Of a Religious-Man of the Order of the Discalceate Carmelites a Slave and his Patron Alli Pegelin p. 159 Rel. 18. The use of Poison is very common in Africk p. 162 Rel. 19. The Turks keep their words p. 165 Rel. 20. None so cautious but Wine and Women may betray p. 168 Rel. 21. A way to cure the Pox at Algiers without the help of either Doctor or Surgeon p. 172 Rel. 22. Of a French-man who would have turn'd Turk but continu'd a Christian in spight of his teeth p. 173 Rel. 23. Of the simplicity of a young Jewess p. 174. Rel. 24. Of the prudent retirement of a Pyrate p. 176 Rel. 25. How God provides for such as intend well p. 178 Rel. 26. A pleasant piece of simplicity of a Dunkirker a Slave p. 180 Rel. 27. The odd traverses of Fortune that happen to Slaves p. 182 Rel. 28. A Slave makes use of any thing for hiâ— livelihood p. 186 Rel. 29. Of the fidelity of a husband and the unfaithfulness of his wife p. 188 Rel. 30. A Scuffle between the Spanish and the Portuguez slaves p. 192 Rel. 31. A Slave ought to be distrustful of the great kindness of his Patron p. 193 Rel. 32. Of a Religious Man a Slave at Algiers who out of weakness renounc'd the Christian Religion and afterwards repenting suffer'd Martyrdom p. 196 Rel. 33. Of the design we had to render our selves Master of the Ship which brought us to Tituan p. 200 Rel. 34. Curiosity is satisfied by Time and Patience p. 203 Rel. 35. The Innocent accus'd p. 207 Rel. 36. Fidelity Constancy Recompence and Gratitude p. 209 Rel. 37. A wrack in the Haven p. 212 Rel. 38. The Adventures of Philip de Cherf of Ulamertingue Knight of the Order of Saint James p. 213 Rel. 39. What happen'd between my Companion in slavery M. Caloen and his old Patroness p. 227 Rel. 40. Revenge Malice and Industry p. 234 Rel. 41. The Renegadâ—-Engineer p. 238 Rel. 42. The Disappointment p. 242 Rel. 43. Of the Impious dutifulness of an Iseland-Slave p. 247 Rel. 44. The Unfortunate Adventurers p. 250 Rel. 45. Superstitious Piety p. 254 Rel. 46. Avarice mask'd p. 257 Rel. 47. The imaginary Slavery p. 259 Rel. 48. The Execrable Revenge p. 263 Rel. 49. That the Turks prefer Mony before Love p. 266 Rel. 50. The counterfeit Hypocrisie p. 268 THere is newly printed the History of the Câ—aribby Islands viz. Barbado's St. Christopher Aâ—tego Martinico Dominico Baâ—â—onthos Mevis St. Martin c. being twenty eight in number in two Books containing the Naturâ—l and Moral History of those Country's adorned with many sculptures of all divers rarieties in those Islands Englished by John Davies In folio Also Another Collection of Philosophical Conferences of the French Vâ—rtuosi upon questions of all sorts for the improving of Natural Knowledge made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation Englished by G. Havers and J. Davies In folio Medicina Instaurata or a brief account of the true grounds and principles of the Art of Physick with the insufficiency of the Vulgar way of preparing Medicines and the excellency of such as are made by Chymical Operation with a light to the true preparation of Animal and Vegetable Arcana's with a discovery of the true subject of the Philosophical Mineral Mercury and some light to the preparation and â—se of the said Mercury in the dissolution of Minerals and Metals for Physical use by Edward Bolnest Med. Lond. with an Epistolary discourse on the whole by the Author of Medela Medicinae In Octavo All three to be sold by John Starkey at the Miter in Fleet-street neer Temple-Bar A RELATION Of the CAPTIVITY And LIBERTY Of the Sieur EMANVEL D' ARANDA HAving continu'd a whole year in Spain in order to the design I had to see that Kingdom and learn the Language I made account to return into Flanders but whereas at my coming from England I had Landed at St. Lucars and had in that Voyage very narrowly escap'd being taken by the Turks as will be seen in the ensuing Relations I conceiv'd it my safest course to return by St. Sebastian's to avoid going so far by Sea and especially the danger of the Turks who are perpetually Roving up and down the Coasts of Andalusia and Portugal as also to see Castilla la Vicia and Biscay I left Madrid the first of August M.DC.XL having for my Companion a Country-man named Renier Saldeâ—s I came to St. Sebastian's the 13th following where I met with Monsieur John Baptist Caloâ—n and the Knight Philip de Cherf and we resolv'd to Embark in one of the two English Ships which lay in the Port ready to set Sail with the first fair wind The same night it came to the Point we wish'd it in so that the next day I went aboard with the three friends above-named but within two hours after we were got to Sea the weather grew calm and the same night the wind prov'd contrary so that we were forc'd to Laveer hoping it would in time prove more favourable to us Having spent four days in that manner we found our selves at the Altitude of Rochel in France where we met with a Frigat of that City a Pyrat which presently came up to us and finding ours to be an English Ship the Captain sent out the Boat with four Souldiers aboard us to see our Master's Pass-port who immediately shew'd it them giving the Souldiers a piece of money which done the Souldiers return'd to give their Captain an account Whereupon the Captain coming up on the stern of his Frigat cry'd out to our Master that he should look to himself for there were five Turkish Pirates under sail at the mouth of the Channel But our Master being a person of no great experience presum'd that the English Men of War which sometimes came out of that Channel would secure that Coast against the Turks and slighted the danger not considering how unable he was to oppose his enemies and so went on his Voyage confident that it was impossible the Turkish Pyrates should come out so far where the Privatiers of Dunkirk and the Dutch were perpetually crusing Thus â—he wind continuing still contrary we had been aboard seven days since our departure from St. Sebastian's and were still on the Coast of Brittany in France The same day about two in the afternoon we discover'd at a great distance two Ships which we took to be Merchant-men and soon after we could perceive but one to wit the lesser of them making all the sail she could towards us and as she came neerer and neerer we found her to be a Caravel Whereupon the Master order'd the sails to be furl'd up giving this reason that it was not the custom of the English to run away at Sea so that the Ship which follow'd us bearing all the sail she could was got within Canon-shot without putting up any colours whence it might be
be within the house and grief and sadness at the door The next day we resolv'd to spâ—ndias merrily as the night before But about noon a Jew came to the Bath by order from the wife of Alli Pegelin â—he knowing it seems all that pass'd to tell us that the â—â—ssa would speak with us We were brought before him he commanded us to go into a little withâ—drawing â—oom of the Palace where were some young Lads who were Christian slaves and we continu'd there about two hours not knowing why we were put in there nor what the Bassa would have had with us At last we perceiv'd coming in to us the Steward with a Cudgel in his hand saying very roughly You Dogs which of you writ into his Country to be exchang'd for Turks Whereto we answer'd that no body had written to the Country but that what was done had been done by our friends without our knowledge At which answer he was extreamly incens'd and he gave Monsieur Caloën and me some â—â—ngs with the Cudgel saying I will come anon at night and cut-off your Noses and Ears Whereto Saldeâ—s answer'd Patience and for reply to that word he receiv'd some bangs with the Cudgel that he might not laugh at us which done the Steward said to us You shall not escape so well as you imagineâ— you are not Alli Pegelin ' s slaves but the Bassa ' s you were onely lent to Alli Pegelin and the Bassa will not have Turks for your ransome 〈◊〉 money This business was set on foot against us by the malice of Alli Pâ—gelin's wife in the absence of her husband For there is a general Law in all parts under the jurisdiction of the Grand Signor that any Turk what condition soever he be of provided 〈◊〉 be a Souldier may procure the liberty of any Christian whatsoever provided he pay the sum he 〈◊〉 swearing by the Grand Seignor's head that it is to deliver another Turk out of Slavery among the Christians But the Bassa made an exception against that Law pretending that it was not to be understood of his Slaves because he represented the Grand Seignor who was not subject to those Laws The next day we writ a letter to Mustapha's Grand-mother in Spanish for she was a Moor forc'd thence with the Moors in the time of King Philip the third by which letter we gave her to understand at large what hall pass'd in that new prison and that she should remember that her Grand-child was in the power of our Friends and that the injuries were done us would be reveng'd upon him This letter put the old woman into great trouble insomuch that she came immediately to speak with the Bassa's Lady earnestly desiring her that she would not suffer us to be ill treated The Bassa's Lady assur'd her we should not and the old woman sent us notice thereof that we might be no longer in fear which she did also leaâ—â— we should write into Flanders that the Turks who were in prison there might receive the same treatment Alli Pegelin was not yet return'd and in the mean time we were kept up in the Bassa's Palace so as that none from without were permitted to come to us which yet was sometimes secretly done Our daily allowance was two little loaves but we had this happiness that the Bassa's Caterer was a French-man a Renagado who had been Lacquey to Monsieur Chamois that is the Knight of Malta before-mentioned And in regard the Caterer knew that I was familiarly acquainted with that Monsieur Chamois at Alli Pegelin's Bath and that we had lain for some moneths in the same room he gave us something every day as Oyl Figgs Tobacco or somewhat to eat Yet here it was that we endur'd the greatest misery of all our Slavery for as I said before we lay in a very little room with ten or twelve Boys who were full of vermine and though we spent most part of the day in lousing our selves yet within an hour after we were as well furnish'd as before The Bassa's Steward walk'd always with a cudgel in his hand because there was a necessity that some body should be beaten though it were onely for his divertisement All the satisfaction we had was that all the Slaves the Bassa had for his eight part came the first night to lye among us before they were sent to the Bassa's Bath and being there were some taken every day and consequently new Slaves came in by that means we came to know all that pass'd in Christendom Having continu'd in this misery eighteen days our Patron Alli Pegelin return'd to the City The two Turks who were come to set us at liberty went immediately to salute him and to acquaint him that there were seven Turks to be exchang'd for us three Christians telling him that they would reimburse what we had cost him Pegelin made them this answer I have bought my Slaves to make some advantage by them and not to exchange them for Turks Whereto they reply'd We are poor Souldiers Besides you know our priviledge conformably to the Laws we therefore intreat you to grant our request Alli Pegelin hearkening to their reasons said to them I know very well what your priviledges and what the Laws are but one of you is a person of great wealth and he ought to have no advantage of that Priviledge because he is no Turk but onely a Moor and born in Algiers And he who was born in the City of Algiers at the time aforesaid cannot be a Souldier For you are to know that the Turks take the Citizens of Algiers for Subjects having subdu'd them by force of Arms because they would have revolted Upon that account is it that they are not admitted to be Souldiers and consequently they are incapable of making any advantage of the priviledge But if you will follow my advice you may have the three Christians and yet it shall not cost you much and I shall nevertheless have satisfaction This advice was lik'd by the two Turks Whereupon Alli Pegelin found out this expedient that these two Turks on the behalf of their four companions Prisoners in Flanders should go and agree with the Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha Ingles who was the Moor born at Algiers and could make no advantage of the priviledge that among them six they would buy two of the Christian slaves to wit Emanuel d' Aranda and Renier Saldens and that the Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha should buy John Baptist Caloën The two Turks lik'd the proposal and put it in execution They went to Mustapha's Grand-mother and told her they were all poor yet had resolv'd among them six to buy the two Christians and that it was requisite she being very rich should oblige herself to buy the third to wit M. Caloën The old woman accepted the condition and a contract was drawn to that purpose according to the Turkish way They went to acquaint Alli Pegelin that they were agreed and ask'd him
in Flanders one of those three Christians who are to be exchang'd for the five Turks taken in the Caravel of Barbar Assan and in pursuance of a certain contract we made six months since at Algiers one of our Companions is gone for Flanders and now he is come back as far at Ceuta where he expects us with the five Turks and according to that contract we are to be deliver'd at Tituan to compleat the exchange But they do the contrary for after we have been at vast charges in sending our third Companion through Italy and France and now that he hath brought the five Turks by the way of England into Spain and that they are at the present come to Ceuta as I told you before instead of sending us thither the Grand-mother of Mustapha Ingles hath put my Companion John Baptist Caloën into Irons and demands of him 700. Patacoons Besides she would have the five Turks brought to Algiers which is directly contrary to our contract Saban Gallan repli'd I will inform my self of your business come to morrow about this time and I will give you my answer and advice The next day at the hour appointed I went to him and asked him whether he had been mindful of me He answer'd I have inform'd my self of your affair and you are to know that the Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha do this only to see if they can get any money from J. B. Caloen Take heed therefore that you do not promise any thing and you are safe enough You shall infallibly go with this Ship which is now ready and though Mustapha 's Grand-mother threatens you yet will it come to nothing For she durst not for all the World detain either you or M. Caloën in regard the two Turks that are here and the friends of the other Turks would complain thereof to the Bassa I thank'd him for his advice and gave him a Bill under my hand whereby I oblig'd my self to pay him 25. Patacoons as soon as I were come to Tituan which I perform'd accordingly I gave M. Caloën an account of what I had done He was put into a little Cellar with a chain at his Legg and hearing we should go along with the Ship which lay ready in the Port as also that we should not pay any thing he was much comforted While I was speaking to M. Caloën the old Woman came and ask'd him whether he would give the 700 Patacoons but M. Caloën laugh'd at her Which made her imagine that I had given him some advice which made her angry with me The next day she came to my Patroness and said to her Why do you not put your Dunkirk Slave into Irons that he may not come to give ill advice to his Companion My Patroness repli'd Why should I do so My Dunkirker serves me faithfully and therefore I have no reason to put him into Irons The same afternoon going for some Provender for the Horse my Patron not being at home my Patroness had the leasure to tell me what had pass'd between her and Mustapha's Grand-mother The next day I went to visit M. Caloën and as I was telling him what Mustapha's Grand-mother had said to my Patroness the old Woman came in and said to me When I was last at your Patron 's I spoke to your Patroness who had it not been for me had put a hundred weight of Iron about your Leggs I thank'd her for her kindness telling her I knew well enough what good offices she had done me there That answer vex'd her insomuch that soon after she sent a Turk to my Patron 's to make a complaint to him that I hindred my Companion from giving the seven hundred Patacoons which she expected from him and to desire him to put me into Irons or send me to her house to be put into the same chain with my Companion Which was accordingly done without the knowledge of my Patroness for I was taken in the Streets and carried to Mustapha's Grand-mother's where they chain'd me with M. Caloën to a chain of a hundred pound weight and conducted me to a little Cellar where we know not what would be the issue of all this for we were afraid that with beating they would force us to promise something Having been in that place three or four hours a Christian Slave named Gregorio came to visit us who being sent by my Patroness told me that she was extreamly troubled and knew nothing of what happen'd to me and that if I wanted somewhat to eat she would send it me and that I should take heart for no hurt should be done me that all this was done by Mustapha's Grand-mother to get our mony This Message of Gregorio comforted us much and we sent him with a note to a Tavern in Alli Pegelin's Bath where we had credit for a pot of wine and a dish of meat Now Gregorio coming from my Patroness the old Woman durst not deny him entrance to us At night the old Woman came to see us with the Keys of the Cellar and said to us Have a care have a care what you do this is the last night to morrow the Ship goes away for Tituan therefore if you love your liberty give the seven hundred Patacoons otherwise you shall dye here like Dogs M. Caloën reply'd Since my Father will not give any thing and that you have seen the Letter for my part you know I have not ought to give and therefore hang me up if you think good but remember that your Mustapha is in the hands of my Companion you know him and that he is not one who will suffer such an injury to be done to his Friends and Companions The wrinkled Hag hearing this grew almost distracted and so using her accustomed menaces she went away locking the Cellar-door after her The next day being St. Andrew's she came to us before day saying The Wind is East and the Ship will be gone this day therefore resolve whether you will be set at liberty or not We answer'd If you have a mind to see your Mustapha send us away if not we will continue Slaves About noon two or three Christian Slaves who were to go in that Ship came to see us we had set them on work and to take their leave of us They desir'd to speak with the old woman and said to her Madam we hear by our Country-men these two â—laves that your Grand-son is at Ceuta we are going away within this half-hour in the Ship which is bound for Tituan and thence to Ceuta if you command us any service we shall faithfully do it The old Woman hearing that the Ship was ready to set sail began to cry out and make a stir as if she had been mad Hammers Files Pincers to take off the Irons that my Mustapha may return O Christians for God's sake help us to take the Irons off these two Christians They who knew the Ship could not go away to soon made as if
1516. Upon his Death they resolv'd to rid their hands of their Neighbours the Christians as also of the Fort that they might pay no more Tribute to the Spaniards In order to the execution of their design they sent to Aruch Barberossa who was then at Higir a place seated on the side of the Mediterranean Sea distant from Algiers East-ward an hundred and eighty Italian miles intreating him as a valiant Souldier for he was famous at that time for his Victories to make all the haste he could to Algiers with his Turks and Galleys to deliver them out of the hands of the Christians who much incommodated them by that Fort promising to recompence him nobly for his pâ—ins Barberossa having receiv'd this Embassy was very glad of iâ— looking on it as a fit opportunity to make himself Lord of Algiers and by degrees reduce under his power great Territories in Barbary He pretended to be much troubled that the Christians lay so heavy on those of Algiers and made answer that he wish'd nothing so much as that he were able to deliver them out of that misery and that within a short time he would come and relieve them The Ambassadors glad of that promise return'd to Algiers In the interim Barberossa looses no time He sends away eighteen Gallies full of Turks Ammunition and Artillery and himself with his Turkish and Moorish forces comes by Land Selim Eutâ—mi Lord of Algiers and the chiefest Citizens were glad to see the ready assistance which Barberossa gave them they went and met him a days journey short of the City imagining he was coming streight to Algiers But Barberossa excus'd himself saying that some affairs of great importance oblig'd him to go first to Sargil sixty Italian miles from Algiers on the Sea-side Westward promising to return in a short time and to do what they desiâ—'d if not more Accordingly he went with his forces by Land towards Sargil giving order to his Gallies which were already at Algiers to go immediately towards Sargil where was Car-azan one of his Captains who had commanded some Picaroons of his own Squadron But this Car-azan thinking it more advantageous and more honorable to command then to be commanded had debauch'd some of Barberossa's Ships and was got to Sargil inriching himself by his courses on the Coast of Spain by the assistance of the Moors who liv'd there most Natives of Granada and Valentia who retir'd thither when Dom Ferdinand conquer'd Granada in the year 1492. Car-azan astonish'd to find Barberossa so neer 〈…〉 to go and wait on him and to restore him 〈◊〉 Ships and Turkish souldiers he had debauch'd from him presuming Barberossa would think it sufficient satisfaction But Barberossa not admitting any excuses caus'd Car-azan's head to be struck off in his presence took all his Ships Slaves and Goods as a booty and the Turkish Soldiers were listed among his own forces This done he forc'd the people to proclaim him their King and Master and leaving a Garrison of his most trusty Soldiers in the place he return'd with his forces towards Algiers and his Fleet did the like Being come thither all welcomed him especially Selim Eutemi who lodg'd him in his own Palace doing him all the honor and entertaining him after the best manner he could This crafty Pyrat desirous to perswade them that he had no other design in coming thither then to deliver them out of their subjection to the Christians the next day after his arrival drew a Trench and rais'd a Battery against the Fort of the Christians in the Island The Battery being rais'd ere ever a Gun was discharg'd he sent a Turk to the Captain who commanded the Fort to tell him that if he would deliver it up he should have Shipping to carry him and his Soldiers over into Spain and in case they refus'd they should be all cut to pieces The Captain 's answer to this summons was that the proffer of Ships and menaces of death signify'd nothing to him those overtures being to be made onely to Cowards Barberossa upon this answer order'd that they should shoot continually though the Island was not above three hundred paces distant from the City yet was 〈…〉 great hurt done in regard he had onely 〈…〉 Field-pieces Having play'd on the Fort twenty days and nights without intermission to little purpose the Citizens of Algiers began to mutiny and to complain openly thâ—t they had brought into the City so many Turks who committed insupportable violences and insolently threatned the Citizens The Prince Selim Eutemi was troubled to see himself so slighted by Barberossa as well in his own Palace as publickly and Barberossa's thoughts were wholly taken up how he should become absolute Master of that City and the Territoâ—ies belonging to it At last he reresolv'd notwithstanding the kind treatment he receiv'd to kill his Entertainer Selim Eutemi with his own hands and by force of arms to get himself proclaim'd King by his Soldiers and in fine to make the Citizens of Algiers to acknowledge him for such To compass this design without any popular tumult one day about noon as Selim Eutemi was going into the Bath of his Palace to wash before the saying of the Sala or mid-day prayer as the Turks and Moors according to the Alcoran are wont to do Barberossa who was lodg'd in the same Palace entred secretly into the Bath attended by some of his people and finding the Prince alone naked and without any Arms he strangled him and retiring secretly out of the Bath left the body on the place A quarter of an hour after returning publickly to the Bath and seeming astonish'd to see the Corps of his Entertainer he call'd his Servants and told them their Master had dy'd in a Swound This was immediately divulg'd but the Citizens having already had some experience of the cruel disposition of Barberossa imagining him to be the Author of their Lord's death went every one to his own house fearing some tumult or massacre On the other side the Turks having already had notice of what had pass'd appear'd armed in the Streets and with the assistance of some Moors conducted Barberossa on Horse-back through the principal Streets of the City and proclaim'd him King of Algiers without any opposition Selim Eutemi's Son fearing Barberossa's tyranny assisted by his Menial Servants retir'd to Oran where he was receiv'd by the Christians The Tyrant being thus proclaim'd King by his Soldiers summon'd the wealthiest Citizens to appear before him and promis'd them great priviledges if they would acknowledge him absolute King Which they did rather forc'd thereto then otherwise He immediately began to Coin mony to fortifie the Alcazar one of the Fortresse's of the City where he put good store of Artillery and Garrizon'd it with a considerable number of Turks Some days after the Turks finding themselves absolute Masters of Algiers began to ill-intreat the Citizens at first by injurious speeches and afterwards by publick plundering so that now
Christian Religion or to be burnt alive Dom Oenophilo deny'd the fact alledging that he had onely defended himself from the blows and he brought in a Turk for a witness who spoke on his behalf But the Bassa would not admit of his excuses accounting the Patron 's accusation a sufficient proof He pronounc'd the sentence without any further solemnity that Oenophilo should take his choice either to renounce or be burnt alive The unfortunate man finding himself so put to it answer'd as a good Christian and resolute Knight that he would not renounce Whereupon the sentence was pronounc'd that Dom Oenophilo should be burnt alive All things were prepar'd and the Sauses conducted the Criminal to his punishment but the Bassa commanded the execution to be suspended till further order The Bassa minding his own concerns above all things found a way to make his advantage of that offence and propos'd this reason to those of his Councel who had given their voices for the sentence If this Offender said he to them had kill'd another slave his Patron would have been oblig'd to make satisfaction for the dead slave or to resign the Delinquent to be dispos'd of to the advantage of the deceas'd Slave's Patron This Offender hath beaten a Turk which is a greater crime then to have kill'd a Christian and upon the prosecution of his own Patron we have condemn'd him to death by which condemnation his Patron hath lost the propriety he had in him and it is devolv'd to me as representing the person of the Grand Seignor Having therefore the power to pardon such as are condemn'd I give that slave his life and so it is consequent that he belongs to me This reason was approv'd by all the Agas who are of his Councel Dom Oenophilo is declar'd the Bassa's slave by the Councel of the Agas And the Patron having lost the propriety of his slave and receiv'd blowes got also the reputation of being Cuckolded by him Dom Oenophilo was sent among the slaves of the Bassa having at each legge a Garter of a hundred weight of Iron When I came to Algiers he liv'd in the Bassa's Stables where I was intimately acquainted with him and found him a person full of Moral Vertues And in that miserable slavery by his prudence and noble Demeanour he knew so well how to oblige all people that he was continually visited and his Country-men supply'd him with all things necessary When I left Algiers in the year 1642. I left him in the same condition loaden with Irons and know not what became of him since RELATION XXI A way to cure the Pox at Algiers without the help of either Doctor or Surgeon MY Patron Alli Pegelin had among his slaves one named John Motoza who was as deeply as man could be in that which some call the Neapolitane others the French disease insomuch that he was thought incapable of doing any service whatsoever as a slave The Spring was coming on and the Gallies were to go out John Motoza was commanded to go aboard where his employment was to row This command troubled him extreamly for he was of opinion that a good sweatingâ—tub would agree better with his body then the hard labor of a Galley a hardship not easily imaginable by those who have not had the tryal of it He goes to his Patron and says to him Your excellency hath given command that I should go aboard the Gallies which labor I am absolutely unable to perform as having not the use of either arms or leggs What ailes you says Pegelin to him He confidently reply'd I have got the Pox. Pegelin said to him smiling Go get you aboard the Galley it will contribute more to your health then if you did sweat in Spain or endure the other tortures necessary for the cure of your disease There was no appeal from what was positively said by Pegelin Motoza goes aboard is chain'd by the legge as the other slaves who were to row and with the help of a Bull 's pizzle made to work as the rest His constant Commons was old and dry Bisket his drink fair water At the end of forty days I was Eye-witness of it Motoza was absolutely cur'd The reason is that through extraordinary pains taking he had sweated extreamly and had withall fed on dry meat If any are troubled with the Pox and loath to venture on those chargeable yet dangerous cures now practis'd they may make use of the aforesaid remedy which will prove so effectual that after tryal made of it they may give it their Probatum est RELATION XXII Of a French-man who would have turn'd Turk but continu'd a Christian inspight of his teeth A French-slaâ—e belonging to Alli Pegelin had row'd several Voyages in the Gallies but not able to brook that kind of life he desir'd Pegelin's permission to renounce the Christian Religion and to embrace the Turkish which Pegelin would not suffer him to do because the Renegadoes are worth much less then the Christians for being once turn'd Turks they are not oblig'd to row as the Christians are This French-man was laugh'd at by his Companions and to avoid being abus'd as also to force his Patron to permit him to renounce he address'd himself to some Renegadoes and got a Turkish habit of them which having put on and shav'd himself after the Turkish mode he gave himself the name of Mustapha Being so accoutred he went to a Garden of his Patron 's without the City Those who kept the house knew him well enough and thought he had renounc'd his Religion with the consent of his Patron When the crafty Pegelin heard that the French-man was in his Garden he went thither where being come he call'd for John which was the name of the French-man John came and appear'd before Pegelin answering resolutely My name is Mustapha and not John Pegelin seeing him in that equipage call'd four slaves who having laid him all along on the ground cudgell'd him so long till at last he cry'd out My name is John and not Mustapha I am a Christian and not a Turk I will put on my Christian habit Thus it may be said that Pegelin cudgell'd a Christian into his Christianity which he would have renounc'd RELATION XXIII Of the simplicity of a young Jewess AFter I had got out of the Masmora at Tituan M. Caloën a Turk who had the oversight of us and I took a Chamber in that Quarter of the City where the Jews inhabit Our Chamber was unfurnish'd for according to our manner of life we had no need of furniture and when we had a desire to buy any thing the Jews accommodated us for a small piece of money It happen'd that a young Jewess having brought us something she took occasion to fall into discourse with me in the Portuguez language which I could make a shift to understand and I answer'd her in French which she understood well enough She was about sixteen or eighteen years of age as
engag'd as they had intended I told him that I was then aboard the English-Ship and desir'd him to tell me how it came to pass that being so neer us as they were when we discharg'd our Guns they did not board us and why they did not so much as fire a Gun at us He made this answer They thought they had not been perceiv'd and it happening that the greater of the two Ships in which I was ere there had been any noise heard receiv'd of a sudden same Iron-bars through her sides and with that we heard so many Trumpets there was such an astonishment fear and confusion among them that the Officers and Soldiers told the Captain plainly they would not fight but by day And the next morning when the Turks saw the bigness of your Ship and observ'd the courage of your Commander they had no maw to fight I understood after a strange manner what I was so desirous to know and it had been better for me I had never known it that way I came to know it RELATION XXXV The Innocent accus'd MY Companion M. Caloën's old Patroness had two Grand-children of a Daughter one named Mustapha one of the five Turks often mention'd before the other Amet who for the most part liv'd at a Country-house three leagues from Algiers This Grand-mother was a peevish old Woman who could not endure M. Caloën in her house and to rid her self handsomely of him she sent him to her Grand-Son Amet to the Country-house and I liv'd with my Patron Mahomet Celibi Oiga During M. Caloën's absence I had treated with a Jew who was to furnish us with seventy five Patacoons conditionally that the Knight Philip de Cherf M. Caloën and I should give him a Bill of Exchange as if we had receiv'd a hundred The Knight and I had sign'd the Bill but the Jew would have M. Caloën to sign also and the Ship it was to be sent with was ready to set sail and besides within two days after the Easter of the Jews was to be celebrated during which Feast they do not tell out any mony To send the Bill to M. Caloën to be sign'd we thought it not fit for if it had been known that we had any credit it would have prejudic'd us much and retarded our liberty To conceal my design I went to the old Patroness and desir'd her to order her slave M. Caloën to be in Town the next day by Noon to write to his Friends for the Ship was ready to set sail She conceiving that Letter might advance the liberty of her Grand-son Mustapha who was in Flanders one of those who were to be exchang'd for us sent one express to Amet to bid him send away the slave the next day to the City Amet had also a French-slave at the same Country-house who look'd to the Vines and Tobacco he had planted there Now whereas the meaner sort of the Inhabitants thereabouts is naturally addicted to thieving they came in the night-time and stole the Grapes and Tobacco To prevent those robberies Amet having an old rusty sword gave it to M. Caloën to be made clean at Algiers and brought back again to the Country-house that the French-slave might have it to keep away the Thieves M. Caloën brought the sword along with him to the City and just as he was coming into Algiers there was a discovery made of an enterprise of some Dutch-slaves who had buried certain arms a sail and some oars out of a design to seize a Bark and make their escape The enterprise being discover'd those who were taken were condemn'd to have each of them two hundred blows with a cudgel The execution of that sentence divulg'd the enterprise among the people so that M. Caloën's Patroness hearing that the persons engag'd in it were Dutch-slaves who are accounted to be of the same Country with the Dunkirkeâ—s and that the enterprise was discover'd about the time of M. Caloën's coming into the City and that upon my intreaty she maliciously inferr'd that we were of it She went and accus'd us and grounded her accusation on his coming with the sword whereupon without hearing what we had to say for our selves we had fourscore weight of Iron fasten'd to our leggs And if her Grand-son Mustapha had not been at the disposal of our Friends in Flanders we had been serv'd the same sauce with the others who were cudgell'd notwithstanding our innocence RELATION XXXVI Fidelity Constancy Recompence and Gratitude IN the year 1640. the Turkish Pyrates took in a Ship some Dutch-men-slaves among whom there was a Captain who had a Lacquey whom we shall here call Morin The Dutch-men before they fell into the hands of the Turks used all the perswasions they could to induce Morin not to tell who they were promising that if he kept their councel in that particular they would redeem him The new slaves were brought to Algiers and sold and so Master and Servant were equal as to quality respect and riches And whereas Avarice is the soul of a Turk while they were at Sea the Captain of the Ship had order'd Morin to receive fifty blows with a cudgel on the belly to make him confess the name and quality of his Master and his Companions Morin had made answer that he knew not the name of his Master not yet of the others and that he never heard his Master and his Companions use any other appellation one towards the other then that of Sir This constancy of the young lad pleas'd his Master very much as also the others who had been taken in the Ship among whom there was one whom we shall here call Tiberius descended of wealthy friends who said to Morin Continue faithful and constant and assoon as I shall recover my liberty I will redeem thee Soon after Tiberius got his liberty with one of his Companions and being return'd into his Country he acquainted his friends with the constancy and fidelity of Morin which they considering declar'd Tiberius's promise to redeem him obligatory so that they gave order to some Merchants of Legorn for his Redemption and that he should be sent away with the first Ships bound for England or Holland Morin was redeem'd by the Jews and deliver'd into the hands of those Merchants who according to their order would have sent him away in a Dutch-ship but Morin absolutely refus'd to go saying he would rather dye on Christian land then run the hazard of being made a slave again by the Turks Whereupon the Merchants put him into the company of some Dutch-men who had been redeem'd at Legorn and intended to return home by Land Morin being come into the Low-Countries met with one of Tiberius's Companions named Carel who had much promoted his redemption and though it were in the Street fell down and kiss'd his feet Carel was asham'd for the people began to flock about him to see those ceremonies and bid him rise and he would bring him to Tiberius's house
Assoon as he came in sight of Tiberius the faithful the grateful and harmeless Youth took out of his Pocket six Aspers Turkish money and the steel of a Tinder-box and made him this complement Sir you have redeem'd me in requital whereof I give you all I have in the world and shall pray for you as long as I live This complement proceeded from so great sincerity that all present of whom I was one were extreamly satisfy'd at the fidelity and gratitude of Morin whereby Tiberius conceiving himself oblig'd afresh bestow'd Cloaths and Linnen on him and put him into a condition fit to wait on some person of quality RELATION XXXVII A Wrack in the Haven BEing at the Bassa's Palace I was acquainted there with a Spanish slave named John de Silva who had serv'd the King of Spain some years as a soldier in the City of Oran in Africk five days journey from Algiers the Citizens of which place speak the Moorish language in regard it was recover'd from the Moors in the time of King Ferdinand as also by reason of the great commerce there is to this day between it and the Moors This de Silva spoke the Moorish-language perfectly well Having been a long time a slave at Algiers without any hope of redemption he resolv'd to make an escape encourag'd thereto by his perfect speaking of the language To compass his design he put on his Patron 's cloaths and so was in the Turkish mode got on horse-back with a Lance in his hand a Turbant on his head and a Cimitar by his side Thus accoutred he began his journey very fortunately Having travell'd four days he came to a Village of Mostaga just at noon and it being the custom of all the Mosqueyes of Barbary to give at noon the signal to put the people in mind of praising God with the ordinary prayer called in their Language Sala which is done with many gestures and strange postures of the face and several motions of the arms and hands kneeling and looking towards the East and West De Silva to take away all suspicion from the Moors alighted and fell a making of gestures as they did and pretended to be a Mahumetane But the Moors soon observ'd that our Cavalier was not perfect in his Ceremonies and not regarding that he spoke their language and was in Turkish habit they stopp'd him took away his cloaths and finding he was no Mahumetane sent him bound with a Guard to Algiers where he receiv'd three hundred blows with a cudgel just when he thought to have enjoy'd his liberty So that he may well be said to have been cast away in the very Haven RELATION XXXVIII The Adventures of Philip de Cherf of Ulamertingue Knight of the Order of Saint James THough the hardships and misfortunes which slaves are to endure be common to all reduc'd to that miserable condition yet some have a greater portion thereof then others Among the former may be numbred the Knight de Cherf whom I have mention'd in the discourse of my Captivity as will be seen by the ensuing Relation After we fell into the hands of the Turks the Pyrate-ships which brought us to slavery cast Anchor before the City of Algiers discharging their Guns to give notice of their arrival The news of the rich prize was presently spread abroad as well among the Turks of the Garrison as the people and as it commonly happens that news encreases by going from mouth to mouth so it was reported that besides thirty thousand Patacoons which were found in the prizes there was among the slaves a Lord of great Quality meaning the fore-said Knight Some said he was a General others an Ambassadour and all imagin'd that the rest were his Servants which was no small happiness for us and that the money which they gave out was found belong'd to him This news was partly forg'd by the Pyrates themselves as they are wont to invent new stratagems to enhance the price of slaves newly brought in loading them with titles and wealth to draw in the Buyers to make greater proffers in hopes of a better ransom The Bassa hearing this news took the Knight for his proportion which is of eight one at his own choice as I have said elsewhere The Knight was conducted to a Stable of the Bassa's where he found other slaves and among those some Spanish Captains and Officers whom he durst not frequent nor so much as speak to in the day time least there should be notice taken of his demeanour among those Officers-slaves with whom he would not be familiar to take off the suspicion of his being a person of high quality which had been augmented by the least conversation accompany'd by mutual expressions of respect the consequences of acquaintance And to beat it out of the Bassa's head that he was neither General nor Ambassador he kept seven or eight days all alone and had nought to eat but a crust of dry bread which being observ'd by the Bassa's Cook he order'd him the remainder of some Rice which is the ordinary food of the Turks nay finding him so submissive and serviceable he suffer'd him to creep into the Kitchin to help the Skullions in bringing in Wood Coals turning the Spit and the like Offices which he could not do but onely with his right arm having lost the use of the left by a Musket-shot he had receiv'd in his Catholick Majesty's service in the year 1639. at the siege of Salses In requital of the good services which the Knight did in the Kitchin the Cook suffer'd him to eat with the Skullions who were Moors and took it ill that a Christian should put his fingers into the same dish with them No doubt the Knight thought himself at an entertainment in Hell with the Pages of Lucifer whose Livery and meen those boys had being about fifteen or sixteen years of age having their cloaths all black with grease and nastiness and so suiting excellently well with their dark hue And yet the Knight endeavor'd all he could to put himself into the same posture that he might be thought the fitter for that company and employment Three months pass'd away in that miserable course of life whereof the Knight made this advantage that he made the Bassa quit the opinion he had of his being a General or Ambassador and consequently the hope of getting much mony out of him which put him upon a resolution to sell his slave as he did to the General of the Gallies Alli Pegelin He acted his part well enough so far but the new Master who had observ'd what was reported concerning his slave began to be very round with him asking him in the Language commonly spoken between the Turks and the slaves who he was and of what Country The Knight being oblig'd to make answer said he was a poor Youth born at Ostend the Son of a mean Irish-Officer giving himself out to be of that Nation as well because he had the looks
some call'd Ho ho for Tituan and it was the same which had been sent to receive them Hans Maurus notwithstanding all his experience and skill in Sea-matters was seiz'd by a Panick fear and said to his Companions Ly down on the ground they are Fisher-men of Tituan we shall be secur'd and beaten In the mean time the boat had cross'd two or three times by the place appointed and reiterated the aforesaid cry striking on a Steel the signal agreed upon between them whereto those ashore were to answer with the like noise But those in the boat seeing no body appear and considering that it was within an hour of day as also that the watch on the Coast of Tituan had perceiv'd them and given the signal to the City by a fire resolv'd to be gone The going away of the boat satisfy'd the Knight and Hans Maurus that those of Ceuta had made the appointed signal whereupon they began to strike with the Steel and to call upon them but all to no purpose and too late so that perceiving their design was discover'd they made their retreat without any noise towards Tituan getting into the City at several Gates where they understood that that night there had been an alarm in the City and that a party of horse had been commanded out into the Country by reason of a fire which had been made by the watch on the Sea-side This body of Horse consists of Citizens who to enjoy some priviledges and the title of imaginary soldiers oblige themselves upon any alarm to ride out into the Country and engage any enemy they meet with All this had pass'd yet so as that those of Tituan knew nothing of the occasion of it nor did they much enquire after it in regard the alarms are very frequent there by reason they are so near neighbours to the City of Ceuta Yet were the Undertakers still in some fear of being discover'd and could not forbear quarrelling at Hans Maurus who had occasion'd the miscarriadge of their design whereat he was so troubled and became so melancholy to think that by his mistake himself and his Companions had miss'd so fair an opportunity of recovering their liberty that he fell sick Yet did his Companions assist him all they could and concern'd themselves as much as might be in the recovery of his health but perceiving he grew every day worse and worse and that whatsoever was administred to him did little good they bethought themselves of endeavouring the welfare of his soul To that end the Knight who knew that Hans Maurus had led a morally good life and that he feared God made it his business to exhort him to renounce Lutheranism and to embrace the Roman-Catholick Religion discoursing with him concerning the difference of those perswasions as he had done several times before Hans Maurus being a person not much acquainted with Letters and the Knight no great Divine he took occasion to remonstrate to him that being born in Norway he had follow'd the Lutheran Religion without any enquiry into the Romane-Catholick that the former was a new and the other the ancient way surpassing the inventions of Luther by fifteen ages and that the latter had been follow'd by his Ancestors whom it would be impious for him to believe damn'd for that and that they were rather wiser then he that he had often said while he was in health that he would do better if he knew what were better that it now concern'd him to think seriously of his conscience and that to that end he would bring him a Priest who would tell him more and that more effectually This discourse made to him in the extremity of his sickness wrought this effect on Hans Maurus that he acknowledg'd to the Knight that it was true he had been exhorted to follow the steps of his Ancestors but that he thought there was so little difference between both Religions that he conceiv'd he might safely enough persevere in his own but since he was now in treated by his friends whom he knew to be real sincere to consider seriously of it he desir'd that a Priest might come to him to give him satisfaction in some doubts The Knight immediately sent for a Religious Dominican a Spaniard and a slave who satisfy'd the doubts of Hans Maurus and undeceiv'd him so that he became a Roman-Catholick made his Confession and communicated with great fervency to the great satisfaction of the Christian slaves who were present and the second day after his conversion he dy'd In this conversion may be seen the goodness of God who gave Maurus the grace to profess the Catholick Faith in recompence of his moral Vertues and good life by a strange accident whereby he was depriz'd of his experience and skill on Saint James's day which made him loose his corporal liberty to give him the incomparable liberty of enjoying the sight of God Eight days after Maurus's death the Knight paid his ransom and went to Ceuta and thence by the way of Gibraltar to Madrid where having receiv'd rewards from his Catholick Majesty he went thence to the Low-Countries having suffer'd greater miseries then any of us though we had been made slaves at the same time And he who shall attentively consider all our Knight did will find that humane Prudence is subject to strange oversights and miscarriages and that God onely is the disposer and director of all human actions RELATION XXXIX What happen'd between my Companion in slavery M. Caloen and his old Patroness THe condition of slaves implies in it self a necessity of their suffering of somewhat from the hands of their Patrons but on the contrary M. Caloën made his Patroness endure many inconveniences I have said elsewhere that an old Moorish Dame had bought him at fourteen hundred Patacoons to be exchang'd for her Grand-son Mustapha who was in the power of Caloën's friends The payment of that sum troubled the old woman as if it had been so many drops of blood got out of her dry'd carkass never considering that it was for the redemption of one so neerly related to her The coverous woman thought to ease her self of some part of the grief by finding out some invention to make M. Caloën to pay seven hundred Patacoons besides the exchange of her Grand-son and this busied her brains day and night One while she resolv'd to use violence but fearing her Mustapha might receive the same treatment she forbore it another she imagin'd that to represent to him how much he had cost her would be a more likely way to compass her design since that it was indeed done as much for M. Caloën's liberty as for her Mustapha's so that it was but just he should pay his proportion but the fear of being laugh'd at and making him more obstinate after she should acquaint him with her intention made her resolve rather to be silent While she was troubled with this diversity of resolutions an Edict was publish'd that all
attended by four or five Guardians well furnish'd with Cudgels and Bulls-pizzles He began to enquire what had pass'd but those who had fought like Lyons slunk away and hid themselves like Foxes Notwithstanding that the Patron by his exact enquiry made a shift to surprize one of the Spanish party and ordering him to be stripp'd stark naked he caus'd him to be held by four Slaves by the hands and feet with his belly on the ground and a hundred blows with a Cudgel to be given him over the Back and the Buttocks which execution perform'd our Patron was appeas'd The rest of the Combatants hid themselves fearing the like treatment By this time we had been six months at Algiers a sufficient terme to have receiv'd answers from Flanders We went together M. Caloën Saldens and I to our Patron 's Lodgings we kiss'd his Robe or the Sleeve of his inner Garment a Turkish Reverence and I told him that we had been so long at Algiers presuming that he was sufficiently inform'd of our poverty and that we understood that he had agreed with some of his Slaves about their Redemption conditionally that they should go in a Ship which lay ready to set sail for Legorn in Italy and that they continu'd there in prison till their ransomes were paid for the Great Duke of Florence then permitted some such thing we ask'd him how much he would have from us What are you willing to give replyed he We expect your excellency should make your demand answer'd I For it may be you will set such a rate on us that there will be no likelihood of any agreement After he had a little consider'd he said You shall pay two thousand Patacoons at Legorn or fifteen hundred here That 's absolutely impossible for me said I for I am a poor souldier and therefore I had rather continue a slave at Algiers then dye in prison at Legorn The most I shall be able to give will be five hundred Patacoons at Legorn Whereto he made answer You offer too little I am now going out of the City for certain days which was true for his Horse stood ready for him we will talk further of it at my return Those words gave me much comfort for I imagin'd our Patron thought my proffer not much out of the way With this answer we return'd to the Bath And our Patron went away with the Slaves of the Caravan to fell Timber for the building of a new Frigot against the year following In the mean time we were at work about a house our Patron had a building in the upper part of the City for it is to be noted that the City of Algiers is built on the ascent of a high mountain and the place where that house was built was so steepy to get up to that a Mule could not go up it with any load So that all the materials were to be carried up on mens backs or in their arms This was about the middle of February The Guardian conducted us to the work as he was wont but at our going from the Bath we ordered the Knight de Cherf to get some kind of pottage ready for us against our return This Knight was exempted from working becaâ—se he was lame While we were at work two Turks came to the Bath and ask'd for three Dunkirk-slaves named John-Baptist Caloën Emanuel d' Aranda and Renier Saldens but there was not any body knew those slaves They shew'd an attestation in Latine and the Spanish slaves being commonly Sea-men said the attestation was in Dutch and the French slaves said it was in English The two Turks began to be angry and said Call a Papas that is a Priest or some Gentlemâ—n for in the Country of Dunkirk the Papas and the Gentlemen commonly speak that Language and not such raskally dogs as you aâ—e Thence the Spanish and French slaves inferr'd that the Attestation was writ in Latine Then they call'd a slave of Braâ—â—â—â—â— by a military name called Francis the Student because he had studied at Lovain He writ Letters for the slaves of Dunkirk as the Reader may find more at large in the XVI Relation He read the Attestation and though we had chang'd our names yet by the marks of the time and the Ship wherein we were taken he immediately concluded that we must be the three Christian slaves whom the Turks enquir'd for Whereupon he made them answer that he knew us very well and that we were Slaves in that very Bath but that we were then abroad at work Now Monsieur Caloën and Renier Saldens not fearing blows as much as I did were got from their work aâ—d had hid themselves in some corner of the Bath where they pass'd away the time at Cards This Student found them out and told them that there were two Turks below who came from Duâ—kirk and that they had letters for them They both immediately ran down where they found the two Turks who gave them a letter which was from Monsieur Caloën's father He was very joyful and the Turks also because they had found us all at Algiers for the contract which those Turks had made with our Friends requir'd that they should deliver us wherever we were in Barbary They thereupon conducted Monsieur Caloën and R. Saldens to the house of the Turk Barber Assan father-in-law to Mustapha Ingles who was in prison at Bruges with four others to be exchang'd for us three The Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha were extreamly glad to hear that he was alive and that he might ere long return into his Country I knew nothing of all this for I continu'd at work till the Guardian gave every one permission to go and get something towards his subsistance I had a good stomach for it was afternoon so that hoping to meet with some pottage of the Knight's providing as we had appointed I run from my work streight to the Bath and as I was going in I met with the Student who said to me James I have good news for you which is that you are no longer a Slave For there are two Turks come from Dunkirk and M. Caloën and Saldens are gone out along with them This so good and so unexpected news over-joy'd me so that I had almost fallen into a swound so far was I then from thinking of hunger I went immediately to find out my two Companions with the Turks whom I met with all four in the Street Assoon as M. Caloën perceiv'd me he said to the Turk This is our third Companion Emanuel d' Aranda I ask'd the Turks how my Friends did they told me that my Mother knew nothing of my misfortune and that my Brother was well They came along with us to the Bath and spoke to the Guardian not to put us to work any more in regard we were free We spent the remainder of the day very merrily drinking with our friends upon this good news but we minded not much the old saying Joy may