gratia c. The face of God is his favourable respect which should bring them happily into the land of promise 4. But here is a revocation of the former sentence the Lord had said hee would not goe up with them Cajetan Penitentia enim commutat comminationes Dei in promissiones Repentance changeth Gods threatnings into promises Ferus And partly upon the peoples repentance partly by Moses earnest intercession the Lord is entreated to vouchsafe them his gracious presence whereas hee had said hee would not goe up with them which the Lord did not pronounce absolutely but upon condition of their repentance 5. The Lord saith then My presence shall goe before that is ego ipse I my selfe Lyran. Sa. Aspectabilis praesentia mea My visible presence as before Iun. Sic te pracedam ut vere sentias me tibi adesse c. I will in such manner goe before thee as thou shalt verily perceive that I am present as though thou diddest see my face in a glasse Calvin The Lord promised the like visible signes of his presence which they enjoyed before 6. And typically is here signified the blessed Messiah who is called the face or presence of God as the Prophet speaking of Iohn Baptist the fore-runner of Christ I will send mine Angell who shall prepare the way before my face Borrh. QUEST XXX What rest the Lord promiseth to Moses Vers. 14. ANd I will give thee rest 1. Cajetan referreth to Moses Non erit sollicitus de eventibus Hee should not bee carefull of any event seeing the Lord tooke upon him to guide them 2. Oleaster I will cause thee to rest à sollicitudine precibus from taking any further care or intreating me in granting thy request So also Marbach Vt sis securo tranquillo animo That thou mayest be secure and quiet 3. Lippoman understandeth it of Moses death and departure that God would bring him to rest before the people came into Canaan yet the Lord would notwithstanding accomplish his promise 4. Gloss. interlin understandeth here requiem aeternam everlasting rest promised to Moses But it appeareth by Moses reply vers 16. shall it not be when thou goest with us that this promise was not peculiar to Moses but generall to all the people as Calvin well collecteth Quod totius populi commâ—ne erat Mosis personae ascribitur That is ascribed to Moses person which was common to all the people 5. Therefore by rest Hugo de Sancto Victor well understandeth the leading of them into the land of promise So also Simlerus and their setling there after they came thither signifying sub Dei patrocinio fore that they should be still under Gods patronage and protection there Calvin and by this externall rest is shadowed forth our rest in Christ as our Saviour Christ saith Come unto me all that labour and yee shall finde rest unto your soule which our spirituall rest shall be perfited in that glorious rest in the kingdome of God Borrh. QUEST XXXI Whether Moses here rested in Gods answer or begged any thing further Vers. 15. IF thy presence goe not with us 1. Calvin taketh this to be a confirmation of the Lords former grant and that Moses embracing the Lords answer saith thus much in effect that if the Lord should not so doe grant them his presence it were better for them to perish there than to goe any further he therefore taketh them to bee deceived who
thinke diversum aliquid hic notari that some divers thing is here noted than before for in the same sense the Lord is said to goe before them and to goe with them in the middest of them But in that the Lord saith againe vers 17. I will doe this thing also which thou hast said it is evident that Moses added somewhat to his former request and begged somewhat which was not yet granted though Calvin thinketh it is but the repetition of the same thing tollenda dubitationis causa to take from Moses all doubting So also Oleaster 2. Some doe thinke that Moses here asketh a divers thing from that which the Lord granted where there are divers opinions 1. Lyranus taketh it that whereas God promised to goe before Moses he further entreateth that hee would totum populum praecedere goe before not him only but all the people c. But the Lords promise was generall that his presence should goe before not expressing whom and Moses request which the Lord yeeldeth unto wherein hee maketh mention of the people vers 13. sheweth that the Lord so meant that hee would be a guide to all the people 2. Cajetan saith because the Lord had promised only in generall My face shall goe not expressing whether antâ— eos cum eis post eos before them with them or behinde them now he entreateth that hee would goe with him But Moses repeating Gods words doth put to no such limitation only hee saith If thy presence goe not carrie us not hence by which repeating of Gods words Moses knew well enough that God promised to goe before them 3. Rupertus therefore and Tostatus follow this sense that because the Lord by his presence might understand some Angell he presseth God yet further that he would goe himselfe with them But this answer is granted upon the oversight of the Latine translation which readeth here If thou wilt not goe before whereas in the originall it is being well translated If thy presence goe not So that Moses by Gods presence understandeth God himselfe as hee expoundeth vers 16. shall it not bee when thou goest with us 4. Wherefore in this reply Moses partly confirmeth the Lords answer by shewing the inconvenience that would follow that it were better for them to remaine there still than without Gods presence to goe on and offer themselves to infinite danger partly hee intreateth that God would not onely goe before them as he did before others of the Heathen whom he used in his service as he raised and stirred up Cyrus whom he conducted as the Lord saith by his Prophet Thus saith the Lord to Cyrus his anointed whose right hand I have holden to subdue nations before him c. I will goe before thee and make the crooked strait c. But that the Lord would also dwell among them in his Tabernacle as he purposed And therefore the Lord herein condescending to Moses saith afterward vers 17. I will doe this also which thou hast said that is Non solum praibo sed vobiscum ero I will not only go before you but with you also Gallas So Moses also in saying that the people may have preheminence entreateth ut non cesset Deus facere signa coram gentibus that the Lord would not cease still to doe signes and wonders for his people before the nations that they may know that God is among them Ferus Simlerus Osiander For the faithfull are not satisfied nisi Deum totum habeant unlesse they have God wholly and all Ferus QUEST XXXII Why Moses addeth Carrie us not hence seeing even in that place also they had need of Gods protection Vers. 15. CArrie us not hence 1. Calvin so understandeth Moses here as though hee should meane that it were better perire in deserto to perish in the desart than to goe forward without Gods presence But Moses by no meanes would have wished the perishing of the people for whose preservation he intreated so earnestly before wishing himselfe rather to be raced out of Gods booke than them to perish 2. Rupertus draweth it to a mysticall sense Carrie us not hence c. Quid attinet nos vivere c. To what end should we live and beget children unlesse thou come which onely canst regenerate unto life those which are borne to death c. He applyeth it to the comming of the Messiah but the phrase here used Carrie us not hence sheweth that Moses here speaketh of going into the land of Canaan for otherwise the Messiah might have beene given unto them as well in this place as in Canaan 3. His meaning therefore is melius esse iter non ingredi that it were better for them not to goe thence at all unlesse God would be their guide Simler not to stirre one foot from thence 4. Which Moses speaketh not as though they needed not Gods protection and preservation there but because they were subject to many more dangers in walking forward still for they were to passe by the countries of divers nations who would suspect them as having a purpose to invade their land whereas now remaining still they should not be molested of any Tostat. qu. 16. QUEST XXXIII Why it is added People upon the earth Vers. 16. ALL the people that are upon the earth 1. This is not added by way of distinction as though there were any people under the earth they which are gone out of the world are called people as Abraham is said to be gathered unto his people but not properly because they are spirits and not men in hell there can be no people because there is no order nor communitie as where a people is there is a mutuall communitie and they are governed by Law nor yet in heaven is there said to bee a people properly their bodies being laid aside their spirits only there living in bliffe 2. Neither are those which are called Antipodes which dwell on the other side of the earth under but upon the earth as we are 3. Sed positum est ex superabundantia This is added of abundance for more plaine evidence and demonstration Tostat. qu. 16. QUEST XXXIV Whether Moses desired to see the verie divine nature and essence of God Vers. 18. I Beseech thee shew me thy glorie 1. Ferus thinketh that Moses only asked of God to shew him certaine signes and evidences of his glorie quibus omnes homines te agnoscant credant whereby all men may acknowledge thee and beleeve in thee But this had beene a lawfull request and the Lord would not have denied it 2. Some thinke that Moses desired ostendi sibi aspectabilem formam divinae majestatis that there might be shewed unto him some visible forme of the divine Majestie not for his owne satisfaction but to content the rude people that he might make some description thereof unto them who desired to be instructed by some visible demonstration which was the cause why they caused in Moses absence a Calfe
Whether the Egyptians which cohabited with the Israelites in the land of Goshen were exempted from the plagues 34. qu. Of the diversitie in the manner of the plagues 35. qu. Of Pharaohs divers and variable behaviour 36. qu. Why the Lord sent divers plagues upon Pharaoh not cutting him off at once 37. qu. Why Aaron is sometime the minister of the plagues and not Moses 38. qu. Why the first plague beginneth in the water 39. qu. Of the greatnesse of the first plague 40. qu. Whence the Sorcerers had the water which they also turned into bloud 41. qu. What shift the Egyptians made for water during the first plague 42. qu. Whether the raine that fell were turned into bloud 43. qu. Whether the Sorcerers did turne the waters into true bloud 44. qu. How this first plague was staied 45. qu. Of the application and use of this first plague Questions upon the eighth Chapter 1. QUest What kinde of frogs the second plague brought upon Egypt 2. qu. Of the greatnesse of this plague of frogs 3. qu. From whence this great abundance of frogs came 4. qu. In what place and how the Sorcerers brought forth frogs 5. qu. Why Pharaoh calleth now for Moses and not before 6. qu. Why Moses saith to Pharaoh Take this honour to thee 7. qu. Whether Moses tempted God in prescribing the time of removing the plague 8. qu. Of the use and application of the plague of frogs 9. qu. Why Pharaoh appointeth Moses to morrow 10. qu. Why the Lord did not remove the frogs quite 11. qu. The difference of the third plague of lice from the former 12. qu. Whether the third plague was of lice 13. qu. VVhy the Lord plagued the Egyptians with lice 14. qu. VVhy the Lord by the stretching forth of Aarons rod brought forth lice 15. qu. VVhy the sorceres could not bring forth lice 16. qu. VVhat the Sorcerers understand by the finger of God 17. qu. Whether the Sorcerers had any feeling of Gods power 18. qu. By what power Sorcerers doe worke and how the devils sometime be cast out by the power of the devils 19. qu Why spirits prescribe constellations to bee observed and delight in corporall and externall visages 20. qu. Whether it be ordinarie for lice to breed out of the slime of Nilus 21. qu. Why Moses is bid to meet Pharaoh by the water 22. qu. Why there is no mention made in this miracle of Moses rod. 23. qu. What manner of Sorcerers were sent in the fourth plague 24. qu. Of the name of Beelzebub the god of flies 25. qu. Whether the land of Goshen were exempted from the former plagues 26. qu. What things were an abomination to the Egyptians 27. qu. Whether Moses were ignorant what kinde of beasts they should sacrifice to God in the desart Questions upon the ninth Chapter 1. QUest Why Pharaoh is so often sent unto whom the Lord did foresee that he would not heare 2. qu. Why Moses in bringing the plagues doth not alwaies use Aarons rod. 3. qu. Why the Lord punisheth the Egyptians in their cattell 4. qu. Why the Lord doth not alway exempt his people from temporall calamities 5. qu. In what sense all the cattell of Egypt are said to have died 6. qu. Whether Pharaoh sent into Goshen in the other plagues 7. qu. Why Pharaoh calleth not to Moses here to pray 8. qu. Whether this plague were naturall or supernaturall 9. qu. Why Moses is the Minister of the sixth plague 10. qu. Of the plague of boyles and the manner thereof 11. qu. Why the Magicians are smitten with ulcers 12. qu. Of the hardning of Pharaohs heart 13. qu. What plague the Lord threatneth to destroy Pharaoh with 14. qu. In what sense the Lord saith I have kept thee 15. qu. Whether the plague of haile were supernaturall 16. qu. Whether there useth to bâ— no raine or haile in Egypt 17. qu. Of the meaning of those words Since the foundation of Egypt 18. qu. Of the greatnesse of this tempest of haile 19. qu. How Moses knew that Pharaoh dissembled 20. qu. What kinde of graine was not smitten with the haâ—le Questions upon the tenth Chapter 1. QUest Why Moses is bid to goe to Pharaoh notwithstanding his heart was hardened 2. qu. How Moses is said to be a snare to the Egyptians 3. qu. Of Pharaohs wish Let the Lord so be with you 4. qu. Of the nature of Locusts and whether this plague were extraordinarie 5. qu. Of the greatnesse of this plague of Locusts 6. qu. Why sometime Moses sometime Aaron stretcheth out the rod. 7. qu. What kinde of winde it was which brought the Locusts 8. qu. Whether this plague of Locusts were incomparable and not to be matched 9. qu. In what sense it is said the Locusts devoured that which was left 10. qu. Why the plague of Locusts is called a death 11. qu. Of the mysticall application of this plague of Locusts 12. qu. How Moses turned himselfe going out from Pharaoh 13. qu. Of the cause of darknesse of the Egypt 14. qu. How it is said the darknesse was felt 15. qu. How the Israelites had light in their dwellings 16. qu. Whether the Egyptians used in the time of this darknesse any candle or fire light 17. qu. How it is said No man rose up from his place 18. qu. When Pharaoh sent for Moses whether after the darknesse was removed or afore 19. qu. Of the greatnesse of this punishment of three dayes darknesse 20. qu. Of the mysticall application of this three dayes darknesse Questions upon the eleventh Chapter 1. QUest When the Lord spake these words to Moses 2. qu. Why the overthrow of Pharaoh in the red sea was counted none of the plagues 3. qu. Whether God used the ministerie of good or bad Angels in the slaughter of the first borne 4. qu. Whether one Angell or many were used in this destruction 5. qu. Vpon whom this plague in smiting the first borne was executed 6. qu. Whether in every house the first borne were slaine 7. qu. Why the Lord destroyed the first borne 8. qu. VVhy the first borne of the cattell also are destroyed 9. qu. How the gods of the Egyptians were judged 10. qu. How the Israelites escaped the destruction of the first borne 11. qu. The mysticall application of the last plague upon the first borne 12. qu. Of the generall application of these ten plagues the ten plagues of Egypt compared with the ten benefits which the children of Israel received in the wildernesse Divers questions concerning the hardnesse of heart 13. QUest What the hardnesse of heart is 14. qu. Whether God bee the efficient and working cause of the hardnesse of heart 15. qu. God otherwise hardneth than by way of manifestation 16. qu. God doth not harden the heart onely by permission 17. qu. Whether hardnesse of heart bee of God as it is a punishment of sinne where Pererius is refuted that misliketh Augustins distinction 18. qu. How God is said to harden the heart
hee were rude in speech yet he was not so in knowledge 2. Cor. 11.6 the power of S. Pauls speech consisted not in eloquence of words but in the wisdome of the spirit so Moses though defective in the manner of elocution yet might speake with gravity and wisdome and so bee powerfull in words 9. Wherefore notwithstanding this or what else is objected the most probable opinion is that Moses had some naturall impediment of speech as appeareth both by his owne excuse by the Lords answer by the coadjutorship of Aaron his brother an eloquent man vers 14. and because Moses after this saith he was a man of uncircumcised lips and whereas he saith here nor since thou hast spoken to thy servant his meaning is that if at this time when God spake unto him who was able to take away all impediment of speech yet his infirmity remained much more was it like afterward to continue Iunius QUEST VIII How God is said to make the deafe and dumbe Vers. 11. WHo hath made the dumb or the deafe 1. Wee refuse here the fables of the Hebrewes that when Pharaoh had appointed one to kill Moses he was striken blind that he could not see Moses and Pharaoh became both deafe and dumbe that though he espied Moses escape yet hee could not speake to have him stayed but it is evident by the story that Moses fled before hee was apprehended The Lord here speaketh in generall not of any one dumbe or deafe but that as hee sendeth these infirmities upon man so also hee is able to heale them 2. And although these infirmities are evill in respect of nature yet God is the author of them because they are good also in respect of the end which is to humble man and bring him to repentance and to set forth the glory of God as our Saviour saith of the blind man that his blindnesse came that the workes of God might be shewed upon him Simler QUEST IX How and wherefore the Lord was present with Moses mouth Vers. 12. I Will be with thy mouth 1. Although Moses was no eloquent man in outward speech as humane eloquence is accounted yet there was in him a grave and divine eloquence such as the Apostles were endued with the Lord promiseth the assistance of his spirit and to bee present with his mouth 2. But the impediment of his tongue the Lord doth not altogether take away both that Gods glory and power might appeare and that Moses should see how needfull the helpe and society of his brother was neither did Moses pray unto God to heale that infirmity but only useth it as an argument to decline his calling Simler QUEST X. Whom Moses meaneth that he would have sent Vers. 13. SEnd by the hand of him whom thou shouldest send 1. Lyranus thinketh that Moses meaneth his brother Aaron who was elder than he and fitter for his eloquent speech but no mention was made yet of Aaron whom Moses knew not to be alive as may be gathered vers 18. till the Lord first spake of him and promised hee should assist him 2. Rabbi Selomo taketh that hee meaneth Iosuah whom God revealed unto him should be the man that was to lead Israel into the promised land But beside that Iosuah is not yet spoken of this request of Moses would have shewed some emulation or envy toward Iosuah 3. Many of the ancient writers as Iustenus Martyr Tertullian Cyprian with others thinke that Moses here speaketh of the Messias that should be sent into the world so also Perer. But this seemeth not to be so fit both for that Moses not being ignorant of the prophesie of Iacob concerning the comming of Shiloh and how the Lord promised that he would raise up a Prophet like unto him Deus 18.18 which is understood of Christ could not yet expect the comming of the Messiah and this request for the comming of the Messiah proceeding of faith would not have provoked the Lords wrath Therefore Eugubinus opinion though Pererius checkt him for it is not herein to be misliked that neither would have those places of Scripture which are understood of the Messiah to bee referred to others for that savoureth of Judaisme nor yet that which is spoken of others to be applied to Christ which also would bewray curiosity and superstition 4. Therefore the plaine meaning of Moses is that wheâ—â—as God might find out many more fit than himselfe he would send by their hand that is ministery so he aimeth not at any one in particular to be sent but any other whosoever QUEST XI Whether Moses sinned in his so often refusall seeing God was angry with him Vers. 14. THen Iehovahs wrath was kindled 1. Neither doe we consent to some Hebrewes that doe aggravate Moses sinne as distrusting Gods word and therefore some say hee was punished in being deprived of the Priesthood which was given to Aaron some in that he was not suffered to enter into the land of Canaan Contr. But neither was the first a punishment for Moses still was the chiefe and gave Aaron direction and it was a comfort to Moses to have such a coadjutor and beside Aaron was the elder to whom the priesthood appertained Neither was Moses offence here the cause why he entred not into the land of Canaan but his disobedience at the waters of strife Simler 2. Neither on the other side is their opinion found that doe justifie Moses herein and commend his humility in refusing so weighty a calling as Gregorie who by Pauls example would have us ready to suffer adversities and by Moses to refuse prosperity And Hierome commendeth Esaâ—es readinesse after his lippes were purified and Moses unwillingnesse being guilty to himselfe of his owne infirmity Contra. 1. In that God was angrie with Moses it is evident he offended 2. And as S. Paul was willing to suffer adversity because it was Gods will the spirit so testified every where of him that bands and persecution did abide him so Moses should not have refused this charge seeing God so often had signified his will unto him 3. And if Esay did well after the Lord had purged his lippes being before unwilling to shew his readinesse then Moses did not well who after the Lord had promised to be with his mouth yet still persisted in his refusall 3. Thostatus granteth that Moses sinned yet it was a veniall and small sinne because wee reade of 〈◊〉 punishment that followed Cajetanus is of the same opinion and his reason is taken from the phrase here used The wrath of God was kindled as when a man is moved suddenly of choller than of set purpose Contra. In some sense we confesse that both this and all other of Moses sinnes and of all the elect are veniall in respect of Gods mercie in Christ that pardoneth them but otherwise in it owne nature neither this nor any other sinne is pardonable for the wages of sinne is death Rom. 6.23 in the justice of God 2.
Neither was this sinne of Moses veniall that is a light and small sinne for such sinnes the Lord passeth over in his children but here he was angry with Moses If the Lord should bee angry with every small sinne and oversight of his children who should abide it 3. The forbearing of punishment sheweth not the smalnesse of the sinne but the greatnesse of Gods mercie 4. Cajetanes observation is false for the same phrase â—ichar aph Iehovah Iehovahs wrath was kindled is used upon occasion of great sinnes as when the people murmured Numb 11.3 and lusted for quailes vers 33. the same words are there put 4. This then may safely be held that although Moses at the first might in humility disable himselfe yet after God had given him satisfaction to all his doubts upon his foure severall refusals first for his owne insufficiencie and the greatnesse of the businesse Chap. 3.11 Secondly because they might inquire after Gods name Chap. 3.14 Thirdly he excuseth himselfe by the incredulity of the people Lastly by his owne imperfection of speech yet after all this to stand still upon his refusall sheweth no small infirmitie in Moses as it may appeare by the effect because God was angrie with him yet Gods anger is not such against his children as against the wicked for there he is angry and punisheth here he is angrie and rebuketh but withdraweth not his favour for immediatly the Lord concurreth with Moses desire and giveth him his brother to be his assistant Simler So that Gods anger here is as when the father is angrie with his child or one friend with another which notwithstanding is no breach of friendship QUEST XII Why Aaron is called the Levite Vers. 14. AAron thy brother the Levite 1. This is not added because the Priesthood should have belonged to Moses the Leviticall order to Aaron but that Moses was deprived of that honour for refusing his calling as Rabbi Salomon Pellican 2. But because there might bee other Aarons not of Levie this is expressed by way of distinction that Moses might know that the Lord did meane none other Aaron but his owne naturall brother of Levi Iun. Simler 3. And this might bee also a reason thereof because the Lord purposed to annex the Priesthood to Aaron and his posteritie Osiander QUEST XIII How Moses is said to be as God to Aaron Vers. 16. THou shalt bee to him in Gods stead This sheweth 1. that Moses should bee superior unto Aaron as his Prince as the Chalde Paraphrast and Aaron as his Chancelor Moses should give him direction from God what to speake Osiander 2. By this also Moses authority is signified by the which as in Gods place he ordained Aaron to be the high Priest Pellican 3. Likewise he is as God that is a wise counsellor and full of Gods spirit to whom Aaron should resort for counsell Vatab. Genevens 4. And as Aaron was Moses spokesman to the people so Moses should bee Aarons mouth to consult with God so the Septuagint and Latine read Thou shalt be for him in those things which appertaine to God 5. But Moses in another sense is said to bee Pharaohs God Exod. 7.1 not only to declare Gods will unto him but to execute Gods judgements upon him Genevens QUEST XIV Whether Moses did well being called of God in taking his leave of his father in law Vers. 18. THerefore Moses went and returned to Iethro 1. Some doe charge Moses here with an oversight that he presently dispatched not into Egypt but first tooke his leave of his father in law for Iacob went away without Labans privity and S. Paul saith that hee did not consult with flesh and bloud after he was called Galath 1. 2. Contra these examples are altogether unlike for Laban was unfriendly to Iacob and he feared he would worke him some displeasure and Iacob was then at his owne hand and kept sheepe for himselfe and beside he had in a manner sold over his daughters to Iacob and used them as strangers But Moses had a kinde and loving father in law he then kept his sheepe as hee covenanted and he entertained Zipporah still as his daughter and therefore Moses could not in humanity but take his leave of him 3. S. Paul consulted not with any for the approbation of his calling being therefore fully assured neither doth Moses conferre with Iethro to any such end but only to performe the office of humanity Simler 4. Wherefore the calling of God doth not take away civill duties toward parents and kindred saving where they are an impediment to our calling in which case wee are rather to forsake father and mother than to disobey God 5. Moses therefore taketh his leave of Iethro both because he purposed to carry away his wife and children and for that he had before covenanted to stay with Iethro chap. 2.21 Ferus QUEST XV. Why Moses concealed from Iethro the principall end of his going LEt me goe and returne to my brethren 1. Moses concealeth from his father in law the principall cause of his journey which was the calling of God both for that he sought Gods glorie and not his owne Ferus lest he should have seemed to boast of his visions Osiander and he doth keepe it secret of modesty least he might be thought to be a vaine man in telling such incredible things 2. In saying he went to see whether his brethren were alive and to visite them he dissembleth not though he went to doe more and it is evident by taking his wife and children with him that Iethro knew hee purposed not only to visite them but to stay there so that it seemeth likely that Moses imparted so much of his purpose concerning his stay there Simler and in generall also that he went for the comfort and profit of his brethren as Iosepus but in particular he kept secret the end of his going 3. Iethro being a good man would not hinder so charitable a worke though he had speciall use of him Ferus especially having such experience of the fidelitie and wisedome of Moses that without great cause he knew he would not desire to depart from him Simler QUEST XVI Whether God spake to Moses in Midian beside that vision in Horeb. Vers. 19. ANd Iehovah said to Moses 1. Some thinke that this sentence is transposed and that God thus spake unto Moses before he had moved his father in law Genevens Pellican But although such transposing of the order be usuall in Scriptures yet heere it need not to bee admitted for God might often appeare to Moses to confirme him Iun. and this was said in Midian the other vision was in Horeb the distinction of the place sheweth them to be divers apparitions Simler 2. The Lord to encourage Moses taketh away all doubts and telleth him that all which sought his life as well Pharaoh as the pursuers of the bloud of the slaine were dead Iun. And thus much Moses might impart also to his father
c. Tostat. quast 2. 5. Moses objecteth his danger that he might the sooner obtaine his desire Oleaster QUEST VI. Why Moses is bid to take the Elders with him Vers. 5. TAke with thee of the Elders of Israel 1. The vulgar people were not thought worthy because of their murmuring to see the miracle which God was about to worke for them and therefore he is bidden to take the Elders Simler Or because the Elders might be murmurers also with the rest they are called to bee eie witnesses of this great worke that they might see and testifie that water was brought forth out of the rocke where there was none before Ferus Tostat. Galas 3. That being men of authoritie they might be able better to instruct and certifie the people Iun. 4. And God hereby would establish an order for government that Princes should bee assisted with grave counsellers neither to doe things of their owne head as Saul did Ferus Nor to despise the counsell of the wise and ancient and to follow the rash and headstrong as Rehoboam did to his cost QUEST VII Why Moses is bid to take his rod. Vers. 5. ANd the rod wherewith thou smotest the river 1. Rab. Salomon to whom subscribeth Lyranus thinketh that Moses is bid to take the rod because some of the Israelites thought that rod had power onely to bring plagues as it did upon the Egyptians and not blessings but that was no reason for before this Moses used that rod in dividing the waters of the red sea to deliver the people of Israel out of the hand of their enemies which was a great blessing Tostat. 2. Therefore that was not the reason but because it pleased God to use this organe and instrument at this time Tostat. And to get Moses the greater authority with the people hee is bid to smite the rock with the rod whereas God could have brought forth the water without any such meanes Pelarg. And the Lord did it also to confirme the faith of the Elders when they saw this rod in the hand of Moses whereby he had wrought great wonders especially in the waters Simler 3. By the river and floud we are not to understand the sea but the river of Egypt which is here remembred because it was first of the Egyptian plagues and though Aaron smote the river and not Moses yet he is said to doe it because it was done by his direction Iun. Tostat. Aaron percussit authoritate mandato Mosis Aaron smote it by the authoritie and at the commandement of Moses August quast 64. in Exod. so also Lyran. QUEST VIII Whether it be all one storie of smiting the rock Exod. 17. and Num. 20. or divers FUrther whereas the like storie of bringing waters out of the rock is penned by Moses Numb 20. the question is whether it were one and the same act 1. Some thinke that in both places there is a narration of one and the same fact as Procopius upon this place with others of which opinion these may be the reasons 1. Because it would seeme strange if Moses had once before done the like that he would have doubted the second time as he doth Num. 20. 2. The people there object Wherefore hast thou brought us out of Egypt Whereas all of that generation were dead before that came out of Egypt they onely excepted which were then young 3. The name which Moses giveth to the place in both stories is the same namely Meribah Contra. 1. Moses might be doubtfull the second time in respect of the unworthinesse of the people fearing the Lord would not shew his power because of their unthankfulnesse and therefore he saith the Lord was angrie with him for their sakes Deut. 3.26 2. the offspring of those which were dead might so complaine because if their fathers had not come out of Egypt they had remained there still 3. The same name may be given unto divers places and yet herein there was a difference for the place in Rephidim was called both Massah and Meribah tentation and contention the other Meribah onely 2. Wherefore the sounder opinion is that these two stories were divers and that Moses smote the rocke two sundrie times which may appeare to be so by these reasons 1. The place was divers this striking of the rocke was done in Rephidim which was the 11. station Numb 33.14 but the other was in the desert of Sin the 33. station Numb 33.36 2. The time was divers this miracle was done in the first yeare after their departure out of Egypt the other in the 40. yeare for in the very next station Aaron died in the 5. moneth of the 40. yeare Numb 33.38 3. In the other storie Moses was somewhat doubtfull and therein displeased God and was reproved but here he is found firme and faithfull 4. Here he onely taketh the Elders with him but there the Lord biddeth him to gather together the whole congregation 5. This miracle was wrought by the rod wherewith Moses had wrought wonders in Egypt the other with Aarons rod that budded and was laid up before the Lord Numb 27. for Moses is said to have taken it from before the Lord Numb 20.9 Iun. By these reasons the stories appeare to be divers Simler Osiander QUEST IX Of the mount Choreb Vers. 6. I Will stand before thee upon the rocke in Hereb 1. Some take Horeb or Choreb to be the top of the mount Sinai but that cannot be for they were not yet come unto mount Sinai much lesse unto the top of the mount 2. Some thinke that Choreb and Sinai were all one but this was another place yet called by the same name Lyran. Tostat. But that this was the same Choreb which was called the mount of God chap. 3.1 appeareth in the next chap. vers 5. where it is said they camped by the mount of God 3. Some other thinke that Sinai was the name of the whole plaine or desert wherein there were many hils and mountains whereof Choreb was one Oleaster in 3. cap. Exod. But this opinion is controuled chap. 19.11 where the very hill it selfe is called mount Sinai 4. Therefore the more probable opinion is that all that hillie tract or circuite was called Choreb of the drines of the ground where Sinai was situate Iun. Or that hillie tract might beare the name of Choreb on the one side toward the West and the name Sinai toward the East Simler QUEST X. Whether the water out of the rock did still follow the Israelites Vers. 6. THou shalt smite the rocke and water shall come out of it The Apostle saith that the rocke followed them 1 Cor. 10 4. 1. Some thinke that this is spoken of Christ the spirituall rocke that did still accompanie them but the Apostle meaneth that rocke whereof they dranke which he called spirituall because it signified Christ. 2. Some will have the water of this rocke still to follow the Israelites to serve thrir necessarie use as Tertullian