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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A65019	The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described, in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies.; Viaggi. Parte 3. English	Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652.; Havers, G. (George); Roe, Thomas, Sir, 1581?-1644.; Terry, Edward, 1590-1660. Relation of Sir Thomas Roe's voyage.	1665 (1665)	Wing V48; ESTC R10032	493,750	487

Ship that they first forc't her to run on shore and then burn't her It was not true that the General was slain the Ship was taken indeed but empty the Moors having had time to save most of their wealth upon Land but however they suffer'd much dammage By this accident it may be doubted whether some disgust be not likely to ensue between the Mogul and the Portugals and I know not whether it may not somewhat retard the Portugal Armada and Cafila which was ready to set sail for Cambaia November the fourth The Armada of Colletta departed from Goa to fetch provision it was to go to Cocin and therefore the newly consecrated Arch-Bishop of Serra imbarqu'd in it to go to his residence so also did F. Andrea Palmiero Visitor of the Jesuits my friend to visit that his Province and F. Laertio Alberti an Italian with many other Jesuits who came out of Europe this year to go and reside there The same day an Almadia or small Boat of Ciaul came to Goa with news of a Vessel arriv'd there from Mascat and also a Ship from Bassora both which reportted that Ormuz was in much distress by the Siege so that many Moor 's soldiers escap'd out of the Town to Ruy Freira after whose arrival the Siege proceeded prosperously for us with good order and much hope yet in case the succours were sent from Goa which Ruy Freira very importunately desir'd At Bassora they said all was quiet This will be the last that I shall write to you from Goa being ready to depart out of India if it please God within a few dayes and desirous to return to my Country where I may see and discourse with you the first object that I propound to my self at my revisiting our dear Italy However I shall not omit in my way to acquaint you with my adventures to the end my Letters may forerun me and be the harbingers of my arrival I reserve many things to tell the Sig. Dottore and Signor Colletta and those other Gentlemen my friends who I am confident accompany my prayers to God for my prosperous arrival from whom wishing of you all happines● I rest c. LETTER IX From Mascat January 19. 1625. HAving determin'd to return to my Country not by way of Portugal but by that of Bassora and from thence by land to Aleppo which seem'd to me the best and shortest and having accordingly obtain'd licence of the Viceroy who in this and other matters hath always done me many favours which licence was necessary because in Goa 't is rigorosly prohibited to all to go into Europ by this way of Turky and being prepared with every thing necessary by the opportunity of the Cafila and Armada which went from Goa for Cambaia in which there was one Ship which was to go from Ciaul to Bassora I resolv'd to embarque in a Ship of the Armada that was to go to Ciaul intending there to go aboard that which was to go to Bassora In order whereunto having taken leave of all my friends and at last got the Viceroy's licence who was then at Pangi and gave me certain Letters of importance written to his King which I was to consign to the Portugal Agent at Rome that he might transmit the same to his Master on the fifteenth of November about evening I went down the River in a Mansina or Wherry to the mouth of the Sea and there went aboard the Ship I had taken whereof Francesco Gomez was Captain In this Voyage there came with me Marian Tinatin Eugenia Cingala her servant a Venetian Merchant my Friend nam'd Marc ' Antonio Lanza whom I took for my company with his servant nam'd Giovanni Michael a servant given me by Sig Antonio Baracho to accompany me to Rome a trusty person to whom he had therefore given liberty and another servant of his nam'd Giovan Boracho who was to accompany me onely to Ciaul whither also his Master Antonio intended shortly to follow him November the sixteenth Before day we set sail and met the Armada of Chebore Diu Bossaria and Ciaul Countries on the North of Goa sailing to Goa at night we cast Anchor short of the Rocks call'd Los Ilheos quemados Our course was alwayes Northwards the Land alwayes winding from us on the Right Hand November the twentieth We set sail about day-break and at three a clock after noon cast Anchor a little short of Ciaul because the wind was contrary in a Bay where there is a Village call'd Pascet here we stay'd three dayes in expectation of some ill-arm'd Vessels of the Cafila which lagg'd behind On the four and twentieth at night We enter'd the Port of Ciaul which is within the jaws of a fair River I sent my servant to look for a House and in the mean time remain'd for this night in the Ship but the next day we landed with all our Goods November the nine and twentieth News came to Ciaul that Dutch Ships were gone from Surat to Ormuz with intent to help the Persians against the Portugals it being suspected that they have made some agreement with the King of Persia to have a share of that place and to inhabit it Some said the Ships were four others that seven more were preparing at Surat with a Petache for the same design either all Dutch or Dutch and English together Be it as it will the arrival of Enemy-Ships at Ormuz before the Portugal Armada I account very prejudicial to the Portugals design upon the place for 't is difficult for Ruy Freira to hinder them only with an Armada of Oars from relieving it which may be done in one day and being done 't is sufficient to prolong the Warr and the Siege for another year And if it be true that so many Ships of those Hereticks are going not onely to Ormuz but also to Mascat and all the Coasts of India I look upon it as a matter of dangerous consequence it being rumor'd not without ground that they are agreed with the Persians to make Warr upon Mascat and to do great matters against the Portugals which God forbid December the second I went to view a Town of the Moors subject to Nizam-Sciah and his Governour Melik Ambar and because near Ciaul call'd Ciaul di Riba that is Upper Ciaul The way leading to it is fair and handsome amongst Groves of Palms and other Fruit-trees and it stands on the same bank of the River more Northwards with Ciaul of the Portugals 'T is a large Town well inhabited both by Moors and Gentiles especially near the Bazar or Market-place where the Shops afford plenty of all things necessary for Food and Clothing according to the fashion of the Country as also very fine Cotton Clothes of several sorts with other commodities which are brought thither from the more inward parts Beyond the Bazar the Houses stand not so close together but scatter'd here and there amongst Gardens or rather woods of Palmes and other Fruit-trees

way only to beg a little Rice and Bisket which we gave him at length having a good wind this day afternoon we pass'd a Cape which they call Capo falso because 't is neer and resembles the Cape Raselhhad but is not it At night we passed by the True Cape call'd by the Arabians Raselhhad that is the Cape of the Confine because 't is the last and most Southern Cape of Arabia being as they say in the latitude of twenty two degrees and a half from the Aequinoctial Northwards and distant from Mascat whither we were going forty leagues the Portugals call it corruptly Capo di Rosalgate Having pass'd this Cape we steer'd Northwest still upon the coast of Arabia which lies all the way on the left hand and enter'd the Persian Gulph but saw not the opposite Continent of Persia because for a good way inwards the Gulph is very broad Ianuary the seventh Having in the night foregoing had a good wind by day-light we were got eighteen leagues beyond the Cape near the place where the City of Calatat which Albuquerque destroy'd sometimes stood upon a good River at the foot of certain little Mountains of which almost the whole coast consists Here the wind fail'd us and having labour'd with the oar all day we got no further then Teive a place inhabited by Arabians At night we were troubled with rain which passing through all covers wetted us sufficiently and kept us from sleeping The next day we hois'd sail and had scarce dry'd our Clothes but more rain surpriz'd us and through want of wind all the day we did not get so far as Curiat which lyes eight Leagues forward and twelve short of Mascat On the eleventh of the same Moneth having no wind we made use of Oars till we came to an Anchor a little beyond Curiat and the next day hoising sail we pass'd by an Island call'd Scoglio di Curiat sailing through a narrow arm of the Sea which divides it from the Continent which is all stony and full of Cliffs like the fair Mountain Posilippo near Naples in Italy Before night we cast Anchor a little beyond for our Oars helpt the Ship but little being only serviceable to such heavy Vessels to surpass a Cape or get into a Port or the like in case of 〈…〉 d for a short way At night we weigh'd Anchor and soon afterwards cast it again having made but little way Ianuary the thirteenth Having sail'd all day and pass'd the Tropick of Cancer we enter'd the Northern Temperate Region and towards night arriv'd at the Port of Mascat which is well clos'd and encompass'd about with little Mountains but lyes open to the North-west whereby it receives much dammage The Town whereof the least part are wall'd Houses and the greatest onely sheds made of Palm-boughs stands directly in the innermost recess of the Port surrounded behind with Mountains amongst which nevertheless there want not wayes of access to it from the in-land parts so that to secure their Houses from the incursions of the Arabians they had in my time begun to raise an earthern wall but plain and weak with a few Bastions very distant one from another which wall drawn from Mountain to Mountain incloses and secures their Houses on that side as the Sea doth on the opposite and inaccessible little Mountains on the two other sides On the top of one of these Mountains on the right hand as you enter the Port stands the Castle difficult indeed to be taken by assault or otherwise then by Famine if well defended for though the wall be not very strong yet the natural situation secures it and it hath a Plat-form levell'd to the Sea whereby it defends the Port with Artillery and is descended to from the Castle by a cover'd Ladder which is very good On the other side of the Port upon another Mountain stands another Port of less consideration having been anciently the Castle yet it hath Artillery and may be of some advantage The Town is small but for its bigness sufficiently peopled especially since the loss of Ormuz from whence many repair hither The people is mix'd of Portugals Arabians Indians Gentiles and Iews It hath onely two Churches one which is the See of the Vicar who is no Priest but an Augustine Fryer one of their Covent alwayes coming to officiate there and to discharge the place of Vicar and Parish-Priest the other is of Augustine Fryers where live about four of that Order and both are dedicated to our Lady with several Titles to wit that of the Fryers Della Gratia and the other Del Rosario The Captain lives not always in the Castle by reason of the inconvenience of its situation but onely during the hotter monthes of Summer for coolness for upon the lower ground the heat is insupportable both because the Climate is of it self hot and because the dwellings lie in a low and inclos'd place encompassed as I said with Mountains which keep off all wind and reverberate the Sun more strongly besides that the Soil is dry and saltish which consequently increases the heat The Captain whom I found there was call'd Sig Martino Alfonso de Melo I also found dwelling here a Nephew or Brother's Son of the Captive King of Ormuz whose Father was also King of the same place before this Brother of his who is at this day prisoner in Persia. This Nephew they told me was call'd after his Uncle's Name Muhhamed-Sciah and the Portugals make him be acknowledg'd Prince in Arabia by all the Arabians that were lately subject to the King of Ormuz and are now exempt from the oppression of the Persians or Rebellion as nearest Kinsman and lawfullest Heir of any now at liberty to the imprison'd King At the same time of our Arrival there was also at Mascat upon his journey Hhabese-Chan Ambassador of the King of Dacan Nizam-Sciah who was returning to his Master from Persia where he had been many years with Sciah-Abbas It being night when we arriv'd at Mascat we went not ashore onely the Captain of the Ship was sent for by the Governour to speak with him and give him account of his purposes Ianuary the fourteenth Having procur'd a Lodging about noon I landed with my people and went to possess it In the Evening I visited the Veador de Fazenda or Treasurer Sig Nicolo da Silva my Friend and known to me many years in Persia who at first not knowing me was afterwards much pleas'd to see me here safe and sound Ianuary the fifteenth I visited the Captain or Governour of Mascat in whose House I found lodg'd Sig Don Francesco Contigno Covacio my Friend at Goa who upon some disgusts between himself and the Vice-Roy came in the same Armada that I did to Ciaul and from thence hither in Order to go to the siege of Ormuz Ianuary the seventeenth I was visited by the F. Provincial of the Augustines in Manil whom I had seen but not convers'd with at Goa

the truth whereof our chief Camelier went to Cuvebeda where the Spies of these Thieves use to reside and at night he brought us word that it was true and that therefore it behov'd us to go back again Whether it was true or onely an Invention of his for some end of his own I cannot affirm but the next day early we return'd to Cuvebeda and lodg'd without the Town at somedistance from the place where we had been before Two dayes after we were perswaded to lodg within the Town for more security from the Thieves and to deceive their Spies by making shew as if we resolv'd not to go further which might divert them from their design The same did the two Capigi that were with us for besides the former whose Name was Scervanli Ibrahim Aga there came another with him call'd Mahhmad Aga who had been sent by the preceding Serdar to Bassora Lahhsa and divers other adjacent places and had not dispatch'd his business in order to his return before now Iune the thirteenth After a long contest with our chief Camelier about hiring certain Arabian Guides which he pretended necessary to get money of us and I refus'd as superfluous since we knew the way without them and they could do us no good against the Thieves At length the business resting half undecided being I said if he would not go without those Guides I would return back to Bassora which he was loth to hear of because of restoring my money without speaking a word more about it he determin'd to proceed from Cavebeda and travelling all night we pass'd by the Pits of Ganeniat Iune the fourteenth Three hours before noon having travell'd till then we rested a while near certain Pits and setting forwards again in the Evening travell'd till mid-night and then we rested The next day rising early we travell'd till about noon till coming to a little bitter water we stay'd there to repose Here the great wind which blows continually in the Desart allaying the great heat of the Season having before much shatter'd our little Pavilions now broke them all in pieces so that we could no more make use of them Which indeed was a great inconvenience but for the future we had no other remedy but when we rested to ward off the Sun-beams with little sheds made of our Cloths fastned upon three Chairs wherein the Women and I were carry'd though they scarce suffic'd to cover three or four persons Yet in the night when there was no need of shadow we slept more pleasantly and coolely under the fair Canopy of the Starry Heaven After noon we proceeded further till an hour before night and then took up our lodging near another water Iune the sixteenth Having travell'd from break of day till noon and then rested two hours we proceeded again till night lodging in a place where the multitude of Gnats suffer'd us to sleep but little The next Morning early we pass'd by a great dry Lake which yet seem'd to have water in it at some time of the year and an hour before noon rested in a place full of Hornets very troublesome both to Men and beasts At the usual hour we set forwards again and journey'd till night Iune the eighteenth Rising before day-break we pass'd by at a distance leaving it on the right hand a place inhabited by Arabians which they call Argia govern'd by one Hhasan Aga Curdo a Fugitive from his own Country and by Alliance with the Arabians become great amongst them The Capigi Ibrahim Aga had a Robe to present to him from the Serdar but being we could not go to Argia by reason all the Passages were then overflown with water and the Cameliers had no mind to it in regard of a Gabel which would be requir'd there of us we repos'd our selves about noon in the place where we were Having pass'd Argia a good way the Capigi got one to swim over the waters and to advertise Hhasan Aga of the Serdar's Present which he had for him and would have deliver'd himself had the way been passable he also desir'd some Arquebusiers to accompany us over the Desart In expectation of an Answer we stay'd in this place all day where I saw upon the ground abundance of Sea-shels shining within like Mother-of-Pearl some whole and some broken I wonder'd how they came there so far from Sea I saw also many pieces of Bitumen scatter'd up and down which is produc'd in that brackish soil by the overflowing of the water at some time of the year I have a piece of it by me to shew Being suspicious of some Arabian Maedi's that is Vagrants or Vagabonds so call'd because they abide with Droves of Buffles sometimes in the Desarts and sometimes in Cities and are different from the Bedavi or Beduvi that is Deserticolae who are the noblest amongst them never residing in walled places but wandring about the Fields with black Tents as also from the Hhadesi who live in Cities and Stable-houses and are therefore accounted by them the ignoblest and meanest but indeed are of a middle condition between both the other sorts for mo●e security we remov'd a mile further and took up our station under a little Hill near some ruins of building which we discover'd afar off and I walkt on foot to behold near hand In the revolutions of Baghdad the above-said Hhasan Aga Lord of Argia was visited by the Persians the Sciah sending a Tag to him as he uses to do to great Persons whom he intends to invite to be or declare themselves of his Party and he carri'd himself in such sort that his fidelity became something suspected to the Turks insomuch that a Basha had an intention to kill him but did not do it perhaps because he knew not how to effect his purpose wherefore to keep him still faithful as I believe since it was not possible to punish him the Serdar sent him by this Capigi the above-mention'd Present Iune the nineteenth Our removal hence being still deferr'd in expectation of the answer of Hhasan Aga I went in the forenoon to take a more diligent view of the ruins of the above-said ancient building What it had been I could not understand but I found it to have been built with very good Bricks most of which were stampt in the midst with certain unknown letters which appear'd very ancient I observ'd that they had been cemented together in the Fabrick not with lime but with bitumen or pitch which as I said is generated in these Desarts whence the Hill upon which these ruins are is call'd by the Arabians Muqeijer that is Pitchy In the evening two men came from Hhasan Aga to the Capigi with Letters and an Answer that he would send him some provisions but they departed discontented because the Capigi gave them nothing Iune the twenty first We set forth by day-light and journied till Noon and after two hours rest continued our way till night over Lands sometimes moorish

Knight-hood although it be that Cross than which there cannot be a greater Cognizance of Christian Religion albeit 't is worn by those Knights as a token of Nobility too 'T is enough that the Jesuits think their opinion abundantly confirm'd by the two abovesaid Reasons namely that it is rather a sign of Nobility then a Cognizance of Religion And although the same is conferr'd with many superstitious Ceremonies yet they will not have it taken away alledging for example that the Crosses of our Knights however Ensignes of Nobility are given with many Ceremonies and Rites of our sacred Religion the more to authorize them Whence it appears that the use of this Ribban may be without scruple permitted to the Indians provided these superstitious Ceremonies be lay'd aside and especially the End in which alone consists the sin changing it in that manner as the ancient Christians chang'd many Festivals and superstitions of the Gentiles into Festivals of Martyrs and other pious Commemorations And this may be done by applying e. g. the signification of the three Braids to the most Holy Trinity or in some such manner turning it to a pious and lawful use Nevertheless those of the contrary party impugn this opinion with no bad Reasons they say 't is a thing in it self of its own nature wholly unlawful to Christians as being perfectly a Gentile-superstition which is prov'd by the Ceremonies and words us'd in conferring it and that for the three Braids 't is well known they hold and wear them in honour of three of their chief false Gods and that although they be Ensigns of Nobility in the wearer yet they are withall and principally a manifest Cognizance of their Religion as Crosses are amongst our Knights wherewith who ever hath the same on his breast not onely ostentates his Nobility but also firmly profess the Christian Faith That the Gentile-Kings having honour'd with this Ensign some Mahometan their Vassal and remaining a Mahometan is no more then as if in our Countries we should grant to some Jew the priviledge of wearing a black Hat without becoming a Christian which may be done by way of dispensation and yet it cannot be deny'd but that the wearing a black one or a yellow is besides the matter of credit a Cognizance also of the Religion or Sect which a man professes Many other Reasons they alledge which I do not well remember and which no doubt will be narrowly examin'd at Rome What the determination will be I shall know more certainly at Goa and for the present thus much may suffice concerning the Opinions and Rites of the Indian-Gentiles Now in pursuance of the Narration of my Travells I am to tell you that after the seeing of the Temple and visiting the Brachman abovesaid the same day which was Saturday the 25th of February upon occasion of a Cafila or Caravan which was setting forth from Cambaia to Ahmedabàd which is the Royal Seat and Head of the whole Kingdom of Guzaràt we namely Sig Alberto Scilling and my self with our attendants were desirous to see that City and since the insecurity of the wayes allow'd us not to go alone we resolv'd to go with the Cafila And because at the same time another Cafila was setting forth for Suràt in which some of the Hollanders residing at Cambaia went with their goods which they carry'd thither in order to be shipt we all went out of the Town together and in a place without the Gate and the Suburbs were the wayes divided under the shade of certain great Trees of Tamarinds which the Indians call Hambelè where also are certain Sepulchres and a Mahometan Meschita or Temple unroof'd and without walls about saving a little wall at the front and a place markt where prayers are to be made of which sort of Meschita's many are seen in India especially in the Country we entertain'd our selves a good while with the Dutch being diverted with Musick singing and dancing by the same Women which we had the night before at our house At length taking leave they took their way towards Suràt and Sig Alberto and I with our company towards Ahmedabàd going a little out of the way to see another very famous Temple of Mahadeù The Fabrick is small and inconsiderable within there is no other Idol but that of Mahadeù which is no other but a little column or pillar of stone thicker below then at top and which diminishing by degrees ends at the top in a round Whatever 't is that would signifie thereby the name of Mahadeù they in their language is properly interpreted Great God But we had enough to laugh at when we heard that this Idol was held by the Country people for a worker of miracles and amongst other of his miracles they relate that he grows every day and becomes bigger hourly affirming that many years since he was no higher then a span or little more and now he is above two and perhaps three and thus he continues increasing every day a folly not to be believ'd but by such fools as themselves Having seen this Temple we overtook our Cafila at a Town call'd Saimà three miles distant from Cambaia where we all lodg'd that night The next Morning being Sunday the Cafila which consisted of above a hundred Coaches besides foot-men and horse-men and great loaden Wagons set forth three hours before day and staying not to rest any where according to the custom of the East which is to make but one bout of a days journey having travell'd fifteen Cos by noon or little later we lodg'd at a Town call'd Màter where we saw an infinite number of Squirrels leaping amongst the trees every where they were small white and with a tail less and not so fair as those of our Countries On Monday about two hours before day we resum'd our Voyage When it was day we saw upon the way every where abundance of wild Monkies of which almost all the Trees were full They put me in mind of that Army of Monkies which the Souldiers of Alexander the Great beholding upon certain Hills a far off and taking to be Menintended to have charg'd had not Taxilus inform'd them what they were as Strabo relates We found abundance of people too upon the way begging alms with the sound of a Trumpet which almost every one had and sounded and most of them were arm'd with Bows and Arrows two things sufficiently uncouth for beggars and indeed not be suffer'd by Governours since these Ruffians under pretext of begging rob frequently upon the way when they meet persons alone and unarm'd which having weapons themselves they may easily do This County was almost all woody the ground unmeasurably dusty to the great trouble of Travellers the High-ways were all enclos'd on the sides with high hedges of a plant always green and unfruitful not known in Europe and having no leaves but instead thereof cover'd with certain long and slender branches almost like our Sparagus but bigger

which a Man sits with his legs stretch'd forth or half lying along upon cushions and so is carry'd very conveniently Moreover the Palanchini and the Andòr differ from one another for that in the latter the Cane upon which they carry is strait as it is likewise in the Nets but in the Palanchini for greater ease of the person carry'd that he may have more room to carry his head upright the said Cane is crooked upward in this form ☊ and they bend Canes for this purpose when they are small and tender and these are the most convenient and honourable carriages and because there are not found many good Canes and fit to bear such a weight therefore they are sold dear at a hundred or six score Pardini a piece which amount to about sixty of our Crowns Besides as well the Palanchini as the Andòr and the Nets are cover'd for avoiding the Rain with dry Coverlets made of Palm leaves to wit those of the Indian Nut and other such Trees sufficiently handsome which being cast over the Cane hang down on each side having two windows with little shutters They keep out the water very well and the Coverlets may be taken off when one is minded to go uncover'd and carry'd by a servant Yet I never saw any go uncover'd in Goa either in Andòr or Nets but out of the City in the Country many I have spoken more at length of these Carriages because they are unknown in our Countries although I remember to have seen in Italy the Effigies of a Net or Rete engraven in certain Maps of the World and if I mistake not amongst the ways of travelling in Brasil where I believe they are us'd and indeed this mode of Carriage is very usual in India not onely in Cities but also in journeys and those of sufficient length wherefore to make experience of it I was minded to have my self carry'd this day after the manner which I have describ'd nor must I omit that the Men who bear such Carriages are satisfi'd with a very small reward Going in Palanchino in the Territories of the Portugals in India is prohibited to Men because indeed 't is a thing too effeminate nevertheless as the Portugals are very little observers of their own Laws they began at first to be tolerated upon occasion of the Rain and for favours or presents and afterwards become so common that they are us'd almost by every body throughout the whole year On the tenth of August I believe the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa returning from the Northern signes and passing to the Southern yet for the day and precise hour I refer my self to a better Calculation according to the good Books which I have not here with me On the eleventh of the same Moneth I saw at Goa a Carnero or Weather without horns which they told me was of the Race of Balagàt not great but of strong limbs harness'd with a velvet saddle crupper head-stall bridle stirrups and all the accoutrements of a Horse and it was ridden upon by a Portugal Youth of about twelve years old as he went and came from his own House to the School of Giesù which low School of Reading and Writing the said Fathers keep for more convenience of Children not at the Colledge which stands in the edge of the City where the higher Schools are but at the Church of Giesù which is the Profess'd House and stands in the middle of the City whither the abovesaid Youth rode daily upon his Martin and I observ'd that the beast being us'd to the place knew the way so well that he went alone at night from the House to the School to fetch the Youth without any body holding or guiding him before the servant which drove him as they do many Horses I took the more notice of this trifle because it seem'd a new thing to ride upon such creatures for although in our Countries Dogs and Goats are sometimes seen with saddles and Horse furniture running leaping and capring yet 't is onely for sport and with puppets upon the saddle but this Martin was ridden upon by such a boy as I have mention'd although the beast was but of a very ordinary bigness On the sevententh of August the Gentile-Indians kept a kind of Festival to which a great number of them came to a place in Goa which they call Narvè or as the vulgar corruptly speak Narvà as it were for pardon or absolution and many came in pilgrimage from far Countries to wash their bodies here plunging themselves into the Arm of the Sea Men and Women together all naked without any respect at all even persons of quality and casting Fruits Perfumes and other things into the water as it were in Oblation to the Deity of the water of this place with other Ceremonies Devotions and the like which I relate not more particularly because I was not present at them because the great Rain kept me from going to see them as it also was the cause that the concourse of the Gentiles was not very great Nevertheless I could not but speak thus much in general of it as being a considerable thing amongst them This Feast and their Devotion lasts two days but the first is most remarkable August the one and thirtieth A Galeon coming from Mascàt being the first Ship that came to Goa this year since the Rain and the shutting up of the mouth of the Port brought News how Ruy Freyra having been a few Moneths before at Mascàt with the little Fleet which he had of sixteen Ships was gone to attempt Sohèr which place being formerly abandon'd by the Portugals was now fortifi'd by the Persians with a strong Garrison and that after he had landed he assaulted the Fort but could not take it though many Moors were slain in the encounter and about twenty five Portugals amongst which were three or four Captains Men of Valor and Esteem in which action some conceiv'd that Ruy Freyra had not done well in hazarding and losing so many people upon a place of small importance but he continuing to besiege it it was deliver'd to him upon Articles the Garrison which was within marching away with their Arms and Baggage after which he raz'd the Fortifications and attempted another place of that Coast of Arabia which they call Galfarcan and having taken it out of indignation as I believe for the many good Souldiers which they had kill'd of his at Sohàr and to cast a terror left no person alive sparing neither sex nor age Which cruel manner of proceeding I cannot approve because on the one side it will alienate the minds of the people of that Country and on the other it will incite Enemies to fight against more obstinately and valorously as knowing they are to expect no quarter This is as much as hath been done hitherto in those parts about Ormùz the doing of greater matters requiring new and greater supplies from the Vice-Roy but they say likewise

but requires a boat to pass it On the Southern bank on which we came were four Cottages where we took up our station that Night enjoying the cool the shadow and the sight of a very goodly Wood which cloaths the River sides with green but above all where we lodg'd on either side the way were such large and goodly Trees such spacious places underneath for shade and the place so opacous by the thickness of the boughs on high that indeed I never saw in my dayes a fairer natural Grove amongst other Trees there was abundance of Bambù or very large Indian Canes twin'd about to the top with prety Herbs The journey of this day was three Cos or a League and half This River they say is one of those which goes to Garsopà Vitulà Sinay we found not here because he was gone before November the fourth We began in the Morning to pass our Goods over the River but because there was but one and that a small boat it was ten hours after noon before we had got all of them over then following our journey through somewhat oblique and uneven wayes like the former we found many Trees of Myrobalanes such as are brought into Italy preserv'd in Sugar It hath leaves much like that which produces Gum Arabick by me formerly describ'd different onely in this that in that of Gum Arabick the branch consisting of many leaves is much less round or oval and seems one leaf made up of many other long and narrow ones But in this Myrobalane Tree the branch is sufficiently long and the small leaves composing it in two rows on either side are somewhat larger nor is the Myrobalane Tree prickly like that of Gum Arabick The fruit is round hard of a yellowish green smooth shining of little pulp but a great stone almost round and furrow'd with six circular lines Being raw it hath an acid and astringent but in my judgment no pleasant taste but preserv'd becomes good They say it is refrigerative and purges Choler Having rested many times upon the way and in all travell'd two Leagues we ended this day's journey in the onely considerable and populous Town we had hitherto met which is call'd Ahineli We lodg'd in the Porches of a Temple of Idols which had two Porches one within the other without both low after their manner with very large Pent-houses strengthened with great Posts the Pavement rais'd high and dung'd but not lately the walls white sprinkled in the corners and ends with a sort of Rose-Oyle ill colour'd for so is their custom always in their Religious Structures The Idol was call'd Virenà Deurù the latter of which words signifies God or rather Lord being attributed also to Men of quality he stood at the upper end in a dark place with Candles before him of what figure he was I could not see well by reason of the darkness but they told me 't was a Man In the body of the Temple were many other wooden Statues of less Idols plac'd about in several places as 't were for ornament some of which were figures of their Gods others not of Gods but for ornament of several shapes Many of these figures represented dishonest actions One was of a Woman lifting up her cloths before and shewing that which Modesty oblig'd her to cover Another was of a Man and a Woman kissing the Man holding his Hand on the Womans Breasts Another had a Man and a Woman naked with their Hands at one another's shameful parts those of the Man being of excessive greatness and sundry such representations fit indeed for such a Temple But these were not figures of Gods Of Gods there was a Brahmà with five Heads and three Arms on a side sitting astride a Peacock which in their Language they call Nau Brahmà that is the Peacock of Brahmà another God was call'd Naraina with four Arms on a side Another with an Elephant's Head and two Hands to an Arm whom they call Ganesù and others Bacra-tundo that is Round-mouth for one and the same God hath divers names Another call'd Fuenà had the shape of a Man holding a naked Sword in his right Hand and a Buckler in his left Another had a Man under his Feet upon whose Head he trampled and so many others of various sorts I observ'd that all these Idols had the same cover of the Head high with many picks or peaks all ending in one long peak a strange and majestical Diadem not us'd now in India it might have been of wreath'd Linnen or Gold or other solid matter wherefore I imagine that it is a very ancient covering at this day dis-us'd unless haply it be some ensign of Divinity which I rather think because I remember to have seen at Rome almost the same Diadems upon the Heads of some Aegyptian Statues and if I forget not they were call'd Tutuli and the Idols of Tutulati as amongst us the Diadems of the Saints or as some make it three Crowns one upon another like the Regno or Pontifical Crown of our Pope In the middle of the Temple was another darker inclosure wherein stood fastned in the ground certain slender staves with others cross them in two rows making a little Steccato or Palisado of a long form and these were to hang Lamps and Tapers upon at more solemn dayes and hours A Barber whom we had with us an Indian Gentile but a Native of the Country of Adil-Sciàh who was nam'd Deugi and understood something of the Portugal-Tongue could not well tell me the names of those figures and Idols of the Temple when I ask'd him because he said they were not things of his Country where they had other things and Gods and that every Country had particular ones of their own Within the circuit of this Temple but on one side of the Court as you go in were three other little Cells separate from the body of the great Temple two of which were empty perhaps not yet well accommodated but in the other was an Idol of an Ox which our Barber knew and said was also of his Country and that they call it Basuanà it was half lying or rather sitting upon the floor with the Head erect like which Ox or Basuanà stood another in the upper part of the Temple before the Tribunal of the Idol Virenà as if it stood there for his guard In the Evening the Ministers of the Temple ring a kind of Bell or Shell which was within the Temple striking it with a staff and it made a tolerable sound as if it had been a good Bell at which sound some from without assembling together they begin to sound within the Temple very loud two Drums and two Pipes or Flutes of metal after which many Tapers being lighted particularly at the Steccato above-mention'd and put in order a little quilt with a Canopy of rich Stuff which is alwayes ready in the Temple for carrying the Idol they put the principal Idol Virenà

Italp running several adventures by the way to beseech the Pope for some favours in reference to her course of life which by the mediation of many principal Persons she hath obtain'd I had heard of her in the East Indies whither her fame was arriv'd and many times desir'd further information concerning her Wherefore my friend F. Roderiga di San Michele a Discalceated Carmelite being now arriv'd at Rome by the way of Venice many days before me and acquainted with my desire brought her to my house where she hath related to me many strange accidents befallen her in the course of her life of which I here mention only the most important and certain as of an extraordinary person in our times I have since brought her into the company of several Ladies and Cavaliers whose conversation she loves much more then that of women Sig Francesco Crescentio who is well skill'd in painting hath drawn her picture with his own hand She is of a large and portly stature for a Woman and cannot thereby be known for other then a man Her breast is but like a young Girl 's and she told me she had us'd I know not what kind of Remedy to dry it and make it almost plain which Remedy was a Plaister given her by an Italian which at first put her to much pain but afterwards without doing her other hurt or corroding the flesh produc'd the effect sufficiently well Her Visage is not deform'd though not fair but somewhat worn with age and her black short hair cut after the fashion of Men with a little lock as the mode also is at this day represents rather an Eunuch then a Woman She wears Clothes and a Sword after the Spanish manner and is well truss'd at the waste onely she carries her Head somewhat low and is a little thick shoulder'd In brief she rather resembles a weather-beaten Souldier than a fine Amorous Courtier Nothing but her Hand discovers her a Woman for it is some-what plump and fleshie although strong and robust and she moves it after a womanish manner Iune the eleventh After dinner F. Don Pietro Avitabile came to visit me and to receive instruction from me according to the command of the Congregation in order to his sudden Voyage Iune the fourteenth I visited the said Father in the Church of S. Silvester at Montecavallo and gave him the said Instruction in writing of which I also deliver'd another Copy to the Congregation De Propaganda Fide to the end they might supply the Father with many things which I judg'd necessary particularly with Briefs from the Pope to those Princes and with Letters of Recommendation to such Ambassadors of Catholick Princes as were at Constantinople through which he was to pass and to others who might help him upon the way Iune the five and twentieth F. Avitabile began his Voyage for Georgia together with one of his Companions nam'd F. Don Francesco Aprile intending to take F. Don Giacomo di Stefano and others at Messina five or six Fathers being design'd for this Mission but by my advice they divided into two Companies because I thought it best for the others either to follow these first after they should be advertis'd by them from Constantinople of the easiness of the passage or else take another way Those that went first carri'd his Holiness's Briefs to the four present Georgian Princes namely of Imeriti or Basciaive of Dadian or Odisci which is Mengrelia of Guriel and of Kacheti They also carry'd Letters from the Congregation to two Metroplitans to whom because it was not evident that they were Catholicks but rather suspected Schismaticks it was not convenient for the Pope to write Sundry fine things they carry'd likewise to present to the Princes and Metropolitans and to who-ever else it should be needful Their allowance from the Congregation was five hundred Crowns as much more being reserv'd for the other company of Fathers who were to follow besides that they were to collect many Alms for this purpose both of money and things to present at Rome Naples Messina and all the way they pass'd I took leave of them in the Evening at their own Church with many embraces and an appointment that they would continually communicate all Occurrences to me by Letters Iune the eight and twentieth The Pontifical Vespers being ended at S. Peter's the Pope in his Cope and Mitre was carry'd from the Church in his Chair to the Palace but before he came out of the Church-Gate the Spanish Ambassador Count d' Ognate who was arriv'd a few dayes before in place of the Duke of Pastrana presented himself according to the custom for of late years this Ceremony ha's been perform'd on S. Peter's Eve and not on the Feast day it self as formerly to give his Holiness a Gennet for the accustom'd Tribute of the Kingdom of Naples But before the Ambassador came to the Pope near whose Chair I stood and saw all very well the Treasurer of the Chamber came running to his Holiness and told him that the Ambassador brought not a Bill of so many thousand Crowns as use yearly to be presented together with the Gennet I know not whether they said it could not be made timely enough but should be done afterwards or whether it was made but not subscrib'd with those Cautions that were requisite but in summ the money was not ready And although they alledg'd that this hapned through negligence by reason of the new arrival of the Ambassador who was not well inform'd yet 't was believ'd that they design'd onely to try whether the Pope would let the business pass thus that so by degrees they might introduce a custom of paying no more money hereafter The Pope as I conceive apprehending their drift presently answer'd that without a good Bill he would not accept of the Gennet nor do that prejudice to the Apostolical Chamber wherefore if the Bill were not in order they should return back with the Gennet and bring both together the next Morning The Ambassador made suit to have the Gennet receiv'd presently promising that the Bill should be ready speedily The Pope reply'd that if Sig Marcello Sacchetti Brother of Card Sachetti who kept the publick accounts of the Exchequer and was then near the Pope would take security from the Ambassador he would be contented but he neither commanded the said Sig Marcello to take it nor would have him take it for his sake but he might do it if he pleas'd at the Ambassadors request The Spaniards perceiving there was no other way presently desir'd Sig Marcello to make the security which he very readily and courteously condescended to and thereupon by the Pope's Order made a publick writing in good form and his Holiness was contented to receive the Gennet which the Ambassador presented to him with the usual Ceremonies I was willing to relate this passage as a thing extraordinary which hapned in my time and presence So I humbly kiss your Hands From