whose highnesse arriuing the one and twentie of March the same Ambassadour the fiue and twentieth of March being the Annunciation of our Ladie the day tweluemoneth he tooke his leaue from the Emperour his master was most honourably brought to the King and Queenes maiesties court at Westminster where accompanied first with the said Uiscount and other notable personages and the merchants hee arriuing at Westminster bridge was there receiued with sixe lords conducted into a stately chamber where by the lords Chancellor Treasurer Priuie seale Admirall bishop of Elie and other Counsellers hee was visited and saluted and consequently was brought vnto the Kings and Queenes maiesties presence sitting vnder a stately cloth of honour the chamber most richly decked and furnished and most honourably presented Where after that hee had deliuered his letters made his Oration giuen two timber of Sables and the report of the same made both in English and Spanish in most louing maner embraced was with much honour and high entertainement in sight of a great confluence of people Lordes and Ladies eftsoones remitted by water to his former lodging to the which within two dayes after by the assignement of the King and Queenes maiesties repaired and conferred with him secretly two graue Counsellers that is the lord Bishop of Elie and Sir William Peter Knight chiefe Secretary to their Highnesse who after diuers secret talkes and conferences reported to their highnesse their proceedings the grauitie wisedome and stately behauiour of the sayd Ambassadour in such sort as was much to their maiesties contentations Finally concluding vpon such treaties and articles of amitie as the letters of the Kings and Queenes maiesties most graciously vnder the great seale of England to him by the sayd counsellers deliuered doth appeare The three and twentieth of April being the feast of S. George wherein was celebrated the solemnitie of the Noble order of the Garter at Westminster the same lord ambassadour was eftsoones required to haue audience and therefore conducted from the sayd lodging to the court by the right Noble the lords Talbot and Lumley to their maiesties presence where after his Oration made and thanks both giuen and receiued hee most honourably tooke his leaue with commendations to the Emperour Which being done he was with special honour led into the chappell where before the Kings and Queens maiesties in the sight of the whole Order of the Garter was prepared for him a stately seate wherein he accompanied with the Duke of Norfolke the lords last aboue mentioned and many other honorable personages was present at the whole seruice in ceremonies which were to him most acceptable the diuine seruice ended he eftsoones was remitted and reduced to his barge and so repaired to his lodging in like order and gratulation of the people vniuersally as before The time of the yeere hasting the profection and departure of the Ambassador the merchants hauing prepared foure goodly and well trimmed shippes laden with all kinds of merchandises apt for Russia the same Ambassadour making prouision for such things as him pleased the same ships in good order valed downe the Riuer of Thames from London to Grauesend where the same Ambassadour with his traine and furniture was imbarked towards his voyage homeward which God prosper in all felicitie It is also to be remembred that during the whole abode of the sayd Ambassadour in England the Agents of the sayde marchants did not onely prosecute and pursue the matter of restitution in Scotland and caused such things to be laden in an English shippe hired purposely to conuey the Ambassadours goods to London there to be deliuered to him but also during his abode in London did both inuite him to the Maior and diuers worshipfull mens houses feasting and banquetting him right friendly shewing vnto him the most notable and commendable sights of London as the kings palace and house the Churches of Westminster and Powles the Tower and Guild hall of London and such like memorable spectacles And also the said 29. day of April the said merchants assembling themselues together in the house of the Drapers hal of London exhibited and gaue vnto y e said Ambassador a notable supper garnished with musicke Enterludes and bankets in the which a cup of wine being drunke to him in the name and â—lieu of the whole companie it was signified to him that the whole company with most liberal and friendly hearts did frankly giue to him and his all maner of costs and charges in victuals riding from Scotland to London during his abode there and vntill setting of saile aboord the ship requesting him to accept the same in good part as a testimonie and witnes of their good hearts zeale and tendernesse towards him and his countrey It is to be considered that of the Bona Speranza no word nor knowledge was had at this present day nor yet of the arriuall of the ships or goods from Scotland The third of May the Ambassadour departed from London to Grauesend accompanied with diuers Aldermen and merchants who in good gard set him aboord the noble shippe the Primrose Admiral to the Fleete where leaue was taken on both sides and parts after many imbracements and diuers farewels not without expressing of teares Memorandum that the first day of May the Counsellers videlicet the Bishop of Elye and Sir William Peter on the behalfe of the Kings and Queenes Maiesties repairing to the lorde Ambassadour did not onely deliuer vnto him their highnes letters of recommendations vnder the great seale of England to the Emperour very tenderly and friendly written but also on their maiesties behalfe gaue and deliuered certaine notable presents to the Emperours person and also gifts for the lord Ambassadours proper vse and behoofe as by the particulars vnder written appeareth with such further good wordes and commendations as the more friendly haue not bin heard whereby it appeareth how well affected their hoâ—ours be to haue and continue amitie and traffique betweene their honours and their subiects which thing as the kings and Queenes maiesties haue shewed of their princely munificences liberalities so haue likewise the merchants and fellowship of the Aduenturers for and to Russia manifested to the world their good willes mindes and zeales â—orne to this new commensed voyage as by the discourse aboue mentioned and other the notable actes ouer long to be recited in this present memoriall doeth and may most clearely appeare the like whereof is not in any president or historie to bee shewed Forasmuch as it may bee doubted how the ship named the Edward Bonauenture suffered shipwracke what became of the goods howe much they were spoiled and deteined how little restored what charges and expenses ensued what personages were drowned how the rest of the ships either arriued or perished or howe the disposition of almightie God hath wrought his pleasure in them how the same ambassadour hath bene after the miserable case of shipwracke in Scotland vnreuerently abused and consequently into
To ende this matter let mee now I beseech you speake vnto your Lordship as in times past the elder Scipio spake to Cornelius Scipio Africanus Quò sis Africane alacrior ad tutandam Rempublicam sic habeto Omnibus qui patriam conseruauerint adiuuerint auxerint certum esse in coelo ac definitum locum vbi beati aeuo sempiterno fruantur It remaineth therefore that as your Lordship from time to time vnder her most gracious and excellent Maiestie haue shewed your selfe a valiant protectour a carefull conseruer and an happy enlarger of the honour and reputation of your Countrey so at length you may enioy those celestial blessings which are prepared to such as tread your steps and seeke to aspire to such diuine and heroical vertues And euen here I surcease wishing all temporal and spirituall blessings of the life present and that which is to come to be powred out in most ample measure not onely vpon your honourable Lordship the noble and vertuous Lady your bedfellow and those two rare iewels your generous off-springs but also vpon all the rest wheresoeuer of that your noble and renowmed family From London the 7. day of this present October 1598. Your honours most humble alwayes to be commanded Richard Hakluyt Preacher ¶ A preface to the Reader as touching the principall Voyages and discourses in this first part HAuing for the benefit and honour of my Countrey zealously bestowed so many yeres so much traueile and cost to bring Antiquities smothered and buried in darke silence to light and to preserue certaine memorable exploits of late yeeres by our English nation atchieued from the greedy and deuouring iawes of obliuion to gather likewise and as it were to incorporate into one body the torne and scattered limmes of our ancient and late Nauigations by Sea our voyages by land and traffiques of merchandise by both and hauing so much as in me lieth restored ech particular member being before displaced to their true ioynts and ligaments I meane by the helpe of Geographie and Chronologie which I may call the Sunne and the Moone the right eye and the left of all history referred ech particular relation to the due time and place I do this second time friendly Reader if not to satisfie yet at least for the present to allay and hold in suspense thine expectation presume to offer vnto thy view this first part of my threefold discourse For the bringing of which into this homely and rough-hewen shape which here thou seest what restlesse nights what painefull dayes what heat what cold I haue indured how many long chargeable iourneys I haue traueiled how many famous libraries I haue searched into what varietie of ancient and moderne writers I haue perused what a number of old records patents priuileges letters c. I haue redeemed from obscuritie and perishing into how manifold acquaintance I haue entred what expenses I haue not spared and yet what faire opportunities of priuate gaine preferment and ease I haue neglected albeit thy selfe canst hardly imagine yet I by daily experience do finde feele and some of my entier friends can sufficiently testifie Howbeit as I told thee at the first the honour and benefit of this Common weale wherein I liue and breathe hath made all difficulties seeme easie all paines and industrie pleasant and all expenses of light value and moment vnto me For to conteine my selfe onely within the bounds of this present discourse and in the midst thereof to begin wil it not in all posteritie be as great a renowme vnto our English nation to haue bene the first discouerers of a Sea beyond the North cape neuer certainly knowen before and of a conuenient passage into the huge Empire of Russia by the bay of S. Nicolas and the riuer of Duina as for the Portugales to haue found a Sea beyond the Cape of Buona Esperanza and so consequently a passage by Sea into the East Indies or for the Italians and Spaniards to haue discouered vnknowen landes so many hundred leagues Westward and Southwestward of the streits of Gibraltar of the pillers of Hercules Be it granted that the renowmed Portugale Vasquez de Gama trauersed the maine Ocean Southward of Africke Did not Richard Chanceler and his mates performe the like Northward of Europe Suppose that Columbus that noble and high-spirited Genuois escried vnknowen landes to the Westward of Europe and Africke Did not the valiant English knight sir Hugh Willoughby did not the famous Pilots Stephen Burrough Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman accoast Noua Zembla Colgoieue and Vaigatz to the North of Europe and Asia Howbeit you will say perhaps not with the like golden successe not with such deductions of Colonies nor attaining of conquests True it is that our successe hath not bene correspondent vnto theirs yet in this our attempt the vncertaintie of finding was farre greater and the difficultie and danger of searching was no whit lesse For hath not Herodotus a man for his time most skilfull and iudicial in Cosmographie who writ aboue 2000. yeeres ago in his 4. booke called Melpomene signified vnto the Portugales in plaine termes that Africa except the small Isthmus between the Arabian gulfe and the Mediterran sea was on all sides enuironed with the Ocean And for the further confirmation thereof doth he not make mention of one Neco an AEgyptian King who for trials sake sent a Fleet of Phoenicians downe the Red sea who setting forth in Autumne and sailing Southwardâ— till they had the Sunne at noonetide vpon their sterbourd that is to say hauing crossed the AEquinoctial and the Southerne tropique after a long Nauigation directed their course to the North and in the space of 3. yeeres enuironed all Africk passing home through the Gaditan streites and arriuing in AEgypt And doth not Plinie tel them that noble Hanno in the flourishing time and estate of Carthage sailed from Gades in Spaine to the coast of Arabia foelix and put downe his whole iournall in writing Doth he not make mention that in the time of Augustus Cesar the wracke of certaine Spanish ships was found â—loating in the Arabian gulfe And not to be ouer-tedious in alleaging of testimonies doth not Strabo in the 2. booke of his Geography together with Cornelius Nepos and Plinie in the place before named agree all in one that one Eudoxus fleeing â—rom king Lathyrus and valing downe the Arabian bay sailed along doubled the Southern point of Africk and at length arriued at Gades And what should I speake of the Spaniards Was not diuine Plato who liued so many ages ago and plainely described their West Indies vnder the name of Atlantis was not he I say in stead of a Cosmographer vnto them Were not those Carthaginians mentioned by Aristotle lib. de admirabil auscult their forerunners And had they not Columbus to stirre them vp and pricke them forward vnto their Westerne discoueries yea to be their chiefe loads-man and Pilot Sithens therefore these two worthy
of his subiects Of his age and demeanour and of his seale Chap. 28. THis Emperour when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres He was of a meane stature very wise and politike and passing serious and graue in all his demeanour A rare thing it was for a man to see him laugh or behaue himselfe lightly as those Christians report which abode continually with him Certaine Christians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs that he himselfe was about to become a Christian. A token and argument whereof was that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of the Christians Hee had likewise at all times a Chappell of Christians neere vnto his great Tent where the Clearkes like vnto other Christians and according to the custome of the Graecians doe sing publiquely and openly and ring belles at certaine houres bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars or of other people in presence And yet none of their Dukes doe the like It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke his owne selfe with a stranger though he be neuer so great but heareth and answeareth by a speaker And when any of his subiects howe great soeuer they bee are in propounding anie matter of importaunce vnto him or in hearing his answeare they continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their conference Neither is it lawfull for any man to speake of any affaires after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour The sayde Emperour hath in his affaires both publike and priuate an Agent and Secretary of estate with Scribes and all other Officials except aduocates For without the noyse of pleading or sentence giuing all things are done according to the Emperours will and pleasure Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which belong vnto thē But be it known vnto al men that whilest we remained at the said Emperors court which hath bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres the saide Cuyne being Emperor new elect together with al his princes erected a flag of defiance against the Church of God the Romane empire and against al Christian kingdomes and nations of the West vnlesse peraduenture which God forbid they will condescend vnto those things which he hath inoined vnto our lord the Pope to all potentates and people of the Christiās namely that they wil become obedient vnto him For except Christendom there is no land vnder heauē which they stand in feare of and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs. This Emperors father namely Occoday was poisoned to death which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from warre But their intent and purpose is as I haue aboue said to subdue the whole world vnto themselues as they were commanded by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth after this maner The power of God Emperour of all men Also vpon his seale there is this posie ingrauen God in heauen and Cuyne Can vpon earth the power of God the seale of the Emperour of all men Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours vnto the Emperour Chap. 29. IN the same place where the Emperour was established into his throne we were summoned before him And Chingay his chiefe secretary hauing written downe our names and the names of them that sent vs with the name of the Duke of Solangi of others cried out with a loude voice rehearsing the said names before the Emperour and the assembly of his Dukes Which beeing done ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times they gaue vs warning not to touch the threshold And after they had searched vs most diligently for kniues and could not find any about vs we entred in at the doore vpon the East side because no man dare presume to enter at the West doore but the Emperour onely In like maner euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West side into his tent Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly regard such ceremonies This therefore was the first time when we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence after he was created Emperour Likewise all other ambassadours were there receiued by him but very fewe were admitted into his tent And there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the saide Ambassadours that they seemed to be infinite namely in Samites robes of purple and of Baldakin cloth silke girdles wrought with golde and costly skinnes with other gifts also Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie or small tent which was to bee caried ouer the Emperours head presented vnto him being set full of precious stones And a gouernour of one Prouince brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins They had saddles also vpon their backs with certaine other instruments within the which were places for men to sitte vpon Also they brought many horses mules vnto him furnished w t trappers and caparisons some being made of leather◠and some of iron And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpō him or no But wee were not of abilitie so to doe hauing in a maner spent all our prouision There were also vpon an hill standing a good distance from the tents more then 500. carts which were all ful siluer and of gold and silke garments And they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes and euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him Of the place where the Emperor and his mother tooke their leaues one of another and of Ieroslaus Duke of Russia Chap. 30. DEparting thence we came vnto another place where a wonderfull braue tent all of red purple giuen by the Kythayans was pitched Wee were admitted into that also and alwaies when we entred there was giuen vnto vs ale and wine to drinke sodden flesh when we would to eate There was also a loftie stage built of boords where the Emperours throne was placed being very curiously wrought out of iuorie wherein also there was golde and precious stones and as we remember there were certain degrees or staires to ascend vnto it And it was round vpon the top There were benches placed about the saide throne whereon the ladies sate towarde the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles but none sate aloft on the right hande and the Dukes sate vpon benches below the said throne being in the midst Certaine others sate behinde the Dukes and euery day there resorted great companie of Ladies thither The three tents whereof we spake before were very large but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made of white felt This was the place where the Emperour parted companie with his mother for she went into one part of the land and the Emperour into another to execute iustice For there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour which had poysoned his father
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
and get the charitie of well disposed people But being at libertie they get nothing The poore is very innumerable and liue most miserably for I haue seene them eate the pickle of Hearring and other stinking fish nor the fish cannot be so stinking nor rotten but they will eate it and praise it to be more wholesome then other fish or fresh meate In mine opinion there be no such people vnder the sunne for their hardnesse of liuing Well I will leaue them in this poynt and will in part declare their Religion They doe obserue the lawe of the Greekes with such excesse of superstition as the like hath not bene heard of They haue no grauen images in their Churches but all painted to the intent they will not breake the commandement but to their painted images they vse such idolatrie that the like was neuer heard of in England They will neither worship nor honour any image that is made forth of their owne countrey For their owne images say they haue pictures to declare what they be and howe they be of God and so be not ours They say Looke how the Painter of Caruer hath made them so we doe worship them and they worship none before they be Christened They say we be but halfe Christians because we obserue not part of the olde law with the Turks Therefore they call themselues more holy then vs. They haue none other learning but their mother tongue nor will suffer no other in their countrey among them All their seruice in Churches is in their mother tongue They haue the olde and newe Testament which are daily read among them and yet their superstition is no lesse For when the Priests doe reade they haue such tricks in their reading that no man can vnderstand them nor no man giueth eare to them For all the while the Priest readeth the people sit downe and one talke with another But when the Priest is at seruice no man sitteth but gagle and ducke like so many Geese And as for their prayers they haue but little skill but vse to say As bodi pomele As much to say Lord haue mercy vpon me For the tenth man within the land cannot say the Pater noster And as for the Creede no man may be so bolde as to meddle therewith but in the Church for they say it shoulde not bee spoken of but in the Churches Speake to them of the Cōmandements and they wil say they were giuen to Moses in the law which Christ hath nowe abrogated by his precious death and passion therefore say they we obserue little or none thereof And I doe beleeue them For if they were examined of their Lawe and Commaundements together they shoulde agree but in fewe poynts They haue the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in both kindes and more ceremonies then wee haue They present them in a dish in both kindes together and carrie them rounde about the Church vpon the Priestes head and so doe minister at all such times as any shall require They bee great offerers of Candles and sometimes of money which wee call in England Soule pense with more ceremonies then I am able to declare They haue foure Lents in the yeere whereof our Lent is the greatest Looke as we doe begin on the Wednesday so they doe on the Munday before And the weeke before that they call The Butter weeke And in that weeke they eate nothing but Butter and milke Howbeit I beleeue there bee in no other countrey the like people for drunkennesse The next Lent is called Saint Peters Lent and beginneth alwayes the Munday next after Trinitie sunday and endeth on Saint Peters euen If they should breake that fast their beliefe is that they should not come in at heauen gates And when any of them die they haue a testimoniall with them in the Coffin that when the soule commeth to heauen gates it may deliuer the same to Saint Peter which declareth that the partie is a true and holy Russian The third Lent beginneth fifteene dayes before the later Lady day and endeth on our Lady Eeuen The fourth Lent beginneth on Saint Martins day and endeth on Christmas Eeuen which Lent is fasted for Saint Philip Saint Peter Saint Nicholas and Saint Clement For they foure be the principall and greatest Saints in that countrey In these Lents they eate neither Butter Egges Milke nor Cheese but they are very straitely kept with Fish Cabbages and Rootes And out of their Lents they obserue truely the Wednesdayes and Fridayes throughout the yeere and on the Saturday they doe eate flesh Furthermore they haue a great number of Religious men which are blacke Monks and they eate no flesh throughout the yeere but fish milke and Butter By their order they should eate no fresh-fish and in their Lents they eate nothing but Coleworts Cabbages salt Cowcumbers with other rootes as Radish and such like Their drinke is like our peny Ale and is called Quass They haue seruice daily in their Churches and vse to goe to seruice two houres before day and that is ended by day light At nine of the clocke they goe to Masse that ended to dinner and after that to seruice againe and then to supper You shall vnderstand that at euery dinner and supper they haue declared the exposition of the Gospel that day but howe they wrest and twine the Scripture and that together by report it is wonderfull As for whoredome and drunkennesse there be none such liuing and for extortion they be the most abhominable vnder the sunne Nowe iudge of their holinesse They haue twise as much land as the Duke himselfe hath but yet hee is reasonable eeuen with them as thus When they take bribes of any of the poore and simple he hath it by an order When the Abbot of any of of their houses dieth then the Duke hath all his goods moueable and vnmoueable so that the successour buieth all at the Dukes hands and by this meane they be the best Fermers the Duke hath Thus with their Religion I make an ende trusting hereafter to know it better To the right worshipfull and my singular good Vncle Master Christopher Frothingham giue these Sir Reade and correct For great is the defect The Testimonie of M. Richard Eden in his Decades concerning the Booke following AND whereas saith he I haue before made mention howe Moscouie was in our time discouered by Richard Chanceler in his voyage toward Cathay by the direction and information of M. Sebastian Cabota who long before had this secret in his minde I shall not neede here to describe that voyage forasmuch as the same is largely and faithfully written in the Latine tongue by that learned yong man Clement Adams schoolemaster to the Queenes henshmen as he receiued it at the mouth of the said Richard Chanceler The newe Nauigation and discouerie of the kingdome of Moscouia by the Northeast in the yeere 1553 Enterprised by Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight and perfourmed by Richard Chancelor
there grewe question by their double demand So in April Anno 1560. before my comming from Moscouia they obtained trial by combat or letter to haue their summe double or as I proffered 600 robles For combatte I was prouided of a strong willing Englishman Robert Best one of the companies seruants whome the Russes with their Champion refused So that we had the words of our priuiledge put in effect which were to draw lots The day and maner of triall appointed by the Emperour at his castle in his palace and high Court of Moscouia was thus The Emperours two Treasurers being also Chancelours and chiefe Iudges sate in court They appointed officers to bring me mine interpreter the other through the great presse within the rayle or barre and permitted me to sit downe some distance from them the aduerse parties being without at the barre Both parties were first perswaded with great curtesie to wit I to enlarge mine offer and the Russes to mitigate their challenge Notwithstanding that I protested my conscience to be cleere and their gaine by accompt to bee sufficient yet of gentlenes at the magistrates request I made proffer of 100 robles more which was openly commended but of the plaintifes not accepted Then sentence passed with our names in two equall balles of waxe made and holden vp by the Iudges their sleeues stripped vp Then with standing vp and wishing well to the trueth attributed to him that should be first drawen by both consents among the multitude they called a tall gentleman saying Thou with such a coate or cap come vp where roome with speede was made He was commanded to hold his cappe wherein they put the balles by the crowne vpright in sight his arme not abasing With like circumspection they called at aduenture another tall gentleman commanding him to strip vp his right sleeue and willed him with his bare arme to reach vp and in Gods name seuerally to take out the two balles which he did deliuering to either Iudge one Then with great admiration the lotte in ball first taken out was mine which was by open sentence so pronounced before all the people and to be the right and true parte The chiefe plaintifes name was Sheray Costromitsky I was willed forthwith to pay the plaintifes the summe by me appointed Out of which for their wrong or sinne as it was termed they payd tenne in the hundred to the Emperor Many dayes after as their maner is the people tooke our nation to be true and vpright dealers and talked of this iudgement to our great credite Note The former letters dated 1558 1559 and 1560 should all followe M. Ienkinsons voyage to Boghar The first voyage made by Master Anthonie Ienkinson from the Citie of London toward the land of Russia begun the twelfth of May in the yeere 1557. FIrst by the grace of God the day and yeere aboue mentioned I departed from the sayd Citie and the same day at Grauesend embarked my selfe in a good shippe named the Primerose being appointed although vnworthy chiefe captaine of the same and also of the other 3 good ships to say the Iohn Euangelist the Anne and the Trinitie hauing also the conduct of the Emperour of Russia his ambassadour named Osep Nepea Gregoriwich who passed with his company in the sayde Primerose And thus our foure tall shippes being well appointed aswell for men as victuals as other necessarie furniture the saide twelfth day of the moneth of May we weyed our ankers and departed from the saide Grauesend in the after nâ—one and plying downe the Thames the wind being Easterly and fayre weather the 13 day we came a ground with the Primerose vpon a sand called the blacke taile where we sate fâ—st vntill the 14 day in the morning and then God be praysed she came off and that day we plyed downe as farre as our Ladie of Holland and there came to an anker the wind being Easterly there remayned vntill the 20 day then we weyed and went out at Goldmore gate and from thence in at Balsey liade and so into Orwel wands where we came to an anker but as we came out at the sayd Goldemore gate the Trinitie came on ground on certaine rockes that lye to the Northward of the said gate and was like to be bilged and lost But by the aide of God at the last she came off againe being very leake and the 21 day the Primerose remaining at an anker in the wandsâ— the other three shippes bare into Orwel hauen where I caused the sayd Trinitie to be grounded searched and repaired So we remayned in the said hauen vntill the 28 day and then the winde being Westerly the three shippes that were in the hauen weyed and came forth and in comming forth the Iohn Enangelist came on ground vpon a sand called the Andros where she remained one tide and the next full sea she came off againe without any great hurt God be praised The 29 day in the morning all foure ships weied in the Wands and that tide went as farre as Orfordnesse where we came to an anker because the wind was Northerly And about sixe of the clock at night the wind vered to the Southwest and we weyed anker and bare cleere of the nesse and then set our course Northeast by North vntill midnight being then cleare of Yarmouth sands Then we winded North and by West and Northnorthwest vntill the first of Iune at noone then it waxed calme and continued so vntill the second day at noone then the winde came at Northwest with a tempest and much raine and we lay close by and caped Northnortheast and Northeast and by North as the winde shifted and so continued vntill the third day at noone then the wind vered Westerly againe and we went North our right course and so continued our way vntill the fourth day at three of the clocke in the afternoone at which time the wind vered to the Northwest againe and blew a fresh gale and so continued vntill the seuenth day in the morning we lying with all our shippes close by and caping to the Northwards and then the wind vering more Northerly we were forced to put roomer with the coast of England againe and fell ouerthwart Newcastle but went not into the hauen so plied vpon the coast the eight day the ninth The tenth day the winde came to the Northnorthwest we were forced to beare roomer with Flamborow head where we came to an anker and there remained vntill the seuenteenth day Then the winde came faire and we weyed and set our course North and by East and so continued the same with a mery winde vntill the 21 at noone at which time we tooke the sunne and had the latitude in sixty degrees Then we shifted our course and went Northnortheast and Northeast and by North vntil the 25 day Then we discouered certaine Islands called Heilick Islands lying from vs Northeast being in the latitude of sixtie
yet further desiring and also most earnestly requiring you as you tender the state of our company that you will haue a speciall regard vnto the order of our houses our seruants aswell at Colmogro and Vologda as at Mosco and to see and consider if any misorder be amongst our seruants or apprentises wherby you thinke we might hereafter be put to hinderance or losse of any part of our goods or priuilege there that you doe not onely see the same reformed but also to certifie vs thereof by your letter at large as our trust is in you And for the better knowledge to be had in the prices and goodnes of such things as we do partly suppose you shall finde in the partes of Russia we doe heerewith deliuer you a quantitie of certeine drugges wherby you may perceiue how to know the best and also there are noted the prices of such wares and drugges as be heere most vendible also we deliuer you heerewith one pound and one ounce weight in brasse to the end that you may therby with the bill of prices of wares know what things be worth here As for the knowledge of silks we need not to giue you any instructions thereof other then you know And if you vnderstand that any commoditie in Russia be profitable for vs to haue with you into Persia or other places our minde is that our Agents shall either prouide it for you or deliuer you money to make prouision yourselfe And because the Russes say that in traueiling Eastwardes from Colmogro thirty or forty dayes iourney there is the maine sea to be found we thinke that Richard Iohnson might imploy his time that way by land and to be at Mosco time enough to goe with you into Persia for if it be true that he may trauell to the sea that way and that he may know how many miles it is towards the East from Colmogro it will be a great helpe for vs to finde out the straight and passage that way if any be there to be had Gouernors William Gerard. Thomas Lodge William Merike Blase Sanders A compendioâ—s and briefe declaration of the iourney of M. Anth. Ienkinson from the famous citie of London into the land of Persia passing in this same iourney thorow Russia Moscouia and Mare Caspium aliâs Hircanum sent and imployed therein by the right worshipfull Societie of the Merchants Aduenturers for discouerie of Lands Islands c. Being begun the foureteenth day of May Anno 1561 and in the third yere of the reigne of the Queenes Maiestie that now is this present declaration being directed and written to the foresayd Societie FIrst imbarking my selfe in a good shippe of yours named the Swallow at Grauesend hauing a faire and good winde our anker then weyed and committing all to the protection of our God hauing in our sailing diuersitie of windes thereby forced to direct and obserue sundry courses not here rehearsed because you haue bene thereof heretofore amply informed on the fourteenth day of Iuly the yere aforesayd I arriued in the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia and the sixe and twentieth day of the same moneth after conference then had with your Agents there concerning your worships affaires I departed from thence passing thorow the countrey of Vago and on the eight day of August then following I came to Vologda which is distant from Colmogro seuen hundred miles where I remained foure dayes attending the arriuall of one of your boats wherein was laden a chest of iewels with the present by your worships appointed for the Emperors Maiesty which being arriued and the chest receiued I therewith departed toward the city of Mosco and came thither the twentith day of the same moneth where I immediatly caused my comming to be signified vnto the Secretary of the Imperiall Maiesty with the Queenes Highnesse letters addressed vnto the same his Maiestie who informed the Emperour thereof But his Highnesse hauing great affaires and being at that present ready to be married vnto a Ladie of Chircassi of the Mahometicall law commanded that no stranger Ambassadour nor other should come before him for a time with further streight charge that during the space of three dayes that the same solemne feast was celebrating the gates of the citie should be shut and that no person stranger or natiue certeine of his houshold reserued should come out of their said houses during the said triumph the cause thereof vnto this day not being knowen The sixt of September following the Emperour made a great feast whereunto were called all Ambassadours and strangers being of reputation and hauing affaires amongst whom I was one but being willed by the Secretary first to come and to shew him the Queenes Maiesties letters I refused so to doe saying I would deliuer the same vnto the Emperours owne hands and not otherwise which heard the Secretarie answered that vnlesse he might first peruse the sayd letters I should not come into the Emperors presence so that I was not at the feast Neuerthelesse I was aduertised by a noble man that I was inquired for by the Emperours Maiestie although the cause of my absence was to his Maiestie vnknowen The next day following I caused a supplication to be made and presented it to his Highnesse owne hands and thereby declared the cause of my comming signified by the Queenes Maiesties letters and the answere of his sayd Secretary most humbly beseeching his Grace that he would receiue and accept the same heâ— Highnesse letters with such honour and friendship as his letters sent by Osep Napea were receiued by the hands of our late Souereigne Lady Queene Mary or els that it would please his Highnes to dismisse me saying that I would not deliuer the said letters but vnto his owne hands for that it is so vsed in our countrey Thus the matter being pondered and the effect of my supplication well disgested I was foorthwith commaunded to come with the said letters before his Maiestie and so deliuered the same into his owne hands with such presents as by you were appointed according to my request which were gratefully accepted the same day I dined in his Graces presence with great entertainment Shortly after I desired to know whether I should be licenced to passe thorow his Highnesse dominions into the land of Persia according to the Queenes Maiesties request hereunto it was answered that I should not passe thither for that his Maiestie meant to send an armie of men that way into the land of Chircassi whereby may iourney should be both dangerous troublesome and that if I should perish thereinâ— it would be much to his Graces dishonour but he doubted other matters although they were not expressed Thus hauing receiued his answere neither to my expectation nor yet contentation and there remaining a good part of the yere hauing in that time solde the most part of your kersies and other wares appointed for Persia when the time
wood Wherof the prouidēce of God hath giuen them such store as that you may build a faire house for 20. or 30. rubbles or litle more where wood is most scant The greatest inconuenience of their wodden building is the aptnesse for firing which happeneth very oft in very fearful sort by reason of the drinesse and fatnes of the fir that being once fired burneth like a torch is hardly quenched til all be burnt vp Of the maner of Crowning or Inauguration of the Russe Emperours THe solemnities vsed at y e Russe Emperors coronation are on this maner In the great church of Precheste or our Lady within the Emperors castle is erected a stage whereon standeth a scrine that beareth vpon it the Imperial cap robe of very rich stuffe When the day of the Inauguratiō is come there resort thither first the Patriarch w t the Metropolitanes archbishops bishops abbots and priors al richly clad in their pontificalibus Then enter the Deacons with the quier of singers Who so soone as the Emperor setteth foot into y e church begin to sing Many yeres may liue noble Theodore Iuanowich c Whereunto the patriarch and Metropolite with the rest of the cleargy answere with a certaine hymne in forme of a praier singing it altogether with a great noise The hymne being ended the patriarch with the Emperor mount vp the stage where standeth a seat ready for the Emperor Whereupon the patriarch willeth him to sit downe then placing himself by him vpō another seat prouided for y e purpose boweth downe his head towards y e ground and saith this prayer Oh Lord God king of kings Lord of lords which by thy prophet Samuel didst chose thy seruant Dauid annoynt him for King ouer thy people Israel heare now our prayer looke frō thy sanctuary vpon this thy seruant Theodore whom thou hast chosen and exalted for king ouer these thy holy natiōs anoint him with the oile of gladnes protect by thy power put vpon his head a crowne of gold precious stones giue him length of dayes place him in the seat of Iustice strēgthen his arme make subiect vnto him all the barbarous nations Let thy feare be in his whole heart turne him from an euill faith and all errour and shewe him the saluation of thy holy and vniuersal Church that he may iudge thy people with Iustice protect the children of the poore finally atteine euerlasting life This prayer he speaketh with a low voice then pronounceth aloud Al praise and power to God the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost The prayer being ended he commandeth certaine Abbots to reach the imperiall roabe cap which is done very decently and with great solemnitie the Patriarch withal pronouncing aloud Peace be vnto all And so he beginneth another prayer to this effect Bow your selues together with vs and pray to him that reigneth ouerall Preserue him oh Lord vnder thy holy protection keepe him that hee may doe good and holy things let Iustice shine forth in his dayes that we may liue quietly without strife and malice This is pronounced somewhat softly by the Patriarch whereto hee addeth againe aloud Thou art the king of the whole world and the sauiour of our soules to thee the Father Sonne and Holy ghost be al praise for euer and euer Amen Then putting on the roabe and the cap he blesseth the Emperour with the signe of the crosse saying withall In the name of the Father the Sonne and the Holy ghost The like is done by the Metropolites Archbishops and Bishops who all in their order come to the chaire and one after another blesse the Emperour with their two forefingers Then is sayd by the Patriarch another prayer that beginneth O most holy virgin mother of God c. After which a Deacon pronounceth with a loude voice Many yeres to noble Theodore good honourable beloued of God great Duke of Volodemer of Mosco Emperour and Monarch of all Russia c. Whereto the other Priests and Deacons that stand somewhat farre of by the altar or table answere singing Many yeres many yeres to the noble Theodore The same note is taken vp by the Priests and Deacons that are placed at the right and left side of the Church and then altogether they chaunt and thunder out singing Many yeares to the noble Theodore good honourable beloued of God great Duke of Volodomer Mosco Emperour of all Russia c. These solemnities being ended first commeth the Patriarch with the Metropolites Archbishops and Bishops then the Nobility and the whole company in their order to doe homage to the Emperour bending downe their heads and knocking them at his feete to the very ground The stile wherewith he is inuested at his Coronation runneth after this maner THeodore Iuanowich by the grace of God great Lord and Emperour of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan King of Astracan Lord of Plesco and great duke of Smolensco of Twerria Ioughoria Permia Vadska Bulghoria and others Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod of the Low countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotskoy Rostoue Yaruslaueley Bealozera Leifland Oudoria Obdoria and Condensa Commander of all Siberia and of the North parts and Lord of many other Countries c. This stile conteineth in it all the Emperours Prouinces and setteth foorth his greatnesse And therefore they haue a great delight and pride in it forcing not onely their owne people but also strangers that haue any matter to deliuer to the Emperour by speech or writing to repeate the whole forme from the beginning to the end Which breedeth much cauill and sometimes quarell betwixt them and the Tartar and Poland Ambassadours who refuse to call him Czar that is Emperor and to repeate the other parts of his long stile My selfe when I had audience of the Emperour thought good to salute him only with thus much vz. Emperour of all Russia great Duke of Volodomer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan King of Astracan The rest I omitted of purpose because I knew they gloried to haue their stile appeare to be of a larger volume then the Queenes of England But this was taken in so ill part that the Chancelour who then attended the Emperour with the rest of the nobility with aloude chasing voice called still vpon me to say out the rest Whereto I answered that the Emperors stile was very long and could not so well be remembred by strangers that I had repeated so much of it as might shew that I gaue honour to the rest c. But all would not serue till I commanded my interpreter to say it all out Their forces for the wars with the chief officers and their salaries THe Souldiers of Russia are called Sinaboyarskey or the sons of Gentlemen because they are all of that degree by vertue of their military profession For euery souldier in Russia is a gentleman and none are gentlemen but only the souldiers that take it
Russia who was most vnwilling to receiue the kingdome but the people would make no other choise nor haue any other So that with much adoe and entreatie it hath pleased his Maiestie to take vpon him the kingdome and he is absolute Emperor to him and his heires And certainly God hath done much for this Countrey and hath made the people greatly happy in that he hath prouided and appointed so famous and worthy a Prince whose excellent gouernment and experience these foureteene yeeres hath bene manifest to all Russia God graunt his highnesse a most prosperous and long raigne with his Lady the Empresse the Prince his sonne and the Princesse his daughter All men do reioyce both Russe and strangers for this most famous Emperour The Coronation is thought shal be on the Assension day next til which time I cannot depart from Mosco which is a litle before the time that ordinarily I doe take my iourney from hence And touching his Maiesties fauour towards me on your behalfe especially for her Maiesties sake as in foretime it was extraordinary and so specially shewed to mee as to none the like so hath his highnesse promised the continuance thereof with further fauour as shal be desired Whereof I haue no doubt for dayly I do finde the same A learned Epistle written 1581. vnto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator concerning the riuer Pechora Naramsay Cara reca the mighty riuer of Ob the place of Yaks Olgush in Siberia the great riuer Ardoh the lake of Kittay called of the borderers Paraha the Countrey of Carrah Colmak giuing good light to the discouery of the Northeast passage to Cathay China and the Malucaes ¶ Inclyto celebri Gerardo Mercatori domino amico singulari in manus proprias Duisburgi in Cliuia CVm meminissem amice optime quanta cum vnà ageremus delectatione afficerere in legendis Geographicis scriptis Homeri Strabonis Aristotelis Plinij Dionis reliquorum laetatus sum eo quod incidissem in hunc nuncium qui tibi has literas tradit quem tibi commendatum esse valde cupio quique dudum Arusburgi hîc ad Ossellam fluuium appulit Hominis experientia vt mihi quidem videtur multum te adiuuerit in re vna eaque summis à te votis expetita magnopere elaborata de qua tam varie inter se dissentiunt Cosmographi recentiores patefactione nimirum ingentis illius Promontorij Tabin celebrisque illius opulente regionis sub Cathayorum rege per Oceanum ad Orientem brumalem Alferius is est natione Belga qui captiuus aliquot annos vixit in Moscouitarum ditione apud viros illic celeberrimos Yacouium Vnekium à quibus Antuerpiam missus est accersitum homines rei nautice peritos qui satis amplo proposito premio ad illos viros se recipiant qui Sueuo artifice duas ad cam patefactionem naues edificarunt in Duina fluuio Vt ille rem proponit quamquam sine arte apposite tamen vt satis intelligas quod queso diligenter perpendas aditus ad Cathayam per Orientem proculdubio breuissimus est admoduÌ„ expeditus Adijtipse fluuiuÌ„ Obam tum terra per SamoedoruÌ„ SibericoruÌ„ regionem tum mari per littus Pechorae fluminis ad Orientem Hac experientia confirmatus certò apud se statuit nauim mercibus onustaÌ„ cuius carinaÌ„ non nimiuÌ„ profundè demissam esse vult in SinuÌ„ S. Nicolai conducere in regione MoscouitaruÌ„ instructam illaÌ„ quidem rebus omnibus ad eam patefactionem necessarijs atque illic redintegrato commeatu Moscouiticae nationis notissimos iusta mercede asciscere qui Samoedicam linguam pulchre teneant fluuium Ob exploratum habeant vt qui quotannis ea loca ventitant Vnde Maio exeunte constituit pergere ad Orientem per continentem Vgoriae ad Orientales partes Pechorae Insulam que cui nomen est Dolgoia Hic latitudines obseruare terram describere bolidem demittere locorumque ac punctorum distantias annotare vbi quoties licebit Et quoniam Pechorae Sinus vel euntibus vel redeuntibus commodissimus est tum subsidij tum diuersorij locus propter glaciem tempestates diem impendere decreuit cognoscendis vadis facillimoque nauium aditu inueniendo quo loco antehac aquarum altitudinem duntaxat ad quinque pedes inuenit sed profundiores canales esse non dubitat deinde per eos fines pergere ad tria quatuorve milliaria nautica relicta Insula quà m Vaigats vocant media ferè via inter Vgoriam Nouam Zemblam tum Sinum quendam praeterire inter Vaigats atque Obam qui per Meridiem vergens pertingit ad terram Vgoriae in quem confluunt exigui duo amnes Marmesia atque Carah ad quos amnes gens alia Samoedorum accolit immanis efferata Multa in eo tractu loca vadosa multas cataractas inuenit sed tamen per quas possit Nauigari Vbi ad fluuium Obam peruentum fuerit qui quidem fluuius vt referunt Samoedi septuaginta habet ostia quae propter ingentem latitudinem multas magnasque concludentem Insulas quas varij iucolunt populi vix quisquam animaduertat ne temporis nimium impendat constituit ad summum tria quatuorve tentare ora ea praeserim quae ex consilio Incolarum quos in itinere aliquot habiturus est commodissima videbuntur triaque quatuorve eius regionis nauigiola tentandis Ostijs adhibere quà m fieri potest ad littus proxime quod quidem sub itinere trium dierum incolitur vt quo loco tutissime nauigari possit intelligat Quod si nauim per fluuium Obam aduerso amne possit impellere prima si poterit cataracta eaque vt verisimile est commodissima ad eumque locum appellere quem aliquando ipse cum suis aliquot per Sibericorum regionem terra adijt qui duodecim iuxra dierum itinere distat à Mâ—ri quà influit in mare flumen Ob qui locus est in continente propè fluuium Ob cui nomen est Yaks Olgush nomine mutuato ab illo magno Profluente flumini Ob illabente tum certè speraret maximas se difficultates superasse Referunt enim illic populares qui trium duntaxat dierum nauigatione ab eo loco abfuerunt quòd illic rarum est eo quòd multi ad vnum duntaxat diem cymbas pelliceas à littore propellentes oborta tempestate perierunt cùm neque à sole neque à syderibus rectionem scirent petere per transuersum fluminis Ob vnde spaciosum esse illius latitudinem constat grandes se catinas praeciosis onustas mercibus magno fluuio delatas vidisse per Nigros puta AEthiopes Eum fluuium Ardoh illi vocant qui influit in lacum Kittayum quem Pataha illi nominant cui contermina est gens illa latissimè
will graunt my desire and that hee will not enter into the sea till I come againe to him Wherefore sirs I pray you in the instance of loue and peace to conuey me to speake with the King for I desire greatly to see him or else yee that be his Uncles if ye haue authoritie to giue me answere to all my demaunds Then the Earle of Buckingham sayd syr king of Armenia we be ordayned here to keepe and defend this passage and the frontiers of England by the King and his Counsell and wee haue no charge to meddle any further with the businesse of the Realme without we be otherwise commanded by the King But sith ye be come for a good inâ—ent into this Countrey ye be right welcome but sir as for any firme answere ye can haue none of vs for as now we be noâ— of the Councell but we shall conuey you to the king without perill or danger The king thanked them and said I desire nothing else but to see the king and to speake with him How the King of Armenia returned out of England and of the answere that was made to him WHen the king of Armenia was refreshed at Douer a day and had spoken with the kings Uncles at good leasure then he departed towards London with a good conduct that the Lords appointed to him for feare of any recounters so long he rode that he came to London and in his ryding through London he was well regarded because he was a stranger and he had good cheare made him and so was brought to the king who lay at the Royall at the Queenes wardrobe and his Councell were in London at their lodgings The Londoners were sore fortefying of their citie When the comming of the king of Armenia was knowen the kings Councell drew to the King to heare what tydings the King brought in that troublous season When the king of Armenia was come into the kings presence he made his salutation and then beganne his processe to the states how he was come out of France principally to see the king of England whoÌ„ he had neuer seene before said how he was right ioyous to be in his presence trusting that some goodnesse might come thereby And there he shewed by his words that to withstande the great pestilence that was likely to be in England therefore he was come of his owne goodwill to doe good therein if he might not sent from the French king willing to set some accorde and peace betweene the two Realmes England and France Many faire pleasant words the king of Armenia spake to the king of England and to his Counsell then he was shortly answered thus Syr king ye be welcome into this Realme for the king our Soueraigne lord and all we are glad to see you here but sir we say that the king hath not here all his Councell but shortly they shall be here and then ye shall be answered The king of Armenia was content therewith and so returned to his lodging Within foure dayes after the king was counselled and I thinke he had sent to his Uncles to know their intents but they were not present at the answere giuing to goe to the pallace at Westminster and his Councell with him such as were about him and to send for the king of Armenia to come thither And when he was come into the presence of the king of England and his Councell the king sate downe and the king of Armenia by him and then the Prelates and other of his Councell There the king of Armenia rehearsed againe his requestes that he made and also shewed wisely how all Christendome was sore decayed and feeblished by occasion of the warres betweene England and France And how that all the knights and Squires of both Realmes entended nothing else but alwayes to be on the one part or of the other whereby the Empire of Constantinople leeseth and is like to leese for before this warre the Knights and Squires were wont to aduenture themselues And also the king of Armenia shewed that by occasion of this warre he had lost his Realme of Armenia therefore he desired for Gods sake that there might be some treaty of peace had betweene the two Realmes England and France To these wordes answered the Archbishop of Canterburie for he had charge so to doe And he sayd Sir king of Armenia it is not the manner nor neuer was seene betweene two such enemies as the king of England and the French king that the king my Souereigne lorde should be required of peace and he to enter his land with a puissant army wherefore sir we say to you that if it please you ye may returne to the French king and cause him and all his puissance to returne backe into their owne countreys And when euery man be at home then if it please you ye may returne againe hither and then we shall gladly intende to your treatie This was all the answere the king of Armenia could get there and so he dined with the king of England and had as great honour as could bee deuised and the king offered him many great gifts of golde and siluer but he would take none though he had neede thereof but alonely a ring to the value of a hundreth Frankes After dinner he tooke his leaue and returned vnto his lodging and the next day departed and was two dayes at Douer and there he tooke his leaue of such lords as were there and so tooke the sea in a passager and arriued at Calais and from thence went to Sluce and there he spake with the French king and with his Uncles and shewed them how he had bene in England and what answere he had the French king and his Uncles tooke no regard of his saying but sent him backe againe into France for their full intention was to enter into England as soone as they might haue winde and weather and the Duke of Berrie and the Constable came to them The winde was sore contrary to them for therewith they could neuer enter into England but the winde was good to goe into Scotland The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England to Tunis in Barbarie with an army of Englishmen written by Polidore Virgill pag. 1389. FRranci interim per inducias nacti ocium ac simul Genuensium precibus defatigari bellum in Afros qui omnem oram insulasque Italiae latrocinijs infestas reddebant suscipiunt Richardus quoque rex Angliae rogatus auxilium mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicae pubis manu ad id bellum faciendum Igitur Franci Anglique viribus animis consociatis in AfricaÌ„ traijciunt qui vbi littus attigere eatenùs à Barbaris desceÌ„sione prohibiti sunt quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute factum est vt aditus pateret in terram egressi recta Tunetam vrbem regiam petunt ac obsident Barbari timore affecti
ground if a stranger meete one of them he will surely thinke by the state that she goeth with that he meeteth a Lady I departed from this Citie of Venice vpon Midsommer day being the foure and twentieth of Iune and thinking that the ship would the next day depart I stayed and lay a shippeboord all night and we were made beleeue from time to time that we should this day and that day depart but we caried still till the fourteenth of Iuly and then with scant winde wee set sayle and sayled that day and that night not aboue fiftie Italian miles and vpon the sixteene day at night the winde turned flat contrary so that the Master knewe not what to doe and about the fift houre of the night which we reckon to be about one of the clocke after midnight the Pilot descried a saile and at last perceiued it to be a Gallie of the Turkes whereupon we were in great feare The Master being a wise fellowe and a good sayler beganne to deuise howe to escape the danger and to loose litle of our way and while both he and all of vs were in our dumps God sent vs a merry gale of winde that we ranne threescore and tenne leagues before it was twelue a clocke the next day and in sixe dayes after we were seuen leagues past Zante And vpon Munday morning being the three and twentie of the same moneth we came in the sight of Candia which day the winde came contrary with great blasts and stormes vntill the eight and twentie of the same moneth in which time the Mariners cried out vpon me because I was an Englishman sayd I was no good Christian and wished that I were in the middest of the Sea saying that they and the shippe were the worse for me I answered truely it may well be for I thinke my selfe the worst creature in the worlde and consider you your selues also as I doe my selfe and then vse your discretion The Frier preached and the sermon being done I was demaunded whether I did vnderstand him I answered yea and tolde the Frier himselfe thus you saide in your sermon that we were not all good Christians or else it were not possible for vs to haue such weather to which I answered be you well assured that we are not indeede all good Christians for there are in the ship some that hold very vnchristian opinions so for that time I satisfied him although they said that I would not see when they said the procession and honoured their images and prayed to our Lady and S. Marke There was also a Gentleman an Italian which was a passenger in the ship and he tolde me what they said of me because I would not sing Salue Regina and Aue Maria as they did I told them that they that praied to so many or sought helpe of any other then of God the Father or of Iesus Christ his onely sonne goe a wrong way to worke and robbed God of his honour and wrought their owne destructions All this was told the Friers but I heard nothing of it in three daies after and then at euening prayer they sent the purser about with the image of our Lady to euery one to kisse I perceiuing it went another way from him and would not see it yet at last he fetched his course about so that he came to me offered it to me as he did to others but I refused it whereupon there was a great stirre the patron and all the friers were told of it and euery one saide I was a Lutheran and so called me but two of the friers that were of greatest authoritie seemed to beare mee better good will then the rest and trauelled to the patron in my behalfe and made all well againe The second day of August we arriued in Cyprus at a towne called Missagh the people there be very rude and like beasts and no better they eat their meat sitting vpon the ground with their legges a crosse like tailors their beds for the most part be hard stones but yet some of them haue faire mattraces to lie vpon Upon thursday the eight of August we came to Ioppa in a small barke which we hired betwixt Missagh and Salina and could not be suffered to come on land till noone the next day and then we were permitted by the great Basha who sate vpon the top of a hill to see vs sent away Being come on land we might not enter into any house for victuals but were to content our selues with our owne prouision and that which we bought to carie with vs was taken from vs. I had a paire of stirrops which I bought at Venice to serue me in my iourney and trying to make them fit for me when the Basha saw me vp before the rest of the companie he sent one to dismount me and to strike me whereupon I turned me to the Basha and made a long legge saying Grand mercie Signior and after a while we were horsed vpon litle asses and sent away with about fiftie light horsemen to be our conduct through the wildernesse called Deserta foelix who made vs good sport by the way with their pikes gunnes and fauchins That day being S. Laurence day we came to Rama which is tenne Italian miles from Ioppa and there we stayed that night and payed to the captaine of the castell euery man a chekin which is seuen shillings and two pence sterling So then we had a new gard of souldiers and left the other The house we lodged in at Rama had a doore so low to enter into that I was faine to creepe in as it were vpon my knees within it are three roomes to lodge trauellers that come that way there are no beds except a man buy a mat and lay it on the ground that is all the prouision without stooles or benches to sit vpon Our victuals were brought vs out of the towne as hennes egges bread great store of fruite as pomgranates figges grapes oringes and such like and drinke we drue out of the well The towne it selfe is so ruinated that I take it rather to be a heape of stones then a towne Then the next morning we thought to haue gone away but we could not be permitted that day so we stayed there till two of the clocke the next morning and then with a fresh gard of souldiers we departed toward Ierusalem We had not ridde fiue English miles but we were incountered with a great number of the Arabians who stayed vs and would not suffer vs to passe till they had somewhat so it cost vs for all our gard aboue twentie shillings a man betwixt Ioppa and Ierusalem These Arabians troubled vs oftentimes Our Truchman that payed the money for vs was striken downe and had his head broken because he would not giue them as much as they asked and they that should haue rescued both him and vs stood still
men hurt at the Capsten wee were faine to giue ouer and leaue it behinde holding on our course to Ventre hauen where wee safely arriued the same day that place being a very safe and conuenient harbor for vs that now wee might sing as we had iust cause They that goe downe to the Sea c. So soone as we had ankered here my Lord went foorthwith to shoare and brought presently fresh water and fresh victuals as Muttons pigges hennes c. to refresh his company withall Notwithstanding himselfe had lately bene very weake and tasted of the same extremitie that his Company did For in the time of our former want hauing a little fresh water left him remaining in a pot in the night it was broken and the water drunke and dried vp Soone after the sicke and wounded men were carried to the next principall Towne called Dingenacusli being about three miles distant from the foresaide hauen where our shippe roade to the Eastwards that there they might be the better refreshed and had the Chirurgians dayly to attend vpon them Here we wel refreshed our selues whilest the Irish harpe sounded sweetely in our eares and here we who for the former extremities were in maner halfe dead had our liues as it were restored vnto vs againe This Dingenacush is the chiefe Towne in al that part of Ireland it coÌ„sisteth but of one maine streete from whence some smaller doe proceede on either side It hath had gates as it seemeth in times past at either ende to open and shut as a Towne of warre and a Castle also The houses are very strongly built with thicke stone walles and narrow windowes like vnto Castles for as they confessed in time of trouble by reason of the wilde Irish or otherwise they vsed their houses for their defence as Castles The castle and all the houses in the Towne saue foure were won burnt and ruinated by the Erle of Desmond These foure houses fortified themselues against him and withstood him and all his power perforce so as he could not winne them There remaineth yet a thicke stone wall that passeth ouerthwart the midst of the streete which was a part of their fortification Notwithstanding whilest they thus defended themselues as some of them yet aliue confessed they were driuen to as great extremities as the Iewes besieged by Titus the Romane Emperour insomuch that they were constrained to eat dead mens carcases for hunger The Towne is nowe againe somewhat repaired but in effect there remaine but the ruines of the former Towne Commonly they haue no chimneis in their houses excepting them of the better sort so that the smoake was very troublesom to vs while we continued there Their fewell is turfes which they haue very good and whinnes or furres There groweth little wood thereabouts which maketh building chargeable there as also want of lime as they reported which they are faine to fetch from farre when they haue neede thereof But of stones there is store ynough so that with them they commonly make their hedges to part ech mans ground from other and the ground seemeth to be nothing else within but rockes and stones Yet it is very fruitfull and plentifull of grasse and graine as may appeare by the abundance of kine and cattel there insomuch that we had good muttons though somewhat lesse then ours in England for two shillings or fiue groates a piece good pigges and hennes for 3. pence a piece The greatest want is industrious painefull and husbandly inhabitants to till and trimme the ground for the common sort if they can prouide sufficient to serue from hand to mouth take no further care Of money as it seemeth there is very small store amongst them which perhaps was the cause that made them double and triple the prizes of many things we bought of them more then they were before our comming thither Good land was here to be had for foure pence the Acre yeerely rent There are Mines of Alome Tinne brasse and yron Sâ—ones wee sawe there as cleare as Christall naturally squared like Diamonds That part of the Countrey is all ful of great mountaines and hills from whence came running downe the pleasant streames of sweete fresh running water The naturall hardnesse of that Nation appeareth in this that their small children runne vsually in the middest of Winter vp and downe the streetes bare-foote and bare-legged with no other apparell many times saue onely a mantell to couer their nakednesse The chiefe Officer of their Towne they call their Soueraigne who hath the same office and authoritie among them that our Maiors haue with vs in England and hath his Sergeants to attenâ— vpon him and beare the Mace before him as our Maiors We were first intertained at the Soueraignes house which was one of those 4. that withstood the Erle of Desmond in his rebellion They haue the same forme of Common prayer word for word in Latin that we haue here in England Upon the Sunday the Soueraigne commeth into the Church with his Sergeant before him and the Sheriffe and others of the Towne accompany him and there they kneele downe euery man by himselfe priuately to make his prayers After this they rise and go out of the Church againe to drinke which being done they returne againe into the Church and then the Minister beginneth prayers Their maner of baptizing differeth something from ours part of the seruice belonging thereto is repeated in Latin and part in Irish. The Minister taketh the child in his hands and first dippeth it backwards and then forwards ouer head and eares into the cold water in the midst of Winter whereby also may appeare their naturall hardnesse as before was specified They had neither Bell drum nor trumpet to call the Parishioners together but they expect till their Soueraigne come and then they that haue any deuotion follow him They make their bread all in cakes and for the tenth part the bakers bake for all the towne We had of them some 10. or 11. Tunnes of beere for the Victory but it proued like a present purgation to them that tooke it so that we chose rather to drinke water then it The 20. of December we loosed froÌ„ hence hauing well prouided our selues of fresh water and other things necessary being accompanied with sir Edw. Dennie his Lady and two yong sonnes This day in the morning my Lord going ashoare to dispatch away speedily some fresh water that remained for the Victory the winde being very faire for vs brought vs newes that there were 60. Spanish prizes taken and brought to England For two or three dayes wee had a faire winde but afterwards it scanted so that as I said before we were faine to keepe a cold Christmas with The Bishop and his clearkes After this we met with an English ship that brought vs ioyful news of 91. Spanish prizes that were come to England and sorrowfull newes withall that the last and best prize we tooke had suffered shipwracke at
enter we plied our great ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted for otherwise we did them litle harme and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle being close by her we fired a mat on her beak-head which more and more kindled and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit and from the mat vp to the wood of the bow-sprit and thence to the top-saile yard which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger and to make shew of parle But they that had the charge before encouraged them making shew that it might easily be put out and that it was nothing Whereupon againe they stood stifly to their defence A none the fire grew so strong that I saw it beyond all helpe although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then we desired to be off from her but had litle hope to obtaine our desire neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well In deed I made litle other reckoning for the ship my selfe and diuers hurt men then to haue ended there with the Carack but most of our people might haue saued themselues in boats And when my care was most by Gods prouidence onely by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile and the ropes about the spritsaile-yard of the Carack whereby we were fast intangled we fell apart with burning of some of our sailes which we had then on boord The Exchange also being farther from the fire afterward was more easily cleared and fell off from abaft And as soone as God had put vs out of danger the fire got into the fore-castle where I thinke was store of Beniamin and such other like combustible matter for it flamed and ran ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner The Portugals lept ouer-boord in great numbers Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat with leaue to vse his owne discretion in sauing of them So he brought me aboord two gentlemen the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira which as appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of Huighen de Linschoten was gouernour of Moçambique and Cesala in the yeere 1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of importance in the East Indies And the shippe wherein he was comming home was cast away a litle to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza and from thence he trauelled ouer-land to Moçambique and came as a passenger in this Carack The other was called Bras Carrero and was captaine of a Carack which was cast away neere Moçambique and came likewise in this ship for a passenger Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat onely these two we clothed and brought into England The rest which were taken vp by the other ship boats we set all on shore in the I le of Flores except some two or three Negros whereof one was borne in Moçambique and another in the East Indies This fight was open off the Sound betweene Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward The people which we saued told vs that the cause why they would not yeeld was because this Carack was for the king end that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey for that yeere in her and that the captaine of her was in fauour with the king and at his returne into the Indies should hane been Uiceroy there And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor without and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise moreouer she had the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique and the company of her together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a litle to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza Yet through sicknesse which they caught at Angola where they watered they say they had not now aboue 150 white men but Negros a great many They likewise affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her but we found them to differ in most of their talke All this day and all the night she burned but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels blew her abroad so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the water Some of them say that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios and some that she was lesse but she was much vndermasted and vndersoiled yet she went well for a ship that was so foule The shot which wee made at her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts which we had and sixe or 7 shot at about one with another some 49 shotâ— the time we lay aboord might be two houres The shot which we discharged aboord the Carack might be some twentie Sâ—cars And thus much may suffice concerning our daungerous conflict with that vnfortunate Carack The last of Iune after long trauersing of the seas we had sight of another mightie Carack which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the great S. Philip the Admirall of Spaine but the next day being the first of Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack which after some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld but they standing stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same Wherefore seeing no good could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take in the boording But by reason that wee which were the chiefe Captaines were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict and because of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions our valiant and resolute determinations were crossed and to conclude a long discourse in few wordes the Carack escaped our hands After this attending about Coruo Flores for some West Indian purchase and being disappointed of our expectation and victuals growing short we returned for England where I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape Sprat without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie 1593 THe Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men the owner whereof was the worshipfull M. Richard Staper being bound for Liuorno Zante and Patras in Morea being laden with marchandize to the value of 11 or 12 thousand pounds sterling set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of August 1593 and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great quantitie of wheate and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of Wight the 6. day of October the winde being faire and the 16 of the same moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent where on the next morning we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs to which we gaue chase with very much winde the sayle being a Spaniard which wee found in fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue
gotten and that stormes and tempests began to reigne in New-found land and that we were so farre from home not knowing the perils and dangers that were behind for either we must agree to returne home againe or els to stay there all the yeere Moreouer we did consider that if the Northerne winds did take vs it were not possible for vs to depart thence All which opinions being heard and considered we altogether determined to addresse our seluâ—s homeward Nowe because vpon Saint Peters day wee entred into the sayd Streite wee named it Saint Peters Streite Wee sounded it in many places in some wee found 150 fadome water in some 100 and neere the shoare sirtie and cleere ground From that day till Wednesday following we had a good and prosperous gale of winde so that we trended the said North shore East Southeast West Northwest for such is the situation of it except one Cape of low lands that bendeth more toward the Southeast about twenty fiue leagues from the Streight In this place we saw certaine smokes that the people of the countrey made vpon the sayd cape but because the wind blewe vs toward the coast we went not to them which when they saw they came with two boates and twelue men vnto vs and as freely came vnto our ships as if they had bene French men and gaue vs to vnderstand that they came from the great gulfe and that Tiennot was their Captaine who then was vpon that Cape making signes vnto vs that they were going home to their Countreys whence we were come with our ships and that they were laden with Fish We named the sayd Cape Cape Tiennot From the said Cape all the land trendeth Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwest All these lands lie low very pleasant enuironed with sand where the sea is entermingled with marishes and shallowes the space of twentie leagues then doth the land begin to trend from West to Eastnortheast altogether enuironed with Islands two or three leagues from land in which as farre as we could see are many dangerous shelues more then foure or fiue leagues from land How that vpon the ninth of August wee entred within White Sands and vpon the fift of September we came to the port of S. Malo FRom the sayd Wednesday vntill Saturday following we had a great wind from the Southwest which caused vs to run Eastnortheast on which day we came to the Easterly partes of Newfouâ—dland between the Granges and the Double Cape There began great stormie winds comming froÌ„ the East with great rage wherfore we coasted the Cape Northnorthwest to search the Northerne part which is as we haue sayd all enuironed with Islands and being neere the said Islands and land the wind â—urned into the South which brought vs within the sayd gulfe so that the next day being the 9 of August we by the grace of God entred within the White Sands And this is so much as we haue discouered After that vpon the 15 of August being the feast of the Assumption of our Lady after that we had heard seruice we altogether departed from the porte of White Sands and with a happy and prosperous weather we came into the middle of the sea that is between Newfound land and Britanie in which place we were tost and â—urmoyled three dayes long with great stormes and windy tempests comming from the East which with the ayde and assistance of God we suffred then had we faire weather and vpon the fift of September in the sayd yere we came to the port of S. Malo whence we departed The language that is spoken in the Land newly discouered called New France God the Sunne Isnez the Heauen camet the Day the Night aiagla Water amâ— Sand estogaz a Saylâ— aganie the Heaâ— agonaze the Throate conguedo the Nose hehonguesto the Teeth hesangue the Nayles agetascu the Feete ochedasco the Legs anondasco a dead man amocdaza a Skinne aionasca that Man yca a Harchet asogne a Cod fish gadagoursere good to be eateâ— guesande Flesh Almonds anougaza Figâ— asconda Gold benyosco the priuie members assegnega an Arrow cacta a greene Tree haueda an earthen dish vndaâ—o a Bow Brasse aignetaze the Brow ansce a Feather yco the Moone casmogan the Earth conda the Wind canut the Raine onnoscon Bread cacacomy the Sea amet a Ship casaomy a Man vndo the Haires hoc hosco the Eyes â—gata the Mouth hechâ— the Eares hontasco the Armes ageseu a Woman enraseseo a sicke Man alonedeche Shooes atta a skinne to couer a mans priuy meÌ„bers ouscozon vondico red cloth cahoneta a Knife agoheda a Mackrell agedoneta Nuttes caheya Apples honesta Beanes sahe a Sword achesco A shorte and briefe narration of the Nauigation made by the commandement of the King of France to the Islands of Canada Hochelaga Saguenay and diuers others which now are called New France with the particular customes and maners of the inhabitants therein Chap. 1. IN the yeere of our Lord 1535 vpon Whitsunday being the 16 of May by the commandement of our Captaine Iames Cartier and with a common accord in the Cathedrall Church of S. Malo we deuoutly each one confessed our selues and receiued the Sacrament and all entring into the Quier of the sayd Church wee presented our selues before the Reuerend Father in Christ the Lord Bishop of S. Malo who blessed vs all being in his Bishops roabes The Wednesday following being the 19 of May there arose a good gale of wind and therefore we hoysed sayle with three ships that is to say tâ—e great Hermina being in burden about a hundreth or a hundreth and twâ—nty tunne wherin the foresaid Captaine Iames Cartier was Generall and master Thomas Frosmont chiefe Master accompanied with master Claudius de Pont Briand sonne to the Lorde of Montâ—euell and Cup-bearer to the Dolphin of France Charles of Pomeraies Iohn Powler and other Gentlemen In the second ship called the little Hermina being of three score tunne burden were Captaines vnder the sayd Cartier Mace Salobert and master William Marie In the third ship called the Hermerillon being of forty tunne iu burden were Captains M. William Britton anâ— M. Iames Maingare So we sayled with a good and prosperous wind vntill the 20 of the said moneth at which time the weather turned into stormes and tempests the which with contrary winds and darkenesse endured so long that our ships being without any rest suffered as much as any ships that euer went on seas so that the 25 of Iune by reason of that foule and foggie weather all our ships lost sight one of another againe till wee came to Newfound land where we had appointed to meete After we had lost one another wee in the Generals ship were with contrary windes tost to and fro on the sea vntill the seuenth of Iuly vpon which day we arriued in Newefound land and came to the Island called The Island of Birds which lyeth from the maine land 14 leagues
This Island is so full of birds that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them yet for the great number that there is it would not seeme that any were taken away We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them This Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees and 40 minutes Upon the eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further with a prosperous weather came to the Port called The Port of white sands that is in the Bay called The Bay of Castelâ— where we had purposed to meete stay together the 15 of the said moneth In this place theâ—efore we looked for our fellowes that is to say the other two ships till the 26 of the moneth on which day both came together So soone as our fellowes were come we set our ships in a readines taking in both water wood other necessaries And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth early in the morning we hoised saile to passe on further sayling along the Northerne coast that runneth Northeast and Southwest til two houres after Sun-set or thereabouts then we crossed along two Islands which doe stretch further foorth then the others which we called S. Williams Islands being distant about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest All the coast from the Castels to that place lieth East West Northeast Southwest hauing betweene it sundry little Islands altogether barren and full of stones without either earth or trees except certain valleyâ— only The next day being the 30 of Iuly we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe among which there is a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes where many good harboroughs seeme to be them we named S. Marthas Islands from which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous shallow wherein are fiue rockes which lie from Saint Marthas Islands about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands on the East on the West side to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues â—thwart a cape of the lower Islands which we named S. Germans Islands Southeastward from which place about three leagues there is a very dangerous shallow Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas about two leagues from the sayd Islands there lyeth a banke of sand vpon which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe and therefore seeing the danger of the coast we strucke saile and went no further that night The next day being the last of Iuly we went all along the coast that runneth East and West and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about with Islands and drie sands and in trueth is very dangerous The length from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without any signe or shew of harboroughs till we came to Cape Thiennot which treÌ„deth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage and therefore we sailed on all that night West and Westnorthwest till it was day and then the wind turned against vs wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might harbour our ships and by good hap found one fit for our purpose about seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot that we named S. Nicholas Hauen it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea Upon the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse But note by the way that this crosse must be brought Northeast then bending toward it leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water and within the hauen foure Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane outward halfe a league All this coast is full of shoulds and very dangerous albeâ—t in sight many good hauens seeme to be there yet is there nought else but shelues and sands We staied and rested our selues in the sayd hauen vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday on which day we hoysed sayle and came toward land on the South side toward Cape Rabast distaâ—t from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast and Southsouthwest but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary winde and because we could find no hauen there toward the South thence we went coasting along toward the North beyond the aboue sayd hauen about ten leagues where we found a goodly great gulfe full of Islands passages and entrances toward what wind so euer you please to bend for the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape of lande stretching somewhat further foorth than the others and about two leagues within the land there is an hill fashioned as it were an heape of corne We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay The twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay or gulfe sayling Westward and discouered a Cape of land toward the South that runneth West and by South distant from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay about fiue and twenty leagues And of the two wilde men which wee tooke in our former voyage it was tolde vs that this was part of the Southerne coaste that there was an Island on the Southerly parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo where the yeere before we had taken them to Canada and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay on the North shore extending toward Canada and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape there is aboue a hundreth fadome water Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so many Whâ—les seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape The next day after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth hauing passed the Straight we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward the South which landes are full very great and high hilles and this Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption and one Cape of the said high countreys lyeth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest the distance betweene which is about fiue and twenty leagues The Countreys lying North may plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly more then thirty leagues in length We trended the sayd landes about toward the South from the sayd day vntill Tewesday noone following the winde came West and therefore wee bended toward the North purposing to goe and see the land that we before had spâ—ed Being arriued there we found the sayd landes as it were ioyned together and low toward the Sea And the Northerly mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East and West and
heard of because that from the mouth to the end of it according to their seasons you shall finde all sorts of fresh water fish and salt There are also many Whales Porposes Seahorses and Adhothuis which is a kind of fish that we had neuer seene nor heard of before They are as great as Porposes as white as any snow their bodie and head fashioned as a grayhound they are wont alwaies to abide betwene the fresh salt water which beginneth betweene the riuer of Saguenay and Canada Of certaine aduertisements and notes giuen vnto vs by those countreymen after our returne from Hochelaga Chap. 12. AFter our returne from Hochelaga we dealt traffickt and with great familiaritie and loue were conuersant with those that dwelt neerest vnto our ships except that sometimes we had strife and contention with certaine naughtie people full sore against the will of the others Wee vnderstood of Donnacona and of others that the said riuer is called the riuer of Saguenay and goeth to Saguenay being somewhat more then a league farther Westnorthwest and that 8 or 9 dayes iourneys beyond it wil beare but small boats But the right and readie way to Saguenay is vp that riuer to Hochelaga and then into another that commeth from Saguenay and then entrech into the foresaid riuer that there is yet one moneths sayling thither Moreouer they told vs and gaue vs to vnderstand that there are people clad with cloth as we are very honest and many inhabited â—ownes and that they haue great store of Gold and red Copper and that about the land beyond the said first riuer to Hochelaga and Saguenay is an Iland enuironed round about with that and other riuers and that beyond Saguenay the said riuer entereth into two or 3 great Lakes and that there is a Sea of fresh water found and as they haue heard say of those of Saguenay there was neuer man heard of that found out the end thereof for as they â—old vs they themselues were neuer there Moreouer they told vs that where we had left our Pinnesse when wee went to Hochelaga there is a riuer that goeth Southwest from whence there is a whole moneths sayling to goe to a certaine land where there is neither yee nor snow seene where the inhabitants do continually warre one against another where is great shore of Oranges Almonds Nuts and Apples with many other sorts of fruits and that the men and women are clad with beasts skinnes euen as they we asked them if there were any gold or red copper they answered no. I take this place to be toward Florida as farre as I could perceiue and vnderstand by their signes and tokens Of a strange and cruell disease that came to the people of Stadacona wherewith because we did haunt their company we were so infected that there died 25 of our company Chap. 13. IN the moneth of December weâ— vnderstood that the peâ—â—ilence was come among the people of Stadacona in such sort that before we knew of it according to their confession there were dead aboue 50 whereupon we charged them neither to come neere our Fort nor about our ships or vs. And albeit we had driuen them from vs the said vnknowen sicknes began to spread itselfe amongst vs after the strangest sort that euer was eyther heard of or seâ—ne insomuch as some did lose all their strength and could not stand on their feete then did their legges swel their sinnowes shrinke as blacke as any cole Others also had all their skins spotted with spots of blood of a purple coulour then did it ascend vp to their ankels knees thighes shoulders armes and necke their mouth became stincking their gummes so rotten that all the flesh did fall off euen to the rootes of the teeth which did also almost all fall out With such infection did this sicknesse spread it selfe in our three ships that about the middle of February of a hundreth and tenne persons that we were there were not ten whole so that one could not helpe the other a most horrible and pitifull case considering the place we were in forsomuch as the people of the countrey would dayly come before our fort and saw but few of vs. There were alreadie eight dead and more then fifty sicke and as we thought past all hope of recouery Our Captaine seeing this our misery that the sicknesse was gone so farre ordained and commanded that euery one should deuoutly prepare himselfe to prayer and in remembrance of Christ caused his Image to be set vpon a tree about a flight shot from the fort amidst the yce and snow giuing all men to vnderstand that on the Sunday following seruice should be said there and that whosoeuer could goe sicke or whole should goe thither in Procession singing the seuen Psalmes of Dauid with other Letanies praying most heartily that it would please the said our Christ to haue compassion vpon vs. Seruice being done and as well celebrated as we could our Captaine there made a vow that if it would please God to giue him leaue to returne into France he would go on Pilgrimage to our Ladie of Rocquemado That day Philip Rougemont borne in Amboise died being 22 yeeres olde and because the sickenesse was to vs vnknowen our Captaine caused him to be ripped to see if by any meanes possible we might know what it was and so seeke meanes to saue and preserue the rest of the company he was found to haue his heart white but rotten and more then a quart of red water about it his liuer was indifferent faire but his â—ungs blacke and mortified his blood was altogither shrunke about the heart so that when he was opened great quantitie of rotten blood issued out from about his heart his miâ—t toward the backe was somewhat perished rough as if it had bene rubbed against a stone Moreouer because one of his thighs was very blacke without it was opened but within it was whole and sound that done as well as we could he was buried In such sort did the sicknesse continue and encrease that there were not aboue three sound men in the ships and none was able to goe vnder hatches to draw drinke for himselfe nor for his fellowes Sometimes we were constrained to bury some of the dead vnder the snow because we were not able to digge any graues for them the ground was so hard frozen and we so weake Besides this we did greatly feare that the people of the countrey would perceiue our weakenesse and miserie which to hide our Captaine whom it pleased God alwayes to keepe in health would go out with two or three of the company some sicke and some whole whom when he saw out of the Fort he would throw stones at them and chide them faigning that so soone as he came againe he would beate them and then with signes shewe the people of the countrey that hee caused all his men to worke and labour in the ships
Spaniards and Indian gard as aforesayd Of these two Spaniards the one was an aged man who all the way did very courteously intreate vs and would carefully go before to prouide for vs both meat and things necessary to the vttermost of his power the other was a yong man who all the way trauelled with vs and neuer departed from vs who was a very cruell caitiue and he caried a iaueline in his hand and sometimes when as our men with very feeblenesse and faintnesse were not able to goe so fast as he required them he would take his iauelin in both his handes and strike them with the same betweene the necke and the shoulders so violently that he would strike them downe then would he cry and say Marchad marchad Ingleses perros Luterianos enemigos de Dios which is as much to say in English as March march on you English dogges Lutherans enemies to God And the next day we came to a towne called Pachuca and there are two places of that name as this towne of Pachuca and the mines of Pachuca which are mines of siluer and are about sixe leagues distant from this towne of Pachuca towards the Northwest Here at this towne the good olde man our Gouernour suffered vs to stay two dayes and two nights hauing compassion of our sicke and weake men full sore against the minde of the yoong man his companion From thence we tooke our iourney and trauelled foure or fiue dayes by little villages and Stantias which are farmes or dairie houses of the Spaniards and euer as wee had neede the good olde man would still prouide vs sufficient of meates fruites and water to sustaine vs. At the end of which fiue dayes wee came to a towne within fiue leagues of Mexico which is called Quoghliclan where wee also stayed one whole day and two nights where was a faire house of gray friers howbeit wee saw none of them Here wee were told by the Spaniards in the towne that wee had not past fifteene English miles from thence to Mexico whereof we were all very ioyfull and glad hoping that when we came thither we should either be relieued and set free out of bonds or els bee quickly dispatched out of our liues for seeing our selues thus caried bound from place to place although some vsed vs courteously yet could wee neuer ioy nor be merrie till wee might perceiue our selues set free from that bondage either by death or otherwise The next morning we departed from thence on our iourney towards Mexico and so trauelled till wee came within two leagues of it where there was built by the Spaniards a very faire church called our Ladyes church in which there is an image of our Lady of siluer gilt being as high as large as a tall woman in which church and before this image there are as many lamps of siluer as there be dayes in the yeere which vpon high dayes are all lighted Whensoeuer any Spaniards passe by this church although they be on horse backe they will alight and come into the church and kneele before thie image and pray to our Lady to defend them from all euil so that whether he be horseman or footman he will not passe by but first goe into the Church an◠pray as aforesayd which if they doe not they thinke and beleeue that they shall neuer prosper which image they call in the Spanish tongue Nuestra sennora de Guadalupe At this place there are certain cold baths which arise springing vp as though the water did seeth the water whereof is somewhat brackish in taste but very good for any that haue any sore or wound to wash themselues therewith for as they say it healeth many and euery yeere once vpon our Lady day the people vse to repaire thither to offer and to pray in that Church before the image and they say that our Lady of Guadalupe doeth worke a number of miracles About this Church there is not any towne of Spaniards that is inhabited but certaine Indians doe dwell there in houses of their own countrey building Here we were met with a great number of Spaniards on horsebacke which came from Mexico to see vs both gentlemen and men of occupations and they came as people to see a wonder we were still called vpon to march on and so about foure of the clocke in the afternoone of the said day we entred into the citie of Mexico by the way or street called La calle Santa Catherina and we stayed not in any place till we came to the house or palace of the Vice Roy Don Martin Henriques which standeth in the middest of the city hard by the market place called La plaça del Marquese We had not stayed any long time at this place but there was brought vs by the Spaniards from the market place great store of meat sufficient to haue satisfied fiue times so many as we were some also gaue vs hats some gaue vs money in which place we stayed for the space of two houres from thence we were conueyed by water in two large Canoas to an hospital where as certaine of our men were lodged which were taken before the fight at S. Iohn de Vllua wee should haue gone to our Ladies hospitall but that there were also so many of our men taken before at that fight that there was no roome for vs. After our comming thither many of the company that came with me from Panuco dyed within the space of fourteene dayes soone after which time we were taken forth from that place and put altogether into our Ladies hospitall in which place we were courteously vsed and visited oftentimes by vertuous gentlemen and gentlewomen of the citie who brought vs diuers things to comfort vs withall as succats and marmilads and such other things and would also many times giue vs many things and that very liberally In which hospitall we remained for the space of sixe moneths vntill we were all whole and sound of body and then we were appointed by the Vice Roy to be caried vnto the town of Tescuco which is from Mexico Southwest distant eight leagues in which towne there are certaine houses of correction and punishment for ill people called Obraches like to Bridewell here in London into which place diuers Indians are sold for slaues some for ten yeeres and some for twelue It was no small griefe vnto vs when we vnderstood that we should be caried thither and to bee vsed as slaues we had rather be put to death howbeit there was no remedy but we were caried to the prison of Tescuco where we were not put to any labour but were very straitly kept almost famished yet by the good prouidence of our mercifull God we happened there to meet with one Robert Sweeting who was the sonne of an Englishman borne of a Spanish woman this man could speake very good English and by his means wee were holpen very much with
of vs. On Sunday morning being the last of Nouember wee saw three or foure little Islands called the Monjes betwixt Aruba and the next North point of the maine At 12 of the clocke we sawe the maine where we saw a great current setting to the Westward and also the water changing very white The Phenix the carauell and one of the catches kept within and at midnight came vnder Cape de la Vela and made a fire whereby the rest of the fleeâ—e came to anker vnder the Cape where is a very good rode faire sholding and sandie ground fourteene twelue and tenne fadoms neere the shore Toe Cape is a bare land without trees or shrubs and falleth in eight or ten leagues Southeast and Northwest and a saker shot off the point standeth a little Island like Mewestone neere Plimmouth but somewhat bigger In the morning the first of December wee imbarked all our souldiers for Rio de la Hacha which is a towne twenty leagues to thâ— Westwards one of the ancientest in all the maine although not very bigge but it standeth in a most fertile and pleasant soyle Our men tooke it by ten of the clock in the night The ships bearing all that night and the day before in 5 and 6 fadomes the lesser ships in 2 fadomes and an halfe water the Phenix went so neere the shore by the Generals commandement that shee strake on ground but got off againe There lieth to the Eastward of the towne some mile thereabout a shold of sand therefore giue a birth some halfe league or more before you come right against the town There wee came to anker in two fadomes but the great ships rode off in fiue â—nd siâ—e fadomes There is a fresh riuer about a bow-shot to the Eastward of the towne whâ—reinto our pinnesses could scarce enter by reason of a barre of sand in the riuers mouth but within it is nauigable for barkes of twenty or â—hâ—râ—y â—unnes some sixe or eight leagues vp The siâ—th day the Spaniards came in to talke about the ransome of the towne but not to the Generall his liking and that night Sir Thomas Baskeruil marched vp into the countrey to ouer-runne those parâ—s and the Generall the same night with some hundreth and fifâ—ie men went by water sixe leagues to the Eastward and tooke the Rancheria a fisher towne wherâ— they drag for pearle The people all fled eâ—cept some sixteen or twenty souldiers which fought a little but some were taken priâ—oners besides many Negros with some store of pearles and other pillage In the houses we refreshed our selues and were all imbarked to come away and then had sight of a brigandine or a dredger which the Generall tooke within one houres chase with his two barges she had in her Indie-wheat which we call Maiz and some siluer and pearle but of small value On Saturday the seuenâ—h master Yorke captaine of the Hope dyed of sicknes and then master Thomas Drake the Generals brâ—ther was made captaine of the Hope and master Ionas Bodenham captaine of the Aduenture and master Chaâ—les Caesar captaine of the Amitie The tenth day the Spaniards concluded for the ransome of the towne for 24000 ducats and one prisoner promised to pay for his ransome 4000 ducats The fourteenâ—h day they brought in the townes ransâ—me in pearles but rated so deare as the Genâ—rall after conference with them misliking it sent it backe againe giuing them foure houres respite to cleere themseluâ—s wiâ—h their treasure The siâ—teenth the gouernour came into the towne about dinner and vpon conference with the Gâ—nerall told him plainely that he cared not for the towne neither would he ransome it and that the pearle was brought in wiâ—hout his command or consent and that his detracting of time so long was onely to sâ—nd the other townes word that were not of force to withstand vs whereby they might conuey all their goods cattell and wealth into the woods out of danger So the Genâ—ral gaue the gouernour leaue to depart according to promise hauing two houres to withdraw himselfe in safety The seuâ—nteenth Sir Thomas Baskeruil with the Elizabeth Constance of Phenix the carauâ—l wiâ—h fâ—ure or fiue piâ—nâ—sses went some fiue leagues to the Wesâ—ward landing marched some foure leagues vp into the countrey to a place called Tapia which he tooke burned certain villâ—ges â—nd ferme houses about it He had some resistance as he passed ouer a riuer but had but one man â—urt which he brought aboord aliue with him he marched one league farther and burnt a village called Sallamca and so returned with some prisoners the souldiers hauing gotten some pâ—â—lâ—gâ— The 18 the Rancheria and the towne of Rio de la Hacha were burnt cleane downe to the ground the Churches and a Ladies house onely eâ—cepted which by her letters written to the Generall was preserued That day wee sâ—t sayle and fell to lâ—e-ward to meete with Sir Thomas Baskeruil The 19 we weighed and stood to leeward for Cape de Aguja wâ—ich the twentieth at sunne rising we saw It is a Cape subiect much to flawes by reason it is a very hie land and within the cape liâ—th an Island within the mouth of the sound which hath a white cliffe or spot in the Westnorthwest part of the Island The land all about the cape riseth all in hemocks or broken steâ—pie hils A league Southwest within that for so falleth the land thereabout thâ—re standeth on the top of a cliffe a watch-house and a little within that a small Island you may goe in betweene the maine and it or to leeward if you lust and hard within that iâ— the rode and towne of Santa Martha which at 11 of the clocke we tooke the people all being sled except a few Spaniards Negros IndiaÌ„s which in a brauado at our landing gaue vs some 30 or 40 sâ—ot so ran away That night their Lieutenant generall was taken and some little pillage brought in out of the woods for in the town nothing was left but the houses swept clean In all the main is not a richer place for gold for the hops were mixt with the earth in euery place and also in the sâ—nd a little to the leewards of the towne In the bay wee had a bad rode by reason of a small moone for euery small moone maketh foule weather all the maine along The 21 the Generall caused the towne to be burnt and all the ships to wey and stood out many of the souldiers being imbarked where the Generall had appointed in the small ships which rode neerest the shore We lost that night the company of the Phenix captaine Austin Peter Lemond and the Garlands pinnesse which stood along the shore and being chased off by gallies out of Carthagena Peter Lemond with nine of our men was taken the rest came safe â—o our fleete The 26 we saw the Ilands some twelue leagues to the Eastward of Nombre