where we lodg'd on either side the way were such large and goodly Trees such spacious places underneath for shade and the place so opacous by the thickness of the boughs on high that indeed I never saw in my dayes a fairer natural Grove amongst other Trees there was abundance of Bambù or very large Indian Canes twin'd about to the top with prety Herbs The journey of this day was three Cos or a League and half This River they say is one of those which goes to Garsopà Vitulà Sinay we found not here because he was gone before November the fourth We began in the Morning to pass our Goods over the River but because there was but one and that a small boat it was ten hours after noon before we had got all of them over then following our journey through somewhat oblique and uneven wayes like the former we found many Trees of Myrobalanes such as are brought into Italy preserv'd in Sugar It hath leaves much like that which produces Gum Arabick by me formerly describ'd different onely in this that in that of Gum Arabick the branch consisting of many leaves is much less round or oval and seems one leaf made up of many other long and narrow ones But in this Myrobalane Tree the branch is sufficiently long and the small leaves composing it in two rows on either side are somewhat larger nor is the Myrobalane Tree prickly like that of Gum Arabick The fruit is round hard of a yellowish green smooth shining of little pulp but a great stone almost round and furrow'd with six circular lines Being raw it hath an acid and astringent but in my judgment no pleasant taste but preserv'd becomes good They say it is refrigerative and purges Choler Having rested many times upon the way and in all travell'd two Leagues we ended this day's journey in the onely considerable and populous Town we had hitherto met which is call'd Ahinelì We lodg'd in the Porches of a Temple of Idols which had two Porches one within the other without both low after their manner with very large Pent-houses strengthened with great Posts the Pavement rais'd high and dung'd but not lately the walls white sprinkled in the corners and ends with a sort of Rose-Oyle ill colour'd for so is their custom always in their Religious Structures The Idol was call'd Virenà Deurù the latter of which words signifies God or rather Lord being attributed also to Men of quality he stood at the upper end in a dark place with Candles before him of what figure he was I could not see well by reason of the darkness but they told me 't was a Man In the body of the Temple were many other wooden Statues of less Idols plac'd about in several places as 't were for ornament some of which were figures of their Gods others not of Gods but for ornament of several shapes Many of these figures represented dishonest actions One was of a Woman lifting up her cloths before and shewing that which Modesty oblig'd her to cover Another was of a Man and a Woman kissing the Man holding his Hand on the Womans Breasts Another had a Man and a Woman naked with their Hands at one another's shameful parts those of the Man being of excessive greatness and sundry such representations fit indeed for such a Temple But these were not figures of Gods Of Gods there was a Brahmà with five Heads and three Arms on a side sitting astride a Peacock which in their Language they call Nau Brahmà that is the Peacock of Brahmà another God was call'd Naraina with four Arms on a side Another with an Elephant's Head and two Hands to an Arm whom they call Ganesù and others Bacra-tundo that is Round-mouth for one and the same God hath divers names Another call'd Fuenà had the shape of a Man holding a naked Sword in his right Hand and a Buckler in his left Another had a Man under his Feet upon whose Head he trampled and so many others of various sorts I observ'd that all these Idols had the same cover of the Head high with many picks or peaks all ending in one long peak a strange and majestical Diadem not us'd now in India it might have been of wreath'd Linnen or Gold or other solid matter wherefore I imagine that it is a very ancient covering at this day dis-us'd unless haply it be some ensign of Divinity which I rather think because I remember to have seen at Rome almost the same Diadems upon the Heads of some Aegyptian Statues and if I forget not they were call'd Tutuli and the Idols of Tutulati as amongst us the Diadems of the Saints or as some make it three Crowns one upon another like the Regno or Pontifical Crown of our Pope In the middle of the Temple was another darker inclosure wherein stood fastned in the ground certain slender staves with others cross them in two rows making a little Steccato or Palisado of a long form and these were to hang Lamps and Tapers upon at more solemn dâ—yes and hours A Barber whom we had with us an Indian Gentile but a Native of the Country of Adil-Scià h who was nam'd Deugì and understood something of the Portugal-Tongue could not well tell me the names of those figures and Idols of the Temple when I ask'd him because he said they were not things of his Country where they had other things and Gods and that every Country had particular ones of their own Within the circuit of this Temple but on one side of the Court as you go in were three other little Cells separate from the body of the great Temple two of which were empty perhaps not yet well accommodated but in the other was an Idol of an Ox which our Barber knew and said was also of his Country and that they call it Basuanà it was half lying or rather sitting upon the floor with the Head erect like which Ox or Basuanà stood another in the upper part of the Temple before the Tribunal of the Idol Virenà as if it stood there for his guard In the Evening the Ministers of the Temple ring a kind of Bell or Shell which was within the Temple striking it with a staff and it made a tolerable sound as if it had been a good Bell at which sound some from without assembling together they begin to sound within the Temple very loud two Drums and two Pipes or Flutes of metal after which many Tapers being lighted particularly at the Steccato above-mention'd and put in order a little quilt with a Canopy of rich Stuff which is alwayes ready in the Temple for carrying the Idol they put the principal Idol Virenà into it not that of ordinary wood in the middle of the Temple but the other at the upper end which was of the same bigness about two spans round between the figure and ornaments about it but all painted with various colours gilded and deck'd with white Flowers
us for besides the former whose Name was Scervanli Ibrahim Aga there came another with him call'd Mahhmad Aga who had been sent by the preceding Serdar to Bassora Lahhsa and divers other adjacent places and had not dispatch'd his business in order to his return before now June the thirteenth After a long contest with our chief Camelier about hiring certain Arabian Guides which he pretended necessary to get money of us and I refus'd as superfluous since we knew the way without them and they could do us no good against the Thieves At length the business resting half undecided being I said if he would not go without those Guides I would return back to Bassora which he was loth to hear of because of restoring my money without speaking a word more about it he determin'd to proceed from Cavebeda and travelling all night we pass'd by the Pits of Ganeniat June the fourteenth Three hours before noon having travell'd till then we rested a while near certain Pits and setting forwards again in the Evening travell'd till mid-night and then we rested The next day rising early we travell'd till about noon till coming to a little bitter water we stay'd there to repose Here the great wind which blows continually in the Desart allaying the great heat of the Season having before much shatter'd our little Pavilions now broke them all in pieces so that we could no more make use of them Which indeed was a great inconvenience but for the future we had no other remedy but when we rested to ward off the Sun-beams with little sheds made of our Cloths fastned upon three Chairs wherein the Women and I were carry'd though they scarce suffic'd to cover three or four persons Yet in the night when there was no need of shadow we slept more pleasantly and coolely under the fair Canopy of the Starry Heaven After noon we proceeded further till an hour before night and then took up our lodging near another water June the sixteenth Having travell'd from break of day till noon and then rested two hours we proceeded again till night lodging in a place where the multitude of Gnats suffer'd us to sleep but little The next Morning early we pass'd by a great dry Lake which yet seem'd to have water in it at some time of the year and an hour before noon rested in a place full of Hornets very troublesome both to Men and beasts At the usual hour we set forwards again and journey'd till night June the eighteenth Rising before day-break we pass'd by at a distance leaving it on the right hand a place inhabited by Arabians which they call Argia govern'd by one Hhasan Aga Curdo a Fugitive from his own Country and by Alliance with the Arabians become great amongst them The Capigi Ibrahim Aga had a Robe to present to him from the Serdar but being we could not go to Argia by reason all the Passages were then overflown with water and the Cameliers had no mind to it in regard of a Gabel which would be requir'd there of us we repos'd our selves about noon in the place where we were Having pass'd Argia a good way the Capigi got one to swim over the waters and to advertise Hhasan Aga of the Serdar's Present which he had for him and would have deliver'd himself had the way been passable he also desir'd some Arquebusiers to accompany us over the Desart In expectation of an Answer we stay'd in this place all day where I saw upon the ground abundance of Sea-shels shining within like Mother-of-Pearl some whole and some broken I wonder'd how they came there so far from Sea I saw also many pieces of Bitumen scatter'd up and down which is produc'd in that brackish soil by the overflowing of the water at some time of the year I have a piece of it by me to shew Being suspicious of some Arabian Maedi's that is Vagrants or Vagabonds so call'd because they abide with Droves of Buffles sometimes in the Desarts and sometimes in Cities and are different from the Bedavi or Beduvi that is Deserticolae who are the noblest amongst them never residing in walled places but wandring about the Fields with black Tents as also from the Hhadesi who live in Cities and Stable-houses and are therefore accounted by them the ignoblest and meanest but indeed are of a middle condition between both the other sorts for more security we remov'd a mile further and took up our station under a little Hill near some ruins of building which we discover'd afar off and I walkt on foot to behold near hand In the revolutions of Baghdad the above-said Hhasan Aga Lord of Argia was visited by the Persians the Sciah sending a Tag to him as he uses to do to great Persons whom he intends to invite to be or declare themselves of his Party and he carri'd himself in such sort that his fidelity became something suspected to the Turks insomuch that a Basha had an intention to kill him but did not do it perhaps because he knew not how to effect his purpose wherefore to keep him still faithful as I believe since it was not possible to punish him the Serdar sent him by this Capigi the above-mention'd Present June the nineteenth Our removal hence being still deferr'd in expectation of the answer of Hhasan Aga I went in the forenoon to take a more diligent view of the ruins of the above-said ancient building What it had been I could not understand but I found it to have been built with very good Bricks most of which were stampt in the midst with certain unknown letters which appear'd very ancient I observ'd that they had been cemented together in the Fabrick not with lime but with bitumen or pitch which as I said is generated in these Desarts whence the Hill upon which these ruins are is call'd by the Arabians Muqeijer that is Pitchy In the evening two men came from Hhasan Aga to the Capigi with Letters and an Answer that he would send him some provisions but they departed discontented because the Capigi gave them nothing June the twenty first We set forth by day-light and journied till Noon and after two hours rest continued our way till night over Lands sometimes moorish with abundance of little canes sometimes whitish with salt and sometimes cover'd with thickets of Shrubs June the twenty second We travell'd again till Noon and as we were reposing in these Plains which were all cover'd with small dry grass a little sparkle falling from some of the Cameliers who according to their custom stood sucking the smoke of Tobacco set this grass on fire and the flame increas'd so suddenly that we had much ado to save our Goods from burning but at length we extinguish't it by casting cloths and thick coverings upon it for water the place afforded none and we had only enough for drink Departing thence two or three hours before night we quarter'd in another place call'd Ehathuer where two or three
of Christian Religion albeit 't is worn by those Knights as a token of Nobility too 'T is enough that the Jesuits think their opinion abundantly confirm'd by the two abovesaid Reasons namely that it is rather a sign of Nobility then a Cognizance of Religion And although the same is conferr'd with many superstitious Ceremonies yet they will not have it taken away alledging for example that the Crosses of our Knights however Ensignes of Nobility are given with many Ceremonies and Rites of our sacred Religion the more to authorize them Whence it appears that the use of this Ribban may be without scruple permitted to the Indians provided these superstitious Ceremonies be lay'd aside and especially the End in which alone consists the sin changing it in that manner as the ancient Christians chang'd many Festivals and superstitions of the Gentiles into Festivals of Martyrs and other pious Commemorations And this may be done by applying e. g. the signification of the three Braids to the most Holy Trinity or in some such manner turning it to a pious and lawful use Nevertheless those of the contrary party impugn this opinion with no bad Reasons they say 't is a thing in it self of its own nature wholly unlawful to Christians as being perfectly a Gentile-superstition which is prov'd by the Ceremonies and words us'd in conferring it and that for the three Braids 't is well known they hold and wear them in honour of three of their chief false Gods and that although they be Ensigns of Nobility in the wearer yet they are withall and principally a manifest Cognizance of their Religion as Crosses are amongst our Knights wherewith who ever hath the same on his breast not onely ostentates his Nobility but also firmly profess the Christian Faith That the Gentile-Kings having honour'd with this Ensign some Mahometan their Vassal and remaining a Mahometan is no more then as if in our Countries we should grant to some Jew the priviledge of wearing a black Hat without becoming a Christian which may be done by way of dispensation and yet it cannot be deny'd but that the wearing a black one or a yellow is besides the matter of credit a Cognizance also of the Religion or Sect which a man professes Many other Reasons they alledge which I do not well remember and which no doubt will be narrowly examin'd at Rome What the determination will be I shall know more certainly at Goa and for the present thus much may suffice concerning the Opinions and Rites of the Indian-Gentiles Now in pursuance of the Narration of my Travells I am to tell you that after the seeing of the Temple and visiting the Brachman abovesaid the same day which was Saturday the 25th of February upon occasion of a Cafila or Caravan which was setting forth from Cambaia to Ahmedabà d which is the Royal Seat and Head of the whole Kingdom of Guzarà t we namely Sig Alberto Scilling and my self with our attendants were desirous to see that City and since the insecurity of the wayes allow'd us not to go alone we resolv'd to go with the Cafila And because at the same time another Cafila was setting forth for Surà t in which some of the Hollanders residing at Cambaia went with their goods which they carry'd thither in order to be shipt we all went out of the Town together and in a place without the Gate and the Suburbs were the wayes divided under the shade of certain great Trees of Tamarinds which the Indians call Hambelè where also are certain Sepulchres and a Mahometan Meschita or Temple unroof'd and without walls about saving a little wall at the front and a place markt where prayers are to be made of which sort of Meschita's many are seen in India especially in the Country we entertain'd our selves a good while with the Dutch being diverted with Musick singing and dancing by the same Women which we had the night before at our house At length taking leave they took their way towards Surà t and Sig Alberto and I with our company towards Ahmedabà d going a little out of the way to see another very famous Temple of Mahadeù The Fabrick is small and inconsiderable within there is no other Idol but that of Mahadeù which is no other but a little column or pillar of stone thicker below then at top and which diminishing by degrees ends at the top in a round Whatever 't is that would signifie thereby the name of Mahadeù they in their language is properly interpreted Great God But we had enough to laugh at when we heard that this Idol was held by the Country people for a worker of miracles and amongst other of his miracles they relate that he grows every day and becomes bigger hourly affirming that many years since he was no higher then a span or little more and now he is above two and perhaps three and thus he continues increasing every day a folly not to be believ'd but by such fools as themselves Having seen this Temple we overtook our Cafila at a Town call'd Saimà three miles distant from Cambaia where we all lodg'd that night The next Morning being Sunday the Cafila which consisted of above a hundred Coaches besides foot-men and horse-men and great loaden Wagons set forth three hours before day and staying not to rest any where according to the custom of the East which is to make but one bout of a days journey having travell'd fifteen Cos by noon or little later we lodg'd at a Town call'd Mà ter where we saw an infinite number of Squirrels leaping amongst the trees every where they were small white and with a tail less and not so fair as those of our Countries On Monday about two hours before day we resum'd our Voyage When it was day we saw upon the way every where abundance of wild Monkies of which almost all the Trees were full They put me in mind of that Army of Monkies which the Souldiers of Alexander the Great beholding upon certain Hills a far off and taking to be Men intended to have charg'd had not Taxilus inform'd them what they were as Strabo relates We found abundance of people too upon the way begging alms with the sound of a Trumpet which almost every one had and sounded and most of them were arm'd with Bows and Arrows two things sufficiently uncouth for beggars and indeed not be suffer'd by Governours since these Ruffians under pretext of begging rob frequently upon the way when they meet persons alone and unarm'd which having weapons themselves they may easily do This County was almost all woody the ground unmeasurably dusty to the great trouble of Travellers the High-ways were all enclos'd on the sides with high hedges of a plant always green and unfruitful not known in Europe and having no leaves but instead thereof cover'd with certain long and slender branches almost like our Sparagus but bigger harder and thicker of a very lively green being broken they send forth Milk like
we saw them left behind And they told me that the nearer we came to India we should see more of these things The next Evening our Captain who was a little more merry then ordinary because the Captain of the Dolphin dining with us that day he had drank pretty freely in conversation discoursing with me as he was wont after Supper spoke very frankly to me concerning their affairs of Ormuz In conclusion he told me that their Treaty with the Persians stood thus That if they would deliver to the English the Fortress of Ormuz with half the revenues of the Custom-house and the City as they desir'd from the beginning then the English would people Ormuz and restore the trade as formerly keeping the same continually open with Persia and that for this purpose and also for guarding that Sea against the Portugals and other Enemies they would keep four ships in Ormuz That when this were agreed upon the English would transport a good number of people from England and whole Families with Wives and Children to dwell in Ormuz as the Portugals did before and then they would prosecute the War against the Portugals at Machat and every where else But if these things were not agreed to they would make War no longer against the Portugals nor car'd they for the Traffick of Persia upon other terms Now should these Treaties take effect they would in no wise be advantagious for the Catholick Religion and were there no more to be fear'd the Portugals would thereby be for ever excluded from recovering Ormuz yea all the rest which they possess in those parts would be in great danger Imanculi Beig who was General of the Persians in the late Wars and with whom the English treated in Combrù concerning this affair Captain Woodcock said he inclin'd to the bargain but it was not known what the Chan of Sciraz and which is more important the King would do On one side I know the Persians insisted much upon having Ormuz wholly to themselves accounting it a small matter to have gain'd with so much War and loss of men onely the half or rather less then half the Fortress being deducted which the English demanded for themselves so that the Persians would have but the same interest there as the King of Ormuz had with the Portugals and no more They conceive also that they have done little and perhaps ill should they make no greater acquisition in having onely chang'd the Portugals in Ormuz for the English and Christians for Christians that upon easier terms it might be hop'd that perhaps the Portugals after the loss of Ormuz would agree with the Persians now there was no more to lose and onely give the Persians that which the King of Ormuz a Mahometan like themselves injoy'd Moreover to the Persian no doubt the friendship of the Portugals would be more profitable in regard of the many States which they possess in India from whence they may with more facility and certainty maintain the accustomed Commerce with Persia. But on the other side to see the Portugals so worsted and the English more fortunate at least and couragious if not more strong 't is a clear case that Ormuz will never be reinhabited nor Trade set on foot again unless some Nation of the Franks which have ships and strength at sea reside there things which the Persians wholly want there being neither Mariners nor Timber in Persia about that Sea to build ships and the loss resulting to Persia by the extinguishtinguishing of this Traffick the charge of maintaining the Fortress of Ormuz without any profit and the continual danger of losing it every hour unless the English guard the Sea with their ships and help to defend it these and other like considerations may not improbably induce the King of Persia contented to have demonstrated his power and valor and chastis'd his Enemies the Portugals according to his desire to grant the English as much as they demand For he should not yield it to them upon force but out of his liberality and for his own profit give them that freely which to retain to himself as things now stand would not onely be of no advantage but of loss Peradventure he may also imagine now in the pride of his victory that as with help of the English he has driven the Portugals out of Ormuz so 't will be easie for him to expel the English too either by the help of others or else by his own Forces alone should they not comply with him However because these Treaties with the Persian are manag'd by the Company of Merchants who also made the War and not by the King of England and hitherto 't is not known whether their King approve the fact or no and will prosecute or let fall the enterprize therefore for a total conclusion besides the consent of the King of Persia they also wait the determination of the King of England and the greatest hope I have of the defeating of these projects so prejudicial to the Catholicks is this alone that the English King will not meddle in them and perhaps also prohibit his Subjects so to do as a person whom we know to be a Friend to Peace most averse from all kind of War especially with the King of Spain while the Match of his Son with the Daughter of Spain is in agitation In the mean time we began to find the Sea sufficiently rough being got wholly out of the Persian Gulph and enter'd into the open Sea term'd by the Ancients Mare rubrum and by us at this day the Southern Ocean and having pass'd not onely the Cape of Giasck but also that of Arabia which the Portugals vulgarly call Rosalgate as it is also set down in the Maps but properly ought to be call'd Ras el had which in the Arabian Tongue signifies Capo del fine or the Cape of the Confine because 't is the last of that Country and is further then any other extended into the Sea like that of Galicia in our Europe which for the same reason we call Finis Terrae On Saturday the 28. of January having taken the meridional altitude of the Sun according to daily custom and made such detraction of degrees as was necessary we found our selves twenty three degrees five minutes distant from the Equinoctial towards the North whence by consequence we had pass'd the Tropick of Cancer twenty six minutes and a half according to the opinion of the Moderns who reckon the Sun 's greatest declination where the Tropicks are twenty three degrees thirty one minutes and a half distant from the Equinoctial During the succeeding dayes we sail'd with a brisk but favourable wind and with a Sea not tempestuous but something rough Every day about the hour of noon the Sun's altitude was infallibly observ'd not onely by the Pilots as the custom is in all ships and the Captain who was a good Seaman and perform'd all the exercises of Art very well but which pleas'd me
they were contented with a very small gratuity which we gave them The first of March being Ash-Wednesday we set forth by break of day and having travell'd fifteen Cos an hour or little more before night we came to lodge in a competently large Town call'd Soznitrà where I saw Batts as big as Crows The next day March the second beginning our journey early we travell'd twelve Cos and a little after noon arriv'd at Cambaia The Dutch Merchants there understanding by others that we were coming with this Cafila came to meet us a little without the Gate and with their accustomed courtesies conducted us to lodge in their House March the third we went out of the walls to the top of the Tower of that Sepulchre which I said we saw near the Garden of the King of Guzarat to behold from thence being a great prospect upon the Sea the coming in of the Tide which indeed was a pleasant spectacle 'T was New-Moon this day and so a greater Tide then usual and we went to observe it at the punctual time of its being at the height which those people know very well because at that time it increases in less then a quarter of an hour to almost the greatest height it is to have and flows with greatest fury contrary to what happens in other Seas Now at the due time we saw the Sea come roaring a far off like a most rapid River and in a moment overflow a great space of Land rushing with such fury that nothing could have with-stood its force and I think it would have overtaken the swiftest Race-horse in the world A thing verily strange since in other places both the rising and the falling of the Sea in the flux and reflux is done gently in full six hours and with so little motion that 't is scarce perceiv'd After this we went to see another goodly Cistern or Lake without the City formerly not seen of a square form and of a sumptuous marble structure with stairs about it like the others which I had seen elsewhere Afterwards we saw in one of the Suburbs or Hamlets near the City call'd Cansari a Temple of the Gentiles peradventure the goodliest that I have seen with certain Cupola's and high Balconies of tolerable Architecture but no great model This Temple belongs to that Race of Indians who shave their heads a thing unusual to all others who wear long hair like Women and such are call'd Vertià The Idol in it sate on high over an Altar at the upper end in a place somewhat dark ascended by stairs with lamps always burning before it When I went in there was a Man at his Devotions and burning Perfumes before the Idol At some distance from this stands another Temple of like structure but more plain and of a square form within it were seen abundance of Idols of several shapes whose Names and Histories the shortness of time and my unskilfulness in their Language allow'd me not to learn Without the Gate of these Temples I beheld sitting upon the ground in a circle another Troop of those naked Gioghi having their bodies smear'd with Ashes Earth and Colours like those I had seen upon the River of Ahmedabà d they made a ring about their Archimaudrita or Leader who was held in such Veneration not onely by the Religious of their Sect but also by the other secular Indians for Reputation of Holiness that I saw many grave persons go and make low Reverences to him kiss his Hands and stand in an humble posture before him to hear some sentence and He with great gravity or rather with a strange scorn of all worldly things hypocritically made as if he scarce deign'd to speak and answer those that came to honour him These Gioghi are not such by Descent but by Choice as our Religious Orders are They go naked most of them with their bodies painted and smear'd as is above mention'd yet some of them are onely naked with the rest of their bodies smooth and onely their Fore-heads dy'd with Sanders and some red yellow or white colour which is also imitated by many secular persons out of superstition and gallantry They live upon Almes despising clothes and all other worldly things They marry not but make severe profession of Chastity at least in appearance for in secret 't is known many of them commit as many debaucheries as they can They live in society under the obedience of their Superiors and wander about the world without having any setled abode Their Habitations are the Fields the Streets the Porches the Courts of Temples and Trees especially under those where any Idol is worshipt by them and they undergo with incredible patience day and night no less the rigor of the Air then the excessive heat of the Sun which in these sultry Countries is a thing sufficiently to be admir'd They have spiritual exercises after their way and also some exercise of Learning but by what I gather from a Book of theirs translated into Persian and intitl'd Damerdbigiaska and as the Translator saith a rare piece both their exercises of wit and their Learning consist onely in Arts of Divination Secrets of Herbs and other natural things and also in Magick and Inchantments whereunto they are much addicted and boast of doing great wonders I include their spiritual exercises herein because according to the aforesaid Book they think that by the means of those exercises Prayers Fastings and the like superstitious things they come to Revelations which indeed are nothing else but correspondences with the Devil who appears to and deludes them in sundry shapes forewarning them sometimes of things to come Yea sometimes they have carnal commerce with him not believing or at least not professing that 't is the Devil but that there are certain Immortal Spiritual Invisible Women to the number of forty known to them and distinguisht by various forms names and operations whom they reverence as Deities and adore in many places with strange worship so that some Moorisco Princes in India as one of these three pety Kings who reign'd in Decà n Telengane and Meslepaton Cutbsciach as I remember though a Moor yet retaining some reliques of ancient Gentilism makes great Feasts and Sacrifices to one of these Women in certain Grottoes under high Mountains which are in his Country where 't is reported that this Woman hath a particular and beloved habitation and He of the Gioghi that by long spiritual exercises can come to have an apparition of any of these Women who foretells him future things and favours him with the power of doing other wonders is accounted in the degree of perfection and far more if he happen to be adopted by the Immortal Woman for her Son Brother or other Kinsman but above all if he be receiv'd for a Husband and the Woman have carnal commerce with him the Giogho thenceforward remaining excluded from the commerce of all other Women in the world which is the highest degree that can be
Temple where we lodg'd sounded Pipes and Drums for a good while in the Temple without other Ceremony The like they did again about Noon and at Evening but at night they made the same Procession with the Idol and the same Ceremonies which are above describ'd This day came to the Town a Captain from the King with many attendants and having visited the Ambassador took divers of those Idols which stood in the first Entrance and carry'd them away with him to be new made because some were old and broken Late in the night came another Letter from Vitulà Sinay which signifi'd to us that we should move forwards to a Town very near the Court call'd Badrapòr where some persons from the King were to meet us and accompany us to the Court although the Ambassador had writ to him before that he car'd not for being accompany'd at his Entrance but onely when he should go to see the King I style him King because the Portugals themselves and the Indians do so although in truth Venk-tapà Naieka not onely because his Predecessors were a few years ago Vassals and simple Naieka's that is feudatory Princes or rather Provincial Governours under the King of Vidianugher and though at this day he reign he absolutly by Usurpation is in effect no other then a Rebel and God knows how long his House will abide in greatness but also much more by reason of the smalness of his Territory though it be great in respect of other Indian Gentile-Princes deserves not the Appellation of King and the less because he pays Tribute to Idal-Scià h who although a greater Prince is but small neither for a King and payes Tribute to the Moghol In short Venk-tapà Naieka although now absolute should in my opinion be called a Royolet rather then a King But the Portugals to magnifie their affairs in India or else to honor the persons that rule there which is not displeasing in Spain and the Court of the Catholick King who is of the same humor give the Title of King to all these petty Indian Princes many of whom have smaller Dominions then a small feudatory Marquis in our Countries and which is worse that of Emperor to some as to him of Japan of Aethiopia and of Calicut who is very inconsiderable the quondam-Prince of Vidianagher or Bisnagà as they speak having in a strange and unusual manner multiply'd the number of Emperors beyond what the fabulous books of Knights Errant have done Albeit in truth there was never found but one Emperor in the world the Roman Caesar who at this day retains rather the name then the substance in Germany November the sixth Two hours before noon we went from Ahinalà and having travell'd through a Country like the former but plain about noon we came to the Town Badra where according as Vitulà Sinay had writ to us we thought to lodge that night and accordingly had lay'd down our baggage and withdrawn to a place to rest but after two hours being there we found our selves surrounded by abundance of people for 't is a large Town and they go almost all arm'd who out of curiosity came to see us whereupon the Ambassador either having receiv'd an Answer from Vitulà Sinay or not caring for a pompous entrance rais'd us all again and after a small journey further we arriv'd at Ikkerì which is the Royal City of Venk-tapà Naieka where he holds his Court having travell'd since morning from Ahinalà to Ikkerì but two Leagues This City is seated in a goodly Plain and as we enter'd we pass'd through three Gates with Forts and Ditches but small and consequently three Inclosures the two first of which were not Walls but made of very high Indian Canes very thick and close planted in stead of a Wall and are strong against Foot and Horse in any hard to cut and not in danger of fire besides that the Herbs which creep upon them together with themselves make a fair and great verdure and much shadow The other Inclosure is a Wall but weak and inconsiderable But having pass'd these three we pass'd all Some say there are others within belonging to the Citadel or Fort where the Palace is for Ikkerì is of good largeness but the Houses stand thin and are ill built especially without the third Inclosure and most of the situation is taken up in great and long streets some of them shadow'd with high and very goodly Trees growing in Lakes of Water of which there are many large ones besides Fields set full of Trees like Groves so that it seems to consist of a City Lakes Fields and Woods mingled together and makes a very delightful sight We were lodg'd in the House as they said wherein the King of Belighì lodg'd I know not whether Kinsman Friend or Vassal to Venk-tapà Naieka but probably one of the above-mention'd Royolets and to go to this House we went out of the third Inclosure passing through the inmost part of the City by another Gate opposite to that by which we enter'd The House indeed was such as in our Countries an ordinary Artisan would scarce have dwelt in having very few and those small and dark Rooms which scarce afforded light enough to read a Letter they build them so dark as a remedy for the great heat of Summer However this must needs have been one of the best since it was assign'd to the said King first and now to our Ambassador although as we pass'd through the midst of the City I observ'd some that made a much better shew At night they brought the Ambassador a couple of bed-steads to sleep upon and some stools for our use some of them made of Canes intervoven instead of coverings of Leather or Cloth being much us'd in Goa and other places of India but some others were cover'd with Leather November the seventh Vitulà Sinay came in the morning to visit our Ambassador and in his King's Name brought him a Present of Sugar-Canes Fruits Sugar and other things to eat but not any Animal and if I was not misinform'd for I was not present he excus'd his Kings not sending him Sheep or other Animals to eat by saying that he was of a Lingavant or Noble Race who neither eat nor kill any Creatures as if he should have sin'd and defil'd himself by sending any to the Ambassador who would have eaten them With this Present he sent a piece of Tapistry not as a Gift but onely for the Ambassador to make use of in his House and it was us'd in such sort that at length it had a hole in it The Ambassador as not prizing it having given it to his Interpreter to sleep upon as indeed he seem'd not very well pleas'd with it or his Donatives for speaking of the Reception which Venk-tapà Naieka made him he would often say according to the natural and general custom of his Nation Let him do me less honour and give me something more and it will be better
However I believe Venk-tapà Naieka who is not liberal will abound more in Courtesie to the Ambassador then in Gifts Vitulà Sinay said that the next day the Ambassador should be call'd to Audience three hours after noon wherefore Himself and all his Attendants continued undress'd till dinner-time I knowing the custom of Courts and that Princes will not wait but be waited for and that the hours of Audience depend upon their pleasure not upon his who is to have it dress'd my self in the morning leisurely that I might not afterwards confound my self with haste and though in such solemnities others cloth'd themselves in colours and with ornaments of Gold yet I put on onely plain black Silk as mourning for my Wife Before we had din'd and whilst we were at Table they came to call us in haste to Audience saying that Vitulà Sinay and other great Persons were come to conduct us to the King The Ambassador finding himself unready and surpris'd was forc'd to desire them not to come yet making an excuse that we were still at dinner and the Table being taken away he and all the rest retir'd to dress themselves in great confusion and greater there was in getting the Horses sadled preparing the Presents which were to be carry'd and providing other necessary things in haste for nothing was ready but the Ambassador and all his Servants were in a great hurry and confusion calling for this and the other thing which seem'd to me not to have too much of the Courtier The persons who came to fetch us stay'd a good while without but at length were brought into the Porch of the House that is into the first Entrance within the Court where Visits are receiv'd without seeing the Ambassador or any of his Attendants who were all employ'd in the above-said confusion at a good part of which these persons were present The Pomp proceeded in this manner Many Horsemen went formost who were follow'd by divers Foot arm'd with Pikes and other weapons some of them brandishing the same as they went along then march'd certain Musketiers with Drums Trumpets Pikes and Cornets sounding these cloth'd all in one colour after the Portugal manner but with coarse stuff of small value and amongst them rode a servant of the Ambassador's better clad after their fashion as Captain of the Guard Then follow'd the Ambassador in the middle between Vitulà Sinay and Musè Bà i and after him we of his retinue to wit the Chaplain Sig Consalvo Carvaglio Sig Francesco Montegro who liv'd at Barcelòr and whom we found at Ikkerì about some affairs of his own but because he wanted a horse he appear'd not in the Cavalcade After us came some other Horse-men but in summ there was but few people a small shew and little gallantry demonstrative signes of the smallness of this Court and the Prince In this manner we rode to the Palace which stands in a Fort or Citadel of good largeness incompass'd with a great Ditch and certain ill built bastions At the entrance we found two very long but narrow Bulwarks Within the Citadel are many Houses and shops also in several streets for we pass'd through two Gates at both which there stood Guards and all the distance between them was an inhabited street We went through these two Gates on Horse-back which I believe was a priviledge for few did so besides our selves namely such onely as entred where the King was the rest either remaining on Horse-back at the first Gate or alighting at the Entrance of the second A third Gate also we enter'd but on Foot and came into a kind of Court about which were sitting in Porches many prime Courtiers and other persons of quality Then we came to a fourth Gate guarded with Souldiers into which onely we Franchi or Christians and some few others of the Country were suffer'd to enter and we presently found the King who was seated in a kind of Porch on the opposite side of a small Court upon a Pavement somewhat rais'd from the Earth cover'd with a Canopy like a square Tent but made of boords and gilded The Floor was cover'd with a piece of Tapistry something old and the King sat after the manner of the East upon a little Quilt on the out-side of the Tent leaning upon one of the pillars which up-held it on the right hand having at his back two great Cushions of fine white Silk Before him lay his Sword adorn'd with Silver and a little on one side almost in the middle of the Tent was a small eight-corner'd Stand painted and gilded either to write upon or else to hold some thing or other of his On the right hand and behind the King stood divers Courtiers one of which continually wav'd a white fan made of fine linnen as if to drive away the flies from the King Besides the King there was but one person sitting and he the principal Favorite of the Court call'd Putapaià and he sat at a good distance from him on the right hand near the wall As soon as we saw the King afar off the Ambassador and we pull'd off our Hats and saluted him after our manner he seem'd not to stir at all but when we approach'd nearer the Ambassador was made to sit down within the Tent at a good distance from the King near the wall as Putapaià sate but on the left side at which we enter'd The rest of us stood a good while before the Tent on the left side also Vitulà Sinay approach'd to a Pillar opposite to that on which the King lean'd and there serv'd as Interpreter sometimes speaking with the King and sometimes with the Ambassador Musè Baì stood also on our side but distant from the King and near one of the Pillars of the Porch The King 's first words were concerning the Health of the King of Spain and the Vice-Roy and then the Ambassador subjoyn'd the causes of his coming namely to visit him and continue the Amity which his Highness held with that State of the Portugals who use that style to these Indian Kings as they did also to their King of Portugal when they had one whence this custom first arose and is still continu'd although now when they name their King of Spain so much a greater Lord then the King of Portuagl they use not the term Highness but Majesty after the manner of Europe The Ambassador added that in token of this Amity the Vice-Roy sent him that Present not as any great matter but as a small acknowledgment That their King had sent him a considerable Present from Spain which his Highness knew was lost at Sea That yet by the Ships which were coming this year he should receive another as he might see in the Vice-Roy's Letter which he presented to him And hereupon the Ambassador arising from his Seat went to present the same to him almost kneeling upon one knee and he without moving a whit took it and gave it to Vitulà Sinay who
one Gau consists of two Cos and is equivalent to two Portugal Leagues we lodg'd at night in a competent Town the name whereof is Dermapora In these Towns I endeavor'd to procure me a servant as well because I understood not the Language of the Country for though he that carry'd my Goods could speak Portugal yet he could not well serve me for an Interpreter because being by Race a Pulià which amongst them is accounted vile and unclean they would not suffer him to come into their Houses nor touch their things though they were not shie of me albeit of a different Religion because they look'd upon me as a Man of noble Race as for that I found much trouble in reference to my dyet For these Indians are extreamly fastidious in edibles there is neither flesh nor fish to be had amongst them one must be contented onely with Rice Butter or Milk and other such inanimate things wherewith nevertheless they make no ill-tasted dishes but which is worse they will cook every thing themselves and will not let others either eat or drink in their vessels wherefore instead of dishes they gave us our victuals in great Palm leavs which yet are smooth enough and the Indians themselves eat more frequently in them then in any other vessels Besides one must entreat them three hours for this and account it a great favor so that in brief to travel in these Countries requires a very large stock of patience The truth is 't is a most crafty invention of the Devil against the Charity so much preach'd by our Lord Jesus Christ to put it so in the heads of these people that they are polluted and become unclean even by touching others of a different Religion of which superstition they are so rigorous observers that they will sooner see a person whom they account vile and unclean though a Gentile dye then go near him to relieve him November the four and twentieth In the Morning before day the Brachman Nangasà and the Ambassador's other Men being in haste advanc'd before but I desirous to go more at my own ease remain'd alone with my Pulià and the Hackney-master as I might well enough do since the High-ways of Naieka's Country are very secure The road lay over pleasant clifts of Hills and through Woods many great streams likewise occurring I descended the Mountain Gat by a long precipice some of which I was fain to walk a foot my Horse having fallen twice without any disaster and by a third fall almost broke my Knee to pieces I din'd after I had travelled one Gau and a half in a good Town called Colùr where there is a great Temple the Idol whereof if I mis-understood not is the Image of a Woman the place is much venerated and many resort to it from several parts in Pilgrimage After dinner my Horse being tired I travelled not above half another Gau and having gone in all this day but two Gau's went to lodg at a certain little village which they said was called Nalcà l Certain Women who dwelt there alone in absence of their Husbands courteously gave us lodging in the uncovered Porches of their Houses and prepared supper for us This Country is inhabited not onely with great Towns but like the Mazandran in Persia with abundance of Houses scattered here and there in several places amongst the woods The people live for the most part by sowing of Rice their way of Husbandry is to overflow the soil with water which abounds in all places but they pay as they told me very large Tributes to the King so that they have nothing but the labour for themselves and live in great Poverty November the twenty fifth I travelled over great Mountains and Woods like the former and foarded many deep Rivers Having gone three Cos we din'd in two Houses of those people who sow Rice whereof the whole Country is full at a place call'd Kelidì In the Evening my Pulià being very weary and unable to carry the heavy load of my baggage further we stay'd at some of the like Houses which they call'd Kabnà r about a mile forwards so that the journey of this whole day amounted not to a full Gau. November the twenty sixth I pass'd over clifts of Hills and uneeven and woody places At noon I came to a great River on the Northern bank whereof stands a little village nam'd Gulvarì near which the River makes a little Island We went to this Island by boat and foarded over the other stream to the far side Thence we came by a short cut to Barselòr call'd the Higher i. e. within Land belonging to the Indians and subject to Venk-tapà Naieka to difference it from the Lower Barselòr at the Sea-coast belonging to the Portugals For in almost all Territories of India near the Sea-coast there happens to be two places of the same Name one call'd the Higher or In-land belonging to the Natives the other the Lower near the Sea to the Portugals where-ever they have footing Entring the Higher Barselòr on this side I came into a fair long broad and strait Street having abundance of Palmeto's and Gardens on either hand The soil is fruitful and well peopled encompass'd with weak walls and ditches which are pass'd over by bridges of one or two very great stones which shew that there is good and fair Marble here whether they were dig'd thus out of the Quarry or are the remains of ancient Fabricks It stands on the South side of the River which from the Town Gulvà n fetches a great circuit seeming to return backwards and many Travellers without touching at the Upper Barselòr are wont to go to the Lower Barselòr by boat which is soon done but I was desirous to see both places and therefore came hither Having din'd and rested a good while in Higher Barselòr I took boat and row'd down the more Southern stream for a little below the said Town it is divided into many branches and forms divers little fruitful Islands About an hour and half before night I arriv'd at the Lower Barselòr of the Portugals which also stands on the Southern bank of the River distant two good Cannon-shot from the mouth of the Sea having travell'd this day in all one Gau and a half The Fort of the Portugals is very small built almost in form of a Star having no bad walls but wanting ditches in a Plain and much expos'd to all sort of assaults Such Portugals as are married have Houses without the Fort in the Town which is prety large and hath good buildings I went directly to the House of Sig Antonio Borges a former acquaintance who came from Goa to Onòr together with us and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkerì had recommended me I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr call'd Sig Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discours'd together for a good while and he seem'd a gallant man though but young Here was an Armado and a Cafila
the place where I had sat which according to their Religion was to be purified In the mean time as I was taking leave of the King he caused to be presented to me for they were ready prepared in the Chamber and delivered to my Servants to carry home four Lagne so they call in India especially the Portugals the Indian Nuts before they be ripe when instead of Pulp they contain a sweet refreshing water which is drunk for delight and if the Pulp for of this water it is made be begun to be congealed yet that little is very tender and is eaten with much delight and is accounted cooling whereas when it is hard and fully congealed the Nut remaining without water within and in the inner part somewhat empty that matter of the Nut which is used more for sauce then to eat alone is in my opinion hot and not of so good taste as before when it was more tender Of these Lagne he caus'd four to be given me besides I know not how many great bunches of Moùl or Indian Figs which though a small matter are nevertheless the delights of this Country wherefore as such I received them and thanking the King for them who also thank'd me much for my visit testifying several times that he had had very great contentment in seeing me at length taking my leave I departed about an hour or little more before night I intended to have visited the Queen also the same time but I understood she was gone abroad whilst I was with her Son to the above-mention'd place of her Works Wherefore being desirous to make but little stay in Manel both that I might dispatch as soon as possible and withall not shew any dis-esteem of the Queen by visiting her not onely after her Son but also on a different day I resolv'd to go and find her where she was although it were late being also perswaded so to do by that Brachman to whom I gave my Sword when I went to eat and who sometimes waited upon the Queen and the rather because they told me she was little at home but rising at break of day went forth-with to her Works and there stayed till dinner and as soon as dinner was done return'd thither again and remain'd there till night By which action I observ'd something in her of the spirit of Scià h Abbas King of Persia and concluded it no wonder that she hath alwayes shew'd her self like him that is active and vigorous in actions of war and weighty affairs Moreover they said that at night she was employ'd a good while in giving Audience and doing Justice to her Subjects so that it was better to go and speak to her there in the field while she was viewing her Work-men then in the house Accordingly I went and drawing near her saw her standing in the field with a few Servants about her clad as the other time and talking to the Labourers that were digging the Trenches When she saw us she sent to know wherefore I came whether it were about any business And the Messenger being answer'd that it was onely to visit her brought me word again that it was late and time to go home and therefore I should do so and when she came home she would send for me I did as she commanded and return'd to my house expecting to be call'd when she thought fit but she call'd not for me this night the cause whereof I attributed to her returning very late home as I understood she did The same day December the seventh Being return'd home before noon I took the Altitude of the Sun at Manèl with an Astrolabe I found him to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees he was this day in the fourteenth degree of Sagittary His Southern Declination was 22 degrees 30′ 34″ which substracted from 35 degrees the Altitude which I took leave 12 degrees 29′ 36″ which is the Declination of the Aequinoctial Southwards from the Zenith of Manèl and also the height of the Northern Pole in that place So that Manèl where the Queen of Olaza now resides lyes 12 degrees 29′ 36″ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At night having waited all the day and not hearing of the Queens sending for me as she had promis'd I thought not good to importune her further but imagin'd she was not willing to be visited more by me Wherefore I gave Order for a Boat to carry me back to Mangalòr the next day Of the Queens not suffering her self to be visited more by me certain Men of the Country who convers'd with me gave sundry Reasons Some said the Queen imagin'd I would have given her some Present as indeed I should which would require a requital but perhaps she had nothing fit to requite me with in these wretched places or was loath to give So that to avoid the shame she thought best to decline the visit Others said there was no other decent place to give Audience in but that where her Son was and for her to come thither did not shew well as neither to send for me into some other unhandsome place nor yet to give me Audience in the Street when it was no unexpected meeting but design'd for which reason she avoided speaking with me The Brachman not my Interpreter but the other who held my Sword had a more extravagant and in my opinion impertinent conceit to wit that there was spread such a Fame of my good presence fairness and handsome manner of conversation that the Queen would not speak with me for fear she should become enamor'd of me and be guilty of some unbecomming action at which I heartily laugh'd 'T was more probable that she intended to avoid giving people occasion to talk of her for conversing privately with a stranger that was of such Reputation amongst them But let the Cause be what it will I perceiv'd she declin'd my visit and therefore caus'd a Boat to be provided which there being no other was not row'd with Oars but guided by two Men with Poles of Indian Cane or Bambu which serv'd well enough for that shallow River The next day December the eighth A little before Noon without having seen the Queen or any other I departed from Manèl In a place some-what lower on the left bank of the River where the Queen receives a Toll of the Wares that pass by which for the most part are onely Rice which is carried out and brought into her Country I stay'd a while to dine Then continuing my way I arriv'd very late at Mangalòr where the Shops being shut up and nothing to be got I was fain to go supperless to bed Occasion being offer'd for sending this Letter to Goa whence the Fleet will depart next January I would not omit it so that where-ever I may happen to reside the Letter may at least arrive safe to you whose Hands I kiss with my old Affection LETTER VII From Goa January 31. 1624. IN this my excursion and absence from
Propositions he would carry his Ambassador with a good will otherwise he intended to depart the next night all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco honor'd with some small Presents and the other Men that came with him without sending any of his Portugals on purpose or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samorì as he was by him invited the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far because these Kings Samorì had never been very faithful towards the Portugals Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded so that many of them went ashore some to walk up and down some to buy things and some to do other business as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats partly to sell things and partly out of curiosity to see the Portugals who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samorì seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut The same day December the two and twentieth whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary whence according to my Canon of Declination which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination if it be not really so the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours if not more that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun you substract the 23 degrees 28′ which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South the remainder is 11 degrees 22′ and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place and consequently the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner I landed also with the Captain of my Ship and some other Souldiers we went to see the Bazar which is near the shore the Houses or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's being very low the Streets also are very narrow but indifferently long the Market was full of all sorts of provision and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people conformable to their Custom for as for Clothing they need little both Men and Women going quite naked saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees and covering their shame the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew or white strip'd with Azure or Azure and some other colour a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them Moreover both Men and Women wear their hair long and ty'd about the head the Women with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becommingly enough as almost all Indian-Women do the dressing of whose head is in my opinion the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head sometimes a little inclin'd on one side some of them use a small colour'd head-band but the Women use none at all Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets their ears of pendants and their necks of jewels the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers or other Arms in their hands as I said of those of Balagate The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut and the In-land parts especially the better sort are all Gentiles of the Race Nairi for the most part by profession Souldiers sufficiently swashing and brave But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari an adventitious people though of long standing for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since makes mention of them they live confusedly with the Pagans and speak the same Language but yet are Mahometans in Religion From them all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves whence in the Bazar of Calecut besides the things above-mention'd we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities as Swords Arms Books Clothes of Goa and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea which things because stollen and in regard of the Excommunication which lyes upon us in that case are not bought by our Christians Having seen the Bazar and stay'd there till it was late we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City and the out-side of the King's Palace for to see the King at that hour we had no intention nor did we come prepar'd for it but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace for the City is great and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees amongst the boughs whereof a great many of wild Monkies and within these close Groves stand the Houses for the most part at a distance from the common Wayes or Streets they appear but little few of their outsides being seen besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots and dividing them from the Streets which are much better than those of the Bazar but without any ornament of Windows so that he that walks through the City may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens than of an inhabited City Nevertheless it is well peopled and hath many Inhabitants whose being contented with narrow buildings is the cause that it appears but small As we walked in this manner we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy and because he saw us many together and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us or because he knew our General he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace and going before us as our guide conducted us thither He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming and told us we must by all means go to see him because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us Wherefore not to appear discourteous we were constrein'd to consent to his Request notwithstanding the unexpectedness of and our unpreparedness for the visit The first and principal Gate of the Palace opens upon a little Piazza which is beset with certain very great Trees affording a delightful shadow I saw no Guard before it it was great and open but before it was a row of Balisters about four or five foot from the ground which serv'd to keep out not onely Horses and other Animals but also Men upon occasion In the middle was a little pair of Stairs without the
into Spain in answer to the Embassy of Don Garcia de Silva Figueroa and travailed in the same Ship before it was taken by the Pirats died by the way having first substituted another of his company to perform his charge which other Embassador was taken with the said Ship and carried a slave into Argiers whereof notice being given to the Persian Embassador at Constantinople order was expected from thence what to do with him which not coming before this Gentleman was delivered he could not tell what the issue was but left him still a prisoner in Argiers August the fifth The Indians were to celebrate their solemn Festival of Washing and other Ceremonies accustomed to be performed at Narva and mentioned by me in the last years relation to be celebrated on the seventeenth of the same Month. And because this year the Feast-day fell twelve dayes sooner in our year then in the last I perceived that the Indian year must be Lunar or if it be Solar as I think I have heard it cannot be just or equal but to be adjusted requires some great and extravagant intercalation I went not to Narva to see the Feast because the place lies beyond the River in the Territory of the Moors who at this time stood not upon good Terms with the Portugals Neither did the Gentiles of Goa go thither for the same reason and if I was not mis-enformed they expected a safe conduct from Idal-Sciah from Vidhiapor to go thither another day August the ninth Two hours and forty minutes before Noon if the Calculation and Observation of Christofero Borano or Boro be true the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa and began to decline towards the South August the twenty fourth On which day the Feast of St Bartholomew uses to be celebrated certain Officers deputed for that purpose with other Principal Persons entrusted with the superintendency of the Fields and Agriculture offered to the Cathedral Church and afterwards also to the Vice-roy the first-fruits of the Fields to wit of Rice newly eared which is the most substantial of the fruits of the Territory of Goa I was told likewise that they made a Statue of an Elephant with Rice-straw which I know not whether they carry'd about with them or set up in some Piazza This custom is practis'd annually upon the said day because at that time precisely the said fruit begins to ripen August the twenty seventh One Galeon of four that were coming from Mascat whither they had been sent last April with Provisions arriv'd at Goa they came by the Vice-roy's Order to transport if occasion requir'd new succours to be sent to Ormuz This Ship related that the other three were possibly return'd back again to the streight of Ormuz for fear of some Dutch Vessels which hover'd thereabouts but this being driven out to Sea and having lost its company in the night was forc'd to come directly forwards It related further that Ormuz had been again besieg'd a good while by the Captains of Ruy Freira to wit first by Michel Pereira Boraglio our friend and afterwards by another whom he sent thither by turns because thereby the task would be easier to the besiegers but that at the parting of these Galleys from Mascat Ruy Freira himself was upon the point to go to the said Siege with all the Men and Vessels with oars he had which were about twenty or twenty five Galeots and many less Morisco Vessels call'd Ternata's a small preparation indeed to take Ormuz withall September the second a little before day-light The safe arrival of the annual Portugal Fleet was congratulated by all the Bells of Goa It consisted of two Merchant's Ships lesser and lighter then the Carracks which use to come other years one Galeon laden also with Merchandize and order'd to return with the same Ships in case it should not be necessary at Goa for the war and five other Galeons equip'd for war which were to remain at Goa with all the Soldiery which was numerous and good to be imploy'd as occasion should require The General of this Armada was Sig. Nugno Alvares Botelho the Admiral Sig. Giovan Pereira Cortereal to whose diligence the happy and speedy arrival of this Fleet is attributed the like not having come to pass in many years and that through the fault and greediness both of the Pilots and Merchants for before without keeping order or rule in the voyage or obedience to the General every one endeavor'd to have his Ship arrive first and alone But this Sig. Gio. Pereira Cortereal having written and presented a printed Discourse about this matter to the King his Majesty approv'd the same and gave strict charge that his Prescription should be observ'd with all exactness and hence proceeded the good success of this Voyage This Fleet brought news that the Prince of England was departed from Spain without effecting the marriage between the two Crowns because the Parliament of England would not consent to it which considering all the preceding transactions seems to me a strange case and perhaps the like hath scarce hapned between Princes unless possibly there be some unknown mysterie in the business That the Frosts having obstructed the mouth of a River in Holland had caus'd a great inundation which broke the banks or dikes whereby they keep out the sea and done much damage to the Country That twelve Ships which set forth from thence for India being beset by the Spanish Fleet of Dunkirk were partly sunk and partly shatter'd so that they could not come to India That the Catholicks in August last upon the precise day whereon Vrban VIII was created Pope had obtain'd a signal victory in Germany against the Hereticks That great Fleets were preparing in England Spain and France for unknown designs That the King of Spain was at Sevil and the Queen had brought him forth a Daughter who was dead but the Daughter of the Conte di Vidigueira present Vice-Roy here in India had brought him forth a Son at which the Queen was much displeas'd with the King And that in Portugal it was expected that the Arch-Duke Leopold should go to govern that Kingdom September the fifth the other three Galeons which I said were to come from Mascat arriv'd at Goa The cause of their delay was as was rightly conjectur'd that they had discover'd an English Ship upon those Coasts and spent some time in giving her chase but in vain through the fault perhaps of the Portugal Captain who was loth to fight her for one of them made up to her and fought a while with her Artillery but perceiving her companions came not to do the like gave over and having given and receiv'd many shots let her go without doing her hurt and return'd to her company The English Ship shew'd much bravery for seeing three Vessels coming against her she waited to give them battle without flying The above-said Galeons brought Letters which signifi'd that Mascat was molested with wars by the neighbouring
consecrated Arch-Bishop of Serra imbarqu'd in it to go to his residence so also did F. Andrea Palmiero Visitor of the Jesuits my friend to visit that his Province and F. Laertio Alberti an Italian with many other Jesuits who came out of Europe this year to go and reside there The same day an Almadia or small Boat of Ciaul came to Goa with news of a Vessel arriv'd there from Mascat and also a Ship from Bassora both which reportted that Ormuz was in much distress by the Siege so that many Moor 's soldiers escap'd out of the Town to Ruy Freira after whose arrival the Siege proceeded prosperously for us with good order and much hope yet in case the succours were sent from Goa which Ruy Freira very importunately desir'd At Bassora they said all was quiet This will be the last that I shall write to you from Goa being ready to depart out of India if it please God within a few dayes and desirous to return to my Country where I may see and discourse with you the first object that I propound to my self at my revisiting our dear Italy However I shall not omit in my way to acquaint you with my adventures to the end my Letters may forerun me and be the harbingers of my arrival I reserve many things to tell the Sig. Dottore and Signor Colletta and those other Gentlemen my friends who I am confident accompany my prayers to God for my prosperous arrival from whom wishing of you all happiness I rest c. LETTER IX From Mascat January 19. 1625. HAving determin'd to return to my Country not by way of Portugal but by that of Bassora and from thence by land to Aleppo which seem'd to me the best and shortest and having accordingly obtain'd licence of the Viceroy who in this and other matters hath always done me many favours which licence was necessary because in Goa 't is rigorosly prohibited to all to go into Europ by this way of Turky and being prepared with every thing necessary by the opportunity of the Cafila and Armada which went from Goa for Cambaia in which there was one Ship which was to go from Ciaul to Bassora I resolv'd to embarque in a Ship of the Armada that was to go to Ciaul intending there to go aboard that which was to go to Bassora In order whereunto having taken leave of all my friends and at last got the Viceroy's licence who was then at Pangi and gave me certain Letters of importance written to his King which I was to consign to the Portugal Agent at Rome that he might transmit the same to his Master on the fifteenth of November about evening I went down the River in a Mansina or Wherry to the mouth of the Sea and there went aboard the Ship I had taken whereof Francesco Gomez was Captain In this Voyage there came with me Marian Tinatin Eugenia Cingala her servant a Venetian Merchant my Friend nam'd Marc ' Antonio Lanza whom I took for my company with his servant nam'd Giovanni Michael a servant given me by Sig Antonio Baracho to accompany me to Rome a trusty person to whom he had therefore given liberty and another servant of his nam'd Giovan Boracho who was to accompany me onely to Ciaul whither also his Master Antonio intended shortly to follow him November the sixteenth Before day we set sail and met the Armada of Chebore Diu Bossaria and Ciaul Countries on the North of Goa sailing to Goa at night we cast Anchor short of the Rocks call'd Los Ilheos quemados Our course was alwayes Northwards the Land alwayes winding from us on the Right Hand November the twentieth We set sail about day-break and at three a clock after noon cast Anchor a little short of Ciaul because the wind was contrary in a Bay where there is a Village call'd Pascet here we stay'd three dayes in expectation of some ill-arm'd Vessels of the Cafila which lagg'd behind On the four and twentieth at night We enter'd the Port of Ciaul which is within the jaws of a fair River I sent my servant to look for a House and in the mean time remain'd for this night in the Ship but the next day we landed with all our Goods November the nine and twentieth News came to Ciaul that Dutch Ships were gone from Surat to Ormuz with intent to help the Persians against the Portugals it being suspected that they have made some agreement with the King of Persia to have a share of that place and to inhabit it Some said the Ships were four others that seven more were preparing at Surat with a Petache for the same design either all Dutch or Dutch and English together Be it as it will the arrival of Enemy-Ships at Ormuz before the Portugal Armada I account very prejudicial to the Portugals design upon the place for 't is difficult for Ruy Freira to hinder them only with an Armada of Oars from relieving it which may be done in one day and being done 't is sufficient to prolong the Warr and the Siege for another year And if it be true that so many Ships of those Hereticks are going not onely to Ormuz but also to Mascat and all the Coasts of India I look upon it as a matter of dangerous consequence it being rumor'd not without ground that they are agreed with the Persians to make Warr upon Mascat and to do great matters against the Portugals which God forbid December the second I went to view a Town of the Moors subject to Nizam-Sciah and his Governour Melik Ambar and because near Ciaul call'd Ciaul di Riba that is Upper Ciaul The way leading to it is fair and handsome amongst Groves of Palms and other Fruit-trees and it stands on the same bank of the River more Northwards with Ciaul of the Portugals 'T is a large Town well inhabited both by Moors and Gentiles especially near the Bazar or Market-place where the Shops afford plenty of all things necessary for Food and Clothing according to the fashion of the Country as also very fine Cotton Clothes of several sorts with other commodities which are brought thither from the more inward parts Beyond the Bazar the Houses stand not so close together but scatter'd here and there amongst Gardens or rather woods of Palmes and other Fruit-trees which are very thick tall and handsome affording shadow to the streets all the way which are broad long green and very delightful A little distant from the Bazar is a great Artificial Lake or Cistern surrounded as their custom is with stone stairs they call it Tanle Nave Nagher The Moors for the most part dwell near the Bazar towards the River which passes not far off and is navigable seven or eight leagues upwards Here also the Mahometans have their Meschita's hot Baths which the Gentiles use not because they wash themselves publickly in their Cisterns and places of Sepulture a Dogana or Custom-house and lastly a Divan or Court of
ado go to Surat and after they had there done what mischief they could to the Enemies then sail to Ormuz December the sixteenth The Ship wherein I was to imbarque being to set sail the night following I put my Goods aboard and having taken leave of my Friends I was accompanied to the Sea-side by Sig. Luigi Cabreira from whom I separated with many embraces and much regret on either side As soon as I was in the Ship the Captain weighed Anchor intending to set sail as soon as we should have a good wind although the Captain of Ciaul sent a publick Notary to the Captain of our Ship not to go out of the Port this night the service of the King so requiring I believe it was that we might stay for some other Ships which were to go out the next morning to the end we might go altogether more secure from the Malabars the greatest dangers of whom is at the going out of Ports about which they lie waiting and near the Land where they ply up and down more then in the main Sea We had no wind in the night and therefore went not out of the Port. December the seventeenth In the morning we set out of the Port with a small gale and at the same time three or four other Ships set forth for several parts We had not sail'd far but we descry'd some Vessels coming towards us which we took for Pirats and therefore prepar'd to fight them but at length we lost sight of them and hois'd the great sail directing our course almost Northwest having first rehears'd the Litanies of our Lady and invok'd the Divine Assistance and her's propitious to our Voyage December the twenty third Having hitherto sail'd prosperously we came to the altitude of twenty three degrees and a half under the Tropick of Cancer leaving the Torrid Zone under which I had been travelling in sundry parts for about a year and ten Months Here the wind fail'd us and we had as quiet a Sea as uses to be at the shores of Italy in the Month of August We began to find the Sky which hitherto we had seen constantly clear as it uses to be in India during these Months now interstinguish'd with clouds and in short the mutation of the Climate was manifest The Coast of Arabia for which we were bound could not be far off but we could not get to discover it for want of wind December the twenty seventh Having hitherto been becalm'd without advancing but rather being driven backwards by the contrary current of the water the Portugals as their custom is after reciting the Litanies and praying to God and Sant ' Antonio of Padua to whom they bear great devotion to give us a good wind intended to bind a little Image of the said S. Anthony which they carry'd in the Ship as if to imprison it for thus they use to do when they would obtain any favour as if they meant to force it threatning not to loose it till he grant them what they demand They intended I say to bind S. Anthony that he might give us a good wind but forbore to do it upon the Pilot's instance who pass'd his word for the Saint telling them that he was so honest that without being bound or captivated he would do what they desir'd This manner of demanding of favours of S. Antonio of Padua is much in use amongst the Portugals especially the meaner sort of ignorant and superstitious Mariners though amongst us 't is a vain thing A barbarous Superstition indeed but yet such as sometimes through the faith and simplicity of those that practise it uses to be heard December the twenty eighth We had a wind sufficiently brisk and impetuous yet not only not favourable but altogether contrary so that we could neither bear up against it nor yet cast anchor because we were in the main Sea which growing rough and tempestuous we were forc't to furl our sails and suffer the Ship to be driven whither the wind pleas'd which was Southwards not without fear falling upon Mombaza or some other remote Coast of Africk and consequently suffering shipwrack and a thousand other Dysasters December the twenty ninth The Captain with the others of the Ship resolv'd at length to bind S. Anthony and as chance would have it it prov'd well for the wind chang'd and we sail'd prosperously in our right course all day and part of the night A little before mid-night we discover'd the Coast of Arabia so neer that we cast anchor in haste for fear of the Shallows which are thereabouts In the morning we saw the Land naked both of Trees and Grass but rather stony in appearance and Desart although it was part of that Arabia which they call Happy December the thirtieth We began to move forward East South-East having the Land on the left hand but a sudden contrary wind arising forc't us to cast anchor again in the place where we were not without danger for in the furling of the sail through the negligence of the Sea-men it wrapt about the Mast the wind blowing very furiously against the fore-deck so that had the Vessel been less sound and strong-sided or some of the Passengers less diligent to help it had been overturn'd and sunk like the Ship of Orontes in the shipwrack of Aeneas which Virgil describes to have been lost by the like casualty At night the contrary wind ceasing we proceeded in our intended course December the one and thirtieth The wind failing we cast anchor but in an unsecure place not without danger of being split upon the shore whither in spight of our anchors the wind hurri'd us but tacking about we got to a more secure place near that from whence we had mov'd the day before On the first of January and of the year 1625 We stood at anchor till night and then made a little progress but all the next day we stood at anchor again and took very good fish and at night a little wind blowing from the Land we went forwards now and then but very little January the eighth Having all the preceding days been about the Coast of Arabia casting anchor every day and weighing again at night during which a Boat of Arabians brought us much fresh fish and an Arabian came swimming to us a great way only to beg a little Rice and Bisket which we gave him at length having a good wind this day after noon we pass'd a Cape which they call Capo falso because 't is neer and resembles the Cape Raselhhad but is not it At night we passed by the True Cape call'd by the Arabians Raselhhad that is the Cape of the Confine because 't is the last and most Southern Cape of Arabia being as they say in the latitude of twenty two degrees and a half from the Aequinoctial Northwards and distant from Mascat whither we were going forty leagues the Portugals call it corruptly Capo di Rosalgate Having pass'd this Cape we steer'd Northwest
men whom we met with their laden Camels inform'd us that the great Cafila which went so many days before us from Bassora had incounter'd many difficulties and was stopt by Emir Nasir who besides taking a great sum of money from them also constrain'd many of the people to go to Mesched Hhussein to fight with the Qizilbasci with whom he was now at enmity in which conflict which prov'd little successful to the Arabians the chief Leader of the Cafila was slain his Son succeeding him in his Charge with other like news which made me doubt of the good estate of our Francks who went along with that Cafila June the twenty third the twenty fourth and the twenty fifth We travelled and rested at our usual hours during which dayes we had the Iland Geuazir of the Chaldean Lake on our right hand and on the last of them we reposed at a place wherein grew certain low and thin plants which to me seemed to be Juniper June the twenty sixth We travelled from day-break till two hours before Noon and then rested near certain Pits where we had on the right hand afar off Mesched-Ali the place where anciently stood the City of Kufa and where Ali the Son-in-law of Mahhammed was slain the name Mesched-Ali signifying the place of the Martyrdom of Ali whom they hold a Martyr And though the City of Kufa is no longer in being yet upon account of the said Sepulchre venerated by Mahometans and adorned with a noble Fabrick the place is frequented and inhabited when we passed by it was in the power of the Qizilbasci whereas it used to be in that of the Turks whilst they were Masters of Baghdad From hence we continued our Journey till two hours within night June the twenty seventh We set forth by day-light and at Noon rested near a water which rising out of the ground runs under a thicket of Canes where we stayed all day The next day setting forth and resting at our accustomed hours we passed over many dry Lakes which seem'd to have had water in them at some time of the year June the nine and twentieth Two or three hours before Noon we rested by a water near the ruines of an ancient great Fabrick perfectly square with thirteen Pillasters or round Columns on each side without and other compartiments of Arches within which were many Chambers with a Court of no great bigness and uncover'd The Arabians call this Fabrick Casr Chaider I could not conjecture whether it had been a Pallace or Temple or Castle but I incline to believe it a Palace rather then any thing else In this place we had within half a dayes journey on the Right Hand Mesched-Hhussein which signifies the place of the Martyrdom of Hhussein and where Hhussan the Son of Ali and Muhhammed's Daughter was slain and buried by his Emulators which place in the Country call'd Kierbela being inhabited and adorn'd with the said Sepulchre which the Moors visit as Holy a very sumptuous Fabrick after their mode was now in the Hands of the Qizilbasci into which it fell with the other Territories of Baghdad which is but a little distant from thence Here we stay'd to pay a Gabel to Emir Nasirben-Mahhanna Lord of these Desarts or rather to Sceich Abitaleb his Son for Sceich Nasir being now old and devoted to a Spiritual Life as he that had been in pilgrimage at Meka had resign'd the Government to his Son and both of them were now remaining in Tents about a League from the place where we rested towards the North-East June the thirtieth In the Morning the two Capigi's that were in our company went separately to carry their Letters and Presents from the Serdar to the Sceich namely Ibrahim Aga to the present and Mahhmud Aga to the preceding Serdar who as they said was poyson'd either by others or by himself for fear of worse because he had not been diligent enough in the war of Baghdad yet this his Capigi having been sent to several other places could not come hither sooner to the Sceich After dinner in the absence of the Capigi the Sceich's Men came to demand a Gabel and after I had pay'd them as much as they requir'd to wit twelve Piastres for onely two Chests and two or three more Piastres of free-gift nevertheless they open'd all my Trunks breaking some for haste turning all things topsie-turvy and taking away for the Sceich and themselves some things of value which they lik'd a rich Persian Turbant of Silk and Gold a piece of fine checker'd Silk to make Cassocks withall after the Persian Mode many dishes of rare Porcellane beautifi'd with Gold and colours an Harquebuse belonging to my Servant much curious Paper of Japan and India besides many other toyes which I remember not telling me that they would buy them notwithstanding that I told them that they were not things to be sold but onely such as I carry'd for my own use and service Moreover they made me by force that is refusing to hear any of my Reasons to the contrary but saying that the Sceich commanded so though in truth I ought not pay twenty Piastres to my chief Camelier their Friend alledging that the same were for the Guide which he would have hired at Cuvebeda which Guide I neither hir'd nor made use of and if I had I ought to have pay'd onely half at most the said Camelier having other Carriages besides mine and all of Merchandize But they were resolv'd to do a kindness to the Camelier who was an Arabian and a Thief like themselves and gave not this money to any Guide but kept it for his own use Hereby the Readers may observe how we Christians are us'd by these Barbarians in their own jurisdictions At length they would have taken for the Sceich a Sword and Changiar or Arabian Ponyard the hilts and garniture whereof were Silver-gilt and which belong'd sometimes to Sitti Maani my Wife Whereupon being no longer able to suffer so many insolencies I resolv'd to go to the Sceich my self and present him a Letter from the Basha of Bassora which he had writ to him in commendation of me Accordingly leaping upon a Mule of Aga's who was already return'd and highly angry with the proceeding of the Arabians both towards me the rest and himself I rid in haste with the Notary of the Sceich and our cheating Camelier who was partly the cause of this bad usage although I dissembled my resentment thereof to him By the way I found many black Tents of his Arabians dispers'd in several places and an hour within night I came to the Tent of Sceich Abitaleb a little distant from that of his Father Sceich Nasir which Tents differ'd from the rest neither in colour nor stuff being all of coarse black Goats-hair but onely in bigness which shew'd them to be the principal We enter'd not into the Tent because we saw many of his chief Arabians sitting in a round on one side thereof upon certain
colour'd and coarse woollen clothes spread on the ground and the Sceich was not there Yet he came presently after and we all rising up at his coming he went and sat down in the midst of the circle and so also did we in our places round about him Then a Candle-stick with a light being plac'd before him he perform'd his Orisons according to their manner after which sitting down again he began to read and subscribe certain Letters giving dispatch to several businesses and amongst others to the Capigi Mahhmud Aga who was there and waited for Licence to return These things being over I arose and presented him the Basha's Letter He ask'd whether I was the Frank or Christian of the Cafila Whereupon the Camelier answer'd that I was and declar'd to him the cause of my coming whereunto I added in Arabick what I thought fit He desir'd to see my Hat nearer Hand and caus'd it to be brought before him and being inform'd that I understood the Beâ—â—in-Language he told me that I must excuse what his Officers had done for he had great need of Arquebuzes for war that the Turbant and piece of Silk much pleas'd him but he would pay for them whereto I answer'd that I did not value his payment but would give him both the one and the other Then he call'd for the Turbant and having view'd and highly commended it though I told him it had been us'd as indeed I had worn it several times in Persia he enter'd into the Tent with it where his Women were and from whence was heard a great noise of Hand-mils where-with to make Meal for Bread it being the custom amongst the Arabians for even the noblest Women to do such services By and by he came out again with the Turbant upon his Head whereupon his people congratulated him for his new bravery saying to him Mubarek that is Blessed to the same purpose with our Ad multos Annos Then they set before him a brass dish full of Grapes and we being all call'd about him he began to eat and give us some of the said Grapes which were very sweet and good and the first that I had eaten this year This ended we retir'd to our places and after a short stay I took leave and departed with Mahhmâ—d Aga to the Cafila one of his servants and the Camelier remaining behind by the Sceich's Order who said he would send a dispatch for his own and my business the next day by them July the first The Camelier return'd with an Answer that the Sceich would not take the Sword and the Changier or Ponyard from me and for the Turbant and piece of Silk he sent me 29 Piastres whereof the Camelier said he had expended five to wit two to the Officer that pay'd him and three to I know not who else so that he brought me but 24 which were not a third part of what the things were worth However I took them because the barbarous dealing of the Sceich deserv'd not that I should correspond with him with better courtesie I have related this Adventure that thereby the dealings of these uncivil Barbarians may be known July the second We departed from this Station early in the Morning continuing our journey but were detain'd near two hours by certain Arabian Officers of a Brother of Sceich Nasir who also would needs extort some payment upon each Camel We arriv'd late to bait near a water where we found many Arabian Tents from which and a neighbouring Village we had plenty both of sweet and sower Milk and also of Grapes Here we stay'd all day and upon a hasty quarrel between Batoni Mariam and Eugenia my Indian Maid at night the said Maid ran away from us in these desarts yet was so honest as to leave even all her own things and ornaments behind so that it was rather despair than infidelity that occasion'd her flight I had much adoe to recover her again and was in great danger of losing her in case she had fallen into the hands of any Arabian who undoubtedly would have hid her and perhaps carry'd her afar off and made her a slave for ever I mention this to the end Masters may learn not to drive their Servants into despair by too much rigor which may redound to the prejudice of themselves as well as of them July the third Setting sorth early we baited before noon near a Lake of Water streaming there amongst certain Reeds and verdant Fields about which flew many Assuetae ripis Volucres some of which we took and eat F. Gregorio Orsino who was with me bathing himself here as he was wont often to do for the heat and being unskilful of swimming was in great danger of being drowned hapning unawares to go into a much deeper place of the Lake then he imagin'd We travell'd no further this day but onely at night went to joyn with the Capigi's who had pitch'd a Tent a little further from the Water to avoid the Gnats there which were very troublesome both to Men and Beasts The two next dayes we travell'd but little because of some difference between the Arabians and the chief Camelier who went back to the Sceich about it July the sixth We travell'd this day over Lands full of a white and shining Mineral which was either Talk or Salt-petre or some such thing I brought a good quantity of it away with me July the seventh We travell'd from day-break till noon passing over a clayie and slippery ground where the Camels went with much difficulty We rested at a place full of prickly shrubs the leavs whereof are less then a Man's naile and of the shape of a heart the fruit was round and red like small coral-beads of taste sweet mixt with a little sharpness having little stones in them it was very pleasant to the taste and afforded no small refreshment to us in these Desarts The Mahometans celebrated their Bairam the Fast of Ramadhan being now ended July the eighth We came to several places of stagnant waters and baited at one two or three hours before noon but the water was sulphureous and ill-tasted as most of the rest were also in regard of the many Minerals where-with the Earth of the Desart abounds We departed not from this place at night because we were to pay a Gabel to Emir Mudleg Aburisc whose Territory here-abouts begins Emir Aburisc is the greatest Prince of the Arabians in Arabia Deserta and this Prince whose proper name is Mudleg succeeded his deceased Uncle Feiad who was living and reign'd when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad nine years before having usurp'd the Government from Mudleg who was very young at the time of his Father's decease At night we were visited by some pilfring Arabians who finding us prepar'd with our Arms betook themselves to their heels and escap'd unhurt from us though we pursu'd them a while July the ninth The Morning was spent in paying Gabels I pay'd for my part for a load and half
and lodg'd by a water near the Tents of some Arabian Beguin shepherds who were there July the nine and twentieth Setting forth early we saw some number of Horse cross the way before us at a good distance and finding the place a Plain inclos'd with Hills and consequently fit for Ambuscades and Treacheries we suspected that they were Thieves and that they went to wait at some Pass to assault us Wherefore we put our selves in order and march'd a good while on foot with our Arms ready to defend our selves by fight But at length these suspitions vanish'd and we met no body and peradventure they were people that were afraid of us and fled Such encounters we frequently had in the Desart and many times betook our selves to our Arms some times too in the night we were visited by Pilferers who attempted to steal something clandestinely but God be thanked no mischief ever befell us and the Thieves finding us upon our guard went away always frustrated and sometimes too either hurt or terrify'd by our Arms. On this occasion I will not omit now we are near the end of this journey that the Desart between Bassora and Aleppo is a great Plain with very few inequalities and some of the soil is dry some saltish and full of other Minerals little stony and less moorish with Reeds but the greatest part was green with grass at the time of my passing through it yet with grass most commonly thorney and good onely for Camels to eat The heat even in these Summer-months was alwayes supportable and provided a Man were shelter'd from the Sun the wind was continually so great and constant that it caus'd coolness though sometimes it molested us with the dust The nights were always sufficiently cool and to avoid catching cold it was requisite to be very well cover'd But to return to my purpose on the day above-said a good while before noon we stay'd to rest in a little Village of Arabians not subject to the Emir but Vassals of Aleppo call'd Ludehi lying in a fertile Valley irrigated with a running water From hence I dispatch'd my Servant Giovanni Rubehh with a Camelier to Aleppo which was about a League off and I writ Letters by him to the most Illustrious Sig Aluyse da Ca the Venetian Consul in that City and also to Doctor Luigi Ramiro his Physitian a Roman both by Birth and Education upon which account I hop'd that though I was unknown by sight he would nevertheless be favourable to me giving them account of my coming and desiring the Doctor to provide me a convenient residence for my self and the Women with me The Consul sent some of his servants to introduce us into the City without disturbance from the Turks or Custom-Officers which to me in regard of the Coffin wherein I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani was a great happiness for if it had been seen I might have found much trouble from the Turks as also by reason of the Books which I had in their Language some about matters of Religion which as it had hapned to some others at Aleppo 't is likely would have been taken from me After my Servant was gone we follow'd him till within a mile of Aleppo where we stay'd his return in a Meschita or Sepulchre upon the way of one Sceich Saadi venerated for a Saint and because either the Consul's Servants miss'd of me and took another way or else my Servant arriv'd there late therefore hearing of no Answer we remain'd in this place all night July the thirtieth In the Morning I writ again to the Consul and to Sig Giovan Maria de Bona his chief Interpreter and my ancient Friend to whom I had not written the day before because I beliv'd him dead as was falsely reported at Bassora but understanding in the said Meschita by certain Women that he was alive and well I would not omit to write to him also I gave account both to the Consul and to him where I was and desir'd of both the same favours of being met and provided of a habitation as I had done the day before As soon as my Letters arriv'd at Aleppo the Consul sent several persons to fetch me who the Evening before had sought me a good while but in vain and went to look for me at the Town of Ludehi whence I sent the first advice There came from the Consul's House Sig Andrea Buonanimi his Factor some Janizaries and other servants with whom came also some Officers of the Doganier or Chief-Customer Abedik an Armenian Christian the Consul intending by their means to render my entrance more facile and less suspected All of them conducted us to the Consul's House where by all means he would have me lodg having invited me so to do by a most courteous Letter which he had written the day before and his Factor presented to me before my entrance with many good Reasons now urging the same whereunto I knew not in civility how to gain-say The Customers came to search my Goods and to see whether we had any jewels conceal'd which they did civilly enough As for the Chest wherein the Body of Sitti Maani was and the Books partly by the authority of the Consul and the good management of my Friend Sig Giovan Maria de Bona his Interpreter and partly by a Present to the Doganier Abedick of fifty Piasters and a vestment of Damask worth thirty Piasters more to the Searcher who onely open'd the outward Chest wherein the Coffin lay under many Indian medicinal Herbs and saw nothing else but them and above thirty Piasters to several other Officers it was brought about that the Turks knew not what it was and nothing was spoken of it The Consul at first intended to receive my Women into his House but afterwards being told that it was not convenient by reason of the churlishness of the Turks who were now become more exorbitant than ever he thought to lodg them in another decent place but Sig Giovan Maria de Bona was pleas'd to take them to his House where-with I was very well contented because they could not go to a better place whilst separated from me They were receiv'd there and treated by the Women of Sig Giovan Maria with very great kindness F. Orsino and I remain'd in the Consul's House being entertain'd with the greatest Love and Courtesie imaginable And indeed he hath been extreamly obliging to me not onely in this particular but in all other matters occurring about my departure from Aleppo which we have determin'd to be shortly in some of the Dutch or French Ships which are now in the Port of Alexandretta ready to set sail upon the next fair wind and perhaps together in consort which in regard of the many Pirates now infesting the Medeterranean would be the securest way LETTER XII From a Ship-board in the Port of Della Saline of Cyprus Sept. 6. 1625. DUring my stay at Aleppo from whence I writ my last to you on the
to the Governor and also to a Jew his Minister which was afterwards given to them both After dinner Captain Fort Commander of the French Ship S. Anne wherein I was to imbarque came a shore and I agreed with him to go aboard that night though he puposed to stay two or three dayes longer in expectation of more lading before he set sail Accordingly after I had written to Aleppo and supp'd in the House of Sig Antonio Grandi I was carry'd aboard by the said Captain with all my people and onely those few goods which I had brought with me from Aleppo leaving all the rest to be first receiv'd by the said Sig Antonio and then convey'd to me by Sea more at leisure Thus after many years I quitted the Continent of Asia with a certain Resolution never to set foot upon it again unless arm'd and began my Voyage towards my desired Italy there being with me of Women Batoni Mariam Tinatin a Giorgian Virgin and faithful Companion of most of my Peregrinations Eugenia an Indian Maid of Scilan and of Men F. Fra Gregorio Orsino Vicar General of Armenia and my Servants Michel di Bengala commended to me at Goa by Sig Antonio Barraccio Giovan Robehh a Chaldean of Kiumalava and the two Syrians recommended to me by that Arch-Bishop namely Abdisciva and Hendi Nestorians August the nine and twentieth All my other goods together with the Coffin of Sitti Maani conceal'd in a ball of Cotton yarn were imbarqu'd thanks be to God without any disturbance The next day I took the height of the Sun in the Port of Alexandretta and found him decline at noon from the Zenith 28 degrees He was that day in the degree of Virgo The same day by the advice of Sig Antonio Grandi to prevent all further troubles which might arise from new searching of my goods and payment of half Gabels in case I should exchange the Ship wherein I was for a Flemish Vessel call'd the Neptune as I had formerly intended to do at Cyprus I determin'd to continue in the same Ship till I came either to Malta or Sicily and the rather because the Captain was a Person to my liking and all his people honest Catholicks with whom I promis'd my self most satisfaction Besides though the Flemish Ship was greater better arm'd and accompany'd with two others and consequently as to danger of Pirats more safe yet 't was known too that the Flemmings were at Truce with the Pirats and sometimes will not fight with them but being secure not to lose any thing of their own use to submit to them and let them take all the goods of other people that they have in their Ships without the least contest So that I had some reason not to trust my self with them although much perswaded thereunto by the Master of the Ship because perhaps in such case they would not have much car'd for securing me whom they hated upon the account of Religion On the other side though the French Ship wherein I imbarqu'd was small and unprovided of Artillery yet it was an excellent Sailer and safe enough from being overtaken by any Pirate provided it descry'd him first at a little distance and had but the least advantage For which purpose a Man was constantly plac'd upon the main-sail to make discoveries and as for being surpriz'd by the Pirats without fore-seeing them as 't was possible we might be in a Morning at day-break falling among them unawares so we hop'd God would preserve us from such misfortune Of this change of my Resolution I gave account in my Letters to Aleppo and I mention it here to the end that it may appear that my passing into Italy in so small and disarm'd a Ship was not folly or rashness as perhaps it may otherwise seem but a considerate determination prudently made upon weighty and important Reasons Accordingly after Sig Antonio Grandi had presented us many refreshments for the Voyage the same Evening a little before night we set sail September the first In the Evening we pass'd by Capo Chanzir or as 't is now commonly call'd Capo Porco lying thirty miles from Alexandretta and the next Evening we discover'd the Island of Cyprus where we were to touch and stay some dayes September the third In the Morning we doubled the Cape of S. Andrea on the South of the said Island being to put in at Porto della Saline or the Port of the Salt-pits which is now the principal and most frequented landing-place of Cyprus September the fourth We enter'd the said Port which lyes on the South part of Cyprus in a large Bay surrounded with Land spacious and secure enough for all sort of Ships It lyes two hundred miles from Alexandretta and is the Port where the Turkish Army landed when they took the Island As soon as we had enter'd we were visited in the Ship by Sig Dimitrio Todorini a prime Greek Merchant but not a Cypriot who offer'd me his House and Sig Giovan Francesco Parente a Venetian my ancient Friend and correspondent in Aleppo from whence upon certain discontents befallen him there he had betaken himself hither who visited me not onely upon his own account but also in the Name of Sig Alessandro Goneme the Venetian Consul in that Island who excus'd his not coming in Person for that he was just then call'd away by the Cadhi upon a certain business September the fifth The said Venetian Consul with Sig Parente and some others of his House visited me in the Ship And though I intended not to go ashore notwithstanding all his intreaties and invitations yet he resolutely refus'd to depart till I went with him Wherefore I obey'd him and went onely with one servant leaving F. Orsino and the Women in the Ship On the seaside I found some few dwellings and magazines or storehouses which are those that they properly call delle Saline from the Salt-pits hard by where the Turks have a small square Castle with a Plat-form and Artillery to guard the Sea but of little importance Here taking Horse we rode a little mile within Land to another Village call'd Larnaca where the Franks live for the most part and there we alighted at the Consul's House And because it was yet early after a little repose we went to the Franciscan's Church call'd Santa Maria and there heard Mass which was sung with the Office pro mortuis for the Soul of Sig Giovan Maria Parente Brother to Sig Francesco who the day before pass'd to a better Life In the Evening I visited Sig Dimitrio Todorini in his own House and lodg'd in that of the Consul I will not omit that the Venetians have alwayes a Consul at Cyprus who is not of the Nobility but of the Order of Eminent Citizens whereof many Secretaries of the Republick use to be so that though the Consul of Cyprus be not dependent upon him of Aleppo as Vice-Consuls are yet he of Aleppo as noble and a more principal Minister in these
drawn her picture with his own hand She is of a large and portly stature for a Woman and cannot thereby be known for other then a man Her breast is but like a young Girl 's and she told me she had us'd I know not what kind of Remedy to dry it and make it almost plain which Remedy was a Plaister given her by an Italian which at first put her to much pain but afterwards without doing her other hurt or corroding the flesh produc'd the effect sufficiently well Her Visage is not deform'd though not fair but some-what worn with age and her black short hair cut after the fashion of Men with a little lock as the mode also is at this day represents rather an Eunuch then a Woman She wears Clothes and a Sword after the Spanish manner and is well truss'd at the waste onely she carries her Head somewhat low and is a little thick shoulder'd In brief she rather resembles a weather-beaten Souldier than a fine Amorous Courtier Nothing but her Hand discovers her a Woman for it is some-what plump and fleshie although strong and robust and she moves it after a womanish manner June the eleventh After dinner F. Don Pietro Avitabile came to visit me and to receive instruction from me according to the command of the Congregation in order to his sudden Voyage June the fourteenth I visited the said Father in the Church of S. Silvester at Montecavallo and gave him the said Instruction in writing of which I also deliver'd another Copy to the Congregation De Propaganda Fide to the end they might supply the Father with many things which I judg'd necessary particularly with Briefs from the Pope to those Princes and with Letters of Recommendation to such Ambassadors of Catholick Princes as were at Constantinople through which he was to pass and to others who might help him upon the way June the five and twentieth F. Avitabile began his Voyage for Georgia together with one of his Companions nam'd F. Don Francesco Aprile intending to take F. Don Giacomo di Stefano and others at Messina five or six Fathers being design'd for this Mission but by my advice they divided into two Companies because I thought it best for the others either to follow these first after they should be advertis'd by them from Constantinople of the easiness of the passage or else take another way Those that went first carri'd his Holiness's Briefs to the four present Georgian Princes namely of Imeriti or Basciaive of Dadian or Odisci which is Mengrelia of Guriel and of Kacheti They also carry'd Letters from the Congregation to two Metroplitans to whom because it was not evident that they were Catholicks but rather suspected Schismaticks it was not convenient for the Pope to write Sundry fine things they carry'd likewise to present to the Princes and Metropolitans and to who-ever else it should be needful Their allowance from the Congregation was five hundred Crowns as much more being reserv'd for the other company of Fathers who were to follow besides that they were to collect many Alms for this purpose both of money and things to present at Rome Naples Messina and all the way they pass'd I took leave of them in the Evening at their own Church with many embraces and an appointment that they would continually communicate all Occurrences to me by Letters June the eight and twentieth The Pontifical Vespers being ended at S. Peter's the Pope in his Cope and Mitre was carry'd from the Church in his Chair to the Palace but before he came out of the Church-Gate the Spanish Ambassador Count d' Ognate who was arriv'd a few dayes before in place of the Duke of Pastrana presented himself according to the custom for of late years this Ceremony ha's been perform'd on S. Peter's Eve and not on the Feast day it self as formerly to give his Holiness a Gennet for the accustom'd Tribute of the Kingdom of Naples But before the Ambassador came to the Pope near whose Chair I stood and saw all very well the Treasurer of the Chamber came running to his Holiness and told him that the Ambassador brought not a Bill of so many thousand Crowns as use yearly to be presented together with the Gennet I know not whether they said it could not be made timely enough but should be done afterwards or whether it was made but not subscrib'd with those Cautions that were requisite but in summ the money was not ready And although they alledg'd that this hapned through negligence by reason of the new arrival of the Ambassador who was not well inform'd yet 't was believ'd that they design'd onely to try whether the Pope would let the business pass thus that so by degrees they might introduce a custom of paying no more money hereafter The Pope as I conceive apprehending their drift presently answer'd that without a good Bill he would not accept of the Gennet nor do that prejudice to the Apostolical Chamber wherefore if the Bill were not in order they should return back with the Gennet and bring both together the next Morning The Ambassador made suit to have the Gennet receiv'd presently promising that the Bill should be ready speedily The Pope reply'd that if Sig Marcello Sacchetti Brother of Card Sachetti who kept the publick accounts of the Exchequer and was then near the Pope would take security from the Ambassador he would be contented but he neither commanded the said Sig Marcello to take it nor would have him take it for his sake but he might do it if he pleas'd at the Ambassadors request The Spaniards perceiving there was no other way presently desir'd Sig Marcello to make the security which he very readily and courteously condescended to and thereupon by the Pope's Order made a publick writing in good form and his Holiness was contented to receive the Gennet which the Ambassador presented to him with the usual Ceremonies I was willing to relate this passage as a thing extraordinary which hapned in my time and presence So I humbly kiss your Hands From Rome July 11. 1626. LETTER XVIII From Rome August 1. 1626. ON Saint James's day the twenty fifth of July last past Intending to bury the Body of Sitti Maani Gioerida my Wife which I had brought with me so many Voyages in our Chappel of S. Paul belonging to the Church of Ara Coeli in the Capitol a place which besides being the ancient Sepulchre of my Ancestors is undoubtedly the Noblest and one of the Holiest in the world before I inclos'd it in a Coffin of Lead which I had prepar'd I resolv'd to open the innermost wooden Coffin that I might see how it was after so many years Accordingly I open'd the same in the presence of Sig ra Laura Gaetana my Cousin Silvia my Daughter Sig ra Maria and all the women of the House I found that the flesh of the Head which I could perceive at a rent of the Linnen which cover'd it was wholly consum'd
which they are made put to other uses is well-nigh worth the Silver they are rated at Their Silver Coyn is made either round or square but so thick as that it never breaks nor wears out They have pure Gold-Coyn likewise some pieces of great value but these are not very ordinarily seen amongst them I have now done with this Section wherein I have related much of the Commodities and Riches as before of the Provisions and Pleasures which are to be found in that vast Monarchy and I conceive nothing but what Truth will justifie And now lest that place I have describ'd should seem to be an earthly Paradise I must acquaint my Reader that the Contents there found by such as have lived in those parts are sour'd and sauc'd with many unpleasing things which he must needs know when he takes notice SECTION IV. Of the Discommodities Inconveniences and Annoyances that are to be found or met withall in this Empire AS the Poets feigned that the Garden ' of the Hesperides wherein were Trees that bare Golden Apples was guarded by a Serpent So there are stings here as well as fruits all considered together may not unfitly be resembled by those Locusts mention'd Rev. 9.7 8 10. verses Who had the Faces of Men and the Hair of Women and Crowns as of Gold on their Heads but they had too the Teeth of Lyons and the tayls of Scorpions and there were stings in those tayls Here are many things to content and please the enjoyers of them to make their life more comfortable but withall here are Teeth to tear and stings to kill All put together are nothing but a mixture made up as indeed all earthly things are of good and bad of bitter and sweet of what contents and of what contents not The Annoyances of these Countries are first many harmfull beasts of prey as Lyons Tygers Wolves Jackalls with others those Jackalls seem to be wild Doggs who in great companies run up and down in the silent night much disquieting the peace thereof by their most hideous noyse Those most ravenous Creatures will not suffer a Man to rest quietly in his Grave for if his Body be not buryed very deep they will dig him thence and bury as much of him again as they can consume in their hungry bellies In their Rivers are many Crocodiles and Latet anguis in herba on the Land not a few over-grown Snakes with other venemous and pernicious Creatures In our Houses there we often see Lizards shaped like unto Crocodiles of a sad green colour and but little Creatures the fear of whom presents its self most to the Eye for I do not know that they are hurtful There are many Scorpions to be seen which are oftentimes felt which creep into their houses especially in that time of the Rains whose stinging is most sensible and deadly if the Patient have not presently some oyl that is made of Scorpions to annoint the part affected which is a sudden and a certain cure But if the man can get the Scorpion that stung him as sometimes they do the oylie substance it affords being beaten in pieces suddenly applyed is a present help The sting of the Scorpion may be a very fit resemblance of the sting of Death the bitterness and anguish whereof nothing can asswage and cure so well as a serious consideration and a continual application of the thoughts of dying Facilè contemnit omnia qui cogitat se semper moriturum that man may trample upon every thing whose meditations are taken up with the thoughts of his Change He cannot dye but well who dyes daily daily in his preparations for death though he dye not presently The Scorpions are in shape like unto our Cra-fishes and not bigger and look black like them before they are boyled They have a little round tayl which turns up and lyes usually upon their backs at the end whereof is their sting which they do not put in and let out of their bodies as other venemous creatures do but it alwayes appears in their tayls ready to strike it is very sharp and hard and not long but crooked like the talon of an Hawk The abundance of Flyes like those swarms in Egypt Exod. 8.21 in those parts did likewise very much annoy us for in the heat of the day their numberless number was such as that we could not be quiet in any place for them they being ready to fly into our Cupps and to cover our Meat as soon as it was placed on the Table and therefore we had alwayes some of the Natives we kept there who were our Servants to stand round about us on purpose while we were eating with Napkins to fright them away And as in the day one kind of ordinary Flyes troubled us so in the night we were likewise very much disquieted with another sort called Musqueetoes like our Gnats but some-what less and in that season we were very much troubled with Chinches another sort of little troublesome and offensive creatures like little Tikes and these annoyed us two wayes as first by their biting and stinging and then by their stink From all which we were by far more free when we lodged in Tents as there we did much than when we abode in Houses where in great Cities and Towns to add unto the disquiets I before named there were such an abundance of large hungry Ratts that some of us were bitten in the night as we lay in our beds either on our Toes or Fingers or on the tips of our Ears or on the tops of our Noses or in any part of our Bodies besides which they could get into their Mouths The winds in those parts as I observed before which they call the Mont soone blow constantly one way altering but few points six months Southerly and six months Northerly The months of April May and the beginning of June till the Rain falls are so extremly hot as that the wind when it blows but gently receives such heat from the parched ground that the reflection thereof is ready to blister a Man's Face that receives the breath of it And if God did not provide for those parts by sending a breeze or breath or small gale of wind daily which some-what tempers that hot sulphureous Air there were no living in that Torrid Zone for us English who have been used to breathe in a temperate Climate and notwithstanding that benefit the Air in that place is so hot to us English that we should be every day stewed in our own moisture but that we stir very little in the heat of the day and have cloathing about us as thin as we can make it And no marvel for the coldest day in the whole year at noon unless it be in the time when those Rains fall is hotter there then the hottest day in England Yet I have there observed most strange and sudden changes of heat and cold within few hours as in November and December the most
women to a miserable death one of his women he had formerly touched and kept Company withall but now she was superannuated for neither himself nor Nobles as they say come near their wives or women after they exceed the age of thirty years though they keep them and allow them some maintenance The fault of that woman this the Mogol upon a time found her one of his Eunuchs kissing one another and for this very thing the King presently gave command that a round hole should be made in the earth and that her body should be put into that hole where she should stand with her head only above ground and the earth to be put in again unto her close round about her that so she might stand in the parching Sun till the extream hot beams thereof did kill her in which torment she lived one whole day and the night following and almost till the next noon crying out most lamentably while she was able to speak in her language as the Shunamits Child did in his 2 King 4. Ah my head my head Which horrid execution or rather murder was acted near our house where the Eunuch by the command of the said King was brought very near the place where this poor Creature was thus buried alive and there in her sight cut all into pieces That great King would be often overcome by Wine yet as if he meant to appropriate that sin to himself would punish others with very much severity who were thus distempered Sometimes for little or no faults the Mogol would cause men to be most severely whipt till they were almost ready to die under the rod which after they must kiss in thankfulness He caused one of his servants of the higher rank to be very much whipt for breaking a China-Cup he was commanded to keep safe and then sent him into China which is a marvellous distance from thence to buy another Sometimes in other of his mad distempers he would condemn men to servitude or dismember or else put them to death as sacrifices to his will and passion not Justice So that it might be said of him quando male nemo pejus that when he did wickedly none could do worse as if it had been true of him which was spoken of that monster Nero observed before who was called Lutum sanguine maceratum Dirt soaked in blood For his good actions he did relieve continually many poor people and not seldom would shew many expressions of duty and strong affection to his Mother then living so that he who esteemed the whole world as his Vassals would help to carry her in a Palankee upon his shoulders The Mogol would often visit the Cells of those he esteemed religious men whose Persons he esteemed sacred as if they had been Demigods And he would speak most respectively of our blessed Saviour Christ but his Parentage his poverty and his cross did so confound his thoughts that he knew not what to think of them Lastly the Mogol is very free and noble unto all those which fall into and abide in his affection which brings me now to speak SECTION XXVI Of the exceeding great Pensions the Mogol gives unto his Subjects how they are raised and how long they are continued c. WHich great revenues that many of them do enjoy makes them to live like great Princes rather than other men Now for those Pensions which are so exceeding great the Mogol in his far extended Monarchy allows yearly pay for one Million of Horse and for every Horse and Man about eighteen pounds sterling per annum which is exactly paid every year raised from Land and other Commodities which that Empire affords and appointed for that purpose Now some of the Mogol's most beloved Nobles have the pay of six thousand horse and there are others at the least twenty in his Empire which have the pay of 5000 horse exceeding large Pensions above the revenue of any other Subjects in the whole World they amounting unto more than one hundred thousand pounds yearly unto a particular man Now others have the pay of four thousand horse others of three or two or one thousand horse and so downward and these by their proportions are appointed to have horses always in readiness well mann'd and otherwise appointed for the Kings service so that he who hath the pay of five or six thousand must always have one thousand in readiness or more according to the Kings need of them and so in proportion all the rest which enables them on a sudden to make up the number at the least of two hundred thousand horse of which number they have always at hand one hundred thousand to wait upon the King wheresoever he is There are very many private men in Cities and Towns who are Merchants or Trades-men that are very rich but it is not safe for them that are so so to appear lest that they should be used as fill'd Sponges But there is never a Subject in that Empire who hath Land of inheritance which he may call his own but they are all Tenants at the will of their King having no other title to that they enjoy besides the Kings favour which is by far more easily lost than gotten It is true that the King advanceth many there unto many great honours and allows them as before marvellous great revenues but no Son there enjoys either the Titles or Means of his Father that hath had Pensions from that King for the King takes possession of all when they are dead appointing their Children some competent means for their subsistence which they shall not exceed if they fall not into the Kings affection as their Fathers did wherefore many great men in this Empire live up to the height of their means and therefore have a very numerous train a very great retinue to attend upon them which makes them to appear like Princes rather than Subjects Yet this their necessary dependance on their King binds them unto such base subjection as that they will yield with readiness unto any of his unreasonable and willful commands As Plutarch writes of the Souldiers of Scipio Nullus est horum qui non conscensa turri semet in mare praecipaturus sit si jussero There was never a one in his Army by his own report that would not for a word of his mouth have gone up into a Tower and cast himself thence head-long into the Sea and thus the people here will do any thing the King commands them to do so that if he bid the Father to lay hands of violence upon his Son or the Son upon his Father they will do it rather than the will of the King should be disobeyed Thus forgetting Nature rather than Subjection And this tye of theirs I say upon the Kings favour makes all his Subjects most servile flatterers for they will commend any of his actions though they be nothing but cruelty so any of his speeches though nothing but folly And