Cocin were fain to keep a Fort continually with a great Garrison and at much expence And because he shew'd not much inclination thereunto it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices to hold the Portugals in suspence wherefore the General sent him word That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours and so long he would stay If within that time the Samori took a Resolution sutable to the Vice-Roy's Propositions he would carry his Ambassador with a good will otherwise he intended to depart the next night all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco honor'd with some small Presents and the other Men that came with him without sending any of his Portugals on purpose or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samori as he was by him invited the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far because these Kings Samori had never been very faithful towards the Portugals Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded so that many of them went ashore some to walk up and down some to buy things and some to do other business as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats partly to sell things and partly out of curiosity to see the Portugals who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samori seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut The same day December the two and twentieth whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary whence according to my Canon of Declination which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination if it be not really so the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours if not more that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun you substract the 23 dgrees 28′ which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South the remainder is 11 degrees 22′ and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place and consequently the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner I landed also with the Captain of my Ship and some other Souldiers we went to see the Bazar which is near the shore the Houses or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's being very low the Streets also are very narrow but indifferently long the Market was full of all sorts of provision and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people conformable to their Custom for as for Clothing they need little both Men and Women going quite naked saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees and covering their shame the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew or white strip'd with Azure or Azure and some other colour a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them Moreover both Men and Women wear their hair long and ty'd about the head the Women with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becommingly enough as almost all Indian-Women do the dressing of whose head is in my opinion the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head sometimes a little inclin'd on one side some of them use a small colour'd head-band but the Women use none at all Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets their ears of pendants and their necks of jewels the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers or other Arms in their hands as I said of those of Balagate The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut and the In-land parts especially the better sort are all Gentiles of the Race Nairi for the most part by profession Souldiers sufficiently swashing and brave But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari an adventitious people though of long standing for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since makes mention of them they live confusedly with the Pagans and speak the same Language but yet are Mahometans in Religion From them all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves whence in the Bazar of Calecut besides the things above-mention'd we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities as Swords Arms Books Clothes of Goa and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea which things because stollen and in regard of the Excommunication which lyes upon us in that case are not bought by our Christians Having seen the Bazar and stay'd there till it was late we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City and the out-side of the King's Palace for to see the King at that hour we had no intention nor did we come prepar'd for it but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace for the City is great and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees amongst the boughs whereof a great many of wild Monkies and within these close Groves stand the Houses for the most part at a distance from the common Wayes or Streets they appear but little few of their outsides being seen besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots and dividing them from the Streets which are much better than those of the Bazar but without any ornament of Windows so that he that walks through the City may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens than of an inhabited City Nevertheless it is well peopled and hath many Inhabitants whose being contented with narrow buildings is the cause that it appears but small As we walked in this manner we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy and because he saw us many together and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us or because he knew our General he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace and going before us as our guide conducted us thither He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming and told us we must by all means go to see him because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us Wherefore not to appear discourteous we were constrein'd to consent to his Request notwithstanding
Vice-roy according to the yearly custom in Goa upon S. Iohn's Day I hapned to meet with Sig. Luis de Mendoza General of the Fleet wherewith I went to Calecut and Sig. Bento or Benedetto or Freites Mascarenhas in a Portugal Habit who a few years before was taken by Pirats of Algiers and carried a slave to Barbary whence being redeemed and return'd into his own Country he was favourably look't upon by his King and sent again into India Captain of a Galeon This Cavalier besides the relation of his own misadventures told me how Qara Sultan who in my time was sent Embassador from the King of Persia into Spain in answer to the Embassy of Don Garcia de Silva Figueroa and travailed in the same Ship before it was taken by the Pirats died by the way having first substituted another of his company to perform his charge which other Embassador was taken with the said Ship and carried a slave into Argiers whereof notice being given to the Persian Embassador at Constantinople order was expected from thence what to do with him which not coming before this Gentleman was delivered he could not tell what the issue was but left him still a prisoner in Argiers August the fifth The Indians were to celebrate their solemn Festival of Washing and other Ceremonies accustomed to be performed at Narva and mentioned by me in the last years relation to be celebrated on the seventeenth of the same Month. And because this year the Feast-day fell twelve dayes sooner in our year then in the last I perceived that the Indian year must be Lunar or if it be Solar as I think I have heard it cannot be just or equal but to be adjusted requires some great and extravagant intercalation I went not to Narva to see the Feast because the place lies beyond the River in the Territory of the Moors who at this time stood not upon good Terms with the Portugals Neither did the Gentiles of Goa go thither for the same reason and if I was not mis-enformed they expected a safe conduct from Idal-Sciah from Vidhiapor to go thither another day August the ninth Two hours and forty minutes before Noon if the Calculation and Observation of Christofero Borano or Boro be true the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa and began to decline towards the South August the twenty fourth On which day the Feast of St Bartholomew uses to be celebrated certain Officers deputed for that purpose with other Principal Persons entrusted with the superintendency of the Fields and Agriculture offered to the Cathedral Church and afterwards also to the Vice-roy the first-fruits of the Fields to wit of Rice newly eared which is the most substantial of the fruits of the Territory of Goa I was told likewise that they made a Statue of an Elephant with Rice-straw which I know not whether they carry'd about with them or set up in some Piazza This custom is practis'd annually upon the said day because at that time precisely the said fruit begins to ripen August the twenty seventh One Galeon of four that were coming from Mascat whither they had been sent last April with Provisions arriv'd at Goa they came by the Vice-roy's Order to transport if occasion requir'd new succours to be sent to Ormuz This Ship related that the other three were possibly return'd back again to the streight of Ormuz for fear of some Dutch Vessels which hover'd thereabouts but this being driven out to Sea and having lost its company in the night was forc'd to come directly forwards It related further that Ormuz had been again besieg'd a good while by the Captains of Ruy Freira to wit first by Michel Pereira Boraglio our friend and afterwards by another whom he sent thither by turns because thereby the task would be easier to the besiegers but that at the parting of these Galleys from Mascat Ruy Freira himself was upon the point to go to the said Siege with all the Men and Vessels with oars he had which were about twenty or twenty five Galeots and many less Morisco Vessels call'd Ternata's a small preparation indeed to take Ormuz withall September the second a little before day-light The safe arrival of the annual Portugal Fleet was congratulated by all the Bells of Goa It consisted of two Merchant's Ships lesser and lighter then the Carracks which use to come other years one Galeon laden also with Merchandize and order'd to return with the same Ships in case it should not be necessary at Goa for the war and five other Galeons equip'd for war which were to remain at Goa with all the Soldiery which was numerous and good to be imploy'd as occasion should require The General of this Armada was Sig. Nugno Alvares Botelho the Admiral Sig. Giovan Pereira Cortereal to whose diligence the happy and speedy arrival of this Fleet is attributed the like not having come to pass in many years and that through the fault and greediness both of the Pilots and Merchants for before without keeping order or rule in the voyage or obedience to the General every one endeavor'd to have his Ship arrive first and alone But this Sig. Gio. Pereira Cortereal having written and presented a printed Discourse about this matter to the King his Majesty approv'd the same and gave strict charge that his Prescription should be observ'd with all exactness and hence proceeded the good success of this Voyage This Fleet brought news that the Prince of England was departed from Spain without effecting the marriage between the two Crowns because the Parliament of England would not consent to it which considering all the preceding transactions seems to me a strange case and perhaps the like hath scarce hapned between Princes unless possibly there be some unknown mysterie in the business That the Frosts having obstructed the mouth of a River in Holland had caus'd a great inundation which broke the banks or dikes whereby they keep out the sea and done much damage to the Country That twelve Ships which set forth from thence for India being beset by the Spanish Fleet of Dunkirk were partly sunk and partly shatter'd so that they could not come to India That the Catholicks in August last upon the precise day whereon Urban VIII was created Pope had obtain'd a signal victory in Germany against the Hereticks That great Fleets were preparing in England Spain and France for unknown designs That the King of Spain was at Sevil and the Queen had brought him forth a Daughter who was dead but the Daughter of the Conte di Vidigueira present Vice-Roy here in India had brought him forth a Son at which the Queen was much displeas'd with the King And that in Portugal it was expected that the Arch-Duke Leopold should go to govern that Kingdom September the fifth the other three Galeons which I said were to come from Mascat arriv'd at Goa The cause of their delay was as was rightly conjectur'd that they had discover'd an English
the truth whereof our chief Camelier went to Cuvebeda where the Spies of these Thieves use to reside and at night he brought us word that it was true and that therefore it behov'd us to go back again Whether it was true or onely an Invention of his for some end of his own I cannot affirm but the next day early we return'd to Cuvebeda and lodg'd without the Town at somedistance from the place where we had been before Two dayes after we were perswaded to lodg within the Town for more security from the Thieves and to deceive their Spies by making shew as if we resolv'd not to go further which might divert them from their design The same did the two Capigi that were with us for besides the former whose Name was Scervanli Ibrahim Aga there came another with him call'd Mahhmad Aga who had been sent by the preceding Serdar to Bassora Lahhsa and divers other adjacent places and had not dispatch'd his business in order to his return before now Iune the thirteenth After a long contest with our chief Camelier about hiring certain Arabian Guides which he pretended necessary to get money of us and I refus'd as superfluous since we knew the way without them and they could do us no good against the Thieves At length the business resting half undecided being I said if he would not go without those Guides I would return back to Bassora which he was loth to hear of because of restoring my money without speaking a word more about it he determin'd to proceed from Cavebeda and travelling all night we pass'd by the Pits of Ganeniat Iune the fourteenth Three hours before noon having travell'd till then we rested a while near certain Pits and setting forwards again in the Evening travell'd till mid-night and then we rested The next day rising early we travell'd till about noon till coming to a little bitter water we stay'd there to repose Here the great wind which blows continually in the Desart allaying the great heat of the Season having before much shatter'd our little Pavilions now broke them all in pieces so that we could no more make use of them Which indeed was a great inconvenience but for the future we had no other remedy but when we rested to ward off the Sun-beams with little sheds made of our Cloths fastned upon three Chairs wherein the Women and I were carry'd though they scarce suffic'd to cover three or four persons Yet in the night when there was no need of shadow we slept more pleasantly and coolely under the fair Canopy of the Starry Heaven After noon we proceeded further till an hour before night and then took up our lodging near another water Iune the sixteenth Having travell'd from break of day till noon and then rested two hours we proceeded again till night lodging in a place where the multitude of Gnats suffer'd us to sleep but little The next Morning early we pass'd by a great dry Lake which yet seem'd to have water in it at some time of the year and an hour before noon rested in a place full of Hornets very troublesome both to Men and beasts At the usual hour we set forwards again and journey'd till night Iune the eighteenth Rising before day-break we pass'd by at a distance leaving it on the right hand a place inhabited by Arabians which they call Argia govern'd by one Hhasan Aga Curdo a Fugitive from his own Country and by Alliance with the Arabians become great amongst them The Capigi Ibrahim Aga had a Robe to present to him from the Serdar but being we could not go to Argia by reason all the Passages were then overflown with water and the Cameliers had no mind to it in regard of a Gabel which would be requir'd there of us we repos'd our selves about noon in the place where we were Having pass'd Argia a good way the Capigi got one to swim over the waters and to advertise Hhasan Aga of the Serdar's Present which he had for him and would have deliver'd himself had the way been passable he also desir'd some Arquebusiers to accompany us over the Desart In expectation of an Answer we stay'd in this place all day where I saw upon the ground abundance of Sea-shels shining within like Mother-of-Pearl some whole and some broken I wonder'd how they came there so far from Sea I saw also many pieces of Bitumen scatter'd up and down which is produc'd in that brackish soil by the overflowing of the water at some time of the year I have a piece of it by me to shew Being suspicious of some Arabian Maedi's that is Vagrants or Vagabonds so call'd because they abide with Droves of Buffles sometimes in the Desarts and sometimes in Cities and are different from the Bedavi or Beduvi that is Deserticolae who are the noblest amongst them never residing in walled places but wandring about the Fields with black Tents as also from the Hhadesi who live in Cities and Stable-houses and are therefore accounted by them the ignoblest and meanest but indeed are of a middle condition between both the other sorts for moâ—e security we remov'd a mile further and took up our station under a little Hill near some ruins of building which we discover'd afar off and I walkt on foot to behold near hand In the revolutions of Baghdad the above-said Hhasan Aga Lord of Argia was visited by the Persians the Sciah sending a Tag to him as he uses to do to great Persons whom he intends to invite to be or declare themselves of his Party and he carri'd himself in such sort that his fidelity became something suspected to the Turks insomuch that a Basha had an intention to kill him but did not do it perhaps because he knew not how to effect his purpose wherefore to keep him still faithful as I believe since it was not possible to punish him the Serdar sent him by this Capigi the above-mention'd Present Iune the nineteenth Our removal hence being still deferr'd in expectation of the answer of Hhasan Aga I went in the forenoon to take a more diligent view of the ruins of the above-said ancient building What it had been I could not understand but I found it to have been built with very good Bricks most of which were stampt in the midst with certain unknown letters which appear'd very ancient I observ'd that they had been cemented together in the Fabrick not with lime but with bitumen or pitch which as I said is generated in these Desarts whence the Hill upon which these ruins are is call'd by the Arabians Muqeijer that is Pitchy In the evening two men came from Hhasan Aga to the Capigi with Letters and an Answer that he would send him some provisions but they departed discontented because the Capigi gave them nothing Iune the twenty first We set forth by day-light and journied till Noon and after two hours rest continued our way till night over Lands sometimes moorish
with abundance of little canes sometimes whitish with salt and sometimes cover'd with thickets of Shrubs Iune the twenty second We travell'd again till Noon and as we were reposing in these Plains which were all cover'd with small dry grass a little sparkle falling from some of the Cameliers who according to their custom stood sucking the smoke of Tobacco set this grass on fire and the flame increas'd so suddenly that we had much ado to save our Goods from burning but at length we extinguish't it by casting cloths and thick coverings upon it for water the place afforded none and we had only enough for drink Departing thence two or three hours before night we quarter'd in another place call'd Ehathuer where two or three men whom we met with their laden Camels inform'd us that the great Cafila which went so many days before us from Bassora had incounter'd many difficulties and was stopt by Emir Nasir who besides taking a great sum of money from them also constrain'd many of the people to go to Mesched Hhussein to fight with the Qizilbasci with whom he was now at enmity in which conflict which prov'd little successful to the Arabians the chief Leader of the Cafila was slain his Son succeeding him in his Charge with other like news which made me doubt of the good estate of our Francks who went along with that Cafila Iune the twenty third the twenty fourth and the twenty fifth We travelled and rested at our usual hours during which dayes we had the Iland Geuazir of the Chaldean Lake on our right hand and on the last of them we reposed at a place wherein grew certain low and thin plants which to me seemed to be Juniper Iune the twenty sixth We travelled from day-break till two hours before Noon and then rested near certain Pits where we had on the right hand afar off Mesched-Ali the place where anciently stood the City of Kufa and where Ali the Son-in-law of Mahhammed was slain the name Mesched-Ali signifying the place of the Martyrdom of Ali whom they hold a Martyr And though the City of Kufa is no longer in being yet upon account of the said Sepulchre venerated by Mahometans and adorned with a noble Fabrick the place is frequented and inhabited when we passed by it was in the power of the Qizilbasci whereas it used to be in that of the Turks whilst they were Masters of Baghdad From hence we continued our Journey till two hours within night Iune the twenty seventh We set forth by day-light and at Noon rested near a water which rising out of the ground runs under a thicket of Canes where we stayed all day The next day setting forth and resting at our accustomed hours we passed over many dry Lakes which seem'd to have had water in them at some time of the year Iune the nine and twentieth Two or three hours before Noon we rested by a water near the ruines of an ancient great Fabrick perfecty square with thirteen Pillastres or round Columns on each side without and other compartiments of Arches within which were many Chambers with a Court of no great bigness and uncover'd The Arabians call this Fabrick Casr Chaider I could not conjecture whether it had been a Pallace or Temple or Castle but I incline to believe it a Palace rather then any thing else In this place we had within half a dayes journey on the Right Hand Mesched-Hhussein which signifies the place of the Martyrdom of Hhussein and where Hhussan the Son of Ali and Muhhammed's Daughter was slain and buried by his Emulators which place in the Country call'd Kierbela being inhabited and adornd with the said Sepulchre which the Moors visit as Holy a very sumptuous Fabrick after their mode was now in the Hands of the Qizilbasci into which it fell with the other Territories of Baghdad which is but a little distant from thence Here we stay'd to pay a Gabel to Emir Nasirben-Mahhanna Lord of these Desarts or rather to Sceich Abitaleb his Son for Sceich Nasir being now old and devoted to a Spiritual Life as he that had been in pilgrimage at Meka had resign'd the Government to his Son and both of them were now remaining in Tents about a League from the place where we rested towards the North-East Iune the thirtieth In the Morning the two Capigi's that were in our company went separately to carry their Letters and Presents from the Serdar to the Sceich namely Ibrahim Aga to the present and Mahhmud Aga to the preceding Serdar who as they said was poyson'd either by others or by himself for fear of worse because he had not been diligent enough in the war of Baghdad yet this his Capigi having been sent to several other places could not come hither sooner to the Sceich After dinner in the absence of the Capigi the Sceich's Men came to demand a Gabel and after I had pay'd them as much as they requir'd to wit twelve Piastres for onely two Chests and two or three more Piastres of free-gift nevertheless they open'd all my Trunks breaking some for haste turning all things topsie-turvy and taking away for the Sceich and themselves some things of value which they lik'd a rich Persian Turbant of Silk and God a piece of fine checker'd Silk to make Cassocks withall after the Persian Mode many dishes of rare Porcellane beautifi'd with Gold and colours an Harquebuse belonging to my Servant much curious Paper of Iapan and India besides many other toyes which I remembâ—r not telling me that they would buy them notwithstanding that I told them that they were not things to be sold but onely such as I carry'd for my own use and service Moreover they made me by force that is refusing to hear any of my Reasons to the contrary but saying that the Sceich commanded so though in truth I ought not pay twenty Piastres to my chief Camelier their Friend alledging that the same were for the Guide which he would have hired at Cuvebeda which Guide I neither hir'd nor made use of and if I had I ought to have pay'd onely half at most the said Camelier having other Carriages besides mine and all of Merchandize But they were resolv'd to do a kindness to the Camelier who was an Arabian and a Thief like themselves and gave not this money to any Guide but kept it for his own use Hereby the Readers may observe how we Christians are us'd by these Barbarians in their own jurisdictions At length they would have taken for the Sceich a Sword and Changiar or Arabian Ponyard the hilts and garniture whereof were Silver-gilt and which belong'd sometimes to Sitti Maani my Wife Whereupon being no longer able to suffer so many insolencies I resolv'd to go to the Sceich my self and present him a Letter from the Basha of Bassora which he had writ to him in commendation of me Accordingly leaping upon a Mule of Aga's who was already return'd and highly angry with the
you enter into it a good way inwards but I without having so much minded the Maps said that I conceiv'd we were much lower and more without the Gulph towards Bassain because although we had always sail'd and kept the ships prow directed to Daman by the shortest line yet for the two or three last dayes we had had the Wind for that place contrary which although it hinder'd us not from holding our course because we help'd our selves with the rudder and siding of the sails yet the violence of the Wind must needs have continually driven the ship something lower then we intended Two hours after midnight the current of the Gulph of Cambaia being contrary against which by reason of its impetuosness there is no sailing for a while but the ship must stay either for the turning of it which is known when it will happen because it regularly changes according to the hours and days of the Moon or for a strong Wind wherewith to master the current for this reason and also that the day-light might resolve us in what place we were we cast anchor and struk sail to wait for a more fitting time The Sea in this place began to be very rough which happens by reason of the strong current which it hath The next Morning we discern'd land afar off and according to my conjecture it appear'd that we were lower that is more to the South of Daman about twelve leagues in a place a little distant from Bassain which the English call Terra di San Giovanni but in the Sea-Chart is noted in the Portugal Tongue with the name of Ilhas das vaccas or the Islands of Cows About one a clock in the Afternoon the Tide being become less contrary we set sail again by degrees approaching still nearer the shore of India But a little before Night the current turning against us we were constrain'd to cast anchor once more nevertheless after midnight it became favourable again and we sail'd onwards by degrees till day This slow course through the Gulph of Cambaia with the plummet always in hand and sounding every hour it was requisite for us to hold because the place is dangerous in regard of the many shelves or quick-sands which are in it and especially because the current which turns every six hours now setting one way and anon the other causes great hindrance By reason of which shelves from the time of our entrance into the Gulph we did not guide the ship directly towards Surà t which no doubt would have been the shortest way by a strait line but keeping lower towards Daman fetch'd a large compass to the South tacking about afterwards to the North when we were near land onely to avoid the many shelves and shallows through which our great ships could not pass On Sunday the the fifth of February being at anchor in the Morning we discover'd near the land which was not very far from us ten or fifteen Frigots or Galliots sailing Eastwards which probably were either Portugal or Indian Merchants of some Cafila as they call a Fleet or Consort of ships coming from Cambaia to go to Goa or some other place thereabouts The night following we heard the report of Artillery which we conceiv'd to come from the City of Daman being the place nearest us Wednesday night after the Wind blew somewhat hard against us in regard whereof and the strength of the current which carry'd us in that narrow channel amongst shelves and quick-sands we sail'd for a good while very circumspectly and not without some danger On Thursday we stood right against the mouth of the River of Surà t which City is not situate upon the shore but some leagues within land And because there is no station there for great ships we continued sailing Northwards to the place where is the Port most frequented by the ships of Europe which though the best of all that Coast yet the Vessels of that Country not knowing so well how to steer make not much use of it because the entrance is a little difficult On Fryday the tenth of February in the Afternoon the favour of the current failing us we cast anchor in sight of the Port of Surà t at a little distance and our boat going a shore the President of the English Merchants who uses to reside in Surà t and is superintendent of all their Trade in East-Ind 〈…〉 Persia with the other places depending on the same is now one Mr. Thomas Rastel perceiving our ships near and being at that time at the Sea-side near the landing place came in our boat to the ships together with one of their Ministers so they call those who exercise the office of Priests and two other Merchants and after a collation and a supper lodg'd with us all night He spoke Italian very well and made me many civil offers and complements shewing himself in all things a a person sufficiently accomplish'd and of generous deportment according as his gentile and graceful aspect bespoke him He inform'd me that Sig r Alberto di Scilling a German Gentleman known to me in Persia having return'd from the Court of the Moghol and other parts of India which he had travell'd to see was at that time in Surat from whence he was gone to see the City of Barocci hard by and would return speedily with which intelligence I was much pleas'd because Sig Alberto was my great friend and I extremely desir'd to see him On Saturday Morning we convers'd together for some time drinking a little of hot wine boyl'd with Cloves Cinnamon and other spices which the English call burnt wine and use to drink frequently in the Morning to comfort the stomack sipping it by little and little for fear of scalding as they do Cahue Coffee by me elsewhere describ'd And they use it particularly in the Winter to warm themselves though in India 't is not necessary for that end because albeit 't was still Winter according to our division of the seasons yet we had more heat there then cold After this short refection the President return'd a shore and I remain'd in the ship not expecting to disimbarque till we were got into the Harbour which was a little before night and the anchors were cast very near the land but because 't was now late and the City of Surat was a good distance off none of us car'd to land Nor did I go out of the ship on Sunday both because it was a sacred day and because our Captain was pleas'd to give an Entertainment to us and the Captain of the Dolphin our companion in the voyage Monday the thirteenth of the same moneth was the day of my Ague whereof I had had divers fits by the way at sea nevertheless after a collation I went on shore together with the Captain of our ship where we continu'd under certain tents pitch'd for convenience of the Tonnellers so the English term certain of their Mariners imploy'd to fill the Casks with water in expectation of
Cos which in all were six and at Night took up our lodging at a Town call'd Periab But we rested little because soon after mid-night we put our selves upon the way again Our journey from Surà t to Cambaia was always with our faces towards the North. The next Morning early we made a Collation by the side of a Piscina or Lake which we found by the way of a long and narrow form of which kind there are many in these parts Having travell'd sixteen Cos which was from Surà t in all two and twenty before Evening we arriv'd at the City of Barocci or Behrug as they call it in Persian under the walls whereof on the South side runs a River call'd Nerbeda which we ferri'd over The City is encompass'd with a wall of moderate bigness built high upon a rising hill For the circuit 't is populous enough as generally are all the parts of India 'T is considerable for a very great Trade of fine Cotton Cloth or Callico made more plentifully there then in other places and dispers'd no◠onely through Asia but also into our Europe so that the English and Dutch which two Nations have Houses of constant residence here freight five or six great ships therewith every year and for the better imbarking it make it up in very great balls each as big as Roman Coach and every piece of Cloth little bigger then one of our Towels being carri'd to Aleppo will not be sold for less then three or four Piastre and in Italy at least for six Crowns Whence you may infer what wealth comes out of this small City alone which for compass and buildings is not greater then Siena in Tuscany although 't is above three times as populous and you may also consider to what summ the Prince's Customes arise A few Cos from the City is a Mine of Calcidonies and Agates white and green but these stones are carry'd less into Barocci then to Cambaia although it be further from the Mine because there is a Sea-port and a greater concourse of forreign Merchants and in Cambaia they are wrought into little Globes either round or oval to make Coronets or Neck-laces and also little Cups and divers other curious vessels for ornament The Sea comes not up to Barocci even at the highest tides but is about as many miles distant as 't is from Surà t When we pass'd over the River our Dutch Trumpeter sounding his Instrument gave notice of our coming to his Country men residing in Barocci and they at the Summons came immediatly to the bank-side to meet us from whence we went with them to lodge in the Dutch House there Late in the Evening they carry'd us to see a Patache or small Indian ship which they were building and was not yet finish'd in which they treated us till night drinking of Tari which is a liquor drawn from the Nut-trees of India whitish and a little troubled of taste somewhat sowrish and sweet too not unpleasing to the palate almost like our Poignant or Brisk-wine yet it inebriates as Wine doth if drunk immoderately The next day which was Wednesday Feb. 22. we departed from Barocci late in the Forenoon Six Cos off we made a Collation near a water without lighting out of the Coach having brought provision with us for this purpose from Barocci Afterwards upon the way we met the Wife and Family of the Governour of Cambaia remov'd from that charge by the Rebel Sultan Chorrom who had plac'd another there at his devotion and this being driven from thence return'd to Surà t where his house and usual habitation was His Wife was carry'd upon an Elephant in a cover'd and very convenient litter Three other Elephants follow'd unladen saving with the men upon their necks who guided them then abundance of Coaches partly cover'd and full of women partly uncover'd with men in them then a great number of Souldiers Horse and Foot and in brief a great train suitable to the quality of the person and the custom of India which is to have a very numerous attendance whoever it be After this we foarded a small River which I believe was of salt water which they say is call'd Dilavel and before night having travell'd eighteen Cos we staid to lodge in a great Town call'd Giambuser On Thursday two hours before day we arose to go along with a great Cafila or Caravan which was there united nevertheless we departed not so soon but were fain to wait in the Coach till almost day because the City was lock'd up and none was suffer'd to go forth without paying a Toll as likewise was paid in many other places the same day though of small value The Cafila was so great and the Coaches so many that in certain narrow places we were fain to stay a good while before we could go forwards just as it happens in the streets of Naples and Rome at solemn pomps Having travell'd about five Cos an hour after Sun-rise we came to an arm of the Sea or to speak better to the inmost part of the Gulph of Cambaia directly where the River Mehi falls into the Sea In which place the flux and reflux of the Sea is more impetuous and violent and with a more rapid current then perhaps in any other part of the world at least any whereof I have knowledge But before I proceed further 't is needful here to correct an enormous error of many of our Geographers even Moderns which hath likewise given occasion of mistake to sundry Historians In almost all the Mapps which hitherto I have seen the River Indus is always describ'd falling into the Sea at the inmost recess of the Gulph of Cambaia which is a grievous error and as wide from truth as the whole Country of Guzarat is broad and 't is no narrow one for Indus which is discharg'd into the Sea with two very large mouths sufficiently distant runs not on the East of Guzarat as it should do if it enter'd into the Sea at the Gulph of Cambaia but rather on the West and so far from the Gulph of Cambaia that all Guzarat and perhaps some other Countries lye between Wherefore the River which disembogues in the inmost part of this Gulph is not Indus but this Mehi which I speak of a River of handsome but ordinary greatness and hath not the least correspondence with Indus Now being come to the side of it we were fain to foard over this Water and not without danger For there is a plain of about five Cos which is all over-flow'd at high Tide and when the water is lowest in three or four places there are waters sufficiently broad and deep to be foarded and should the Sea happen to come in whilst a man is in that passage he would infallibly be drown'd And besides even in those places which are always foardable when the Water is a little higher or the current more furious then ordinary for 't is not always equal but more or less
according to the times of the Moon it often carries away people and sometimes with such violence that an Elephant cannot bear up against it but is swept away by the Water Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard namely when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb which if I mistake not in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Horizon as on the contrary when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven the Tide uses to be at the highest But in the Gulph of Cambaia I know not upon what reason perhaps because 't is much within the Land and far from the great mass of the Ocean it happens at another different hour yet well known to the Country-people The more cautious wait also the most fitting days in the moneth because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher and without comparison highest and most impetuous of all about the Aequinoxes and Solstices In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate and in other intermediate days lower then the rest So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon were come in a good time and likewise in a seasonable hour the Cafila or Caravan having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right for the owners of the Coaches and the others imploy'd in this journey are well instructed of every thing and know what they have to do So being united in a great troop the better to break the stream we pass'd over all that space of five Cos which was moist yet firm ground saving that in four places where we foarded the running-water of the River which nevertheless is salt there the great strength of the Sea overcoming that of the River Of the four streams which we waded the first was inconsiderable the other three came higher then the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches into which nevertheless the Water enter'd not because their floar and especially the wheels are very high and you sit according to the manner of the East as upon plain ground without hanging the Legs downwards but keeping them bow'd under you For greater security they hir'd sundry men on foot who held the Coaches on either side stedfast with their hands that so in regard of their lightness they might not float and be carry'd away and also to carry our bundles high on their heads that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches The men who go on foot in this passage either strip themselves naked covering onely their privities with a little cloth or pulling up their coat which as I said is of plain white linnen and serves both for garment and shirt and also tucking up their breeches made of the same they care not for wetting themselves 'T is certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage which is very much frequented abundance of people go every day in this manner some in Coaches and Charriots others on Horseback and a foot men and also women naked without being shie who sees them a spectacle no doubt sufficiently extravagant This wet passage being over there remain two other Cos but of firm and higher ground which is not overflow'd although it be plain and the Sea-shore to arrive at the City of Cambaia whither we came before dinner-time having travell'd that day in all twelve Cos. And here likewise we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants by whom we were receiv'd with great kindness and treated continually with exquisite chear for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places Cambaia is a City indifferently large though most of its greatness consists in Suburbs without the walls which are sufficiently spacious 'T is seated on the Sea-shore in a plain almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulph whereunto it gives name The City that is the inner part without the Suburbs is incompass'd with walls built with plain cortines and round battlements The Houses within are brickt with coverings of Tiles and Cisterns which is the custom in India for provision of Water which falls in such plenty during those three moneths of the great Summer rains In our Countries they would be ordinary Houses but in these parts they are counted good and perhaps the best of the whole Province and they are made shady and cool as the heat of the place requires The City hath no form'd Port because it stands in a low Plain but 't is call'd a Port by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts which nevertheless for the most part are Frigots Galeots and other small ones of that make which go either by oar or sail because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles and here more then elsewhere their vain superstitions are observed with rigor Wherefore we who came particularly to see these things the same day of our arrival after we had din'd and rested a while caus'd our selves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts which for being sick lame depriv'd of their mates or otherwise needing food and cure are kept and tended there with diligence as also the men who take care of them are maintain'd by the publick alms the Indian Gentiles who with Pythagoras and the ancient Aegyptians the first Authors of this opinion according to Herodotus believe the Transmigration of Souls not onely from Man to Man but also from Man to brute beast conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small a little room sufficing for many Birds Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance as Cocks Hens Pigeons Peacocks Ducks and small Birds which during their being lame or sick or mateless are kept here but being recover'd and in good plight if they be wild they are let go at liberty if domestick they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House The most curious thing I saw in this place were certain little Mice who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them were put into this Hospital and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather because they were so little that as yet they could eat nothing else and as he told us he intended when they were grown up to let them go free whither they pleas'd From this place we went out of the City to the Sea-side to see a Garden sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat 'T is small adorn'd with the same Trees as that which I saw in Surà t with some also
Customs and Rites of the Indians he calls them even at that time Ancient things And though Pythagoras and the Consulship of Brutus may precede not onely Eumenes who was one of Alexander the Great 's successors but Alexander himself by about two ages according to the Chronology of Bellarmine which to me seems good enough yet the space of two hundred years or somewhat more is not such as that those things may be call'd Ancient which had their beginning within so short a term as it should be infallibly if Pythagoras whom they take to be their Brachma were the first Author to the Indians of their Learning and consequently of their Rites Customs and Laws But since I have already made frequent mention of the Brachmans and perhaps shall have occasion to do the same hereafter to the end it may be understood what they are I shall here subjoyn so much as I have hitherto 〈…〉 ain'd to know concerning them and all the other Indians The whole Gentile-people of India is divided into many sects or parties of men known and distinguisht by descent or pedigree as the Tribes of the Jews sometimes were yet they inhabit the Country promiscuously mingled together in every City and Land several Races one with another 'T is reckon'd that they are in all eighty four some say more making a more exact and subtle division Every of these hath a particular name and also a special office and imployment in the Common-wealth from which none of the descendents of that Race ever swerve they never rise nor fall nor change condition Whence some are Husbandmen others Mechanick as Taylers Shoemakers and the like others Factors or Merchants such as they whom we call Banians but they in their Language more correctly Vanià Others Souldiers as the Ragia-puti And thus every one attends and is employ'd in the proper Trade of his Family without any mutation ever hapning amongst them or Alliance of one Race contracted with another Diodorus and Strabo almost with the same words as if the one had transscrib'd the other affirm that anciently the Races of the Indians were seven each addicted to their proper profession and for the first of all they place that of the Philosophers who no doubt are the Brachmans Into seven kinds of men with their particular and by Generation perpetuated Offices Herodotus in like manner writes and Diodorus confirms it though he disagrees in the number the people of Aegypt was divided in those days whereby 't is manifest what correspondence there was between Aegypt and India in all things Nor do I wonder at the division into seven Races onely because what is observ'd at this day must then also have hapned namely that the so many Races which they reckon are reduc'd to four principal which if I mistake not are the Brachmans the Souldiers the Merchants and the Artificers from whom by more minute subdivision all the rest are deriv'd in such number as in the whole people there are various professions of men In the substantial points of Religion all agree together all believe the Transmigration of Souls which according to their merits and demerits they think are sent by God into other bodies either of Animals more or less clean and of more or less painful life or else of men more or less noble and handsome and more or less pure of Race wherein they place not a little of their vain superstition accounting all other Nations and Religions besides themselves unclean and some more then others according as they more or less differ from their Customs All equally believe that there is a Paradice in Heaven with God but that thereinto go onely the Souls of their own Nation more pure and without any sin who have liv'd piously in this world Or in case they have sin'd that after divers Transmigrations into various bodies of Animals and Men having by often returning into the world undergone many pains they are at length purg'd and at last dye in the body of some man of Indian and noble Race as the Brachmans who amongst them are held the noblest and purest because their employment is nothing else but the Divine Worship the service of Temples and Learning and they observe their own Religion with more rigor then any others 'T is true the Brachmans who amongst the Indians in my opinion much resemble the Levites of the Jews are divided too into several sorts one more noble then another and according to nobility more rigorous also in matter of eating and in their other superstitious Ceremonies for some of them are Astrologers some Physitians some Secretaries of Princes and so of other sorts of Scholars which I know not well but the most esteem'd and most sublime amongst the Brachmans and consequently the most rigorous of all in point of eating and other observances are those who perform the Office of Priests whom they call Boti Ordinarily they never admit into their Sect any man of another Religion nor do they think that they do ill herein or contrary to the zeal of saving Souls since believing the Transmigration they conceive it not necessary to salvation to change Religion although one be of a false Sect but judg that if this Soul shall be worthy to have pardon from God it shall after death and after being purg'd sundry ways pass into and be born in the body of some Indian amongst them and live excellently and so by this way at last arrive at Paradice and live with God although in the beginning it was in the world in the body of the worst sinner and miscreant whatever With people of other Religion they never eat nor will have any communication of food and as much as possible they avoid even to touch them conceiving themselves polluted by communicating with others And herein they are so scrupulous that even amongst the Indians themselves one of more noble Race not only neither eats nor makes use of the same clothes or vessels nor communicates in any thing with one less noble but also endures not to be touch'd by him which if it fall out by chance that he be he must purifie himself from the defilement by washings and other arrogant Ceremonies And hence 't is a prety sight to behold the great respect which upon this account the ignoble bear to the more noble then themselves and how upon meeting in the street the ignoble not onely give place but dance wildly up and down for fear of rushing against the noble and polluting them in any measure which if they should not do the Noble and especially the Souldiers would make them do it to the Musick of blows From this averseness to communicate one with another particularly in the use of eating and drinking-vessels concerning which they are most strict is sprung a strange Custom which I was delighted not onely to see but also sometimes out of gallantry to imitate in conversation It happens very often during hot weather both in Travelling and
Knight-hood although it be that Cross than which there cannot be a greater Cognizance of Christian Religion albeit 't is worn by those Knights as a token of Nobility too 'T is enough that the Jesuits think their opinion abundantly confirm'd by the two abovesaid Reasons namely that it is rather a sign of Nobility then a Cognizance of Religion And although the same is conferr'd with many superstitious Ceremonies yet they will not have it taken away alledging for example that the Crosses of our Knights however Ensignes of Nobility are given with many Ceremonies and Rites of our sacred Religion the more to authorize them Whence it appears that the use of this Ribban may be without scruple permitted to the Indians provided these superstitious Ceremonies be lay'd aside and especially the End in which alone consists the sin changing it in that manner as the ancient Christians chang'd many Festivals and superstitions of the Gentiles into Festivals of Martyrs and other pious Commemorations And this may be done by applying e. g. the signification of the three Braids to the most Holy Trinity or in some such manner turning it to a pious and lawful use Nevertheless those of the contrary party impugn this opinion with no bad Reasons they say 't is a thing in it self of its own nature wholly unlawful to Christians as being perfectly a Gentile-superstition which is prov'd by the Ceremonies and words us'd in conferring it and that for the three Braids 't is well known they hold and wear them in honour of three of their chief false Gods and that although they be Ensigns of Nobility in the wearer yet they are withall and principally a manifest Cognizance of their Religion as Crosses are amongst our Knights wherewith who ever hath the same on his breast not onely ostentates his Nobility but also firmly profess the Christian Faith That the Gentile-Kings having honour'd with this Ensign some Mahometan their Vassal and remaining a Mahometan is no more then as if in our Countries we should grant to some Jew the priviledge of wearing a black Hat without becoming a Christian which may be done by way of dispensation and yet it cannot be deny'd but that the wearing a black one or a yellow is besides the matter of credit a Cognizance also of the Religion or Sect which a man professes Many other Reasons they alledge which I do not well remember and which no doubt will be narrowly examin'd at Rome What the determination will be I shall know more certainly at Goa and for the present thus much may suffice concerning the Opinions and Rites of the Indian-Gentiles Now in pursuance of the Narration of my Travells I am to tell you that after the seeing of the Temple and visiting the Brachman abovesaid the same day which was Saturday the 25th of February upon occasion of a Cafila or Caravan which was setting forth from Cambaia to Ahmedabà d which is the Royal Seat and Head of the whole Kingdom of Guzarà t we namely Sig Alberto Scilling and my self with our attendants were desirous to see that City and since the insecurity of the wayes allow'd us not to go alone we resolv'd to go with the Cafila And because at the same time another Cafila was setting forth for Surà t in which some of the Hollanders residing at Cambaia went with their goods which they carry'd thither in order to be shipt we all went out of the Town together and in a place without the Gate and the Suburbs were the wayes divided under the shade of certain great Trees of Tamarinds which the Indians call Hambelè where also are certain Sepulchres and a Mahometan Meschita or Temple unroof'd and without walls about saving a little wall at the front and a place markt where prayers are to be made of which sort of Meschita's many are seen in India especially in the Country we entertain'd our selves a good while with the Dutch being diverted with Musick singing and dancing by the same Women which we had the night before at our house At length taking leave they took their way towards Surà t and Sig Alberto and I with our company towards Ahmedabà d going a little out of the way to see another very famous Temple of Mahadeù The Fabrick is small and inconsiderable within there is no other Idol but that of Mahadeù which is no other but a little column or pillar of stone thicker below then at top and which diminishing by degrees ends at the top in a round Whatever 't is that would signifie thereby the name of Mahadeù they in their language is properly interpreted Great God But we had enough to laugh at when we heard that this Idol was held by the Country people for a worker of miracles and amongst other of his miracles they relate that he grows every day and becomes bigger hourly affirming that many years since he was no higher then a span or little more and now he is above two and perhaps three and thus he continues increasing every day a folly not to be believ'd but by such fools as themselves Having seen this Temple we overtook our Cafila at a Town call'd Saimà three miles distant from Cambaia where we all lodg'd that night The next Morning being Sunday the Cafila which consisted of above a hundred Coaches besides foot-men and horse-men and great loaden Wagons set forth three hours before day and staying not to rest any where according to the custom of the East which is to make but one bout of a days journey having travell'd fifteen Cos by noon or little later we lodg'd at a Town call'd Mà ter where we saw an infinite number of Squirrels leaping amongst the trees every where they were small white and with a tail less and not so fair as those of our Countries On Monday about two hours before day we resum'd our Voyage When it was day we saw upon the way every where abundance of wild Monkies of which almost all the Trees were full They put me in mind of that Army of Monkies which the Souldiers of Alexander the Great beholding upon certain Hills a far off and taking to be Menintended to have charg'd had not Taxilus inform'd them what they were as Strabo relates We found abundance of people too upon the way begging alms with the sound of a Trumpet which almost every one had and sounded and most of them were arm'd with Bows and Arrows two things sufficiently uncouth for beggars and indeed not be suffer'd by Governours since these Ruffians under pretext of begging rob frequently upon the way when they meet persons alone and unarm'd which having weapons themselves they may easily do This County was almost all woody the ground unmeasurably dusty to the great trouble of Travellers the High-ways were all enclos'd on the sides with high hedges of a plant always green and unfruitful not known in Europe and having no leaves but instead thereof cover'd with certain long and slender branches almost like our Sparagus but bigger
the night would needs accompany us thither that so we might go safely for which service they were contented with a very small gratuity which we gave them The first of March being Ash-Wednesday we set forth by break of day and having travell'd fifteen Cos an hour or little more before night we came to lodge in a competently large Town call'd Soznitrà where I saw Batts as big as Crows The next day March the second beginning our journey early we travell'd twelve Cos and a little after noon arriv'd at Cambaia The Dutch Merchants there understanding by others that we were coming with this Cafila came to meet us a little without the Gate and with their accustomed courtesies conducted us to lodge in their House March the third we went out of the walls to the top of the Tower of that Sepulchre which I said we saw near the Garden of the King of Guzarat to behold from thence being a great prospect upon the Sea the coming in of the Tide which indeed was a pleasant spectacle 'T was New-Moon this day and so a greater Tide then usual and we went to observe it at the punctual time of its being at the height which those people know very well because at that time it increases in less then a quarter of an hour to almost the greatest height it is to have and flows with greatest fury contrary to what happens in other Seas Now at the due time we saw the Sea come roaring a far off like a most rapid River and in a moment overflow a great space of Land rushing with such fury that nothing could have with-stood its force and I think it would have overtaken the swiftest Race-horse in the world A thing verily strange since in other places both the rising and the falling of the Sea in the flux and reflux is done gently in full six hours and with so little motion that 't is scarce perceiv'd After this we went to see another goodly Cistern or Lake without the City formerly not seen of a square form and of a sumptuous marble structure with stairs about it like the others which I had seen elsewhere Afterwards we saw in one of the Suburbs or Hamlets near the City call'd Cansari a Temple of the Gentiles peradventure the goodliest that I have seen with certain Cupola's and high Balconies of tolerable Architecture but no great model This Temple belongs to that Race of Indians who shave their heads a thing unusual to all others who wear long hair like Women and such are call'd Vertià The Idol in it sate on high over an Altar at the upper end in a place somewhat dark ascended by stairs with lamps always burning before it When I went in there was a Man at his Devotions and burning Perfumes before the Idol At some distance from this stands another Temple of like structure but more plain and of a square form within it were seen abundance of Idols of several shapes whose Names and Histories the shortness of time and my unskilfulness in their Language allow'd me not to learn Without the Gate of these Temples I beheld sitting upon the ground in a circle another Troop of those naked Gioghi having their bodies sinear'd with Ashes Earth and Colours like those I had seen upon the River of Ahmedabà d they 〈◊〉 a ring about their Archimandrita or Leader who was held in such Veneration not onely by the Religious of their Sect but also by the other secular Indians for Reputation of Holiness that I saw many grave persons go and make low Reverences to him kiss his Hands and stand in an humble posture before him to hear some sentence and He with great gravity or rather with a strange scorn of all worldly things hypocritically made as if he scarce deign'd to speak and answer those that came to honour him These Gioghi are not such by Descent but by Choice as our Religious Orders are They go naked most of them with their bodies painted and smear'd as is above mention'd yet some of them are onely naked with the rest of their bodies smooth and onely their Fore-heads dy'd with Sanders and some red yellow or white colour which is also imitated by many secular persons out of superstition and gallantry They live upon Almes despising clothes and all other worldly things They marry not but make severe profession of Chastity at least in appearance for in secret 't is known many of them commit as many debaucheries as they can They live in society under the obedience of their Superiors and wander about the world without having any setled abode Their Habitations are the Fields the Streets the Porches the Courts of Temples and Trees especially under those where any Idol is worshipt by them and they undergo with incredible patience day and night no less the rigor of the Air then the excessive heat of the Sun which in these sultry Countries is a thing sufficiently to be admir'd They have spiritual exercises after their way and also some exercise of Learning but by what I gather from a Book of theirs translated into Persian and intitl'd Damerdbigiaska and as the Translator saith a rare piece both their exercises of wit and their Learning consist onely in Arts of Divination Secrets of Herbs and other natural things and also in Magick and Inchantments whereunto they are much addicted and boast of doing great wonders I include their spiritual exercises herein because according to the aforesaid Book they think that by the means of those exercises Prayers Fastings and the like superstitious things they come to Revelations which indeed are nothing else but correspondences with the Devil who appears to and deludes them in sundry shapes forewarning them sometimes of things to come Yea sometimes they have carnal commerce with him not believing or at least not professing that 't is the Devil but that there are certain Immortal Spiritual Invisible Women to the number of forty known to them and distinguisht by various forms names and operations whom they reverence as Deities and adore in many places with strange worship so that some Moorisco Princes in India as one of these three pety Kings who reign'd in Decà n Telengane and Meslepaton Cutbsciach as I remember though a Moor yet retaining some reliques of ancient Gen 〈…〉 sm makes great Feasts and Sacrifices to one of these Women in certain Grottoes under high Mountains which are in his Country where 't is reported that this Woman hath a particular and beloved habitation and He of the Gioghi that by long spiritual exercises can come to have an apparition of any of these Women who foretells him future things and favours him with the power of doing other wonders is accounted in the degree of perfection and far more if he happen to be adopted by the Immortal Woman for her Son Brother or other Kinsman but above all if he be receiv'd for a Husband and the Woman have carnal commerce with him the Giogho thenceforward remaining
but ill cut as well as the rest of the figure which for its bigness hath a very great Belly I know not whether through the Artificers fault who seems to have been little skilful or else because the Indians as I have also heard of the people of Sumatra account it a great Beauty and perfection to have a great Belly This figure of Brahma stands upright and at his Feet two other less carv'd figures which as they say are his two Sons Sunnet and Sunnatan On each side of Brahma stand likewise two Statues of Women somewhat less then Brahma himself and they call them his Wives Savetri and Gavetri On the left side of this narrow Temple stand two other figures of the same bigness being two naked Men with long Beards whom they pretend to have been two religious persons I know not whether Doctors or Disciples of Brahma or Pythagoras one is call'd Chescuèr the other Ciavan de Chescuèr On the same side downwards are many other Idolets as one with an Elephants Head and divers others formerly by me mention'd All which Idols are serv'd ador'd perfum'd offer'd to and wash'd every day as for delight for the Indians account it delight to wash often by the Brachmans who assist at their service with much diligence I must not forget that the Banians say this Town Naghera was the King's Seat and principal City anciently the Head of the whole Kingdom of Cambaia and that the City now properly call'd Cambaia and rais'd to greatness by the ruine of this old is a modern thing whence I have sometimes suspected that the Indian Character call'd Naghra us'd by the learned was denominated from this City wherein it was anciently us'd but 't is onely a Conjecture and I have learnt by long and much experience that in the derivation and interpretation of Names especially of Places there is no trusting to the resemblance of Words because by reason of the diversity of Languages and the casual Conformity of Words which signifie things sufficiently different according to the variety of Places gross errors are easily admitted Nagher in the Indian Language signifies a Great City Coming from Naghra I saw some naked and besmeared Men of deportment almost like the incinerated Gioghi who were of a Race of Indians accounted by themselves the most sordid and vile Race of all in India because they eat every thing even the uncleannest Animals as Rats and the like whence they are call'd in Persian Hhalal-chor which signifies a Man that accounts it lawful to eat any thing the Indians call them Der and all people in general abhor not onely to converse with but even to touch them Concerning Religion I have heard nothing particular of them but believe them Gentiles as the rest or perhaps Atheists who may possibly hold every thing for lawful as well in believing as in eating They are all sufficiently poor and live for the most part by begging or exercising the most sordid Trades in the Common-wealth which others disdain to meddle with but they either because their Rite teaches them so or necessity inforces them are not at all shie of March the fifth We visited the King's Garden again and many other Gardens where we tasted divers fruits and beheld several Flowers of India unknown in Europe amongst the rest one very odoriferous which I kept in a Paper which they call Ciompa Without the City we saw the Saltpits and also the Field by the Sea-side where the Indians are wont to burn the bodies of their dead which may be known by the reliques of many fires and pieces of bones not wholly burnt which are seen scatter'd about the same The next Morning early we return'd to this Field and saw several Bodies burnt and particularly observ'd the Funeral of one Woman from the beginning to the end They carry the Corps wrapt in a cloth of Cit of a red colour for the most part and much in use among the Indians for other purposes They carry it not upon a Biere as we do but ty'd to and hanging down like a sack from a staff lay'd cross two Men's shoulders They make the funeral pile of wood lay'd together in form of a bed of equal length and breadth and sufficient to receive the Body upon which beginning then to lament with a loud voice they lay the carkass naked and supine with the Face and Feet towards the Sea which I believe is likewise observ'd where the Sea is not towards Rivers Lakes and Cisterns the Indians having a particular devotion to the Water nor do I know that herein they have respect to any Region of Heaven They cover the privities with a piece of wood anoint the Hands and Feet put a coal of fire in the Mouth and then all things being prepar'd they set fire first at the Throat and afterwards to the whole pile round about beginning first at the Head but with their Faces turn'd another way as Virgil saith our Ancestors did Then sprinkle Water on the ground round about the pile which they continually stir up with staves in their Hands and blow with the motion of a cloth to the end the flame may not spread but burn more speedily The body being consum'd by degrees they reduce the fire into a round form and when all is burnt they leave the ashes and sometimes a piece of a bone not wholly consum'd there in the same place The cloth wherein the body was wrapt before it was committed to the pile they give in Charity to some poor person present Such as have where withall are burnt with odoriferous and precious wood in which the rich spend much but they that cannot reach so high use ordinary wood Children under two years of age are not burnt but buried as we saw some in the same Field Nor let the Reader wonder that in the same day and hour we hapned to see so many dead persons for besides that Cambaia is a large City and very populous as all the Cities and Lands of India are the Gentiles are wont to perform this Ceremony of the dead onely in the Morning at a set hour and in that place so that all that dye in the whole City during the twenty four hours of the day are brought to that place at the same hour The same day we had News of a Jesuit's coming to Cambaia from Goa with a Cafila of Portugal Frigats which was going for Agrà Whereupon in the Evening Sig Alberto Scilling and I in company of a Venetian Merchant went to visit him at the house where he lodged and having told him that we were to go the next day for Surà t I desir'd him to give a letter to the Jesuits of Daman and Bassaim where I hop'd to touch upon the way to Goa which he very courteously condescending to do we went again the next Morning to see him before we departed March the seventh In the Morning we visited the Father Jesuit who was not a Priest but one of those whom
the right day of the Feast falls in the Moneths of great Rain so that at that time the Procession cannot be perform'd and therefore they anticipate it in this manner The Procession was made by the whole Clergy with a greater shew of green boughs then clothes and with many representations of mysteries by persons disguis'd fictitious animals dances and maskerades things which in our Countries would more sute with Villages then great Cities Two Ships are now departing by the way of Persias and therefore I have made use of this opportunity favour me to kiss the hands of all my Friends in my Name amongst which I reckon in the first place with the Signori Spina Sig r Andrea Sig Dottore and Sig Coletta upon whom and your self I pray Heaven for all felicity recommending my self to your prayers also for my safety From Goa April 27. 1623. LETTER III. From Goa Octob. 10. 1623. HAving a sit opportunity according to my desire to make an excursion from Goa farther into India more Southwards to Canarà upon occasion of this Vice-Roy's dispatching Sig Gio Fernandez Leiton Ambassador to Vanktapà Niekà a Gentile-Prince of that Province and conceiving that my journey will begin within three or four days I have therefore determin'd to write this Letter to you that it may be convey'd by the first occasion of the Ships which are now preparing for a Voyage from India into Europe for I know not certainly how far I shall tarvel nor how long I shall stay out before my return to Goa whether moneths or years As little do I know what other opportunity or convenient place I shall meet withall to write to you nevertheless I shall omit none that offers it self and in the mean time present you with the continuation of my Diary Having been here in Goa too much shut up in the House of the Jesuits On the first of May I parted from them after many civil treatments and favours receiv'd of them according to their most affectionate hospitality and went to the House prepar'd for me right over against that of Sig ra Lena da Cugna which stands between the Covents of the Bare-footed Carmelites and the Converted Nunns of S. Mary Magdalene in a remote but not inconvenient place nor far from the commerce of the City and the more acceptable to me because near the residence of Marià m Tinatin May the third The City of Goa lying as they say in the Altitude of fifteen degrees and forty minutes agreeably to the good Rule of Astronomy and the Tables of Tycho according to which F. Christoforo Brono told me this City is in a Meridian different from that of Francfurt about four hours more Eastward yet the Sun came to be in the Zenith of Goa that is in the declination of the Zenith at eleven a clock of the night following the said day speaking sutably to the Spanish and Portugal Clocks Yet at this time it was the height of Summer and the greatest heat of the year as we found by experience For there may be said to be two Summers and Winters every year in Goa and these adjacent Regions because the Sun passes over their heads and departs from them twice a year once toward the North and once towards the South May the eleventh A Portugal Gentleman coming from the Court of Spain by Land to wit by the way of Turkie and as they said in a very short time and with Letters from the Court dated in the end of the last October brought news amongst other things of the Canonization of five Saints made together in one day namely of S. Ignatio the Founder of the Jesuits S. Francesco Xaverio a Jesuit and the Apostle of the East-India S. Philippo Neri Founder of the Congregation della Vallicella whom I remember to have seen and spoken to in my Child-hood and whose Image is still so impress'd in my memory that I should know him if I saw him S. Teresia Foundress of the Bare-footed Carmelites and S. Isidoro a Country-man of Madrid We had also news of the death of the Duke of Parma Ranuccio Farnese and how the Cardinal his Brother was gone to the Government of that State during the minority of the succeeding Duke The Currier who went into Spain with the tidings of the loss of Ormùz this Portugal Gentleman said he met him at Marseilles and concerning the Marriage between Spain and England he brought no intelligence of any conclusion so that I belive the news of Ormùz lost chiefly by the fault of the English will occasion much difficulty in the Treaty of that Marriage May the seventeenth Four Italian Bare-footed Carmelites arriv'd in Goa being sent by their Fathers at Rome into Persia but having heard at Aleppo how the Fathers of Persia were troubled by the fate of those new Christians who were discover'd and slain the year before and especially that they had nothing to live upon they not knowing what to do and being terrifi'd with the Relations of divers Merchants who aggravated things sufficiently and being so advis'd by some who perhaps like not the coming of such Fathers into Persia resolv'd to come into India and to Goa to the Vicar Provincial whither they brought no fresh News from Rome having departed from thence Eleven Moneths before They came almost all sick having suffer'd much in the Desarts of Arabia and other places of the journey where they had felt great scarcity and for all this they would needs observe their Lent and Fasts by the way sustaining themselves almost solely with Dates which is a very hot food and withall the alteration of the Air very hot too and unusual to them in the hight of Summer was the occasion of their being all sick Two of them arriv'd this day and the two others the day after because they came from Mascà t in several Ships Of these four Bare-footed Carmelites within a few days three dyed and one alone after a long and dangerous sickness escap'd May the eighteenth The Bells of all the Churches of Goa rung out with a great noise and they said it was for the News of the King's Health then brought from Spain but I said I wish'd they had first recover'd Ormùz and then rung the Bells with joy for both A vain people May the twentieth The Bare-footed Carmelites would needs make particular rejoycing for the Canonization of their S. Teresia and not confound the same in one day with that of the Jesuits they sent two Portugal Children on Horse-back richly clad in riding habit as Curriers to declare with certain Verses to the Vice-Roy of Goa the Canonization of the She-Saint after which the same Boys went up and down the City with a Trumpet before them scattering other Verses to the people with the same tidings the Bells of theirs and all other Churches of the City ringing in the mean time for joy being injoyn'd thereunto by the Bishop's Order At night themselves and divers of their Friends made
Badrapor I left the road of Ahineli and by another way more towards the left hand went to dine under certain Trees near a small Village of four Houses which they call Bamanen coppa After dinner we continu'd our way and foarded a River call'd Irihalè not without being wet by reason of the smallness of my Horse and having travell'd near two Gau's one Gau consists of two Cos and is equivalent to two Portugal Leagues we lodg'd at night in a competent Town the name whereof is Dermapora In these Towns I endeavor'd to procure me a servant as well because I understood not the Language of the Country for though he that carry'd my Goods could speak Portugal yet he could not well serve me for an Interpreter because being by Race a Pulià which amongst them is accounted vile and unclean they would not suffer him to come into their Houses nor touch their things though they were not shie of me albeit of a different Religion because they look'd upon me as a Man of noble Race as for that I found much trouble in reference to my dyet For these Indians are extreamly fastidious in edibles there is neither flesh nor fish to be had amongst them one must be contented onely with Rice Butter or Milk and other such inanimate things wherewith nevertheless they make no ill-tasted dishes but which is worse they will cook every thing themselves and will not let others either eat or drink in their vessels wherefore instead of dishes they gave us our victuals in great Palm leavs which yet are smooth enough and the Indians themselves eat more frequently in them then in any other vessels Besides one must entreat them three hours for this and account it a great favor so that in brief to travel in these Countries requires a very large stock of patience The truth is 't is a most crafty invention of the Devil against the Charity so much preach'd by our Lord Jesus Christ to put it so in the heads of these people that they are polluted and become unclean even by touching others of a different Religion of which superstition they are so rigorous observers that they will sooner see a person whom they account vile and unclean though a Gentile dye then go near him to relieve him November the four and twentieth In the Morning before day the Brachman Nangasà and the Ambassador's other Men being in haste advanc'd before but I desirous to go more at my own ease remain'd alone with my Pulià and the Hackney-master as I might well enough do since the High-ways of Naieka's Country are very secure The road lay over pleasant clifts of Hills and through Woods many great streams likewise occurring I descended the Mountain Gat by a long precipice some of which I was fain to walk a foot my Horse having fallen twice without any disaster and by a third fall almost broke my Knee to pieces I din'd after I had travelled one Gau and a half in a good Town called Colùr where there is a great Temple the Idol whereof if I mis-understood not is the Image of a Woman the place is much venerated and many resort to it from several parts in Pilgrimage After dinner my Horse being tired I travelled not above half another Gau and having gone in all this day but two Gau's went to lodg at a certain little village which they said was called Nalcà l Certain Women who dwelt there alone in absence of their Husbands courteously gave us lodging in the uncovered Porches of their Houses and prepared supper for us This Country is inhabited not onely with great Towns but like the Mazandran in Persia with abundance of Houses scattered here and there in several places amongst the woods The people live for the most part by sowing of Rice their way of Husbandry is to overflow the soil with water which abounds in all places but they pay as they told me very large Tributes to the King so that they have nothing but the labour for themselves and live in great Poverty November the twenty fifth I travelled over great Mountains and Woods like the former and foarded many deep Rivers Having gone three Cos we din'd in two Houses of those people who sow Rice whereof the whole Country is full at a place call'd Kelidi In the Evening my Pulià being very weary and unable to carry the heavy load of my baggage further we stay'd at some of the like Houses which they call'd Kabnà r about a mile forwards so that the journey of this whole day amounted not to a full Gau. November the twenty sixth I pass'd over clifts of Hills and uneeven and woody places At noon I came to a great River on the Northern bank whereof stands a little village nam'd Gulvari near which the River makes a little Island We went to this Island by boat and foarded over the other stream to the far side Thence we came by a short cut to Barselòr call'd the Higher i. e. within Land belonging to the Indians and subject to Venk-tapà Naieka to difference it from the Lower Barselòr at the Sea-coast belonging to the Portugals For in almost all Territories of India near the Sea-coast there happens to be two places of the same Name one call'd the Higher or In-land belonging to the Natives the other the Lower near the Sea to the Portugals where-ever they have footing Entring the Higher Barselòr on this side I came into a fair long broad and strait Street having abundance of Palmeto's and Gardens on either hand The soil is fruitful and well peopled encompass'd with weak walls and ditches which are pass'd over by bridges of one or two very great stones which shew that there is good and fair Marble here whether they were dig'd thus out of the Quarry or are the remains of ancient Fabricks It stands on the South side of the River which from the Town Gulvà n fetches a great circuit seeming to return backwards and many Travellers without touching at the Upper Barselòr are wont to go to the Lower Barselòr by boat which is soon done but I was desirous to see both places and therefore came hither Having din'd and rested a good while in Higher Barselòr I took boat and row'd down the more Southern stream for a little below the said Town it is divided into many branches and forms divers little fruitful Islands About an hour and half before night I arriv'd at the Lower Barselòr of the Portugals which also stands on the Southern bank of the River distant two good Cannon-shot from the mouth of the Sea having travell'd this day in all one Gau and a half The Fort of the Portugals is very small built almost in form of a Star having no bad walls but wanting ditches in a Plain and much expos'd to all sort of assaults Such Portugals as are married have Houses without the Fort in the Town which is prety large and hath good buildings I went directly to the House of Sig
brought to the benefit of their Countries After which he came to a Treaty with the Portugals by which he restor'd the Colours he had taken from them and by their means Banghel surrendred the Fort which Venk-tapà as I said before demolish'd besides other conditions which are now under consideration according as is above-mention'd in my Relation of the Ambassie to Ikkeri This was the War of Banghel in which the Queen got the better of him and the Portugals of which she was very proud yet with-all her Protector Venk-tapà Naieka who is very rapacious and little faithful sufficiently humbled her and she got not much benefit by him saving quiet living for besides his subjecting her to his obedience in a manner she was necessitated whether by agreement or violence I know not to resign to him Berdrete which is the best and richest City she had together with much Land in those Confines of Venk-tapà and of the inner part of her Country which amounted to a good part of her Dominions however at present she lives and governs her Country in Peace being respected by all her Neighbours This Queen had an elder Son then him that now lives he was call'd Cic-Rau Ciaueâ—ù and dy'd a while since The Portugals say that she her self caus'd poyson to be given him because the young man being grown up and of much spirit aspir'd to deprive her of the Government and make himself Master Which is possible enough for divers other Princes in the world have procur'd the death of their own Children upon jealousie of State so prevalent is that cursed enormous Ambition of ruling Yet such an impiety not being evident to me concerning the Queen I will not wrongfully desame her but rather believe that the young man dy'd a natural death and with regret to her So neither do I believe what the Portugals incens'd against her further report namely that she hath attempted to poyson this second Son but it succeeded not he being advertis'd thereof by his Nurse who was to give him the poyson since I see that this Son lives with her in the same place and house peaceably which would not be if there were any such matter Nor can I conceive why she should go about to extinguish all her own Issue in this manner having now no other Heir born of her self December the fifth The Queen of Olaza's Son who though he govern not for the Mother administers all alone and will do as long as she lives yet for honor's sake is styl'd King and call'd Celuuà Rairù of which words Celuuà is his proper name and Rairù his title sent for the Brachman my Interpreter in the Morning and discoursing long with him took a particular information of me telling him that he understood I was much whiter then the Portugals who us'd to trade in that Country and of a very good presence and consequently must needs be a person of quality In conclusion he bid him bring me to him when my conveniency serv'd for he was very desirous to see me and speak with me This Message being related to me I let pass the hour of dinner because having no appetite and finding my stomack heavy I would not dine this day and when it seem'd a convenient time I went with my Interpreter cloth'd in black after my custom yet not with such large Breeches down to the heels as the Portugals for the most part are wont to wear in India in regard of the heat for they are very commodious covering all the Leg and saving the trouble of Stockins so that the Leg is naked and loose but with Stockins and Garters and ordinary Breeches without a Cloak though us'd by the Portugal-Souldiers in India even of greatest quality but with a large Coat or Cassock open at the sides after the Country fashion The Palace which may rather be call'd Capanna Reale a Royal Lodge is entred into by a Gate like the grate or lattice of our Vine-yards at Rome ordinary enough seated in the midst of a field which like them is divided by a small hedge from the neighbouring fields Within the Gate is a broad Walk or Alley on the right side whereof is a spacious plot sown at the end of which the Walk turns to the right hand and there upon the same plot stands the Royal Mansion having a prospect over all the said great green field In the middle of this second Walk you enter into the House ascending seven or eight wooden stairs which lead into a large Porch the length of which is equal to the whole fore-part of the House This Porch was pav'd with Cow-dung after their manner the walls about shining and painted with a bad red colour much us'd by them The fore-part of it which is all open is up-held by great square posts of no great height for 't is their custom to make all buildings especially Porches but low in respect of the breadth and length with very broad Pent-houses which is I believe by reason of the great heat of the Country where they have more need of shadow and coolness than of air or light Directly opposite to the stairs in the middle of the Porch was another small Porch which was all the entrance into the inner part of the building Within the little Porch was a small room long and narrow where the King sate near the wall on the left side and he sate upon the ground after the Eastern manner upon one of those coarse clothes which in Persia and Turkie are call'd Kielim and serve for poor people nor was it large but onely so much as to contain the Person of the King the rest of the room being bare saving that it was pollish'd with Cow-dung Beside the King but a little farther on his left hand sate upon a little matt sufficient onely to contain him a Youth of about fifteen or eighteen years of age call'd Balè Rairù who was his Nephew and is to succeed him being the Son of his deceased Sister who was Daughter to the present Queen The Father of this Youth was a neighbour Gentile Prince whom they call the King of Cumbià or perhaps more correctly Kunblè call'd by his proper name Ramò-Nà to Ari of which words Ramò-Nà to is the proper name and Ari the title They said he was still living though others at Goa told me afterwards that he was dead But being this young Balè Rairù was not to succeed his Father but had Right of Inheritance in Olaza therefore he liv'd not in his Father's Country but here at Manèl with his Grand-mother and his Uncle None other sate with the King but three or four of his more considerable servants stood in the room talking with him and in the great Porch without the little one stood in files on either side other servants of inferior degree two of which nearest the entrance ventilated the Air with fans of green Taffeta in her Hands as if to drive away the flyes from the King or
the Shops being shut up and nothing to be got I was fain to go supperless to bed Occasion being offer'd for sending this Letter to Goa whence the Fleet will depart next Ianuary I would not omit it so that where-ever I may happen to reside the Letter may at least arrive safe to you whose Hands I kiss with my old Affection LETTER VII From Goa January 31. 1624. IN this my excursion and absence from Goa which was short but the pleasantest three Moneths Travel that ever I had besides the Royal Seats of Ikkeri and Manèl describ'd in my last to you I had the fortune to go as far as Calecut to the other Royal Seat of Vikirà call'd by his proper Title il Samorino where I have erected the Pillars of my utmost peregrination towards the South Now in my Return before I describe to you the Court of this Samorino and his Princesses following the Order of my Journeys I shall first inform you of my going to the famous Hermitage of Cadiri and visiting of Batniato call'd King of the Gioghi who lives at this day in his narrow limits of that Hermitage impoverish'd by Venk-tapà Naieka December the tenth Being yet in Mangalòr I took the Altitude of the Sun whom I found to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees and 20 minutes He was now in the 18 degree of Sagittary and declin'd towards the South 22 degrees 55′ 28″ which detracted from the 35 degrees 20′ wherein I found him there remain 12 degrees 24′ 33″ and so far is Mangalòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North and hath the Northern Pole so much elevated At this time the heat at Mangalòr is such as it is at Rome in the moneth of Iune or the end of August December the eleventh I went in the Morning about half a League from Mangalòr to see the Hermitage where lives and reigns the Archimandrita of the Indian Gioghi whom the Portugals usually liberal of the Royal Title style King of the Gioghi perhaps because the Indians tearm him so in their Language and in effect he is Lord of a little circuit of Land wherein besides the Hermitage and the habitations of the Gioghi are some few Houses of the Country people and a few very small Villages subject to his Government The Hermitage stands on the side of a Hill in this manner On the edge of the Plain where the ascent of the Hill begins is a great Cistern or Lake from which ascending a pair of stairs with the face turn'd towards the North you enter into a Gate which hath a cover'd Porch and is the first of the whole inclosure which is surrounded with a wall and a ditch like a Fort. Being enter'd the said Gate and going strait forward through a handsome broad Walk besâ—t on either side with sundry fruit-trees you come to another Gate where there are stairs and a Porch higher then the former This opens into a square Piazza or great Court in the middle whereof stands a Temple of indifferent greatness and for Architecture like the other Temples of the Indian-Gentiles onely the Front looks towards the East where the Hill riseth higher and the South side of the Temple stands towards that Gate which leads into the Court. Behind the Temple on the side of the Court is a kind of Shed or Pent-house with a Charriot in it which serves to carry the Idol in Procession upon certain Festivals Also in two or three other places of the side of the Court there are little square Chappels for other Idols On the North side of the Court is another Gate opposite to the former by which going out and ascending some few steps you see a great Cistern or Lake of a long form built about with black stone and stairs leading down to the surface of the water in one place next the wall 't is divided into many little Cisterns and it serves for the Ministers of the Temple to wash themselves in and to perform their Ceremonies The Gate of the Temple as I said looks Eastward where the Hill begins to rise very high and steep From the Front of the Temple to the top of the Hill are long and broad stairs of the same black stone which lead up to it and there the plaâ—e is afterwards plain Where the stairs begin stands a high strait and round brazen Pillar ty'd about in several places with little fillets 't is about 60 Palms high and one and a half thick from the bottom to the top with little diminution On this Pillar are plac'd about seventeen round brazen wheels made with many spokes round about like stars they are to support the lights in great Festivals and are distant about three Palms one from another The top terminates in a great brazen Candlestick of five branches of which the middlemost is highest the other four of equal height The foot of the Pillar is square and hath an Idol engraven on each side the whole Engine is or at least seems all of a piece The Temple to wit the inner part where the Idol stands is likewise all cover'd with brass They told me the walls of the whole Inclosure which are now cover'd with leavs were sometimes cover'd with large plates of brass but that Venk-tapà Naieka carry'd the same away when in the war of Mangalòr his Army pillag'd all these Countries which whether it be true or no I know not The walls of a less Inclosure wherein according to their custom the Temple stands are also surrounded on the outside with eleven wooden rails up to the top distant one above another little more then an Architectical Palm these also serve to bear Lights in Festival occasions which must needs make a brave Shew the Temple thereby appearing as if it were all on fire This Temple is dedicated to an Idol call'd Moginà to of what form it is I know not because they would not suffer us to enter in to see it Having view'd the Temple I ascended the Hill by the stairs and passing a good way forward on the top thereof came to the habitations of the Gioghi and their King the place is a Plain and planted with many Trees under which are rais'd many very great stone-pavements a little height above the ground for them to sit upon in the shadow There are an infinite number of little square Chappels with several Idols in them and some places cover'd over head but open round about for the Gioghi to entertain themselves in And lastly there is the King's House which is very low built I saw nothing of it and believe there is nothing more but a small Porch with walls round about colour'd with red and painted with Elephants and other Animals Besides in one place a wooden thing like a little square bed somewhat rais'd from the ground and cover'd with a Cloth like a Tent they told me it was the place where the King us'd to reside and perhaps also to sleep The King was not here
thence to Goa certain moneys of the Confraternity della Misericordia and other Provisions Hereupon the feud ceasing the mortal thunder was turn'd into joyful salutations with chearful noise of Drums and Trumpets at the sound whereof the Morning beginning to clear up seem'd also to hasten to rejoyce with us and part our erroneous fray I have mentioned this passage at large to the end the successes inconveniences counsels and resolutions ensuing suddenly thereupon may be known from all which prudent adviso's for other occasions may be deduced and also to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble Portugal Nation in these parts who indeed had they but as much order discipline and good government as they have valour Ormùz and other sad losses would not be now lamented but they would most certainly be capable of atchieving great matters But God gives not all things to all It being now broad day we set sail with the whole Cafila but by reason of contrary wind sail'd no more then three leagues and late in the evening came to anchor in the place where we hapned to be the contray Northwest wind beginning to grow more boisterous Ianuary the sixth We had the wind still contrary and having saild three other leagues at the usual hour we cast anchor near the Rocks of Baticalà On the seventh the said wind blowing somewhat favourably about noon we pass'd by Onòr and without staying discharg'd only one Gun to give notice for the Ships to come forth of the port if any were there that would accompany us for greater diligence was not needful because few come from thence In the Evening the usual contrary North-west wind arising we came to an anchor a little distant from Mirizeo At the second watch of the night a good stiff South-wind arose and in the forenoon next day we pass'd by the Rocks call'd Angediva and at night came to an anchor somewhat Southwards of Capo falso Ianuary the ninth the wind was contrary our way short and because we could not proceed forwards we cast anchor neer Rio del Sale also the next day for the same reason we could get no further then an Enieda as they speak or Bay call'd Mormogòn in the Island of Salsette contiguous to that of Goa on the South but greater and divided from the same only by a River This Island of Salsette is full of very fair Towns and abundance of Houses Above all the Jesuits have the goodliest places and 't is counted that perhaps a third part of the Island is theirs for besides three good Towns which belong wholly to them they have also dominion and government in all the other Towns too which are not theirs they have Churches everywhere Lands and store of Goods and I believe all the Parishes are govern'd by them in Spirituals with supreme Authority whence this people acknowledg more Vassallage upon the matter to the Jesuits then to the King himself The case is the same in another Island call'd Bardeos adjacent also to that of Goa but more Northward which is under the government of the Franciscans Nor is it otherwise in almost all the other Territories of the Portugals so that it may justly be said that the best and perhaps too the greatest part of this State is in the hands of Clergy-men Having anchor'd in the Bay of Mormogòn in good time and knowing that we were not to depart the night following our Captain with some others of us went ashore to see a Place and Church of the Jesuits call'd S. Andrea which they told us was hard by yet we sound it not so near but that we walk't about a league to get to it because we knew not the right way but mistook it and were fain to leap over very broad and deep ditches of water into one whereof one our Company hapned to fall to the great laughter of the rest besides many other inconveniences We found the Church large neat and well built with a fair square Court or Yard before it surrounded with handsom Stone-walls and within with some great Trees under which were Banks rais'd to sit upon in the shadow On one side of the Church was a very fair and well-built House for the Padre Rettore who hath the present superintendency thereof which Church and Building would be very magnificent not only for this place but for the City of Rome it self We stay'd a good while discoursing with the F. Rector who told us sundry news from Goa and invited us to Supper but fearing to arrive too late at the Fleet if we stay'd to sup here we wav'd the Courtesie and taking leave of him at Sun-set return'd to the place where we had left our Ships and though we had a Guide to conduct us by the best and nearest way yet we got not thither to imbarque till after two hours within night Ianuary the eleventh at our departing from the Port of Mormogòn this day in which we were to arrive at Goa the General who was wont to go in the Rear-guard being now minded to go in the middle of the Armada commanded our Ship hitherto Captain of the Vant-guard to remain behind all the rest for guarding the Rear-guard where great diligence was to to be us'd both that no stragling Ship might be in danger of being surpriz'd by Rovers or any of the Merchants Vessels slip aside to avoid paying Custom at Goa and go to unlade in other places of Counterband Wherefore having sail'd the little remainder of the way and caus'd all the other Ships to enter which were in number more then two hundred and fifty we at length enter'd the Bar or Mouth of the Rio of Goa where we anchor'd under a Port hard by without going further to the City it being the custom for no Fleets to arrive in the City without the advice and Licence of the Viceroy Here we found the Ship which alone was to go this year to Portugal already laden and ready to sail as also some Galeons in readiness likewise whether to be sent to Ormùz or elsewhere I know not Sig. Ayres de Siqueida Captain of our Ship having got leave of the General went to Goa with a Manciva or Boat which came to him for that purpose and I with Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of another Ship Sig. Manoel Leyera and some few Soldiers accompani'd him We arriv'd at Goa when it was dark night because 't is three leagues from the mouth of the Bar to the City almost directly from South to North so that there is a considerable difference between the altitude of the Pole at Goa and the mouth of the Bar. Having landed every one went to his own home and I who had no house ready for me nor yet any servant went alone as I was to lodg in the House of Sig. Antonio Baracio my friend according as himself Sig Ruy Gomes his Brother had promis'd I should when I departed from Goa As I was going thither I
contrivances of Charriots Ships Gallies Pageants Heavens Hells Mountains and Clouds I forbear to speak because I have the printed Relation by me On the eighteenth of February The Vice-Roy being indispos'd the proceedings were superseded But in the three following dayes by two Acts a day the whole Tragedy was rehearsed It comprehended not onely the whole Life but also the Death of San Francesco Sciavier the transportation of his Body to Goa his ascension into Heaven and lastly his Canonization On the seventh of the same moneth Mass was sung in the Colledge of San Paolo Nouvo and a predication made by F. Flaminio Calò an Italian upon the Beatification of the Blessed Luigi Gonzaga who was also a Father of the Society In the Evening the Portugals of quality passed about the streets in a Maskerade accompanyed with Chariots and Musick about twelve of us went out of the House of Sig Antonio Baraccio all clothed in the same Livery which I took care to get made according to my Phansie and I ordered it after the fashion of the ancient Roman Warriers just as the ancient Emperours use to be pictur'd the colours were Carnation and White with several Impresses on the breast every one after his own Phansie it appear'd very well by night and was the best and greatest Body of the whole Maskerade I bore for my Impress a Blaze of Flames with this Italian Word of Tasso Men dolci si ma non men calde al core Which Impress I have been wont to use frequently since the death of my Wife Sitti Maani the Work of my clothes was wholly together Flames onely distinguished here and there with Tears which shewed my grief February the eighteenth In the Morning solemn Mass was sung and a Sermon made upon the Canonization of the Saints in San Paolo Vecchio In the Afternoon Lists and a Ring being prepared before the Church of Giesù many great Portugal Gentlemen richly clothed came as to run Carreers both at the one and the other giving Divertisement to the Ladies who stood beholding them on Balconies and Scaffolds The like they did afterwards in the street of San Paolo Vecchio February the nineteenth A very solemn Procession was made from San Paolo Vecchio to Giesù through the principal streets of the City which Procession exceeded all the rest in number of Pageants Chariots and Ships and other Engins filled with people who represented several things and good Musick accompanyed with several Dances on Foot and many other brave devices Of all which things I speak not because I have a printed Relation thereof by me In the end of the Procession was carried by many of the Fathers in their Copes the Body of San Francesco Sciavier inclos'd in a fair and rich Silver Coffin with a Silver Canopie over it made very gallant and the Effigies of the Saint behind Then came a great Standard with the pourtraytures of the Saints carry'd likewise by some of the Fathers and after that all the Crosses of their Parishes of Salsette and onely one company of the Fryers of Saint Francis Of the other Religions that are in Goa none appear'd here because they said they would not go in the Processions of the Jesuits since the Jesuits went not in those of others With this Procession which ended about noon ended also the solemnities for the abovesaid Canonizations February the twenty fifth This day being the first Sunday of Lent this year the Augustine Fathers according to custom made a solemn Procession which they call de i Passi in reference to the steps which our Lord made in his Passion being carry'd to several places They carry'd in Procession a Christ with the Cross on his shoulders and many went along disciplining themselves being cloth'd with white sack-cloth gallant and handsome very gravely according to the humor of the Nation In several places of the City certain Altars were plac'd where the Procession stood still and after some time spent in singing the Christ turn'd backwards representing that passage Conversus ad Filias Ierusalem dixit illis Nolite flere super me c. At which turning of the sacred Image the people who were very numerous and fill'd the whole streets lamented and utter'd very great cryes of Devotion At length the Procession being come to the Church Della Gratiae whereit ended after the Augustine Nunns whose Covent stands near that of the Fryers in the same Piazza had sung a while an Image of del volto Santo of our Lord's Countenance like that at Rome was shown to the people gather'd together in the said Piazza from a window of one of the Bell-turrets which are on either side the front of the said Church and so the Solemnity ended But the above-mention'd Altars in the streets are every Fryday during Lent adorn'd in the same manner and visited by the people every day and also many hours of the night just as the Church of Saint Peter at Rome is visited every Fryday of March and they call this visiting Corror os Passos that is going about and visiting the steps of our Lord which serves the people during this time of Lent no less for devotion then for pastime March the first There was also another Procession in Goa of the Disciplinanti which I went not to see the like is made every Fryday during all Lent and therefore I shall not stand to describe it I believe there is no City in the world where there are more Processions made then in Goa all the year long and the reason is because the Religious are numerous and much more then the City needs they are also of great authority and very rich and the People being naturally idle and addicted to Shews neglecting other Cares of more weight and perhaps more profitable to the Publick readily imploy themselves in these matters which however good as sacred and parts of divine worship yet in such a City as this which borders upon Enemies and is the Metropolis of a Kingdom lying in the midst of Barbarians and so alwayes at Warr and where nothing else should be minded but Arms and Fleets seem according to worldly Policy unprofitable and too frequent as also so great a number of Religious and Ecclesiastical persons is burdensome to the State and prejudicial to the Militia In the Evening of every Fryday of Lent there is a Sermon upon the Passion in the Church of Giesù and so likewise in other Churches but upon other dayes and hours At the end of these Sermons certain Tabernacles are open'd and divers figures representing some passages of the Passion according to the subject of the Sermon are with lighted Tapers shew'd to the People as one day that of the Ecce Homo another day Our Lord with the Cross upon his shoulders and the last day the Crucifix and so every day one thing sutable to the purpose Oftentimes they make these figures move and turn as they made the Robe fall off from the Ecce Homo and discover the
of all the rest of the Country and the fear of Bassora it self for the Persians fought valorously and slew many of the Defendants but at length by the help of the Portugals who from the adjoyning River did great mischief with the Artillery of their Ships to the Persian Camp the Qizilbasci were repuls'd with loss or rather of themselves being wearied with the length of the attempt or else re-call'd into Persia for other services they drew off and departed Nor did they return again till the following year as I have said about the time of my arrival at Bassora upon the occasion of displacing Mansur and establishing Muhhamed the Son of Mubarek Prince of Hhaveiza when I found the new Ali Basha abroad with his Army and three Portugal Ships to with-stand them and the City of Bassora not without fear because the Persian Army much exceeded theirs both in number and quality of Souldiers March the sixteenth News came to Bassora that the Armies were very near and almost fac'd one another and Sig Consalvo de Silveira Chief Commander of the Portugal Squadron of Ships at Bassora told me that having heard that the Persians intended to bring seven pieces of Artillery by Sea to Durec a neighboring Port of theirs to Bassora to be imploy'd in the War he had sent forth two of his Ships and one of those lighter Frigots which they call Sanguisei to meet and intercept those Gunns which would be a notable piece of service March the seventeenth Chogia Negem who might well know things as he that was imploy'd in much business by the Basha inform'd me that the Persian Army consisted of 30000 men and that there were seven Chans in it which to me seem'd not probable because if the Chan of Sciraz with his people was not sufficient 't was possible his Brother Daud Chan whose Government is near him and the Chan of Locistan might be come but that others more distant should be there for the sole war of Bassora there was no necessity and consequently no ground to believe He told me further that now the waters were high there was no danger nor could the Persians make much progress by reason of the great River which they were to pass and many over-flow'd Lands and Trenches full of water wherewith Bassora was now fortified But when the waters came to be low as they would be within three moneths then Bassora would be in danger that as for defence by the Portugal Ships the Persians might pass over the great River by a Bridge much higher and further from Bassora either at Hhella which is in their Hands or at Baghdad it self or some where else without the Portugals being able to hinder them that if they came but with Provision for a few dayes the Country on the West side of the River on which Bassora stands was not so desart but they might have forrage enough for a great Army If this be true as it may be then considering the power of the Persians their manner of warring the situation strength and forces of the City of Bassora I am confident that at the long run it will not scape the Persians Hands so long as he holds Baghdad although in case of need the Grand Emir of the Desart who is now Mudleg surnamed as all his Predecessors were Aburisc that is he of the Plume or Feather should come to assist the Basha who can now hope for no aid from the Turk since the taking of Baghdad He also related to me concerning Baghdad that the place was betray'd to the Sciah by Bekir Subasci call'd otherwise Dervise Mahhammed whose Father who pretended to render himself Tyrant thereof the Sciah caused publickly to be slain upon his entrance into it but kept the Traytor with him and us'd him well That besides Baghdad he took Kierkuc and Mousul by his Captains and march'd beyond Hhella into the Country of Emir Aburisc even to Anna and Taiba within a little way of Aleppo which was thereupon in great fear and that he left a Garrison at Anna. But after the Sciah and the main of his Army was retir'd into Persia Emir Aburisc who was alwayes confederate with the Turk making an excursion with his People about the Desart recover'd Taiba and Anna killing seventy Qizilbasci whom he found there in Garrison after which he turn'd his arms against Emir Nasir ben Mahanna Lord of Mesched Hussein but not so great a Prince as himself and made great destruction of his People and Country Finally He added that a potent Army of Turks had since fallen upon Persia and Baghdad and had already recover'd Mousul and Kierkuc which last News I rather suspect to be dispers'd to animate the People of Bassora then hold for true because on the other side it was reported for certain that the Sciah was reposing his Forces at Ferhabad which could not consist with the so near approach of the Turks against him March the nineteenth An eminent man of Bassora nam'd Scaich Abdassalam muster'd a great company of his kindred friends and followers with whom he intended to go to the assistance of the Basha Amongst them were muster'd about â—00 Christians of S. Iohn arm'd with Arquebuzes and other weapons like the rest but all in my judgment as much Moors as Christians little Souldiers and of no esteem in comparison of the Qizilbasci March the two and twentieth In the Piazza before the Basha's House I saw a wild Ass or little Onager which was kept there for pleasure It was of the shape of other Asses but of a brighter colour and had a ridge of white hair from the head to the tail like the mane of a Horse in running and leaping it seem'd much nimbler then the ordinary sort of Asses March the three and twentieth A Portugal came from the Basha's Camp to Bassora bringing News that the Qizilbasci were return'd home to their own Countries and that in such haste that they had left much Cattel Goods and Meat ready dress'd in the Camp where they had quarter'd Which so unexpected departure of the Persian Army could not happen through any disturbance given them by that of the Basha but perhaps they were re-call'd for some other war or service of greater necessity as that of Ormuz or against the Turks or against the Moghol at Candahar which the Sciah had lately taken March the four and twentieth I took the height of the Sun in Bassora at noon and found him decline 28 degrees 48 minutes from the Zenith He was this day according to the Ephemerides of David Origanus in 4 degrees 4 minutes 57 seconds of Aries and according to the Meridian of the said Ephemerides declin'd from the Aequinoctial North-wards degrees but according to our Meridian of Bassora calculating by proportionall parts 1 degree 38 minutes and 32 seconds which added to the 28 degrees 48 minutes of the Sun's Declination from the Zenith amount to 30 degrees 26 minutes 32 seconds So that the Zenith of Bassora
We departed not from this place at night because we were to pay a Gabel to Emir Mudleg Aburisc whose Territory here-abouts begins Emir Aburisc is the greatest Prince of the Arabians in Arabia Deserta and this Prince whose proper name is Mudleg succeeded his deceased Uncle Feiad who was living and reign'd when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad nine years before having usurp'd the Government from Mudleg who was very young at the time of his Father's decease At night we were visited by some pilfring Arabians who finding us prepar'd with our Arms betook themselves to their heels and escap'd unhurt from us though we pursu'd them a while Iuly the ninth The Morning was spent in paying Gabels I pay'd for my part for a load and half of portage as they reckon'd it fifteen Piastres and two more towards the abovemention'd Gabel of the Camels to Nasir's Brother besides other fees They open'd my Trunks and took away two Velvet Caps much good Paper and several other things and had it not been more for the Capigi Ibrahim entreaties than authority they would also have broken open the Chest wherein I carri'd the Body of Sitti Maani my Wife Three hours before night we put our selves upon the way and travell'd till about an hour before night when we came to a place of water Iuly the tenth We travell'd till Noon and rested in a great Plain surrounded with certain Hills in the midst whereof stands erected a Stone fashion'd at the Top like the bowl of a Fountain After which we proceeded till an hour after Sun-set and came to a place where we found good water between two little Hills Here we staid to refresh our selves and our Camels till three hours before night the Capigi's who were to go by the way of Anna to find the Serdar at Mardin or elsewhere departing before us but we who intended to go to Aleppo without touching at Anna for compendiousness of the way and for avoiding payment of some kind of Gabel there left the way to Anna on the right hand and took that within the Desart more Southward We travell'd all the remainder of this day and all the night with part also of the next day without staying to the end we might the sooner arrive at water of which we had no less desire then need Iuly the twelfth About three hours after Sun-rise we baited being weary at the foot of certain little Hills without finding water so that we were fain to drink that little which remain'd in the Goat-skin borachoes which we carri'd with us About three hours before Sun-set we proceeded again till almost Noon the next day when we arriv'd at water to wit the famous River Euphrates lighting upon a place of the ordinary way to Aleppo where I had formerly pass'd when I went from thence to Baghdad and where the road between the River and certain little Hills full of that Talk or shining Mineral is very narrow Our further stirring at night was prevented by the supervening of some Soldiers sent by the Officers of Anna whom the Capigi's had inform'd of our passage to demand those Tolls or Gabels which we had sought to avoid although we pass'd not through that City Iuly the fourteenth Most part of this day was spent in paying the said Gabel I paid for my part six Piasters and gave two more as a gratuity to the Soldiers besides which I was oblig'd to pay twenty to the chief Camelier whose money was all gone and in this manner I was constrain'd both to profit and pleasure him who never did me other than disprofit and displeasure But for all this they afterwards open'd the two greatest Trunks I had and tumbled all my Goods about treating me with all rigor and discourtesie Only I took it well and upon that account willingly pardon'd them all the rest that seeing the Chest wherein the body of Sitti Maani was and understanding what it was for I was glad to tell them lest they should have broken it open they not only gave me no trouble about it as I thought they would being a thing contrary to custom and their Laws but rather accounted it a picce of piety that I carri'd her with me to bury her in my own Country both pitying and commending me for it which hapning beyond all expectation I attributed to God's particular favour and to her own effectual prayers which undoubtedly helpt me therein This being over about three hours before night We set forth and travell'd till night Some of the above-mention'd Soldiers return'd to Anna but others who were carrying I know not what moneys to their Emir Mudleg accompani'd with us In the Evening the Leader or Chieftain of these Soldiers made me open my Trunks once again namely the two little ones which they had omitted in the day and putting all my Goods in disorder took away many things as a Mantle of Sitti Maani of deep azure silk according to the mode of Assyria a Ball of Amber an Alabaster Vessel curiously wrought and consign'd to me in India by Sig. Antonio Baracho to present in his name to Sig. Francesco del Drago at Rome many exquisite Porcellane Dishes miniated with Gold an Arabick Book though of little importance a great watchet Cloke or Mantle to keep off rain after the Persian mode much paper besides other such things At night we staid to rest but the Soldiers went onwards before their going I redeem'd from them the Mantle of Sitti Maani and Sig. Drago's Alabaster Vessel giving them in exchange two Abe's or Arabian Surcoats which I bought of one of our company for seven Piastres the Amber and other things I could not recover but they carri'd them away for they would neither restore them freely nor take money for them and our Cafila was so small that I could find nothing to give them instead thereof which pleas'd them It was no small good luck that I sav'd the Sword and Ponyard of Sitti Maani with many of her jewels bracelets other ornaments of Gold from their rapacious hands hiding them under a trunk for if they had seen them 't is ten to one but they would have taken them from me I relate these things that it may be known what Tyranny these Barbarians exercise in their own Countries towards us who in ours very often with ill-employ'd courtesie are wont to be undeservedly caress'd and honour'd when they come thither Iuly the fifteenth We travell'd from Day-break till Noon and three hours after till night when we took up our Station not far from the River amongst many shrubs which to me seem'd to be Juniper or else that plant which in Persia they call Ghiez The next two days we travell'd and rested at our usual hours and on the latter we rested near a Pit or Well of bitter and stinking water in a mineral Soil all full of Talk of which I brought away a pareel with me In like manner we proceeded the two next days and on the twenty
first we pass'd by a ruinous Castle call'd Hheir which I had formerly seen only by night when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad I took a better view of it now and found it to be a great Building all of good and large white Marble Stones the form of it is a long Square with walls round about here and there distinguish'd with small round Turrets within are many contrivances of Rooms all likewise of white stone but so ruinous that it cannot be known what they were From hence we travell'd about three hours further and at night arriv'd at Taiba a Town which I had formerly seen and lodg'd in a by-place amongst the walls of the Houses near the Gate Iuly the twenty second This day was spent in paying the usual Gabels which every day are enhaunc'd in these Countries and are now become insupportable Though I had nothing of Merchandise but only goods for my own use yet I could not come off under twenty Piastres between Gabels and Donatives to the Officers which they demanded as equally due Here I found an Arabian nam'd Berekiet who spoke a little Italian and pass'd for Factor or Procurator of the Franks saying he had authority so to be from the Consuls of Aleppo He presently offer'd himself to speak to the Officers in our behalf gave us an Entertainment and invited us to lodg in his House and if we had been so minded would have conducted us thither but his services tended only to get some money of us and by his speaking with the Officers to make us pay more then perhaps we should otherwise have done Iuly the twenty third Two hours after Sun-rise we departed from Taiba whence the said Officer sent an Arabian with us to conduct us first to Emir Mudleg who they said was at Hhamah between Aleppo and Damascus and afterwards to Aleppo they having done the same to the great Cafila of Bassora which had pass'd by Taiba a little before us This going to the Emir was a troublesom thing both in regard of the great diversion out of the way and the inconveniences we imagin'd the Emir himself would put us to after all the Tyrannies we had hitherto met with in the Desart We travell'd till past Noon and after a short rest till Sun-set having a continu'd ridg of little Hills always on the left hand Iuly the twenty fourth We travell'd again from day-light till past Noon and two hours more in the Evening taking up our Quarters an hour before Sun-set Iuly twenty fifth We set forth an hour before Sun-rise travelling till Noon when the Arabian assign'd to us by the Officers of Taiba to conduct us to the Emir being so perswaded as I believe by the Cameliers who alledg'd that the Camels were very weary as indeed they were and ovet-laden in regard that many of them dy'd by the way so that they could travel but gently resolv'd to go alone before us by a neerer way over the mountains and leave us to follow him leisurely as the Cameliers said they would I was glad of his going and intended to take a different course from what the Cameliers imagin'd but because it was not yet seasonable I held my peace After two hours rest we travell'd till an hour before night when we took up our Station neer certain Pits a little distant from the reliques of certain ancient Fabricks call'd Siria by me formerly seen and describ'd in my journey to Baghdad Iuly the twenty sixth Setting forth by day-light we came to rest after Noon near a water which springs up in a place full of small Canes whence we remov'd not this night partly that ourt ir'd and over-laden Camels might recover themselves a little and partly because the Cameliers were minded to eat a Camel there conveniently which falling lame of one leg they knockt on the head in the morning and indeed they had eaten all the others which fail'd by the way either through Disease or otherwise Of this which was not infirm I was willing to take a trial and lik'd the roasted flesh well enough only it was something hard Iuly the twenty seventh Setting forth early we wav'd the directest way to Aleppo which was by the Town of Achila and took another more Southwards and to the left hand which led to the place where the Emir resided intending to leave the Camelier at a certain Town upon the way from whence he was to go alone to the Emir to carry him a Present and excuse our going to him by alledging the death and weariness of our Camels Hereby we endeavour'd to avoid if possible the troubles and disgusts which we were likely to meet with from the Emir and his Arabians in case we should have gone to him our selves At Noon we came to the design'd Village call'd Haila they account it a Mezar that is a place to be visited and of devotion in regard of some perfons buried there whom the Mahometans hold for Saints yet it consisted only of four poor Cottages and those un-inhabited and abandoned as is credible by reason of the Tyrannies which the Arabians of the Desart especially the Soldiers exercis'd in these troublesom times upon the poor Peasants The Camelier because he could not leave us here by reason the Village was without people purposed to carry us to the Emir doubting lest if he did otherwise it might turn to his prejudice Whereupon considering what disgusts and perhaps dangers too I might meet with there both by reason of the women whom I carri'd with me and of whom the Mahometans use to be very greedy and also by reason of the body of Sitti Maani and upon other accounts I set my foot against the wall and resolutely told the Camelier that I would by no means go to Emir Mudleg with whom I had nothing to do now I had pay'd all his Gabels I would go directly to Aleppo whither if he would not carry me with his Camels I would go on foot with my people leaving all my Goods there on the ground to his care of which if any were lost he should be responsible to me for the same at Aleppo And indeed had the Camelier been obstinate I was resolv'd to do as I said having little heart to trust to the mischievousness of the Emir which was very infamous or to expose to so great danger not onely the few goods I had but also the body of Sitti Maani our lives and the Women's both Liberty and Souls which was a great consideration and little caring to present to the Emir the Letter which I had for him from the Basha of Bassora in my recommendation because I had found by experience what little good the two former did me which I had presented to Sceich Abdullah at Cuvebeda and to Sceich Abitaleb the Son of Nasir in the Desart The chief Camelier try'd a good while to prevail with me to go with him to the Emir but at length seeing me obstinate and some other Cameliers of his companions
August the twenty fifth Continuing our journey we came into a great Plain and travelling along the River Orontes according to the stream which we had found at day-break we cross'd over the same upon a good Stone-bridge Here the Plain is contracted being streightned on the right hand with high and on the left with lower mountains travelling in which Valley about Noon we arriv'd at Antioch which is fronted with high mountains almost on the North beyond the River Orontes and back'd with lower toward the South the walls of the City being extended over the same We enter'd at the East-gate and took up our Quarters near a great Cistern which is on the left hand of the Gate divided only by a wall from the Street and pav'd round with white Marble it is fill'd by a running-water and stands in a shady retir'd place very delightful and convenient for travellers to rest in On the right side of the said Gate in one of the Towers of the wall was a large and fair room as high as the wall with few windows besides low and half-fill'd loop-holes for defence so that it was very cool and would not be inconvenient in hot hours were it in good repair but 't is now all ruinous without a pavement being made only a Stall for Cattle The walls of the City were still standing all of Stone magnificent and built with Turrets after the ancient mode At the Gate where we enter'd began a Street not very broad but of great length extended within the City and pav'd all with white Marble Antioch is now inhabited by few people who live in little cottages patcht out of the ruins amongst Gardens of which the City is all full for of the ancient houses and structures saving the walls of the City there is none standing Near the place where we lodg'd The Turks shew'd us I know not what which they call'd Paulos de' Christiani which perhaps had been some Church of Saint Paul but every thing was so destroy'd that I neither saw nor understood it well There being nothing else remarkable to be seen we went away three hours before night by the same Gate we had enter'd at perhaps because the way was better without then within going about the City on the outside towards the plain on the North. But re-entring afterwards at a breach of the Wall we walkt a good way within the City which I found full of Gardens and Orchards with few dwellings saving at the end At length we went out at a Gate which stands in the more Western part of the City though not full West where we pass'd over a fair Stone-bridg which lies upon the River Orontes taking our way to Alexandretta on the Northern banck for they that go directly thither from Aleppo never see this River but leave it much South We travell'd along its banks till night contrary to its stream and took up our lodging by the River-side almost directly against the Eastern Gate at which we enter'd and which we beheld afar off on the other bank Antioch is almost square about a mile long and hath many Gates on the South it is terminated with Mountaius which they said were seven like the seven Hills of Rome but I could distinguish no more then five that is not five Mountains for the Mountain appears but one continu'd ridg but five tops of it These Mountains are very steep and therefore I think could not be built upon but only that part of them was included within the wall for strength and that the same might not be prejudicial to the City by being left without in case of War That which remains of the City at the foot of the said Mountains is of small circumference so that the City appear'd to me much less then I imagin'd it Within as I said there is not any Fabrick standing but infinite ruins and the earth is everywhere strow'd with great and goodly stones Only the Walls are almost all sound and intire with little decay After midnight the Moon arising we also got up and leaving this Station proceeded on our way A Platform of ANTIOCH 1. The Eastern Gate at which we enter'd 2. The Cistern 3. The Street pav'd with Stone and extending within the City 4. A few Habitations in the end of the City 5. A Bridg over Orontes without the City and contiguous to the Gate 6. The River Orontes 7. A Turret with a room within it August the twenty sixth Continuing our Journey at day-break we came to an end of the Plains and began to ascend the mountains which we were to cross over in order to get to the Sea and if I am not mistaken they are part of the Mountain Amano which because at a distance it appears black is called by the Turks Cara Aman that is Black Aman whence also they now corruptly call the Province which is comprehended in the said Mountain and was according to some the ancient Cilicia Caramania We refresht our weary Camels with two hours rest in a place amongst the Mountains where though there were no Houses yet we wanted not Water and wild Figs. After which being arriv'd to the highest part of the Mountain and re-enter'd the common road from Aleppo we discover'd the Mediterranean Sea afar off which to me was a welcome sight in regard I had not seen it since my departure from Gaza in the year 1616. We descended down by a way where the Precipices are secur'd with good breast-works of earth sometimes for a Mile together and at length came to the Town of Beilan from whence the mountains are here denominated Montagne di Beilan A little beyond this Town we repos'd in a by-place near a running-water and under the shadow of abundance of Nut-trees for the Town it self and places adjacent were all taken up by a great Caravan which came from Aleppo to Constantinople by land August the twenty seventh An hour before day we began to descend amongst the streights of these Mountains where we met a great Caravan of Merchandise which had lately come in two Venetian Ships and was going to Aleppo After two or three hours travel we came to Alexandretta call'd by us Europaeans Scanderoon but more correctly in Turkish Eskander that is Alexandro Graeco because they will have it denominated from Alexander the Great It was sometimes a noble City but by reason of the bad air for it is situated upon the Sea in a Moorish Plain and inclos'd with Hills which keep off the wind it was never much inhabited and the year before my being there it was al-wholly destroy'd by the Pirats of Barbary who spare none either of a different or of their own Religion nor yet bear any respect to the States of the Great Turk himself though their Lord so that I found onely four small Houses scarce re-edifi'd this year wherein the Lieutenant of the place for the right Governour remains at Aleppo the Vice-Consuls of such Europaean-Nations as trade into Soria
we alighted at the Consul's House And because it was yet early after a little repose we went to the Franciscan's Church call'd Santa Maria and there heard Mass which was sung with the Office pro mortuis for the Soul of Sig Giovan Maria Parente Brother to Sig Francesco who the day before pass'd to a better Life In the Evening I visited Sig Dimitrio Todorini in his own House and lodg'd in that of the Consul I will not omit that the Venetians have alwayes a Consul at Cyprus who is not of the Nobility but of the Order of Eminent Citizens whereof many Secretaries of the Republick use to be so that though the Consul of Cyprus be not dependent upon him of Aleppo as Vice-Consuls are yet he of Aleppo as noble and a more principal Minister in these parts hath something of superiority over this of Cyprus September the sixth This Morning I am return'd a Ship-board where I conclude this Letter and commit it to F. Fra Giovanni di Segovia a Spanish reform'd Franciscan who came hither in the same Ship with us from Alexandretta and is the same Person who disguis'd in a secular and Souldier-like garb for fear of being hindred in his passage by the Portugal Ministers came in company of F. Fra Roderigo di San Michele a Discalceated Augustine and Provincial of Manila in the same Ship with us from Mascat to Bassora passing under the name of l' Alfiere or Ensign till he arriv'd safe at Aleppo where laying off his disguise he resum'd his proper name and Fryer's habit and because the Provincial of Manila with whom he came into India could not dispatch his affairs but stay'd behind at Aleppo therefore he being desirous to arrive speedily at Rome and Spain in order to the affairs of his Religion is just now departing and hath promis'd me to deliver this to you and to salute you in my name as I do most heartily LETTER XIII From Malta November 4. 1625. WHen I was thinking of finishing the small remainder of my Travels with the same Prosperity which God had hitherto afforded me and speedily arriving at those desired shores I have been here arrested at Malta by a little kind of misadventure sufficient to temper the course of so many good Fortunes In regard of the formidable Pestilence still continuing in Constantinople and other places of Turkie we have not been able to get admittance to anchor and land in this Island without undergoing a Quarantine Wherefore finding my self at leisure enough here in a House assign'd me as a favour by the Lords of the Council and separated from the little Island whither all the rest are sent I have thought fit to pass my time in writing to you what Adventures have befallen me since my last which was dated from a Ship-board at Cyprus September the sixth Be pleas'd therefore to know that on September the seventh I went ashore again to hear Mass after which I return'd a visit to Sig Rocco Andreani a Venetian Merchant in whose House I saw a live Camelion which a Boy of the family kept very tame ty'd with a little string for his Recreation They are frequent in India and are seen leaping amongst the Trees but I never saw any but at distance and so did not well observe them Here therefore holding it in my hand for 't is a gentle and pleasing Animal I observ'd it to be as big as a Lizard and almost of the same shape but more unhandsom to behold having an ill shapen head divided feet and two paws in the middle whereof the leg ariseth each of which paws is divided into two toes or nails yet so as the fissure is very small It s colour was grey but with some variety like a dapple They told me that it sometimes chang'd colour not as is vulgarly reported according to that which is lay'd before it but according as it hath more heat or cold takes pains or reposes with other like Accidents Which event I saw not though I try'd several wayes to procure it September the eighth The Consul carry'd me to another Village about two leagues or six miles distant from Larnaca and call'd to this day Kiti and Citium anciently a City and Bishoprick but is now all destroy'd saving a few Cottages We went particularly to visit a Greek Doctor nam'd Sig Aluise Cucci who liv'd there and had the fame of much knowledg and spoke Italian well as also to see his Garden which though half ruin'd as all things are in the Island since it fell into the Turk's hands is yet one of the goodliest places in those parts Here dy'd Cimon the most valorous and vertuous Athenian Captain Son of the no less famous Captain Miltiades You may see Aemilius Probus in the Life of the said Cimon where he saith In Oppido Citio est mortuus after he had conquer'd most part of the Island Cyprus Two or three hours before noon we pass'd by the place where the Salt-work is which though through the negligence of the Turks who do not cleanse and empty it well it decayes and fills up every day yet in my time it yielded yearly about 10000 Piasters and almost all Ships make ballast of Salt particularly those of Venice are all oblig'd to take as much as will serve for that purpose and many times they take more which at Venice is a good commodity and a Trade reserv'd to the Prince Then we pass'd through a Village call'd Bromolaxaia and at length arriving at Kiti which lyes a little distant from the Sea the Coast of the Island running West-ward from the Saline we visited Sig Aluise Cucci whom indeed like a Philosopher as he professes to be we found living in a House which had sometimes been great and fair but was now half ruin'd the Garden had a small Brook with structures of Fountains and such like things but all out of order and reserving no other beauty besides a great number of Orange-Trees planted regularly and of equal height and making a goodly and delicious Grove I discours'd with the said Sig Aluise and he seem'd an intelligent Person but because he was sick or at least recovering and so weak that he could scarce speak I could not benefit by him as I desir'd I ask'd him concerning Cadmia and its species and other Minerals which you writ me word that you desir'd from Cyprus and I accordingly sent to Nicosia the chief City of the Island and the place of the Basha's residence as also concerning the Book of Galen He told me there was some at this day but 't was hard to meet with any that knew it or could tell where to find it the people being very Ideots and the Mines intermitted heretofore by the Christians for fear of alluring the Turks thereby to invade the Island as also since by the Turks through ignorance After this and such other Discourse we return'd to Larnaca by a different road about the midst whereof we found another
Village call'd Menego but all these Villages in former times well peopled are now almost wholly destroy'd and uninhabited September the ninth Being return'd to the Ship the next day I took the height of the Sun with my Astrolabe in the Port della Saline of Cyprus and found him decline Southward from the Zenith 29 degrees 29 minutes 50 seconds On which day he was in degrees of September the thirteenth I went ashore in the Morning to Larnaca again from whence upon the Consuls instance I was accompany'd by Sig Gio Francesco Parente two other Venetians a Greek nam'd Meser Manoli my servant Michel and a Janizary for our guard to a delicious place of Devotion call'd by the Greeks Agia Nappa that is Holy about eight leagues from Larnaca upon the Eastern Sea-coast near Capo della Greca where there is a Church built in a Grotto wherein a miraculous Image of our Lady was found Having rid all day almost continually by the Sea-side we lodg'd at the Village Ormidia and the next day early passing through the Village Xylofago and the Cape di San Georgio where many Ships especially Pyrats use to put in for water at a River which falls into the Sea on the East of the said Cape we arriv'd at the Village Agia Nappa We found it like all the rest that I saw in Cyprus almost wholly destroy'd partly by the ordinary tyrannies of the Turks partly by the Pestilence which a few years before had swept away most of the people The Church being built almost like a little square Castle perhaps for fear of the Pyrats is still standing and being under ground is descended into by many stairs A Papas or Greek Priest who officiates there hath charge of it together with certain Calogrie or Nunns who having renounc'd the world have addicted themselves to God's Service and are modestly cloth'd in black though they be not Recluses In the middle of a great Court or Yard stands a marble Fountain not ill built over which they have lately built a great Cupola upon four Pilasters with seats round about where we not onely entertain'd our selves all day but slept at night the murmur of the water rendring the place sufficiently pleasant The next Morning Mass was sung in the Church after the Greek Rite and I was present at it till the end of the Gospel On one side of the Church in a place apart is an Altar where our Latine Priests say Mass when any comes thither In summ the Church is an indifferent large Grotto the Image ancient and the Altar adorn'd after the Greek manner without any thing else remarkable Here we eat a great quantity of Becca-fichi or Fig-snappers a sort of Birds call'd by the Greeks Sicalidia which are so plentiful in Cyprus that abundance of them are sent sows'd in Vinegar to Venice and else-where but those at Agia Nappa sometimes are not good by reason of their having eaten Scammony which is not known to be found there-abouts but probably they feed upon it in some other place September the sixteenth We departed from Agia Nappa to return to Larnaca and passing through the Village Xylofago we alighted there to see the Church of San Giorgio wherein amongst other Saints I saw one painted whom they call Agios Mapeas that is San Mama much venerated by the Greeks who say He was a Martyr and bury'd in Cyprus but I know not according to what History they paint him between a Horse and a Lyon September 17th Returning a Ship-board by the way I visited a Church of the Greeks but heretofore of the Armenians call'd S. Lazaro some of the stones whereof I observ'd engraven with Armenian Letters 'T is a very ancient stone-structure of an extravagant form though us'd by the Greeks in sundry places namely consisting of 3 Nave's or Isles supported onely by 4 Pilasters with three Cupola's on a row in the middle Nave the place within amongst the Pillasters serving for men and that round about for women by themselves Behind the Altar they shew a Subterranean Sepulchre like a little Grotto and enter'd into by a square hole like that of a Tomb they say it was the Sepulchre of Lazarus rais'd by Christ and that he built the Church whilst he was Bishop here and at last dy'd here from whence his Body was afterwards transported first to Constantinople and then to Marseilles The truth whereof they affirm is prov'd by the Miracles done every day in the said Sepulchre as healing the sick and the like but this is repugnant to the History we have in the Breviary Martyrologie c. September the twentieth The Consul gave me a piece of Ladano-Vergine that is pure without any other mixture as it comes naturally whereof there is plenty in Cyprus and some intelligent persons of the Country whom I consulted purposely told me 't is generated of the Dew which falls from Heaven just as Manna is and that 't is gather'd off the leavs of a plant no higher then a span and half or two spans which matter they boyle and being viscid like wax form into rolls like little Candles which they wrap afterwards round together The said Ladanum is black hath a good quick Aromatical Smell and in our Countries mixt with other things makes a good Perfume and perhaps serves for Medicinal Uses as you know very well September the one and twentieth Sig Cicach gave me some of the stone Amiantus a sort of stone that may be spun of which the Ancients made the Cloth which they say was incombustible and the fire onely cleans'd it as water doth other Linnen in which Cloth they burnt dead bodies and so preserv'd the ashes thereof from being mingled with those of the wood At this day none knows how to make the Cloth or to spin the matter although a whitish matter like Cotton is clearly seen to issue out of the stone not uncapable of being spun The colour of the Stone when intire is greenish inclining to black but shining enough almost like Talk yet when 't is broken or spun the matter that issues out of it is white I remember I once saw some of this Stone and the Cloth woven thereof in the Study of Ferrante Imperato at Naples amongst other Curiosities September the twenty fourth The Consul invited us to dinner in the Venetian Ship Cacciadiavoli where we stay'd not onely to dine but also to sleep all-night being entertain'd with Musick and the good conversation of Sig Parente Flatro Rocco Andreani who were there The next day we return'd to our own Ship and the Evening following I went ashore again A new man was expected to come to govern the Island the old being already departed upon the arrival of an Officer of the new who as their custom is was come with the Title of Musselem to prepare the place for his Master But before this New Elect arriv'd at his Residence in Nicosia News came that by a fresh command of the Grand Signior at
Constantinople the new Basha was recall'd and depriv'd of his Office before he possess'd it unto which the old was restor'd besides the changing of the Defecodar and other Officers These sudden and unexpected changes of Ministers have many years ago begun to be practis'd in the Court of Constantinople occasion'd chiefly by the ill Government and the selling of those Offices without any limitation of time to who-ever gives most which disorders are more prevalent now then ever Which I mention that it may be known in what an ill State the Common-wealth of the Turks is at this day which indeed seems to be tending of its accord to manifest ruine September the eight and twentieth After another treatment given us by the Consul in the Ship of Viaro he accompany'd us in the Evening to our Caravel which was to set sail forth-with and there with many Complements and expressions of Courtesie we took leave one of another the Consul returning ashore and we remaining in the Ship About three hours after Sun-set we hois'd sails towards Limiso another Port of the Southern Coast of Cyprus but more Westerly where we hop'd to find and joyn company with the Dutch Ships We had but little wind in the night and the next day no good one so that it was but a while before mid-night when we arriv'd at Limiso where we anchor'd at a good distance from Land because for so short a time as our Ship was to stay there it would not be subject to pay Anchorage September the thirtieth Sig Gio Francesco Parente who arriv'd at Limiso the night before by Land came in the Morning to invite me ashore in the Name of Sig Pietro Savioni a Venetian who hath a House at Limiso and is Vice-Consul in Cyprus for the Dutch he receiv'd me with very much Courtesie And being it was yet early I walk'd about the Town which is of indifferent bigness where I saw a great Meschita of the Turks standing in a goodly street near the shore where I saw great plenty of Carrubes or Capers where-with whole Ships are laden from hence for Venice and other parts More within the Town I saw the Castle which is small of a round form representing rather a low thick Tower or Turret then a Fortress yet it hath some small pieces of Artillery and is built of stone Then I came to the Church of the Bishoprick for Limiso hath a Greek Bishop who commands four Eparchats as they speak to wit this of Limiso that of della Saline and two others the whole Island being divided onely into four Bishopricks each of which hath several Eparchats under them This Cathedral Church is small and dedicated to our Lady S. Mary of Building like the rest of the Country and because 't is the Cathedral they call it according to custom La Catholica i. e. Universal Here I found one Didascalo Matteo a Greek Monk who spoke Italian well as he that had liv'd many years at Venice and profess'd skill in Minerals Chymical matters and the like To him whilst he was at Nicosia I had gotten a friend to write from Larnaca to desire him to procure me the Cadmia and other Minerals which you desir'd But the Letter found him not in Nicosia for he was departed from thence to go to Mount Sinay Finding him here and asking him about the business he told me There was to his knowledg abundance of those Minerals particularly Sori Mysi Melanteria and Cadmia to be had in some places of Cyprus and that he would have procur'd me some had he known my desire in time but now he could not by reason of his present departure and the place where to have them was very remote He gave me certain little pieces of Silver and Gold found in Cyprus and promis'd me to use exquisite diligence for the rest at his return from Monte Sinay which would be within three Months whereupon I writ to the Consul of Larnaca that at his going to Nicosia where he was shortly to salute the new Basha for by vertue of a third command from Constantinople the new Basha was once again confirm'd and the old again depriv'd with more strange inconstancy of government then ever he would consult by the way with a renegado German who practis'd Physick there and as Didascalo Matteo told me knew where to find the said Minerals for me Whilest I was discoursing thus in the Church-yard with Didascalo the Bishop an ancient man with a white beard pass'd by together with another Monk who was going to Church to rehearse his hours I understanding who he was saluted him and pass'd many complements with him in the Greek Tongue for he understood not Italian October the first The Hollanders invited me a Ship-board to see their Ships which were in the Port whereupon after dinner I went accompani'd with Sig. Parente aboard of two the Neptune and the S. Peter in both which we were oblig'd to drink several healths particularly that of their Prince Henry-Frederick of Nassau every Cup we drank being solemniz'd with a Great Gun and also at our departing from the Ships they discharg'd three Pieces which were answered by those of all the rest October the second By Letters from Constantinople to certain Greek Monks the news I had heard at Aleppo concerning the progress of the Tartar of Cafa united with the Cossacks of Poland against the Turks was confirm'd and that about seven hundred of their Ships sailing to the Confines of Constantinople had done inestimable dammage and put the City it self in fear They said also that a violent Pestilence rag'd at Constantinople and that the Grand Signor had been grievously sick having had in his own person seventy Plague-sores of all which notwithstanding he was cur'd which indeed is a strange thing and happens but rarely October the third The Dutch entertain'd us at a dinner in their greatest Ship which was bound for Venice and call'd Il-Naranciero or the Orange where many healths were drunk to the Doge of Venice and the Prince of Nassau each Cup as also our departure out of the Ship being honor'd with many Guns Which ended I would not go ashore any more being our Ship was to depart the night following but â—â—pair'd to it the Dutch continuing their drinking and shooting all night in augury of a happy voyage An hour after midnight we all set sail five Ships together namely four Dutch the Orange S. Peter the Neptune and the Unicorn and our French Caraval S. Ann wherein I was imbarq'd I will not omit that being our French Ship did not pay anchorage at Limiso though person alone were suffer'd to go ashore yet they were not permitted to buy any thing there to carry aboard for had it been known that we had shipt the least thing even but a little Water or a single Lemon they would have demanded the whole Anchorage-money wherefore I was fain to get a few fruits and refreshments convey'd into the Dutch Ships without being
me and my company the Knights of the Council vouchsafing me this favour yet upon condition that I should pass my Quarantine not in the Isoletto whither all others are sent but at the Port where we were in the house of Sig Don Francesco Ciantar neer his Church of S. Saviour which house the Inquisitor procur'd for me and the Council as a particular favour granted me for my better convenience They prefix'd no time of the Quarantine but reserv'd it at their own arbitrement however I resolv'd it should not be very long The Caravel S. Ann which brought me desir'd to undergo the Quarantine also that they might afterwards have Prattick and sell their commodities perhaps more advantagiously at Malta but it would not be granted but the next day the Vessel was dismiss'd away for France The reason whereof I suppose was either because the Isoletto where Ships pass the Quarantine was already full of other people or because the Island was scarce of provision and therefore they would not admit other new Passengers to consume it However we according to our licence landed all our goods at the abovesaid place and we were no sooner got ashore but My Lord the Inquisitor came in a Boat to visit me at the Sea-side We discours'd together above half an hour he in his Boat and I upon the bank He inquir'd of me several things concerning the affairs of the East and inform'd me of many of Europe and at last offering me his favour in all things particularly in getting the Quarantine shortned which he intimated would last forty days or more including those which had pass'd by the way from Cyprus hither departed and I repair'd to the house which the owner of it and the Captain of the Port Desiderio came to assign to me where all our Goods were spread abroad to be air'd in a large open room belonging to the said house which indeed I found very handsom and well provided with convenience of water and other things having a delicate prospect upon the Port the Sea the Country the Town the new City and in short being the best most convenient and delightful that we could have had for that purpose By the Council's order a man was assign'd to guard the House and a Boat both to guard us and to supply us with provisions both at our charge as the custom is Nor doth the Captain of the Port omit to visit us frequently and to discourse with us at a distance God be thanked we are all well and free from all contagious suspition so that I hope to surmount this difficulty happily which I acknowledg to proceed from the Divine Providence to which I heartily commend you LETTER XIV From Syracuse Decemb. 4. 1625. AFter two and twenty days confinement upon suspition behold me my dear Sig Mario now at liberty and in health ready to come to kiss your hands having no other impediment to detain me What things I have noted in the mean time and what befel me at Malta and how I am safely arriv'd at Syracuse I shall now give you an account in continuation of the Narrative of my Travels November the seventh Early in the Morning four Galleys belonging to the Religion of Malta arriv'd in the Port from Sicily the new ones which they were providing instead of two lost a few Months before not being yet finish'd They were colour'd all black in token of sadness for the death of their General who dy'd of a Disease a few days before at Naples November the eleventh The Commissioners of Health came to visit us and enter'd into the House to see our Goods whether we had us'd such diligence as was requisite in opening them to the Sun and Wind that they might give account thereof to the Council November the thirteenth My Lord the Inquisitor came to visit me and discours'd with me about an hour without the Gate for seeing we had no Licence of Prattick it was not lawfull for me to give him so much as a Chair out of my House He promis'd me to speak to the Grand Master the same day and to procure our expedition November the sixteenth In the Morning before day three of the said Gallies set sail from Malta towards Licata or Alicata in Sicily to fetch Corn whereof there was great penury The fourth Galley was so old that it could go no more to Sea and the new which were preparing at Malta Palermo and Naples instead of those that had been lost were not yet finish'd After dinner the Commissioners of Health return'd again to see my Goods bringing with them a Physitian to view and make relation of the Coffin wherein they understood I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani but because the ball of Cotton yarn wherein it was wrapt was not quite loosned for fear of spoyling though I had open'd and air'd it they not onely refus'd to give me Prattick but would not suffer the Physitian to touch or view the said Coffin and told me I must first loosen and air the Cotton yarn well and then they would return to us another day to resolve about Prattick After which they made many excuses to me for this strange treatment alledging that the subsistence of Malta depending upon other parts abroad they were forc'd to use the most rigorous courses in case of suspition of Infection to the end Sicily and the other Countries on which their subsistence depended might not deprive them of Prattick as they would easily do were it known that they proceeded otherwise and were too easie in admitting suspected things which came from the Levant Whereupon I knowing that they had reason for what they said caus'd the Cotton Ball to be wholly unwound as they desir'd though I did not so at first to avoid spoyling it and the hazard of not making it up again so well as before November the twentieth The Grand Spedaliere or Master of the Hospital and two other Great Crosses came accompany'd with many people to give us another visit and after many preambles with majestick words in praise of their Order and concerning the observance and respect justly due to it from all upon the account of Malta's being the Bulwark of the Territories of the Catholick King and of all Christendome he fell to blame me though civilly in the Name of the Grand Master that I had not at first declar'd my having my Wife's Body with me a very jealous thing as they said in times of suspition and ask'd me the reason of it I answer'd that whil'st I was yet a Ship-board I was ask'd onely in general What Goods I had And I truly answer'd that I had one Ball five Trunks and some other bundles of goods for my use and being not more particularly question'd I did not specifie what was within the Trunks and the Ball conceiving it not necessary and the rather because I being yet uncertain whether I should stay at Malta or depart in the same Ship I did not think fit
who being newly come from abroad was put upon his Quarantine in a Church without the City secondly Sig Don Gutteres della Valle Brother of the above-said Baron who was absent at Palermo thirdly Sig Don Diego della Valle whom I knew many years ago at Messina fourthly Sig Don Vincenzo della Valle Baron of Schisi which they hold to be the ancient Naxus and fifthly Don Franc. della Valle who was in an Ecclesiastical Habit with many of these Gentlemen who did me the honour to accompany me I went this morning to see the Mother-Church where in a close Chappel the body of S. Agatha is kept After which I was conducted to see the Benedictine's Monastery of S. Nicolas which is a handsom building and the Reliques kept there in the Sacristie amongst which was shewn me a Nail of our Saviour's Cross an Arrow of S. Sebastian's a piece of S. George's Coat of Mail some of S. Peter the Apostle's beard and some of the beard of S. Zaccharias Father of S. Iohn Baptist. I saw also the ruins of the Amphitheater and the Cirque the Fountains without the Walls of the City by the Sea-side which being so many Spouts on a row make a pretty sight near the place where S. Agatha was put into the fire Ianuary the first 1626. Accompani'd by the same Gentlemen who did me that honour at all hours I went to see the prison of S. Agatha underground and her Sepulchre where there is also another Church and in that the place where S. Lucy appear'd to her and a little further a little Chappel apart where her breasts were cut off After which I spent the day in visiting such Gentlemen as had visited me as also such Gentlewomen of the Family of la Valle as had sent to visit me The next day I went to S. Francis's Church to see the Chappel and Tombs of the Family of la Valle in whose arms I found some difference from my own as to the colours which was only the Error of the Painter they giving the Lions and Stars Or in a field gules but we at Rome the Lions azure and Stars gules in a field Or. And being Arms are commonly taken from old Stone-monuments which have no colours 't was no hard matter for some Modern Painter to mistake and put one for another In the Evening I was visited by the Magistrates of Catania whom they call Guirati Jurats and news came that a Proclamation was publish'd at Palermo whereby as many as were oblig'd either by Tenure or otherwise to military service in Sicily in in times of need were commanded to appear forthwith in the field in order to a General Muster and then be distributed into several places for fear of an invasion by the English Fleet which they said was enter'd into the Mediterranean upon designs of mischief Ianuary the third I return'd the Visit to the Magistrates in the City-Palace being receiv'd by them with much honour and at my departure accompani'd almost to the Gate After dinner having visited Sig Don Francesco della Valle Baron of Miraglia who was upon his Quarantine in the Church of the Infirm without the City I took leave of all my honourable Friends and departed from Catania towards Syracuse arriving at Lentini two hours after Sun-set where I lodg'd in the House of the Baron of Bagnara Ianuary the fourth Having heard Mass in the Church of the Saints Alfio and his Brethren and din'd early we departed from Lentini and at night arriv'd at S. Cosmano a place twelve miles from Syracuse famous for making Sugar It being late we took up our Quarters in a House where we saw the Machins Furnaces and other contrivances for that Work Ianuary the fifth About Noon we arriv'd at Syracuse being met without the Gate in a Coach by Sig Paolo Faraone Sig Don Diego Landolnia his Couzen Sig Don Gasparo Diamante and others of the Bishop's House Ianuary 10th We went abroad a shooting in a boat upon the famous River Alfeo which falls into the Port of Syracuse just opposite to the walls of the City passing first under a bridge of one arch exactly according to the printed figure of the Pastoral of Cavalier Guarini call'd il Pastor fido wherein the River Alfeo speaks the Prologue Ianuary the eleventh I saw the subterraneous Grottoes of S. Iohn's Church without the City they are many great and handsom contriv'd almost like a Labyrinth and appear to have been intended for Sepulchres in some places the light is admitted a little by Cupola's which probably serv'd for the people to assemble in either to the Obsequies or Funeral-suppers Yet certain Figures of ancient Saints and other Tokens argue them to have been us'd by Christians 't is a goodly Fabrick for a work under-ground being all cut out of the natural stone by hand Ianuary the thirteenth Four Maltese-Galleys arriv'd at Syracuse and because they intended for Messina and one of them for Naples and perhaps further to carry the Prior of the Church who as I said was going extraordinary Ambassador to Rome and was here imbarqu'd I desir'd to take the opportunity of these Galleys to Messina and accordingly went to speak with the General who was gone a hunting with the Prior of the Church near the River Alfeo The General courteously granted me passage in his own Ship to Messina but as for going to Naples in the Galley with the said Prior I could not obtain this favour from him and though his excuse was that but one Galley went thither and that with many Passengers and my people and goods were not few yet I perceiv'd that the Prior on whom the courtesie depended although he had been my Friend at Malta and shew'd himself such here also was unwilling to grant me the same because I lodg'd in the house of the Bishop with whom the Prior was displeas'd because the Bishop had neither visited him nor yet the General of the Galleys as they pretended he ought to have done but the Bishop pretended the contrary namely that they ought to have visited him first so that between the punctilio's of both sides I was fain to suffer an inconvenience as it commonly happens in such cases However I resolv'd not to decline the General 's offer of passing to Messina in these Galleys and accordingly taking leave of the Bishop and all other Friends after supper I went aboard of the General 's Galley with my people and at the second watch we set sail The winds being contrary we could not pass further then Augusta where we anchor'd a little without the Port but because we did not salute the City in regard we stood off from it and were upon departing a great Gun was discharg'd from thence against us with a bullet Which though the General was offended at yet because there was nothing else to be done he sent a Spanish Gentleman of his Order to make excuse to the Governor for not having saluted him as not being the custom
cover the wood first being handsomly turn'd with a thick Gum then put their Paint on most artificially made of liquid silver or gold or other lively colours which they use and after make it much more beautiful with a very clear varnish put upon it They are excellent at Limning and will coppy out any Picture they see to the life for confirmation of which take this instance It happened that my Lord Embassadour visiting the Mogol on a time as he did often presented him with a curious neat small oval Picture done to the life in England The Mogol was much pleased with it but told the Embassadour withall that haply he supposed that there was never a one in his Country that could do so well in that curious Art and then offered to wager with him a Leck of Roopees a sum which amounted to no less then 10000 l. sterl that in a few days he would have two Copies made by that presented to him so like that the Embassadour should not know his own He refused the great wager but told the King he would adventure his judgment on it Two Copies taken from that Original were within few days after made and brought and laid before the Embassadour in the presence of the King the Embassadour viewing them long either out of Courtship to please the King or else unable to make a difference 'twixt the Pictures being all exquisitly done took one of them which was new made for that which he had formerly presented and did after profess that he did not flatter but mistake in that choice The truth is that the Natives of that Monarchy are the best Apâ—s for imitation in the world so full of ingenuity that they will make any new thing by pattern how hard soever it seem to be done and therefore it is no marvel if the Natives there make Shooes and Boots and Clothes and Linen and Bands and Cuffs of our English Fashion which are all of them very much different from their Fashions and Habits and yet make them all exceeding neatly They have Markets which they call Bazars to sell and buy their Commodities in all their great Towns twice every day a little before and an hour after Sun-rising in the morning and so a little before and a little after Sun-set at night The other parts of the day being too hot for those great confluences of people to meet together and those are the seasons we English-men there make use of to ride abroad and take the air the rest of the day we usually spend in our houses The people there sell almost all their Provisions as very many other things by weight For the foreign Trade of this people it is usually once a year into the Red Sea to a City called Moha in Arabia the happy about thirty leagues from the mouth of it It is a principal Mart for all Indian Commodities but the Staple and most principal there vented is their Cotten-cloth either white or stained and their Cotten-wooll Hither they come from Grand Cairo in Egypt as from many other parts of the Turks Dominions to trafique hither they come from Prester Iohns Country which lyes on the other side of the Arabian Gulf for so the Red Sea is there called and not above fourteen leagues over at the City Moha The Ship or Iunk for so it is called that usually goes from Surat to Moha is of an exceeding great burden some of them I believe fourteen or fifteen hundred Tuns or more but those huge Vessels are very ill built like an over-grown Liter broad and short but made exceeding big on purpose to waff Passengers forward and backward which are Mahometans who go on purpose to visit Mahomets Sepulchre at Medina neer Mecha but many miles beyond Moha The Passengers and others in that most capacious Vessel that went and returned that year I left India as we were credibly told amounted to the number of seventeen hundred Those Mahumetans that have visited Mahomets Sepulchre are ever after called Hoggees or holy men This Iunk bound from Surat to the Red-Sea as she hath many people in her so hath she good Ordnance but those Navigators know not well how to use them for their defence She begins her Voyage about the twentieth of March and finisheth it about the end of September following The Voyage is but short and might easily be made in less than three moneths but the Ship is very slow and ill-built to abide foul weather and in the long season of the rain and a little before and after it the winds upon those Coasts are commonly so violent that there is no coming but with much hazard into the Indian Sea This Ship returning is usually worth as I have heard it faithfully reported and if my credit given to that report make me not to abuse my Readers two hundred thousand pounds Sterling and most of it brought back in good Gold and Silver some fine Chamlets they bring with them home likewise But that huge mass of wealth thus brought home into India is another especial thing and might have been added to that I spake of before towards the continual enriching of this great Monarchy where in the next place I shall speak SECTION VI. Of the care and skill of this people in keeping and managing their excellent good Horses Of their Elephants and their ordering and managing them And how the people ride and are carried up and down from place to place THe Souldiery here and so many of the Gentry and better sort of the people who live at Court shew excellent good skill in riding and managing of their well turn'd high metal'd choice Horses which are excellent good at mounting up bounding and curvetting and when they run them at their full swiftest speed will stop them at a foots breadth for the scantling of those creatures they are in proportion like ours but excellently well eyed headed limn'd for their colours there are some of them Raven-black but many more of them white curiously Dapled and a very great number Pied and spotted all over and there are some of other bright colours But it is a usual custom there amongst Gallants who ride upon the bright-coloured horses to have their legs and lower parts of their bellies and breasts died into a Saffron colour of which they have much there which makes them look as if they had stood in some Dyars Vatt just to such an height of their bodies The hair upon their Horses whom they keep plump and fat is very short soft and lyes sleek upon them and I wonder not at it they are kept so daintily every Horse being allowed a man to dress and feed him and to run by him when he is rode forth and this is all his work They tye not down their horse-heads when they stand still as we do with halters but secure each horse by two ropes fastned to their hind-feet which ropes are somwhat long to be staked down behind them in Tents or other
a thing not to be wondered at if we consider the great Temperance of that people in general in their eating and drinking But to proceed The Hindooes or Heathens there begin their year the first day of March The Mahometans begin theirs the tenth at the very instant as the Astrologers there ghess that the Sun enters into Aries their year as ours is divided into twelve Moneths or rather into thirteen Moons for according to them they make many payments They distinguish their time in a much different manner from us dividing the day into four and the night into as many parts which they call Pores which again they subdivide each of them into eight parts which they call Grees measured according to the ancient custom by water dropping out of one vessel into another by which there alwayes stands a Man appointed for that service to turn tâ—at vessel up again when it is all dropped out and then to strike with an hammer upon the brim of a concave piece of Metal like the inner part of a large Platter hanging by the brim on a wire the number of those Pores and Grees as they pass It hath a deep sound and may be heard very far but these are not common amongst them Neither have they any Clocks or Sun-Dials to shew them further how their time passeth We lived there some part of our time a little within or under the Tropick of Cancer and then the Sun was our Zenith or Verticle at noon-day directly over our heads at his return to his Northern bounds of which I have spoken something before The Sun-rising there was about six hours in the Morning before its appearing here so that it is twelve of the Clock with them when it is but six with us We had the Sun there above the Horizon in December when the dayes are shortest near eleven hours and in Iune when they are at their fullest length somewhat more than thirteen hours which long absence of the Sun there from the face of the Earth was very advantagious to cool both the Earth and Air. I proceed to speak SECTION XIV Of the most excellent Moralities which are to be observed amongst the People of those Nations NExt to those things which are Spiritually good there is nothing which may more challenge a due and deserved commendation than those things which are Morally and Materially so and many of these may be drawn out to life from the examples of great numbers amongst that people For the Temperance of very many by far the greatest part of the Mahometans and Gentiles it is such as that they will rather choose to dye like the Mother and her seven Sons mentioned in the second of Macchabees and seventh Chapter then eat or drink any thing their Law forbids them Or like those Rechabites mentioned Jer. 35. Where Ionadab their Father commanded them to drink no Wine and they did forbear it for the Commandement sake Such meat and drink as their Law allows them they take onely to satisfie Nature as before not Appetite strictly observing Solomon's Rule Prov. 23. 2. in keeping a knife to their throats that they may not transgress in taking too much of the Creature hating Gluttony and esteeming Drunkenness as indeed it is another Madness and therefore have but one word in their Language though it be very copious and that word is Mest for a drunkard and a mad-man Which shews their hatred of drunken distempers for none of the people there are at any time seen drunk though they might find liquor enough to do it but the very offal and dreggs of that people and these rarely or very seldom And here I shall insert another most needful particular to my present purpose which deserves a most high commendation to be given unto that people in general how poor and mean soever they be and that is the great exemplary care they manifest in their piety to their Parents that notwithstanding they serve for very little as I observed before but five shillings a Moon for their whole livelyhood and subsistence yet if their Parents be in want they will impart at the least half of that little towards their necessaries choosing rather to want themselves then that their Parents should suffer need For the Mahometans who live much upon the labours of the Hindooes keeping them under because they formerly conquered them there are many of them idle and know better to eat than work and these are all for to morrow a word very common in their mouths and the word is Sub-ba which signifies to morrow and when that day comes to morrow and so still to morrow they will set down upon their businesses to morrow will do any thing you would have them to do to morrow they will bestow any thing upon you Sub-ba to morrow Pollicitis divites most rich in promises in performances not so That being true of many of those Mahometans which Livie sometimes spake of Hannibal that he stood most to his Promise when it was most for his Profit though to do the Mahometans in general right such as are Merchants and Traders are exact in their dealings or as Plutarch writes of Antigonus the King who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as being ever about to give but seldom giving But for the Hindooes or Heathens the ancient inhabitants of East-India they are a very industrious people very diligent in all the works of their particular Callings believing that Bread sweetest and most savory which is gain'd by sweat These are for the generality the people that plant and till the ground These they which make those curious Manufactures that Empire affords working as we say with tooth and nail imploying their ears and toes as well as their fingers to assist them by holding threds of silk in the making of some things they work These are a people who are not afraid of a Lion in the way of a Lion in the streets as the slothful man is Prov. 26. 13. but they lay hold on the present time the opportunity to set upon their businesses which they are to do to day they being very laborious in their several imployments and very square and exact to make good all their engagements Which appears much in their justness manifested unto those that trade with them for if a Man will put it unto their Consciences to sell the Commodity he desires to buy at as low a rate as he can afford it they will deal squarely and honestly with him but if in those bargainings a man offer them much less than their set price they will be apt to say What dost thou think me a Christian that I would go about to deceive thee It is a most sad and horrible thing to consider what scandal there is brought upon the Christian Religion by the loosness and remisness by the exorbitances of many which come amongst them who profess themselves Christians of whom I have often heard the Natives who live near the Port where