hath gotten by his iourny about the world by his aduentures to the west Indies the scourges he hath laid vpon the Spanish nation I leaue to the Southerne parts to speake of refer you to The Booke extanâ— in our own language treating of y e same beseech you considering the waighty matters they haue in all the course of their liues with wonderfull reputation managed that you wil esteeme them not wel informed of their proceedings that thinke them insufficient to passe through that which they vndertooke especially hauing gone thus far in the view of the world through so many incombrances disappointed of those agreements which led them y t rather to vndertake the seruice But it may be you wil thinke me herein either to much opinionated of the voiage or conceited of the Commanders y e labouring thus earnestly to aduance the opinion of them both haue not so much as touched any part of the misorders weaknes wants that haue bene amongst vs whereof they that returned did plentifully report True it is I haue conceiued a great opinion of the iourney do thinke honorably of the Commanders for we find in greatest antiquities that many Commanders haue bene receiued home with triumph for lesse merite that our owne countrey hath honored men heretofore with admiration for aduentures vnequal to this it might therfore in those daies haue seemed superfluous to extend any mans commendations by particular remembrances for that then all men were ready to giue euery man his due But I hold it most necessary in these daies sithence euery vertue findeth her direct opposite actions woorthy of all memory are in danger to be enuiously obscured to denounce the prayses of the action and actors to the ful but yet no further then with sinceritie of trueth not without grieuing at the iniury of this time wherein is enforced a necessitie of Apologies for those men matters which all former times were accustomed to entertaine with the greatest applause that might be But to answere the reports which haue bene giuen out in reproch of the actors and action by such as were in the same let no man thinke otherwise but that they who fearing the casuall accidents of war had any purpose of returning did first aduise of some occasion that should moue them thereunto and hauing found any whatsoeuer did thinke it sufficiently iust in respect of the earnest desire they had to seeke out matter that might colour their comming home Of these there were some who hauing noted the late Flemish warres did finde that many yong men haue gone ouer and safely returned souldiers within fewe moneths in hauing learned some wordes of Arte vsed in the warres and thought after that good example to spend like time amongst vs which being expired they beganne to quarrell at the great mortalitie that was amongst vs. The neglect of discipline in the Armie for that men were suffered to be drunke with the plentie of wines The scarsitie of Surgions The want of carriages for the hurt and sicke and the penurie of victuals in the Campe Thereupon diuining that there would be no good done And that therefore they could be content to lose their time and aduenture to returne home againe These men haue either coÌ„ceiued wel of their owne wits who by obseruing the passages of the warre were become sufficieÌ„t souldiers in these fewe weeks did long to be at home where their discourses might be wondred at or missing of their Portegues and Milrayes which they dreamed on in Portugall would rather returne to their former maner of life then attend the ende of the iourney For seeing that one hazard brought another and that though one escaped the bullet this day it might light vpon him tomorow the next day or any day and that the warre was not confined to any one place but y t euery place brought foorth new enemies they were glad to see some of the poore souldiers fal sicke y t fearing to be infected by them they might iustly desire to go home The sicknesse I confesse was great because any is too much But hath it bene greater then is ordinary amongst Englishmen at their first entrance into the warres whither soeuer they goe to want the fulnesse of their flesh pots Haue not ours decayed at all times in France with eating yong fruits and drinking newe wines haue they not abundantly perished in the Low countreys with â—old and rawnesse of the aire euen in their garrisons Haue there not more died in London in sixe moneths of the plague then double our Armie being at the strongest And could the Spanish Armie the last yeere who had all prouisions that could be thought on for an Armie and tooke the fittest season in the yeere for our Climate auoyd â—icknes amongst their souldiers May it then be thought that ours could escape there where they found inordinate heat of weather and hot wines to distemper them withall But can it be that wee haue lost so many as the common sort perswade themselues wee haue It hath bene prooued by stricke examinations of our musters that we were neuer in our fulnesse before our going from Plimouth 11000. souldiers not aboue 2500. Marriners It is also euident that there returned aboue 6000. of all sorts as appeareth by the seuerall paiments made to them since our comming home And I haue truely shewed you that of these numbers very neere 3000. forsooke the Armie at the Sea whereof some passed into France and the rest returned home So as we neuer being 13000. in all and hauing brought home aboue 6000. with vs you may see how the world hath bene seduced in beleeuing that we haue lost 16000. men by sicknes To them that haue made question of the gouernment of the warres little knowing what appertaineth thereunto in that there were so many drunkards amongst vs I answere that in their gouernment of shires and parishes yea in their very housholdes themselues can hardly bridle their vassals from that vice For we see it is a thing almost impossible at any your Faires or publique assemblies to finde any quarter thereof sober or in your Townes any Alepoles vnfrequented And we obserue that though any man hauing any disordered persons in their houses do locke vp their drinke and set Butlers vpon it that they will yet either by indirect meanes steale themselues drunke from their Masters tables or runne abroad to seeke it If then at home in the eyes of your Iustices Maiors Preachers and Masters and where they pay for euery pot they take they cannot be kept from their liquor doe they thinke that those base disordered persons whom themselues sent vnto vs as liuing at home without rule who hearing of wine doe long for it as a daintie that their purses could neuer reach to in England and hauing it there without mony eueÌ„ in their houses where they lie hold their guard can be kept from being drunk and once drunke held
come in that order did perswade vs to submit and yeelde our selues vnto them for being naked as we at this time were and without weapon we could not make any resistance whose bidding we obeied and vpon the yeelding of our selues they perceiued vs to be Christians and did call for more Canoas and caried vs ouer by foure and foure in a boaâ—â— and being come on the other side they vnderstanding by our captaine how long we had bene without meate imparted between two and two a loafe of bread made of that countrey wheat which the Spaniards call Maiz of the bignesse of our halfepenie loaues which bread is named in the Indian tongue Clashacally This bread was very sweete and pleasant vnto vs for we had not eaten any in a long time before and what is it that hunger doth not make to haue a sauory and a delicate taste And hauing thus parted the bread amongst vs those which were men they sent afore to the towne hauing also many Indians inhabitants of that place to garde them they which were yong as boyes and some such also as were feeble they tooke vp vpon their horses behind thâ—m and so caried vs to the towne where they dwelt which was very neere distant a mile from the place where we came ouer This towne is well situated and well replenished with all kindes of fruits as Orenges Limons Pomegranates Apricoks and Peaches and sundry others and is inhabited with a great number of tame Indians or Mexicans and had in it also at that time about the number of two hundred Spaniards men women and children besides Negros Of their Salines which lie vpon the West side of the riuer more then a mile distant from thence they make a great profit for it is an excellent good merchandize there the Indians doe buy much thereof and carie it vp into the countrey and there sell it to their owne countrey people in doubling the price Also much of the Salt made in this place is transported from thence by sea to sundry other places as to Cuba S. Iohn de Vllua and the other ports of Tamiago and Tamachos which are two barred hauens West and by South aboue threescore leagues from S. Iohn de Vllua When we were all come to the towne the Gouernour there shewed himselfe very seuere vnto vs and threatned to hang vs all and then he demanded what money wee had which in trueth was very little for the Indians which we first met withall had in a maner taken all from vs and of that which they left the Spaniards which brought vs ouer tooke away a good part also howbeit from Anthony Godard the Gouernour here had a chaine of gold which was giuen vnto him at Carthagena by the Gouernour there and from others he had some small store of money so that wee accounted that amongst vs all he had the number of fiue hundred Pezos besides the chaine of gold And hauing thus satisfied himselfe when he had taken all that we had he caused vs to be put into a little house much like a hogstie where we were almost smoothered and before we were thus shut vp into that little coat they gaue vs some of the countrey wheate called Mayz sodden which they feede their hogs withall But many of our men which had bene hurt by the Indians at our first comming on land whose wounds were very sore and grieuous desired to haue the helpe of their Surgeons to cure their wounds The gouernour and most of them all answered that wee should haue none other Surgeon but the hangman which should sufficiently heale vs of all our griefes and thus reuiling vs and calling vs English dogs and Lutheran heretikes we remained the space of three dayes in this miserable state not knowing what should become of vs waiting every houre to be bereaued of our liues Chap. 4. Wherin is shewed how we were vsed in Panuco and in what feare of death we were there and how we were caried to Mexico to the Viceroy and of our imprisonment there and at Tescuco with the courtesies and cruelties wee receiued during that time and how in the end wee were by proclamation giuen to serue as slaues to sundry gentlemen Spaniards VPon the fourth day after our comming thither and there remaining in a perplexitie looking euery houre when we should suffer death there came a great number of Indians and Spaniards weaponed to fetch vs out of the house and amongst them wee espied one that brought a great many of new halters at the sight whereof we were greatly amazed and made no other account but that we should presently haue suffered death and so crying and calling to God for mercie and forgiuenesse of our sinnes we prepared our selues making vs ready to die yet in the end as the sequel shewed their meaning was not so for when wee were come out of the house with those halters they bound our armes behind vs and so coupling vs two and two together they commanded vs to march on through the towne and so along the countrey from place to place toward the citie of Mexico which is distant from Panuco West and by South the space of ninetie leagues hauing onely but two Spaniards to conduct vs they being accompanied with a great number of Indians warding on either side with bowes and arrowes lest we should escape from them And trauelling in this order vpon the second day at night we came vnto a towne which the Indians call Nohele and the Spaniards call it Santa Maria in which towne there is a house of white friers which did very courteously vse vs and gaue vs hote meat as mutton and broth and garments also to couer our selues withal made of white bayes we fed very greedily of the meat and of the Indian fruit called Nochole which fruit is long and small much like in fashion to a little cucumber Our greedy feeding caused vs to fall sicke of hote burning agues And here at this place one Thomas Baker one of our men died of a hurt for he had bene before shot with an arrow into the throat at the first incounter The next morrow about ten of the clocke we departed from thence bound two two together and garded as before and so trauailed on our way toward Mexico till we came to a towne within forty leagues of Mexico named Mestitlan where is a house of blacke friers and in this towne there are about the number of three hundred Spaniards both men women and children The friers sent vs meat from the house ready dressed and the friers and the men and women vsed vs very courteously and gaue vs some shirts and other such things as we lacked Here our men were very sicke of their agues and with eating of another fruit called in the Indian tongue Guiaccos which fruit did binde vs so sore that for the space of tenne or twelue dayes we could not ease our selues The next morning we departed from thence with our two
of the yeere required to returne for England I desired pasport and post horses for money which was granted but hauing receiued my pasport ready to depart there came vnto our house there Osep Napea who perswaded me that I should not depart that day saying that the Emperor was not truely informed imputing great fault to the frowardnesse of the Secretary who was not my friend before whom comming againe the next day and finding the same Secretary and Osep Napea together after many allegations and obiections of things and perceiuing that I would depart I was willed to remaine vntill the Emperours Maiestie were spoken with againe touching my passage wherewith I was content within three dayes after sending for me he declared that the Emperours pleasure was that I should not onely passe thorow his dominions into Persia but also haue his Graces letters of commendations to forren princes with certaine his affaires committed to my charge too long here to rehearse whereupon I appointed my selfe for the voyage the 15 day of March the yeere aforesaid I dined againe in his Maiesties presence in company of an Ambassadour of Persia and others and receiuing a cup of drinke at his Maiesties hands I tooke my leaue of his Highnesse who did not onely giue me letters as aforesayd but also committed matter of importance and charge vnto me to be done â—hen I should arriue in those countreys whither I intended to go and hauing all things in readinesse for the same voyage I departed from the city of Mosco the 27 day of April 1562 downe by the great riuer of Volga in company of the said Ambassadour of Persia with whom I had great friendship and conference all the way downe the same riuer vnto Astracan where we arriued all in health the 10 day of Iune And as touching the situations of the cities townes castles and countreys aswell of Mahometans as also of Gentils adioyning to the same whereby I passed from Mosco vnto Astracan I omit in this breuiat to rehearse for that I heretoâ—ore haue declared the same most ampâ—y vnto you in my voyage to Boghar Thus being arriued at Astracan as is aforesayd I repaiâ—ed vnto the captaine there vnto whom I was commended from the Emperours Maiesty with great charge that he not only should ayd and succor me with all things needfull during my abode there but also to safeconduct me with 50 gunners wel appointed in two stroogs or brigantines into the Caspian sea vntil I had passed certaine dangerous places which pirats rouers do accustome to harme and hauing prepared my barke for the sea the Ambassador of Persia being before departed in a barke of his owne the 15 day of Iuly the yeere aforesayd I and my company tooke our voyage from the sayd Astracan and the next day at a West sunne passed the mouth of the said riuer being twenty miles distant lying next Southeast The 18 at a Southwest sunne we passed by three Islands being distant nine miles from the said mouth of Volga and Southsouthwest from thence sailing Southsouthwest the next day at a West by North sun we fel with the land called Challica Ostriua being foure round Islands together distant from the said three Islands forty miles From thence sailing the said course the next day we had sight of a land called Tuke in the countrey of Tumen where pirats and rouers do vse for feare of whom we haled off into the sea due East forty miles and fell vpon shallowes out of the sight of land and there were like to haue perished escaping most hardly then the 22 day we had sight of a goodly Island called Chatalet distant from the said Challica Ostriua an hundred miles the winde being contrary and a stiffe gale we were not able to seize it but were forced to come to an anker to the leeward of the same sixe miles off in three or foure fathom water being distant from the maine land to the Westward of vs which was called Skafcayl or Connyk a countrey of Mahometans about 〈◊〉 miles and so riding at two ankers a head hauing no other prouision we lost one of them the storme and sâ—a being growen very sore and thereby our barke was so full of leaks that with continuall pumping we had much adoe to keepe her aboue water although we threw much of our goods ouerboord with losse of our boat and our selues thereby in great danger like to haue perished either in the sea or els vpon the lee shore where we should haue fallen into the hands of those wicked infidels who attended our shipwracke and surely it was very vnlike that we should haue escâ—ped both the extremities but onely by the power and mercy of God for the storme continued seuen dayes to wit vntill the thirtieth day of the same moneth and then the winde comming vp at the West with faire weather our anker weyed and our saile displayed lying South the next day haling to the shore with a West sunne we were nie a land called by the inhabitants Shyruansha and there we came againe to an anker hauing the winde contrary being distant from the said Chatalet 150 miles and there we continued vntill the third day of August then hauing a faire winde winding Southsoutheast and sailing threescore miles the next day at a Southeast sunne we arriued at a city called Derbent in the king of Hircans dominion where comming to land and saluting the captaine there with a present he made to me and my company a dinner and there taking fresh water I departed This city of Derbent is an ancient towne hauing an olde castle therein being situated vpon an hill called Castow builded all of free stone much after our building the walles very high and thicke and was first erected by king Alexander the great when he warred against the Persians and Medians and then hee made a wall of a woonderfull height and thicknesse extending from the same city to the Georgians yea vnto the principall city thereof named Tewflish which wall though it be now rased or otherwise dâ—cayed yet the foundation remaineth the wall was made to the intent that the inhabitants of that countrey then newly conquered by the said Alexander should not lightly flee nor his enemies easily inuade This city of Derbent being now vnder the power of the Sophy of Persia bordereth vpon the sea adioyning to the foresaid land of Shalfcall in the latitude of 41 degrees From thence sailing Southeast and Southsoutheast about 80 miles the sixt day of August the yere aforesaid we arriued at our landing place called Shabran where my barke discharged the goods layd on shore and there being in my tent keeping great watch for feare of rouers wherof there is great plenty being field people the gouernor of the said countrey named Alcan Murcy comming vnto me entertained me very gently vnto whom giuing a present he appointed for my
since he had written a letter to them warning them that they should not go for gunshot began to faile and the men were wasted by slaying and hurting at the assaults in great quantity and if they abode still and gaue no more assaults at the last the towne should be theirs And diuers other things the seruant sayd of his master of the which I haue spoken part before at the beginning and of the warning that he gaue to the great Turke for to come But to returne to the plaine of Italy After many battels and assaults done in the sayd place by continuall shot of seuenteene great gunnes that beat the sayd plaine the repaires and trauerses were almost broken and lost And by trenches the enemies were come ioyning to the breach and neuer ceased to grace the earth and scrape the earth to cause the repaires trauerses to fall and at the last the most part fell downe our men were constrained to leaue the sayd plaine saue a caâ—â—ell that was toward the sea as it were the third part thereof Certaine dayes afore the enemies came to the foot of the plaine and did cut it and rased the earth at the last they passed thorow vnto the towne wall and anon began to hew and cut as they did at that of Spaine The lord great master seeing that anon cast down a part of the church of our Lady de la Victoria and of an other church of S. Panthalion And within they began to make the repaires and trauerses as at the place of Spaine whereto was made extreme diligence but not such as the lord would and as was needfull because there were no labourers for to helpe After that the enemies had woon the most part of the bulwarke of England the plaine of Italy they purposed to make assault to the sayd plaine and to the breach of Spaine and to enter into our repaires to winne them for to make an end of vs. And for euer to affeeble the repaires and for to abash vs the 28 day of Nouember all along the day and night they ceased not to shoot great artillery both from the brimmes of the ditches with those great pieces casting stones of nine eleuen foot about and from the mantellets without And as it was reckoned they shot the same day and night 150 times or more against our repaires and trauerses of the wall And in the morning the 29 day of the same moneth the vigill of S. Andrew at the spring of the day the enemies went thorow the breach with their banners and entred into the repaires with greater number of people then they did at the great battell in September hardily and furiously for to fight with vs. But at their comming in the artillery of the trauerses and the handgunnes and the gunshot of the milles found them so well and so sharply that he that came in was anon dispatched and ouerthrowen and there abode aboue 2000 of the Turks slaine The other that came after seeing their fellowes so euill welcommed as people that were astonied and lost they turned againe to their trenches at whome the artillery of the milles shot victoriously and hasled them to go apace and by report from the campe there died sixe thousand or mo that day the which day might be called very happy and well fortunate for vs thanked be God for there was none that thought to escape that day but to haue died all and lost the â—owne howbeit the pleasure of our Lord was by euident miracle to haue it otherwise and the enemies were chased and ouercome And it is to be noted that theÌ„ same day the raine was so great and so strong that it made the earth to sincke a great deale that they had cast into the ditches for to couer them from the shot of Auuergne And the sayd earth being so suncken the artillery of the sayde bulwarke vnwares to them smote them going and comming and made great murder of the sayd dogges The sayd day also the enemies came to the plaine of Italy for to assault it but when they vnderstood that their fellowes had bene put backe so rudely and with so great slaughter they were afrayd and so they returned againe to their trenches How the Turks got the plaine ground of Spaine ANd that done Acmek Basha seeing their businesse euery day goe from woorse to woorse and that at the assaults were but losse of people without doing of any good and that there was no man that willingly would go to it any more he intended to giue no more assaults but to follow his trenches and by them enter couertly without losse of a man from the breach to the other end of the towne Semblably he intended for to winne the plaine earth beside Spaine the which to get he came at pleasure to the foot of the wall began to beat downe the plaine ground and to giue many skirmishes and conflicts to our folke that kept it And there were slaine many good men And at the last for default of more helpe and of gunshot it was left and giuen vp of our men and so lost That done the enemies came thither as in other places And this is the third place where they came nere to the foot of the wall And whoso wel considered in what estate the poore towne was at that time seeing their enemies haue so great aduantage might well say and iudge that at length it should be taken and a lost towne How a Genouois came to the gate of the towne for to speake for a treaty and deliuerance of the same A Few dayes after the saide iourney a Christian man that was in the campe the which by his speech was a Genouois or Siotis came to the gate of Auuergne and demanded to parle and after that he was demanded what he would haue he sayd that he had maruell of vs why we would not yeeld our selues seeing the pitious estate the towne was in and he as a Christian man counselled vs to yeeld our selues with some agreement and that if we would looke thereto that some should be found expedient to do somewhat for our safegard And it is very like that he sayd not such words nor spake so farforth in the matter without commission froÌ„ some of the chiefe of the campe or of the great Turke himselfe To the which Siotis was answered that he should go away with an euill hap and that it needed not to speake of appointment and that though the enemies had great aduantage there was yet enough wherewith to receiue and feast them if they made any assault These words heard he went away and two dayes after he came againe and demanded to speake with a marchant Genouois of the towne named Matthew de Vra and he was answered that he which he demanded was sicke and might not come but that he should deliuer the letter and it should be giuen to him The sayd Siotis sayd nay and that he would giue
cary me ouer the lands end whose name was M. Wood and with all speede I valed downe that night 10 miles to take the tide in the morning which happily I did and that night came to Douer and there came to an anker and there remained vntill tuesday meeting with the worthy knight sir Anthony Aucher owner of the saide ship The 11 day we arriued in Plimoth and the 13 in the morning we set forward on our voyage with a prosperous winde and the 16 we had sight of Cape Finister on the coast of Spaine The 30 we arriued at Cades and there discharged certaine marchandise and tooke others aboord The 20 of February we departed from Cades passed the straights of Gibraltar that night and the 25 we came to the I le of Mallorca and staied there fiue daies with contrary windes The first of March we had sight of Sardenna and the fift of the said monthâ— wee arriued at Messina in Sicilia and there discharged much goods and remained there vntill good Fryday in Leâ—t The chiefe marchant that laded the sayd Barke Aucher was a marchant stranger called Anselm Saluago and because the time was then very dangerous and no going into Leuant especially to Chio without a safe conduct from the Turke the said Anselm promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher that we should receiue the same at Messina But I was posted from thence to Candia and there I was answered that I should send to Chio and there I should haue my safe conduct I was forced to send one and hee had his answere that the Turke would giue none willing me to looke what was best for me to doe which was no small trouble to me considering I was bound to deliuer the goods that were in the ship at Chio or send them at mine aduenture The marchants without care of the losse of the ship would haue compelled me to goe or send their goods at mine aduenture the which I denied and sayd plainely I would not goe because the Turkes gallies were come forth to goe against Malta but by the French kings means he was perswaded to leaue Malta and to goe to Tripoly in Barbary which by the French he wan In this time there were in Candia certaine Turkes vessels called Skyrasas which had brought wheat thither to sell and were ready to depart for Turkie And they departed in the morning be times carying newes that I would not goe foorth the same night I prepared beforehande what I thought good without making any man priuie vntill I sawe time Then I had no small businesse to cause my mariners to venture with the ship in such a manifest danger Neuerthelesse I wan them to goe all with me except three which I set on land and with all diligence I was readie to set foorth about eight of the clocke at night being a faire moone shine night went out Then my 3 marriners made such requests vnto the rest of my men to come aborde as I was constrained to take them in And so with good wind we put into the Archipelago being among the Ilands the winde scanted I was forced to anker at an Iland called Micone where I taried 10 or 12 daies hauing a greeke Pilot to carrie the ship to Chio. In this meane season there came many small botes with mysson sayles to goe for Chio with diuerse goods to sell the Pilot requested me that I would let them goe in my company to which I yeelded After the sayde dayes expired I wayed set saile for the Iland of Chio with which place I fel in the after noone whereupon I cast to seaward againe to come with the Iland in the morning betimes The foresaid smal vessels which came in my company departed from me to win the shore to get in y e night but vpon a sudden they espied 3 foystes of Turkes comming vpon them to spoyle them My Pilot hauing a sonne in one of those small vessels entreted me to cast about towards them which at his request I did and being some thing farre from them I caused my Gunner to shoot a demy-coluering at a foyst that was readie to enter one of the botes This was so happy a shott that it made the Turke to fall a sterne of the bote and to leaue him by the which meanes hee escaped Then they all came to me and requested that they might hang at my sterne vntill day light by which time I came before the Mole of Chio and sent my bote on land to the marchants of that place to send for their goods out of hand or else I would returne back with all to Candia they should fetch their goods there But in fine what by perswasion of my merchants English men those of Chio I was entreated to come into the harbour and had a safe assurance for 20 dayes against the Turkes army with a bond of the citie in the summe of 12000 ducats So I made hast solde such goods as I had to Turkes that came thither put all in order with as much speede as I could fearing the comming of the Turkes nauie of the which the chiefe of the citie knew right wel So vpon the sudden they called me of great friendship in secret told me I had no way to saue my selfe but to be gone for said they we be not able to defend you that are not able to help our selues for the Turke where he commeth taketh what he will leaueth what he list but the chiefe of the Turkes set order y â— none shal do any harme to the people or to their goods This was such news to me that indeed I was at my wits end was brought into many imaginations how to do for that the winde was contrarie In fine I determined to goe foorth But the marchants English men and other regarding more their gaines then the ship hindered me very much in my purpose of going foorth and made the marriners to come to me to demaund their wages to be payed them out of hande and to haue a time to employ the same there But God prouided so for me that I paied them their money that night and then charged them that if they would not lâ—t the ship foorth I would make them to answere the same in England with danger of their heads Many were married in England and had somewhat to loose those did sticke to me I had twelue gunners the Master gunner who was a madde brayned fellow and the owners seruant had a parlament betweene themselues and he vpon the same came vp to me with his sword drawen swearing that hee had promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher to liue and die in the sayde shippe against all that should offer any harme to the shippe and that he would fight with the whole armie of the Turkes and neuer yeelde with this fellow I had much to doeâ— but at the last I made him confesse his
are such as haue bene Priests and their wiues dying they must become Friers of this place and neuer after eate flesh for if they do they are depriued from saying masse neither after they haue taken vpon them this order may they marry againe but they may keepe a single woman These Greekish Friers are very continent and chast and surely I haue seldome seen which I haue well noted any of them fat The 8. day we returned to Arnacho and rested there The 9. after midnight my company rid to the hill called Monte de la Croce but I not disposed would not go which hill is from Arnacho 15. Italian miles Upon the sayd hill is a certaine crosse which is they say a holy Crosse. This Crosse in times past did by their report of the Island hang in the ayre but by a certaine earthquake the crosse and the chappell it hung in were ouerthrowen so that neuer since it would hang againe in the aire But it is now couered with siluer and hath 3. drops of our lordes blood on it as they â—ay and there is in the midâ—t oâ— the great câ—osse a little crosse made of the crosse of Christ but it is closed in the siluer you must if you will beleeue it is so for see it you cannot This crosse hangeth nowe by both endes in the wall that you may swing it vp and downe in token that it did once hang in the aire This was told mee by my fellow pilgrimes for I sawe it not The 10. at night we went aboord by warning of the patron and the 11. in the morning we set saile and crept along the shore but at night we ankered by reason of contrary windes The 12. we set saile toward Limisso which is from Salines 50. miles and there we went on land that night The 13. and 14. we remained still on land and the 15. the patrone sent for vs but by reason that one of our company was not well we went not presently but we were forced afterward to hire a boate and to ouertake the ship tenne miles into the sea At this Limisso all the Venetian ships lade wine for their prouision and some for to sell and also vineger They lade also great store of Carrobi for all the countrey there about adioining and all the mountaines are full of Carrobi trees they lade also cotton wooll there In the sayd towne we did see a certaine foule of the land whereof there are many in this Island named in the Italian tongue Vulture It is a fowle that is as big as a Swanne and it liueth vpon carion The skinne is full of soft doune like to a fine furre which they vse to occupie when they haue euill stomacks and it maketh good digestion This bird as they say will eate as much at one meale as shall serue him fortie dayes after and within the compasse of that time careth for no more meate The countrey people when they haue any dead beast they cary it into the mountaines or where they suppose the sayd Uultures to haunt they seeing the carion doe immediately greedily seaze vpon it and doe so ingraft their talents that they cannot speedily rise agayne by reason whereof the people come and kâ—ll them sometimes they kill them with dogs and somtimes with such weapons as they haue This foule is very great and hardy much like an Eagle in the feathers of her wings and backe â—ut vnder her great feathers she is onely doune her necke also long and full of doune She hath on the necke bone betweene the necke and the shoulders a heape of fethers like a Tassell her thighs vnto her knees are couered with doune her legs strong and great and dareth with hâ—r taâ—ents assault a man They haue also in this Island a certaine small bird much like vnto a Wagtaile in fethers and making these are so extreme fat that you can perceiue nothing els in all their bodies these birds are now in season They take great quantiâ—ie of them and they vse to pickle them with vineger and salt and to put them in pots and send thâ—m to Venice and other places of Italy for presents of great estimation They say they send almost 1200. Iarres or pots to Venice besides those which are consumed in the Island which are a great number These are so plentiâ—ull that when there is no shipping you may buy them for 10. Carchies which come are 4. to a Veneâ—iâ—â— Soldo which is peny farthing the dozen and when there is store of shipping 2. pence the dozen after that rate of their money They of the limiâ—es of Famagusta do keep the statutes of y e Frenchmen which sometimes did rule there And the people of Nicosia obserue the order of the Genoueses who sometimes also did rule them All this day we lay in the sea with little wind The 16. we met a Venetian ship and they willing to speake with vs and we with them made towards each other but by reason of the euil stirrage of the other ship we had almost boorded each other to our great danger Toward night we ankered vnder Cauo Bianco but because the winde grew faire we set saile againe presently The 17.18.19 and 20. we were at sea with calme sommer weather and the 20. we had some raine and saw another Cion in the element This day also we sawe and spake with a Venetian ship called el Bonna bound for Ciprus The 21. we sailed with a reasonable gale and saw no land vntil the 4. of Nouember This day we had raine thunder lightening and much wind and stormie weather but God be praised we escaped all dangers The 4. of Nouember we had first sight of the Island of Candia and we fell with the Islands called Gozi by South of Candia This day departed this present life one of our company named Anthonie Gelber of Prussia who onely tooke his surfet of Cyprus wine This night we determined to ride a trie because the wind was contrary and the weather troublesome The 5. we had very rough stormie weather This day was the sayd Anthonie Gelber sowed in a Chauina filled with stones and throwen into the sea By reason of the freshnes of the wind we would haue made toward the shore but the wind put vs to the sea where we endured a great storme and a troublesome night The 6.7 and 8. we were continually at the sea this day at noone the wind came faire whereby we recouered the way which we had lost and sailed out of sight of Candia The 9. we sailed all day with a prosperous wind after 14. mile aâ— houre and the 10. in the morning wee had sight of Cauo Matapan and by noone of Cauo Gallo in Morea with which land we made by reason of contrary wind like wise we had sight of Modon vnder the which place we ankered This Modon is a strong towne and built
fourth we set saile the seuenth we came to Salina which is 140 miles from Tripolis there we stayed foure dayes to take in more lading in which meane time I fell sicke of an ague but recouered againe I praise God Salina is a ruinated citie and was destroyed by the Turke ten yeeres past there are in it now but seuenteene persons women and children A litle from this citie of Salina is a salt piece of ground where the water groweth salt that raineth vpon it Thursday the 21 of September we came to Missagh there we stayed eight dayes for our lading the 18 of September before we came to Missagh and within ten miles of the towne as we lay at an anker because the winde was contrary there came a great boatfull of men to boord vs they made an excuse to seeke for foure men which they said our ship had taken from theirs about Tripolis but our captaine would not suffer any of them to come in to vs. The next morning they came to vs againe with a great gally manned with 500 men at y e least whereupon our captaine sent the boat to them with twelue men to know their pleasure they said they sought for 4 men and therfore would talke with our maister so then the maisters mate was sent them and him they kept and went their way the next morning they came againe with him with three other gallies and then would needes speake with our captaine who went to them in a gowne of crimson damaske and other very braue apparell and fiue or sixe other gentlemen richly apparelled also They hauing the Turks safe conduct shewed it to the captaine of the gallies and laid it vpon his head charging him to obey it so with much adoe and with the gift of 100 pieces of golde we were quit of them and had our man againe That day as aforesaid we came to Missagh and there stayed eight dayes and at last departed towards Candie with a scant winde The 11 day of October we were boorded with foure gallies manned with 1200 men which also made a sleeuelesse arrant and troubled vs very much but our captaines pasport and the gift of 100 chekins discharged all The 27 of October we passed by Zante with a merrie winde the 29 by Corsu and the third of Nouember we arriued at Istria and there we left our great ship and tooke small boates to bring vs to Venice The 9 of Nouember I arriued again at Venice in good health where I staied nine daies and the 25 of the same moneth I came to Augusta and staied there but one day The 27 of Nouember I set towards Nuremberg where I came the 29 and there staied till the 9 of December and was very well interteined of the English marchants there and the gouernors of the towne sent me and my company sixteene gallons of excellent good wine From thence I went to Frankford from Frankford to Collen from Collen to Arnam from Arnam to Vtreight from Vtreight to Dort from Dort to Antwerpe from Antwerpe to Flushing from Flushing to London where I arriued vpon Twelfe eue in safetie and gaue thanks to God hauing finished my iourney to Ierusalem and home againe in the space of nine moneths and fiue dayes The passeport made by the great Maister of Malta vnto the Englishmen in the barke Raynolds 1582. FRere Hugo de Loubeux Verdala Dei gratia sacrae domus hospitalis sancti Ioannis Hierosolymitani magister humilis pauperumque Iesu Christi custos vniuersis singulis principibus ecclesiasticis secularibus archiepiscopis episcopis ducibus marchionibus baronibus nobilibus capitaneis vicedominiâ— praefectis castellanis admiralijs quibuscunqueue triremium vel aliorum nauigiorum patronis ac ciuitatum rectoribus potestatibus ac magistratibus caeterisqueue officialibus quibuscunque personis cuiuluis dignitatis gracus status conditionis fuerint vbilibet locorum terrarum constitutis salutem Notum facimus in verbo veritatis attestamur come nelmese di Maggio prossime passato le nostre galere vennero dal viaggio di Barberia done hauendo mandato per soccorrere a vn gaâ—onetto de Christiani che hauea dato trauerso in quelle parti essendo arriuati sopra questa isola alla parte de ponente trouarono vna naue Inglesa sopra cargo de essa il magnifico Giouannâ— Keale Dauid Filly patrono volendo la reconoscere che naue fosse han visto che se metteua in ordine per defendersi dubitando che dette nostre galere fossero de inimici per che vn marinaro riuoltose contra la volonta de detti magnifico Giouani Keale Dauid Filly habbi tirato vn tiro di artiglieria verso vna de dette galere che non se amangnana la vela de la Maiestra secondo la volonta de detti magnifico Giouanni Keale Dauid Filly patrono furimensata detta naue nel presente general porto de Malta secondo l'ordine del venerando Generale de dette galere essendo qua monsignor Inquisitore ha impedita quella per conâ—o del sancto officio sidiede parte alla santita di nostro signor Gregorio papa xiij Ala fin fu licenciata per andarsene alsuo viaggio Han donque humilmente supplicato detti magnifico Giouanni Keale Dauid Filly per nome parte delli magnifici Edwardo Osborn senatore Richardo Staper merchanti Inglesi della nobile citta di Londra anco di Thomaso Wilkinson scriuano piloti nocheri marinari gli volessimo dare le nostre lettere patente saluo condutto accioche potranno andare ritornare quaÌ„do gli parera commodo con alcuna roba mercantia a loro benuista si come noi essendo cosa giusta che retorner a commoda a nostra relligione a questi forrestiers per tenor de lipresenti se gli habiamo concesse con le conditione però infra scritte videlicet Che ogni volta che detti mercadanti con supradetta naue o con altra non porteranno mercantie de contrabando che constara per fede authentica con lettere patente de sanita poteran liberalmente victualiar se de tutte le victuarie necessarie praticare in questa isola dominij poi partir sene seguire suo viaggio per doue volessero in leuante o altroue come tuâ—ti altri vaselli specialmente de Francesi altri nationi di vendere comprare qual si voglia mercantia a loro benuista Item che potera portare poluere de canone de archibuso salnitro carboni di petra rosetta platine de rame staguo acciale ferro carisee commune tela grossa bianca per far tende de galere balle de ferro de calibro petre de molino fine arbore antenne de galere bastardi alteri Et in conclusioneâ— hauenda visto che
But the cause of all this was Michael Stropene which came to Ormus not woorth a penie and now hath thirtie or fortie thousand crownes and he grieueth that any other stranger should trade thither but himselfe But that shall not skill for I trust in God to goe both thither and hither and to buy and sell as freely as he or any other Here is very great good to be done in diuers of our commodities and in like manner there is great profite to be made with commodities of this countrey to be carried to Aleppo It were long for me to write and tedious for you to read of all things that haue passed since my parting from you But of all the troubles that haue chanced since mine arriuall in Ormus this bringer is able to certifie you I mind to stay here wherefore if you will write vnto me you may send your letters to some friend at Lisbone froÌ„ thence by the ships they may be conueyed hither Let the direction of your letters be either in Portuguise or Spanish whereby they may come the better to my hands From Goa this 20 day of Ianuarie 1584. A Letter written from Goa by Master Ralph Fitch to Master Leonard Poore abouesaid LOuing friend Master Poore c. Since my departure from Aleppo I haue not written vnto you any letters by reason that at Babylon I was sicke of the fluxe and being sicke I went from thence for Balsara which was twelue dayes iourney downe the riuer Tygris where we had extreame hot weather which was good for my disease ill fare and worse lodging by reason our boat was pestered with people In eight daies that which I did eate was very small so that if we had stayed two dayes longer vpon the water I thinke I had died but comming to Balsara presently I mended I thanke God There we stayed 14 dayes and then we imbarked our selues for Ormuz where we arriued the fifth of September and were put in prison the ninth of the same moneth where we continued vntill the 11 of October and then were shipt for this citie of Goa in the captaines ship with an 114 horses and about 200 men and passing by Diu Chaul where we went on land to water the 20 of Nouember we arriued at Goa the 29 of the said moneth where for our better intertainment we were presently put into a faire strong prison where we continued vntill the 22 of December It was the will of God that we found there 2 Padres the one an Englishman the other a Flemming The Englishmans name is Padre Thomas Steuens the others Padre Marco of the order of S. Paul These did sue for vs vnto the Uiceroy and other officers and stood vs in as much stead as our liues and goods were woorth for if they had not stucke to vs if we had escaped with our liues yet we had had long imprisonment After 14 dayes imprisonment they offered vs if we could put in suerties for 2000 duckats we should goe abroad in the towne which when we could not doe the said Padres found suerties for vs that we should not depart the countrey without the licence of the Uiceroy It doth spite the Italians to see vs abroad and many maruell at our deliuery The painter is in the cloister of S. Paul and is of their order and liketh there very well While we were in prison both at Ormuz and here there was a great deale of our goods pilfered and lost and we haue beene at great charges in gifts and otherwise so that a great deale of our goods is consumed There is much of our things which wil sell very well some we shall get nothing for I hope in God that at the returne of the Uiceroy which is gone to Chaul and to Diu they say to winne a castle of the Moores whose returne is thought will be about Easter then we shall get our libertie and our suerties discharged Then I thinke it wil be our best way either one or both to returne because our troubles haue bene so great so much of our goods spoyled and lost But if it please God that I come into England by Gods helpe I will returne hither againe It is a braue and pleasant countrey and very fruitfull The summer is almost all the yeere long but the chiefest at Christmas The day and the night are all of one length very litle difference and marueilous great store of fruits For all our great troubles yeâ— are we fat and well liking for victuals are here plentie and good cheape And here I will passe ouer to certifie you of strange things vntill our meeting for it would be too long to write thereof And thus I commit you to God who euer preserue you and vs all From Goa in the East Indies the 25 of Ianuarie 1584. Yours to command Ralph Fitch The voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormus and so to Goa in the East India to Cambaia and all the kingdome of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor to the mighty riuer Ganges and downe to Bengala to Bacola and Chonderi to Pegu to Iamahay in the kingdome of Siam and backe to Pegu and from thence to Malacca Zeilan Cochin and all the coast of the East India begunne in the yeere of our Lord 1583 and ended 1591 wherein the strange rites maners and customes of those people and the exceeding rich trade and commodities of those countries are faithfully set downe and diligently described by the aforesaid M. Ralph Fitch IN the yeere of our Lord 1583 I Ralph Fitch of London marchant being desirous to see the countreys of the East India in the company of M. Iohn Newberie marchant which had beene at Ormus once before of William Leedes Ieweller and Iames Story Painter being chieflâ— set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir Edward Osborne knight and M. Richard Staper citizens and marchants of London did ship my selfe in a ship of London called the Tyger wherein we went for Tripolis in Syria from thence we tooke the way for Aleppo which we went in seuen dayes with the Carouan Being in Aleppo and finding good company we went from thence to Birra which is two dayes and an halfe trauaile with Camels Birra is a little towne but very plentifull of victuals and neere to the wall of the towne runneth the riuer of Euphrates Here we bought a boate and agreed with a master and bargemen for to go to Babylon These boats be but for one voiage for the streame doth runne so fast downewardes that they cannot returne They carie you to a towne which they call Felugia and there yâ—u sell the boate for a litle money for that which cost you fiftie at Birra you sell there for seuen or eight From Birra to Felugia is sixteene dayes iourney it is not good that one boate goe alone for if it should chance to breake you should haue much a doe to
shot about the ship and ouer the flagge and at the â—ame time there came certeine gentlemen aboord our ship to see her to whom I sayd that if they would not cause those their men to leaue shooting I would shoot the best ordinance I had thorâ—w their sides And when they pâ—rceiued that I was offended they departed and caused their men of warre and souldiers to shoot no more and afterwards they came to me againe and tolde me that they had punished their men That done I shewed them the ship and made them such cheere as I could which they receiued very thankfully and the day following they sent for mee to dine with them and sent me word that their Generall was very sory that any man should require me to furle my flagge and that it was without his consent and therefore he requested me not to thinke any vngentlenesse to be in him promising that no man of his should misdemeane himselfe The 17 day we set saile in the road of Grand Canarie and proceeded on our voyage The 20 in the morning we had sight of the coast of Barbarie and running along the shore we had sight of Rio del Oro which lieth almost vnder the tropike of Cancer The 21 day we found our selues to be in 20 degrees and a halfe which is the heigth of Cape Blank The 25 we had sight of the land in the bay to the Northward of Cape Verde The 26 I tooke Francisco and Francis Castelin wiâ—h me and went into the pinnesse and so went to the Tyger which was neerer the shore then the other ships and went aboord her and with her and the other ships we ranne West and by South and West-southwest vntill about foure of the clocke at which time we were hard aboord the Cape and then we ran in Southwest and beyond the Cape about foure leagues we found a faire Iland and besides that two or three Ilands which were of very high rocks being full of diuers sorts of sea-foule and of pigeons with other sorts of land-foules and so many that the whole Iland was couered with the dung thereof and seemed so white as if the whole Iland had bene of chalke and within those Ilands was a very faire bay and hard aboord the rocks eighteene fadom water and faire ground And when we perceiued the bay and vnderstanding that the Frenchmen had a great trade there which we were desirous to know we came to an ancre with the Tyger And after that the Minion and the Christopher ancred in like case then we caused the pinnesse to runne beyond another Cape of land to see if there were any place to trade in there It being neere night I tooke our cocke and the Tygers skiffe and went to the Iland where we got certaine foules like vnto Gaâ—nards and then I came aboord againe and tooke two of the Gannards which we had taken and caried them to the captaine of the Christopher and when I had talked with him I found him not willing to tary there neither was I desirous to spend any long time there but onely to attempt what was to be done The Master of the Christopher tolde me he would not tary being not bound for that place The 27 the Captaine of the Tyger and Edward Selman came to me and Iohn Makeworth from the Christopher and then we agreed to take the pinnesse to come along the shore because that where we rid no Negros came to â—s and the night before our pinnesse brought vs word that there was a very faire Iland And when I came beyond the point I found it so and withall a goodly bay and we saw vpon the maine certaine Negros which waued vs on shore and then we came to an ancre with the pinnesse and went a shore with our cocke and they shewed vs where their trade was and that they had Elephants teeth muske hides and offered vs to fetch downe their Captaine if we would send a man wiâ—h them and they would leaue a pledge for him then we asked them when any ship had bene there and some of them sayd not in eight moneths others in sixe moneths and others in foure and that they were Frenchmen Then we perceiuing the Christopher not willing to â—ary departed from them seâ— saile with the pinnesse and went aboord the Tyger The 10 day of March we fell with the coast of Guinea fiue leagues to the Eastwarâ— of Cape de Monte beside a riuer called Rio das Palmas The 11 we went to the shore and found one man that could speake some Portuguise who tolde vs that there were three French ships passed by one of them two moneths past and the other one moneth past At this place I receiued nineteene Elephants teeth and two ounces and halfe a quarter of golde The 12 we set saile to go to the riuer de Sestos The 13 at night we fell with the same riuer The 14 day we sent in our boats to take water and romaged our shippes and deliuered such wares to the Christopher and Tyger as they had need of The 15 we came together and agreed to send the Tyger to another riuer to take in her water and to see what â—he could do for graines After that we tooke marchandise with vs and went into the riuer and there we found a Negro which was borne in Lisbone left there by a ship of Portugal which was burned the last yere at this riuer in fighting with three Frenchmen and he told vs further that two moneths past there were three Frenchmen at this place and sixe weeks past there were two French ships at the riuer and fifteene dayes past therâ— was one All which ships were gone towards the Mina This day we tooke but few graines The 19 day considering that the Frenchmen were gone before vs and that by reason of the vnholesome aires of this place foureteene of our men in the Minion were fallen sicke wee determined to depart and with all speed to go to the Mina The 21 wee came to the riuer de Potos where some of our boats went in for water and I went in with our cocke and tooke 12 small Elephants teeth The 23 day after we had taken as many teeth as we could get about nine of the clocke we set saile to go towards the Mina The 31 we came to Hanta and made sale of certaine Manillios The first Aprill we hat sight of fiue saile of Portugals whereupon we set saile and went off to sea to get the winde of them which wee should haue had if the winde had kept his ordinary course which is all the day at the Southwest and West-southwest but this day with a flaw it kept all the day at the East and East-southeast so that the Portugals had the winde of vs and came roome with the Tyger and vs vntill night and brought themselues all saue one which saâ—led not so well
Christopher to goe to Weamba which is ten leagues to the weatherward of this place and if any of them both should haue sight of more sailes then they thought good to meddle withall to come roome with their fellowes to wit first the Christopher to come with the Tyger and then both they to come with vs. We remained in this place called Egrand vntill the last day of April in which time many of our men fell sicke and sixe of them died And here we could haue no traffique with the Negros but three or foure dayes in the weeke and all the rest of the weeke they would not come at vs. The 3 of May not hauing the pinnesse sent vs with cloth from the other ships as they promised we solde French cloth and gaue but three yards thereof to euery fuffe The 5 day the Negros departed and told vs they would come to vs againe within foure dayes which we determined there to tary although we had diuers of our men sicke The 8 day all our cloth in the Minion being sold I called the company together to know whether they would tary the sale of the cloth taken in the prise at this place or no they answered that in respect of the death of some of their men and the present sicknesse of twenty more they would not tary but repaire to the other ships of whom they had heard nothing since the 27 of April and yet they had our pinnesse with them onely to cary newes from one to another The 9 day we determined to depart hence to our fellowes to see what they had done and to attempt what was to be done at the towne of Don Iohn The 10 day in the morning we set saile to seeke the Christopher and the Tyger The 11 day the captaine of the Christopher came to vs and told vs that they could finde small doings at the places where they had bene The 12 William Crompton and I in our small pinnesse went to the Tyger and the Christopher at Perenine The 13 we sent away the Tyger to Egrand because we found nothing to doe at Perenine worth the tarying for The 14 our great pinnesse came to vs and presently we put cloth into her and sent her backe to Weamba where she had bene before and had taken there ten pound of golde The 15 the Minion came to vs and the next day we went a shore with our boats and tooke but one ounce of golde The 19 day hauing set saile we came to an ancre before Mowre and there we tarried two dayes but tooke not an ounce of golde The 21 we came to an ancre before Don Iohns towne The 22 we manned our boats and went to shore but the Negros would not come at vs then the Captaine of the Christopher and I tooke a skiffe and eight men with vs and went and talked with the Negros and they sayd that they would send a man to the great towne where Don Iohn himselfe lay to aduertise him of our comming The 23 we went a shore againe and the Negros tolde vs that this day the marchants of Don Iohn would come downe so we tarried there vntill night and no man would come to vs but diuers of the Negros made vs signes to depart The 24 the Captaine of the Christopher tooke his boat went to Mowre and when he came thither certaine Negros came to him to know the price of his wares but in the end there came an Almade which he iudged came from the castle and caused all the Negros to depart from him and when he saw they would come no more to him he went a shore and tooke certaine men with him and then the Negros cast stones at them would not suffer them to come vp to their towne And when they saw that they tooke certaine of the Almades and put them to the sea and afterwards departed The same morning I went a shore at Don Iohns towne and tooke a white flag with me but none of the Negros could come to me which caused vs to iudge that the Portugals were in the towne After this our boat came to vs well manned and I sent one man vp to the towne with a white flag in his hand but when he was come thither all the Negros went away would not speake with him Then I sent one alone into the woods after them but they in no case would come to vs. When we saw that we tooke twelue goats and foureteene hennes which we found in the towne and went aboord without doing any further hurt to the towne and when I came aboord I found our pinnesse come from Cormatin which had taken there two pound fiue ounces of golde Then after much ado with the froward Mariners we went thither wards with our ship and the Christopher went to Mowre The 25 day the Master of the Christopher sent his boat to the shore for balast and the Negros would haue beaten the company from the shore whereupon the company resisted them and flew and hurt diuers of them and hauing put them to flight burned their towne and brake all their boats The 26 day our pinnesse came to vs from Cormatin and had taken two pound eleuen ounces of golde and Iohn Shirife tolde vs that the Negros of that place were very desirous to haue a ship come backe againe to their towne The 27 we wayed and went to Cormatin The 28 the Christopher came to vs from Mowre and traffiqued there two dayes The second day of Iune the Tyger came to vs from Egrand and the pinnesse from Weamba and they two had taken about fifty pound of golde since they departed from vs. The 4 day we departed from Cormatin to plie vp to Shamma being not able to tary any longer vpon the coast for lacke of victuals and specially of drinke The 7 day we had sight of fiue of the king of Portugals ships which came to an ancre besides the castle The 8 day George and Binny came to vs and brought with them about two pound of golde The 10 day in the morning I tooke our small pinnesse and the Captaine of the Christopher with me and manned her well and went to the castle to view the Portugals ships and there we found one ship of about 300 tunne and foure carauels when we had well viewed them we returned backe againe to our ships which we found seuen leagues at sea The 11 day in the morning we found our selues wel shot toward Shamma the Tyger with vs but the Minion the pinnesse had not wayed that night so that we were out of sight of them and hauing brought our selues in the weather of the Portugals ships we came to an ancre to tary for the Minion or els we might haue fetched Shamma At night the Minion and the pinnesse came vp to vs but could not fetch so farre to the weatherward as we and therefore they ancred about a league a
that the ship stood in lesse then 14 fadoms of water no more then sixe miles from the Cape which is called Das Agulias and there we stood as vtterly cast away for vnder vs were rocks of maine stone so sharpe and cutting that no ancre could hold the ship the shore so euill that nothing could take land and the land itselfe so full of Tigers and people that are sauage and killers of all strangers that we had no hope of life nor comfort but onely in God and a good conscience Notwithstanding after we had lost ancres hoising vp the sailes for to get the ship a coast in some safer place or when it should please God it pleased his mercy suddenly where no man looked for helpe to fill our sailes with wind from the land so we escaped thanks be to God And the day following being in the place where they are alwayes wont to catch fish we also fell a fishing and so many they cooke that they serued all the ship for that day and part of the next And one of them pulled vp a corall of great bignesse and price For there they say as we saw by experience that the corals doe grow in the maner of stalks vpon the rocks in the bottome and waxe hard and red The day of perill was the nine and twentieth of Iuly And you shall vnderstand that the Cape passed there be two wayes to India one within the I le of S. Laurence which they take willingly because they refresh themselues at Mosambique a fortnight or a moneth not without great need and thence in a moneth more land in Goa The other is without the I le of S. Laurence which they take when they set foorth so late and come so late to the point that they haue no time to take the foresayd Mosambique and then they goe heauily because in this way they take no port And by reason of the long nauigation and want of food and water they fall into sundry diseases their gummes waxe great and swell and they are faine to cut them away their legges swell and all the body becommeth sore and so benummed that they can not stirre hand nor foot and so they die for weakenesse others fall into fluxes and agues and die thereby And this way it was our chance to make yet though we had more then one hundred and fifty sicke there died not past seuen and twenty which losse they esteemed not much in respect of other times Though some of ours were diseased in this sort yet thanks be to God I had my health all the way contrary to the expectation of many God send me my health so well in the land if it may be to â—is honour and seruice This way is full of priuy rockes and quicke-sands so that sometimes we durst not saile by night but by the prouidence of God we saw nothing nor neuer found bottome vntill we came to the coast of India When we had passed againe the line and were come to the third degree or somewhat more we saw crabs swimming on the water that were red as though they had bene sodden but this was no signe of land After about the eleuenth degree the space of many dayes more then ten thousand fishes by estimation followed round about our ship whereof we caught so many that for fifteene dayes we did eate nothing els and they serued our turne very well for at this time we had neither meat nor almost any thing els to eate our nauigation growing so long that it drew neere to seuen moneths where as commonly they goe it in fiue I meane when they saile the inner way But these fishes were not signe of land but rather of deepe sea At length we tooke a couple of birds which were a kinde of Hawks whereof they ioyed much thinking that they had bene of India but indeed they were of Arabia as we found afterward And we that thought we had bene neere India were in the same latitude neere Zocotora an I le in the mouth of the Red sea But there God sent vs great winds from the Northeast or Northnortheast whereupon vnwillingly they bare vp toward the East and thus we went tenne dayes without seeing signe of land whereby they perceiued their errour for they had directed their course before alwayes Northeast coueting to multiply degrees of latitude but partly the difference of the Needle and most of all the running seas which at that time ran Northwest had drawen vs to this other danger had not God sent vs this winde which at length waxed larger and restored vs to our right course These running seas be so perillous that they deceiue the most part of the gouernours and some be so little curious contenting themselues with ordinary experience that they care not to seeke out any meanes to know when they swarue neither by the compasse nor by any other triall The first signe of land were certaine fowles which they knew to be of India the second boughes of palmes and sedges the third snakes swimming on the water and a substance which they call by the name of a coine of money as broad and as round as a groat woonderfully printed and stamped of nature like vnto some coine And these two last signes be so certaine that the next day afâ—er if the winde serue they see land which we did to our great ioy when all our water for you know they make no beerâ— in those parts and victuals began to faile vs. And to Goa we came the foure and twentieth day of October there being receiued with passing great charity The people be tawny but not disfigured in their lips noses as the Moores and Cafres of Ethiopia They that be not of reputation or at least the most part goe naked sauing an apron of a span long and as much in bredth before them and a lace two fingers broad before them girded about with a string and no more and thus they thinke them as well as we with all our trimming Of the fruits and trees that be here I cannot now speake for I should make another letter as long as this For hitherto I haue not seene a tree here whose like I haue seene in Europeâ— the vineâ—excepted which neuerthelesse here is to no purpose so that all the wines are brought out of Portugall The drinke of this countrey is good water or wine of the Palme tree or of a fruit called Cocos And this shall suffice for this time If God send me my health I shall haue opportunity to write to you once againe Now the length of my letter compelleth me to take my leaue and thus I wish your most prosperous health From Goa the tenth of Nouember 1579 Your louing sonne Thomas Steuens A briefe relation of the great magnificence and rich traffike of the kingdome of Pegu beyond the East India written by Frey Peter of Lisbon to his cousin Frey Diego of Lisbon from Cochin I
by weather or other mishap then so soone as one shall descry another to hoise both toppe sailes twise if the weather will serue and to strike them twise againe but if the weather serue not then to hoise the maine top saile twise and forthwith to strike it twise againe 6 Item if it shall happen a great fogge to sall then presently euery shippe to beare vp with the admirall if there be winde but if it be a calme then euery ship to hull and so to lie at hull till it be cleere And if the fogge do continue long then the Admirall to shoot off two pieces euery euening and euery ship to answere it with one shot and euery man bearing to the ship that is to leeward so neere as he may 7 Item euery master to giue charge vnto the watch to looke out well for saying aboord one of another in the night and in fogges 8 Item euery euening euery ship to haile the admirall and so to fall asterne him sailing thorow the Ocean and being on the coast euery ship to haile him both morning and euening 9 Item if any ship be in danger any way by leake or otherwise then she to shoot off a piece and presently to hang out one light whereupon euery man to beare towards her answering her with one light for a short time and so to put it oâ—t againe thereby to giue knowledge that they haue seene her token 10 Item whensoeuer the Admirall shall hang out her ensigne in the maine shrowds then euery man to come aboord her as a token of counsell 11 Item if there happen any storme or contrary winde to the fleet after the discouery whereby they are separated then euery ship to repaire vnto their last good port there to meet againe Our course agreed vpon THe course first to be taken for the discouery is to beare directly to cape Rase the most Southerly cape of Newfound land and there to harbour our selues either in Rogneux or Fermous being the first places appointed for our Rendez vous and the next harbours vnto the Northward of cape Rase and therefore euery ship separated from the fleet to repaire to that place so fast as God shall permit whether you shall fall to the Southward or to the Northward of it and there to stay for the meeting of the whole fleet the space of ten dayes and when you shall depart to leaue marks A direction of our course vnto the Newfound land BEginning our course from Silley the neerest is by Westsouthwest if the winde serue vntill such time as we haue brought ourselues in the latitude of 43 or 44 degrees because the Ocean is subiect much to Southerly windes in Iune and Iuly Then to take trauerse from 45 to 47 degrees of latitude if we be inforced by contrary windes and not to go to the Northward of the height of 47 degrees of Septentrionall latitude by no meanes if God shall not inforce the contrary but to do your indeuour to keepe in the height of 46 degrees so nere as you can possibly because cape Rase lieth about that height Notes IF by contrary windes we be driuen backe vpon the coast of England then to repaire vnto Silley for a place of our assembly or meeting If we be driuen backe by contrary winds that we can not passe the coast of Ireland then the place of our assembly to be at Beare hauen or Baltimore hauen If we shall not happen to meet at cape Rase then the place of Rendez vous to be at cape Briton or the neerest harbour vnto the Westward of cape Briton If by meanes of other shipping we may not safely stay there then to rest at the very next safe port to the Westward euery ship lâ—auing their marks behinde them for the more certainty of the after commers to know where to finde them The marks that euery man ought to leaue in such a case were of the Generals priuate deuice written by himselfe sealed also in close waxe and deliuered vnto euery shippe one scroule which was not to be opened vntil occasion required whereby euery man was certified what to leaue for instruction of after commers that euery of vs comming into any harbour or riuer might know who had bene there or whether any were still there vp higher into the riuer or departed and which way Orders thus determined and promises mutually giuen to be obserued euery man withdrew himselfe vnto his charge the ankers being already weyed and our shippes vnder saile hauing a soft gale of winde we began our voyage vpon Tuesday the eleuenth day of Iune in the yere of our Lord 1583 hauing in our fleet at our departure from Causet bay these shippes whose names and burthens with the names of the captaines and masters of them I haue also inserted as followeth 1 The Delight aliâs The George of burthen 120 tunnes was Admirall in which went the Generall and William Winter captaine in her and part owner and Richard Clearke master 2 The Barke Raleigh set forth by M. Walter Raleigh of the burthen of 200 tunnes was then Uice-admirall in which went M. Butler captaine and Robert Dauis of Bristoll master 3 The Golden hinde of burthen 40 tunnes was then Reare-admirall in which went Edward Hayes captaine and owner and William Cox of Limehouse master 4 The Swallow of burthen 40 tunnes in her was captaine Maurice Browne 5 The Squirrill of burthen 10 tunnes in which went captaine William Andrewes and one Cade master We were in number in all about 260 men among whom we had of euery faculty good choice as Ship wrights Masons Carpenters Smithes and such like requisit to such an action also Minerall men and Refiners Besides for solace of our people and allurement of the Sauages we were prouided of Musike in good variety not omitting the least toyes as Morris dancers Hobby horsse and Maylike conceits to delight the Sauage people whom we intended to winne by all faire meanes possible And to that end we were indifferently furnished of all petâ—y haberdashrie wares to barter with those simple people In this maner we set forward departing as hath bene said out of Causon bay the eleuenth day of Iune being Tuesday the weather and winde faire and good all day but a great storme of thunder and winde fell the same night Thursday following when we hailed one another in the euening according to the order before specified they signified vnto vs out of the Uizadmirall that both the Captaine and very many of the men were fallen sicke And about midnight the Uizeadmirall forsooke vs notwithstanding we had the winde East faire and good But it was after credibly reported that they were infected with a contagious sicknesse and arriued greatly distressed at Plimmoth the reason I could neuer vnderstand Sure I am no cost was spared by their owner Master Raleigh in setting them forth Therefore I leaue it vnto God By this time we were in 48 degrees of
of you to vnderstand that for the present and speedy supply of certaine our knowen and apparant lackes and needes most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of vs or any other in this land of Virginia wee all of one minde consent haue most earnestly intreated and vncessantly requested Iohn White Gouernour of the planters in Virginia to passe into England for the better and more assured help and setting forward of the foresayd supplies and knowing assuredly that he both can best and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for vs all and he not onee but often refusing it for our sekes and for the honour maintenance of the action hath at last though much against his will through our importunacie yeelded to leaue his gouernement and all his goods among vs and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into England of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter as all others we doe assure our selues by these presents and will you to giue all credite thereunto the 25 of August 1587. The Gouernour being at the last through their extreame intreating constrayned to returne into England hauing then but halfe a dayes respite to prepare himselfe for the same departed from Roanoak the seuen and twentieth of August in the morning and the same day about midnight came aboord the Flieboat who already had weyed anker and rode without the barre the Admirall riding by them who but the same morning was newly come thither againe The same day both the ships weyed anker and set saile for England at this weying their ankers twelue of the men which were in the Flyboate were throwen from the Capstone which by meanes of a barre that brake came so fast about vpon them that the other two barres thereof strooke and hurt most of them so sore that some of them neuer recouered it neuerthelesse they assayed presently againe to wey their anker but being so weakened with the first sling they were not able to weye it but were throwen downe and hurt the second time Wherefore hauing in all but fifteene men aboord and most of them by this vnfortunate beginning so bruised and hurt they were forced to cut their Cable and leese their anker Neuerthelesse they kept company with the Admirall vntil the seuenteenth of September at which time wee fell with Coruo and sawe Flores September THe eighteenth perceiuing of all our fifteene men in the Flyboate there remained but fiue which by meanes of the former mischance were able to stand to their labour and that the the Admirall meant not to make any haste for England but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase the Flyboate departed for England with letters where we hoped by the help of God to arriue shortly but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty dayes hauing had sometimes scarse and variable windes our fresh water also by leâ—king almost consumed there arose a storme at Northeast which for sixe dayes ceased not to blowe so exceeding that we were driuen further in those sixe then we could recouer in thirteene daies in which time others of our saylers began to fall very sicke and two of them dyed the weather also continued so close that our Mastâ—r sometimes in foure dayes together could see neither sunne nor starre and all the beuerage we could make with stinking water dregs of beere and lees of wine which remayned was but three gallons and therefore now we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea October THe 16 of October we made land but we knowe not what land it was bearing in with the same land at that day about sunne set we put into a harbour where we found a Hulke of Dublin and a pinnesse of Hampton riding but we knew not as yet what place this was neither had we any boate to goe ashore vntill the pinnesse sent off their boate to vs with 6 or 8 men of whom we vnderstood wee were in Smerwick in the West parts of Ireland they also releeued vs presently with fresh water wine and other fresh meate The 18 the Gouernour and the Master ryd to Dingen a Cushe 5 miles distant to take order for the new victualing of our Flieboate for England and for reliefe of our sicke and hurt men but within foure daies after the Boatswain the Steward and the Boatswains mate died aboord the Flieboat and the 28 the Masters mate and two of our chiefe sailers were brought sicke to Dingen Nouember THe first the Gouernour shipped himselfe in a ship called the Monkie which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England leauing the Flyboat and all his companie in Ireland The same day we set sayle and on the third day we fell with the North side of the lands end and were shut vp the Seuerne but the next day we doubled the same for Mounts Bay The 5 the Gouernour landed in England at Martasew neere Saint Michaels mount in Cornewall The 8 we arriued at Hampton where we vnderstood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth and had bene there three weekes before and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not onely come home without any purchase but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse and death of their chiefest men that they were scarse able to bring their ship into harbour but were forced to let fall anker without which they could not wey againeâ— but might all haue perished there if a small barke by great hap had not come to them to helpe them The names of the chiefe men that died are these Roger Large Iohn Mathew Thomas Smith and some other saylers whose names I knew not at the writing hereof An. Dom. 1587. The names of all the men women and children which safely arriued in Virginia and remained to inhabite there 1587. Anno regni Reginae Elizabethâ— 29. IOhn White Roger Baily Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper Thomas Steuens Iohn Sampson Dyonis Haruie Roger Prat. George How Simon Fernando Nicholas Iohnson Thomas Warner Anthony Cage Iohn Iones William Willes Iohn Brooke Cutbert White Iohn Bright Clement Tayler William Sole Iohn Cotsmur Humfrey Newton Thomas Colman Thomas Gramme Marke Bennet Iohn Gibbes Iohn Stilman Robert Wilkinson Iohn Tydway Ambrose Viccars Edmond English Thomas Topan Henâ—y Berry Richard Berry Iohn Spendloue Iohn Hemmington Thomas Butler Edward Powell Iohn Burden Iames Hynde Thomas Ellis William Browne Michael Myllet Thomas Smith Richard Kemme Thomas Harris Richard Tauerner Iohn Earnest Henry Iohnson Iohn Starte Richard Darige William Lucas Arnold Archard Iohn Wright William Dutton Mauris Allen. William Waters Richard Arthur Iohn Chapman William Clemenâ— Robert Little Hugh Tayler Richard Wildye Lewes Wotton Michael Bishop Henry Browne Henry Rufoote Richard Tomkins Henry Dorrell Charles Florrie Henry Mylton Henry Paine Thomas Harris William Nichols Thomas Pheuens Iohn Borden Thomas Scot. Peter Little Iohn Wyles Brian Wyles George Martyn Hugh Pattenson Martin Sutton Iohn Farre
Isle of Cuba wherein they founde a certaine quantitie of golde and siluer which they seazed vpon And hauing this bootie they lay a while at Sea vntill their victuals beganne to faile them which was the cause that oppressed with famine they came vnto Hauana the principall Towne of the Isle of Cuba whereupon proceeded that mischiefe which hereafter I will declare more at large When I saw my Barkes returned not at their wonted houre and suspecting that which fell out indeed I commanded my Carpenters with all diligence to make a little boat with a flat bottome to search those Riuers for some newes of these Mariners The boate dispatched within a day and a night by reason that my Carpenters found planks and timber ready sawed to their hands as commonly I caused my Sawyers to prouide it I sent men to seeke some newes of my thieues but all was in vaine Therefore I determined to cause two great Barkes to be built eche of which might be thirtie fiue or thirtie sixe foote long in the keele And now the worke was very well forwarde which I set my workemen about when ambition and auarice the mother of all mischiefe tooke roote in the hearts of foure or fiue souldiers which could not away with the worke and paines taking and which from hence forward namely one Fourneaux and one La Croix and another called Steuen le Geneuois the three principall authors of the sedition beganne to practise with the best of my troupe shewing them that it was a vile thing for men of honest parentage as they were to moyle themselues thus with abiect and base worke seeing they had the best occasion of the worlde offered them to make themselues all riche which was to arme the two Barkes which were in building and to furnish them with goodmen and then to saile vnto Peru and the other Isles of the Antilles where euery Souldier might easily enrich himselfe with tenne thousand Crownes And if their enterprise should bee misliked withall in France they should bee alwayes able by reason of the great wealth that they should gaine to retire themselues into Italy vntill the heate were ouerpassed and that in the meane season some warre would fall out which would cause all this to be quite forgotten This word of riches sounded so well in the eares of my Souldiers that in fine after they had oftentimes consulted of their affaires they grew to the number of threescore and sixe which to colour their great desire which they had to goe on stealing they caused a request to bee presented vnto mee by Francis de la Caille Sergeant of my company contayning in sum a declaration of the small store of victuals that was left to maintaine vs vntil the time that shippes might returne from France for remedy whereof they thought it necessary to sende to New Spaine Peru and all the Isles adioyning which they besought mee to be content to graunt But I made them answere that when the Barkes were finished I would take such good order in generall that by meanes of the Kings marchandise without sparing mine owne apparell wee would get victuals of the inhabitants of the Countrey seeing also that wee had ynough to serue vs for foure moneths to come For I feared greatly that vnder pretence of searching victuals they would enterprise somewhat against the King of Spaines Subiects which in time to come might iustly bee layde to my charge considering that at our departure out of France the Queene had charged me very expresly to doe no kinde of wrong to the King of Spaines Subiects nor any thing whereof he might conceiue any ielousie They made as though they were content with this answere But eight dayes after as I continued in working vpon our Fort and on my Barkes I fell sicke Then my seditious companions forgetting all honour and duetie supposing that they had found good occasion to execute their rebellious enterprise beganne to practise afresh their former designes handling their businesse so well during my sicknesse that they openly vowed that they would seaze on the Corps de gard and on the Fort yea and force mee also if I woulde not consent vnto their wicked desire My Lieutenant being hereof aduertised came and tolde mee that he suspected some euill practise and the next day in the morning I was saluted at my gate with men in complet harnesse what time my Souldiers were about to play mee a shrewde tricke then I sent to seeke a couple of Gentlemen whom I most trusted which brought mee word that the Souldiers were determined to come to me to make a request vnto me But I tolde them that this was not the fashion to present a request vnto a Captaine in this maner and therefore they should send some few vnto me to signifie vnto mee what they would haue Hereupon the fiue chiefe authours of the sedition armed with Corslets their Pistolles in their handes already bent prest into my chamber saying vnto mee that they would goe to New Spaine to seeke their aduenture Then I warned them to bee well aduised what they meant to doe but they foorthwith replyed that they were fully aduised already and that I must graunt them this request Seeing then quoth I that I am enforced to doe it I will sende Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant which will make answere and giue mee an accompt of euery thing that shall be done in this voyage And to content you I thinke it good that you take one man out of euery chamber that they may accompany Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant Whereupon blaspheming the Name of God they answered that they must goe thither and that there lacked nothing but that I should deliuer them the armour which I had in my custodie for feare least I might vse them to their disaduantage being so villanously abused by them wherein notwithstanding I would not yeeld vnto them But they tooke all by force and caried it out of my house yea and after they had hurt a Gentleman in my chamber which spake against their doings they layd hands on mee and caried mee very sicke as I was prisoner into a shippe which rode at ancker in the middest of the Riuer wherein I was the space of fifteene dayes attended vpon with one man onely without permission for any of my seruants to come to visite mee from euery one of whom as also from the rest that tooke my part they tooke away their armour And they sent mee a passeport to signe telling me plainely after I had denied them that if I made any difficulty they would all come and cut my throat in the shippe Thus was I constrained to signe their Passe-port and forthwith to grant them certaine mariners with Trenchant an honest and skilfull Pilot. When the barks were finished they armed them with the kings munition with powder with bullets and artillery asmuch as they needed and chose one of my Sergeants for their Captain
like things which I had giuen him for such purposes The sayde Indians departed very well pleased and said that whensoeuer hee would send for them ther and many others would come to doe whatsoeuer he would command them The entrance being thus prepared Frier Marco and his companion with the Negro and other slaues and Indians which I had giuen him went forward on their voyage 10. or 12. dayes after And because I had likewise aduertisement of a certaine Prouince called Topira situate in the mountainesâ— and had appoynted the gouernour Vazquez de Coronado that he should vse meanes to learne the state thereof he supposing this to be a matter of great moment determined himselfe to goe and search it hauing agreed with the sayd Frier that he should returne by that part of the mountaine to meete with him in a certaine valley called Valle de los Coraçones beeing 120. leagues distant from Culiacan The gouernour trauelling into this Prouince as I haue written in my former letters found great scarcity of victuals there and the mountaines so craggy that he could finde no way to passe forward and was inforced to returne home to Saint Michael so that aswell in chusing of the entrance as in not being able to finde the way it seemeth vnto all men that God would shut vp the gate to all those which by strengh of humane force haue gone about to attempt this enterprise and hath reueâ—led it to a poore and bare-footed Frier And so the Frier beganne to enter into the Land who because he found his entrance so well prepared was very well receiued and because he wrote the whole successe of his voyage according to the instruction which I had giuen him to undertake the same I wil not write any more at large but send your Maiestie this copy of all such things as he obserued in the same A relation of the reuerend father Frier Marco de Niça touching his discouery of the kingdome of Ceuola or Cibola situate about 30. degrees of latitude to the North of Nueua Espanna Chap. I. Frier Marco de Niça departeth from Saint Michael in the Prouince of Culiacan standing in 24. degrees of Northerly latitude and comming to the Towne of Petatlan receiued many courtesies of the Indians there Departing from thence he had information of many Islands and of a great countrey inhabited with ciuil people he commeth to Vacupa where during his aboad he heard newes of Ceuola and of the state of the 7. Cities and of other prouinces of the rich Islands of perles which extend north ward vpon the coast I Frier Marco de Niça of the order of S. Francis for the execution of the instruction of the right honourable lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Uice-roy and captaine Generall for the Emperors Maiestie in New Spaine departed from the towne of S. Michael in the prouince of Culiacan on Friday the 7. of March in the yeare 1539â— hauing for my companion Frier Honoratus and carying with me Stephan a Negro belonging to Andrew Dorantez and certaine of those Indians which the sayde lord Uice-roy had made free and bought for this purpose whom Francis Vazquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia deliuered me and with many other Indians and Petatlan and of the towne called Cuchillo which is some 50. leagues from Petatlan who came to the valley of Culiacan shewing themselues to bee exceeding glad because they were certified by the Indians which had bin set free whom the said gouernour had sent before to aduertise them of their libertie that none of them from thence forth should be made slaues and that no man should inuade them nor vse them badly signifying vnto them that the Emperors Maiesty had willed and commanded that it should be so With the foresaid company I went on my voyage vntill I came to the towne of Petatlan finding all the way great intertainment and prouision of victuals with roses flowres and other such things and bowers which they made for me of chalke and boughs platted together in all pleces where there were no houses In this towne of Petatlan I rested 3. dayes because my companion Honoratus fell so sicke that I was constrained to leaue him there behinde Then according to my said instruction I followed my iourney as the holy Ghost did leaue me without any merit of mine hauing in my company the said Stephan the Negro of Dorantez and certaine of the Indians which had bin set at liberty and many of the people of the countrey which gaue me great intertainment and welcome in all places where I came and made mee bowers of trees giuing me such victuals as they had although they were but small because as they said it had not rained there in 3 yeres and because the Indians of this countrey sought meanes rather to hide themselues then to sowe corne sor feare of the Christians of the towne of S. Michael which were wont to make in-roades euen to that place and to warre vpon them and to cary them away captiues In all this way which may be about 25 or 30. leagus from that part of Petatlan I saw nothing worthy the noting saue that there came to seeke me certaine Indians from the Island where Fernando Cortez the Marques of the valley had bin of whom I was informed that it was an island not firme land as some suppose it to be They came to y t firme land vpon certaine rafts of wood and from the maine to the island is but halfe a league by sea litle more or lesse Likewise certaine Indians of another island greater then this came to visit me which island is farther off of whom I was informed that there were 30. other smal islands which were inhabited but had smal store of victuals sauing 2. which haue Maiz or corne of the country These Indians had about their necks many great shels which were mother of Pearle I shewed them pearles which I carryed with me for a shew and they told me that there were in the Islands great store of them and those very great howbeit I saw none of them I followed my voyage through a desert of 4. dayes iourney hauing in my company both the Indians of the islands those of the mountaines which I had passed and at the end of this desert I found other Indians which maruelled to see me because they had no knowledge of any Christians hauing no traffike nor conuersation with those Indians which I had passed in regard of the great desert which was between them These Indians intermed me exceeding courteously gaue me great store of victuals sought to touch my garmeÌ„ts and called me Hayoâ—a which in their language signifieth A man come from heauen These Indians I aduertised by my interpreter according to my instructions in the knowledge of our Lord God in heauen of the Emperor In these countries in all places els by all wayes nd meanes possible I sought information where
content they should set vp crosses and declare the mystery of the same making shew that they were highly pleased therewith For proofe whereof they accompanied them on their voyage as their neighbours had done vntill they had brought them to a countrey inhabited by another nation which was distant from theirs some 12 leagues They vse bowes and arrowes and go naked The nation vnto which the sayd Tobosos conducted them is called Iumanos whom the Spanyards by another name call Patarabueyes their prouince is very great conteining many townes and great store of people their houses are flat-rooffed and built of lime and stone and the streets of their townes are placed in good order All the men and women haue their faces armes and legges raced and pounced they are a people of great stature and of better gouernment then the rest which they had seene in their former iourneyes and are well prouided of victuals and furnished with plenty of wilde beasts fowles and fishes by reason or mighty riuers which come from the North whereof one is as great as Guadalquiuir which falleth into the North sea or bay of Mexico Here are also many lakes of salt water which at a certeine time of the yere wareth hard and becommeth very good salt They are a warlike people and soone made shâ—w thereof for the first night that our people incamped there with their arrowes they slew fiue horses and wounded fiue other very sore nor would not haue left one of them aliue if they had not beene defended by our guard Hauing done this mischiefe they abandoned the towne and withdrew themselues to a mountaine which was hard by whither our captaine went beâ—imes in the morning taking with him fiue souldiers well armed and an interpreter called Peter an Indian of their owne nation and with good persuasions appeased them causing them to descend to their towne and houses and persuading them to giue aduice vnto their neighbours that they were men that would hurt no body neither came they thither to take away their goods which he obtained easily by his wisedome and by giuing vnto the Caçiques certeine bracelets of glasse beads with hats and other trifles which he caried with him for the same purpose so by this meanes and by the good interteinment which they gaue them many of them accompanied our Spanyards for certeine dayes alwayes trauelling along the banke of the great riuer abouesayd along the which there were many townes of the Indians of this nation which continued for the space of twelue dayes trauel all which time the Caçiques hauing receiued aduice from one to another came forth to interteine our people without their bowes and arrowes and brought them plenty of victuals with other presents and gifts especially hides and chamois-skins very well dressed so that those of Flanders do nothing exceed them These people are all clothed and seemed to haue some light of our holy faith for they made signes of God looking vp towards heauen and call him in their language Apalito and acknowledge him for their Lord from whose bountifull hand and mercy they confesse that they haue receiued their life and being and these worldly goods Many of them with their wiues and children came vnto the frier which the captaine and souldiers brought with them that hee might crosse and blesse them Who demanding of them from whom they had receiued that knowledge of God they answered from three Christians one Negro which passed that way and remained certaine dayes among them who by the signes which they made were Aluaro Nunnez Cabeça de Vaca and Dorantes and Castillo Maldonado and a Negro all which escaped of the company which Pamphilo de Naruaez landed in Florida who after they had bene many dayes captiues and slaues escaped and came to these townes by whom God shewed many miracles and healed onely by the touching of their hands many sicke persons by reason wherof they became very famous in all that countrey All this prouince remained in great peace and security in token whereof they accompanied and serued our men certaine dayes trauelling along by the great riuer aforesayd Within few dayes after they came vnto another great prouince of Indians from whence they came forth to receiue them vpon the newes which they had heard of their neighbors and brought them many very curious things made of feathers of diuers colours and many mantles of cotton straked with blew and white like those that are brought from China to barter trucke them for other things All of them both men women and children were clad in chamois skinnes very good and wel dressed Our people could neuer vnderstand what nation they were for lacke of an interpreter howbeit they dealt with them by signes and hauing shewed vnto them certaine stones of rich metall and inquired whether there were any such in their countrey they answered by the same signes that fiue dayes iourney Westward from thence there was great quantity therof and that they would conduct them thither and shew it vnto them as afterward they performed their promise bare them company 22 leagues which was all inhabited by people of the same nation Next vnto the foresayd prouince they came vnto another further vp the great riuer aforesayd being much more populous then the former of whom they were well receiued and welcomed with many presents especially of fish whereof they haue exceeding great store by reason of certaine great lakes not far from thence wherein they are bred in the foresayd plenty They stayed among these people three dayes all which time both day and night they made before them many dances according to their fashion with signification of speciall ioy They could not learne the name of this nation for want of an interpreter yet they vnderstood that it extended very farre and was very great Among these people they found an Indian of the foresayd nation of the Conchos who told them and shewed them by signes that fifteene dayes iourney from thence toward the West there was a very broad lake and nere vnto it very great townes and in them houses of three or foure stories high and that the people were well apparelled and the countrey full of victuals and prouision This Concho offered himselfe to conduct our men thither whereat our company reioyced but left off the enterprise onely to accomplish their intent for which they vndertooke the voyage which was to go Northward to giue ayd vnto the two friers aforesayd The chiefe and principall thing that they noted in this prouince was that it was of very good temperature and a very rich soile and had great store of wilde beasts and wilde-fowle and abundance of rich metals and other excellent things and very profitable From this prouince they folowed their iourney for the space of fifteene dayes without meeting any people all that while passing thorow great woods and groues of pine trees bearing such
greene shrubs very pleasant to behold although there grew no trees there The situation shewed their length and breadth This day was little winde â—â— being in a manner calme to our no small griefe and the father frier Raimund sayd vs a drie masse and gaue vs ashes preaching vnto vs according to the time and state wherein we were with which sermon we were greatly comforted After noonetide we had contrary wind which still was our enemie in all our iourney at the least from the point of the port of Santa Cruz. Here we were constrained to anker in fiue fadome water and after wee rode at anker wee began to viewe the countrey and tooke delight in beholding how goodly and pleasant it was and neere vnto the sea wee iudged that wee saw a valley of white ground At euening so great a tempest came vpon vs of winde and raine that it was so fearefull and dangerous a thing that a greater cannot bee expressed for it had like to haue driuen vs vpon the shore and the chiefe Pilot cast out another great anker into the sea yet all would not serue for both these ankers could not stay the ship Whereupon all of vs cryed to God for mercy attending to see how he would dispose of vs who of his great goodnesse while we were in this danger vouchsafed a little to take the tempest and with great speede the chiefe Pilot commanded the mariners to turne the capsten and the Generall commanded and prayed all the souldiers to helpe to turne the capsten which they were nothing slow to performe and thus we beganne to weigh our ankers and in weighing of one which was farre greater â—hen the other the sea was so boisterous thaâ— it forced the capsten in such sorte that the men which were at it could not rule the same and iâ— strooke a Negro of the Generals such a blowe that it cast him downe along vpon the decke and did the like vnto another mariner and one of the barres strookâ— our fire-furnace so violently thaâ— it cast it ouer-boord into the sea Yet for all these troubles wee weighed our ankers and seâ— sayle and albeit we had great tempests at sea yet made wee no account thereof in respect of the ioy which we conceiued to see our selues â—reed of the perill of being cast on that shore with on ships especially seeing it fell out at midnight at which time no man could haue escaped but by meere myracle from God Wee sayled vp and downe the sea all Thursday and vntill Friday in the morning being thâ— fourteeneth day of February and the waues of the sea continually came raking ouer oâ—â— deckes At length on Saturday morning at breake of day we could finde no remedy against the contrary windes notwithstanding the Generall was very obstinate to haue vs keepe out at sea although it were very tempestuous least we should be driuen to put backe againe but not diligence nor remedie preuailed for the windes were so boysterous and so contrary that they could not he worse and the sea went still higher and swelled more and more and that in such forte that we greatly fâ—aâ—ed wee should all perish Whereupon the Pilot thought it our best course tâ— returne to the Isle of Cedars whither wee had repaired three or foure times before by reason of the selfe same contrary windes for wee tooke this Island for our father and mother although we receiued no other benefite thereby saue this onely namely to repaire thither in these necessities and to furnish our selues with water and with some small quantitie of fish Being therefore arriued at this Island and riding vnder the shelter thereof the contrary windes did alwayes blow very strongly and here we tooke water which we drunke and wood for our fewel and greatly desired that the windes would bee more fauourable for proceeding on our iourney And though we rode vnder the shelter of the Isle yet felt wee the great fury of those windes and the rage of the sea and our ships neuer ceased rolling At breake of day the twentieth of February wee found the cable of our Admirall cracked whereupon to our great griefe we were constrained to setsayle to fall downe lower the space of a league and the Trinitie came and rode in our company Chap. 15. They goe on land in the isle of Cedars and take diuers wilde beasts and refresh and solace themselues They are strangely tossed with the Northwest winde and seeking often to depart they are forced for the auoiding of many mischiefes to repaire thither againe for harbour THe two and twentieth of February being the second Sonday in Lent the General went on shore with the greatest part of his people and the friers neere vnto a valley which they sawe before them And hearing masse on land certaine souldiers and mariners with certaine dogges which we had in our company went into the said valley and we met with certaine deere whereof we tooke a female which was little but fat whose haire was liker the haire of a wild goat then of a deere and we found her not to be a perfect deere for she had foure dugs like vnto a cowe full of milke which made vs much to marueâ—le And after we had stayed off her skinne the flesh seemed more like the flesh of a goate then of a deere We killed likewise a gray conie in shape like vnto those of Nueua Espanna and another as blacke as heben-wood In the cottages at the shelter aboue where we brake our cable we found many pine-nuts opened which in mine opinion the Indians had gathered together to eate the kernels of them On Munday the 23 of the said moneth we rode at anker taking our pleasure and pastime with fishing And the Northwest winde began to blow which wared so great a little before midnight as it was wonderfull so that although we were vnder the shelter of the Island and greatly defended from that wind yet for all that it was so furious and the sea became so raging and boisterous that it greatly shook our ships and we were in great feare of breaking our cables whereof to say the trueth we had very much neede for hauing spent longer time in this voyage then we looked for wee had broken two and lost two of our best ankers This furious winde continued vntill the next day being Tewsday the 24 when as we went on shore with the friers who sayd vs masse recommending our selues to God beseeching him to vouchsafe to succour and help vs with some good weather that we might proceede on our voyage to the aduancement of his seruice And still the winds were so high and outragious that the deuill seemed to be loosed in the aire Whereupon the Pilots caused all the masts to be let downe least they should be shaken with the wind and tooke off all the shrowds and likewise caused the cabbens in the sterne to be taken away that the winds might haue more free passage for the
company neere vnto vs which we saw not by meanes of the great fogge which hearing the sound of the piece vnderstanding some of the company to be in great extremitie began to make towards vs and when they came within hearing of vs we desired them for the loue of God to helpe to saue vs for that we were all like to perish They willed vs to hoise our foresaile as much as we could make towards them for they would do their best to saue vs and so we did And we had no sooner hoised our foresaile but there came a gale of winde a piece of a sea strooke in the foresaile and caried saile maste all ouerboord so that then we thought there was no hope of life And then we began to imbrace one another euery man his friend euery wife her husband and the children their fathers and mothers committing our soules to Almighty God thinking neuer to escape aliue yet it pleased God in the time of most need when all hope was past to aide vs with his helping hand and caused the winde a little to cease so that within two houres after the other ship was able to come aboord vs tooke into her with her boat man woman and child naked without hose or shoe vpon many of our fecte I do remember that the last person that came out of the ship into the boat was a woman blacke Moore who leaping out of the ship into the boat with a yong sucking child in her armes lept too short and fell into the sea and was a good while vnder the water before the boat could come to rescue her and with the spreading of her clothes rose aboue water againe and was caught by the coat pulled into the boate hauing still her childe vnder her arme both of them halfe drowned and yet her naturall loue towards her child would not let her let the childe goe And when she came aboord the boate she helde her childe so fast vnder her arme still that two men were scant able to get it out So we departed out of our ship left it in the sea it was worth foure hundreth thousand ducats ship goods when we left it And within three dayes after we arriued at our port of S. Iohn de Vllua in New Spaine I do remember that in the great and boysterous storme of this foule weather in the night there came vpon the toppe of our maine yarde and maine maste a certaine little light much like vnto the light of a little candle which the Spaniards called the Cuerpo santo and saide it was S. Elmo whom they take to bee the aduocate of Sailers At the which fight the Spaniards fell downe vpon their knees and worshipped it praying God and S. Elmo to cease the torment and saue them from the perill that they were in with promising him that at their comming on land they would repaire vnto his Chappell and there cause Masses to be saide and other ceremonies to be done The friers cast reliques into the sea to cause the sea to be still and likewise said Gospels with other crossings and ceremonies vpon the sea to make the storme to cease which as they said did much good to weaken the furie of the storme But I could not perceiue it nor gaue no credite to it till it pleased God to send vs the remedie deliuered vs from the rage of the â—ame His Name be praised therefore This light continued aboord our ship about three houres flying from maste to maste from top to top and sometime it would be in two or three places at once I informed my selfe of learned men afterward what that light should be and they said that it was but a congelation of the winde and vapours of the Sea congealed with the extremitie of the weather which flying in the winde many times doeth chance to hit on the masts and shrowds of the ships that are at sea in foule weather And in trueth I do take it to be so for that I haue seene the like in other ships at sea and in sundry ships at once By this men may see how the Papists are giuen to beleeue and worship such vaine things and toyes as God to whom all honour doth appertaine and in their neede and necessities do let to call vpon the liuing God who is the giuer of all good things The 16. of April in Anno 1556. we arriued at the port of S. Iohn de Vllua in new Spaine very naked and distressed of apparell and all other things by meanes of the losse of our foresaid ship and goods and from thence we went to the new Towne called Vera Cruzâ— fiue leagues from the said port of S. Iohn de Vllua marching still by the sea side where wee found lying vpon the sands great quantitie of mightie great trees with rootes and all some of them of foure fiue and sixe cart load by our estimation which as the people tolde vs were in the great stormy weather which we indured at sea rooted out of the ground in Terra Florida which is three hundreth leagues ouer by Sea and brought thither So we came to the saide Towne of Vera cruz where wee remained a moneth and there the said Iohn Field chanced to meete with an olde friend of his acquaintance in Spaine called Gonçalo Ruiz de Cordoua a very rich man of the saide Towne of Vera cruz Who hearing of his comming thither with his wife and family and of hiâ— misfortune by Sea came vnto him and receiued him and all his houshold into his house and kept vs there a whole moneth making vs very good cheere and giuing vs good intertainement and also gaue vs that were in all eight persons of the said Iohn Fields house double apparell new out of the shop of very good cloth coates cloakes hose shirts smocks gownes for the women hose shooes and al other necessary apparel and for our way vp to the Citie of Mexico horses moiles and men and money in our purses for the expences by the way which by our accompt might amount vnto the summe of 400. Crownes And after wee were entred two dayes iourney into the Countrey I the saide Robert Tomson fell so sicke of an ague that the next day I was not able to sit on my horse but was faine to be caried vpon Indians backes from thence to Mexico And when wee came within halfe a dayes iourney of the Citie of Mexico the saide Iohn Field also fell sicke and within three dayes after we arriued at the said Citie hee died And presently sickened one of his children and two more of his houshold people and within eight dayes died So that within tenne dayes after we arriued at the Citie of Mexico of eight persons that were of vs of the saide company there remained but foure aliue and I the said Tomson was at the point of death of the sicknes that I got vpon the way which
it not the best course at the last but rather kept off in the sea from the coast And vpon Saturday the 17. of September wee fell with the coast of Barbarie and the 18. halled in with the roade of Santa Cruz. The 21. day wee â—â—ll with one of the ylands of the Canaries called Forteuentura In running alongst this yland we espied vpon a hill by the water side one wauing with a white flagge whereupon wee manned both our boates and sent them towards the shoare to vnderstand what newes They found them to bee two ragged knaues and one horseman and they tolde vs that Lanzarota was taken and spoyled in August by the Turkes when we saw they had nothing else to say we left them and proceeded on our course and fell againe with the coast of Barbarie The 25. day of September about 10. of the clocke we fell with Rio del Oro standing iust vnder our Tropike we anckered in the mouth of it in 8. â—adom the entrance of it is about 2. leagues ouer And the next day our Captaine with the boate searched the riuer and found it to be as broad 14. or 15. leagues vp as at the entrie of it but found no towne nor habitation sauing that there came downe two poore men and one of them spake good Spanish and told our Captaine that certaine Frenchmen vsed to come thither and laded some oxe hides and goats hides but other commoditie there was none We departed thence the 27 day â— the last day of the moneth being calme we went abord our General there consented to goe for Sierra Leona to wood and water From thence till the 10. of October wee were much becalmed with extreeme hot weather much lightning and great store of raine This 10. day we sounded finding a great current as we supposed by the ripling water which after wee found to bee an ordinary tide the flood setting to the Northwest and the ebb Southeast and here we had but 18. fathome water and no lande to bee seene it was on the Southermost part of the showles that lie in about 11. degrees but halling South off againe it presently deeped vnto 50. fathome and after halling Southeast and by East and East southeast we sounded but had no ground in 120. fathome The 21. of October wee fell with land vpon the coast of Guinea in the height of 8. degrees a very high land but of no great length it was the high land ouer Sierra Leona Wee drewe in to the land and found neere the shoare more water then in the offing at the Northren end of the high land we anckered about a mile and somewhat more from the shoare in 11. fathome To goe into the harbor of Sierra Leona we did borrow vpon the South side hauing no ground in 10. fathome halfe a mile from the shoare Upon the Northside of this harbour is very shoale water but on the Southside no feare more then is to be seene The 23. day being Sunday wee came to an ancker in the bay of fresh water and going ashoare with our boate wee spake with a Portugal who tolde vs that not farre off there were Negros inhabiting and that in giuing to the king a Botija of wine and some linnen cloth hee would suffer vs to water and wood at our pleasure But our Captaines thinking it not good to giue any thing for that which they might take freely landed and certaine of our men with them whereupon the Portugall and the Negros ranne all away into the woods Then wee returned againe into our boates and presently went and landed in another place thinking to haue fetcht a walke and so to come to our boats againe But wandering through a little wood we were suddenly and vnawares vpon a towne of the Negros whereupon they strooke vp their drumme giuing withall a great showe and off went their arrowes as thicke as haile Wee were in number about 30. caleeuers and 20. with our weapons which wee also let flie into the woods among them and what hurt we did we know not Then wee returned to our boates and tooke wood and water at our pleasure and reasonable store of fish and amongst the rest we halled vp a great foule monster whose head and backe were so hard that no sword could enter it but being thrust in vnder the belly in diuers places and much wounded hee bowed a sword in his mouth as a man would do a girdle of leather about his hande and likewise the yron of a boare speare He was in length about nine foote and had nothing in his belly but a certaine quantitie of small stones to the value of a pottell The fourth of Nouember wee went on shore to a towne of the Negros which stoode on the Southeast side of the harbour about a Sacar shot from the roade which we found to be but lately built it was of about two hundreth houses and walled about with mightie great trees and stakes so thicke that a rat could hardly get in or out But as it chanced wee came directly vpon a port which was not shut vp where we entred with such fiercenesse that the people fled all out of the towne which we found to bee finely built after their fashion and the streetes of it so intricate that it was difficult for vs to finde the way out that we came in at Wee found their houses and streets so finely and cleanly kept that it was an admiration to vs all for that neither in the houses nor streets was so much dust to bee found as would fill an egge shell Wee found little in their houses except some matts goards and some earthen pots Our men at their departure set the towne on fireâ— and it was burnt for the most part of it in a quarter of an houre the houses being couered with reed and straw After this wee searched the countrey about it where wee found in diuers plaines good store of rice in stacks which our men did beate out and brought abord in the huske to the quantitie of 14. or 15. tunnes in both our ships The 17. day of Nouember wee departed from Sierra Leona directing our course for the Straights of Magellan In this harbour diuers of our men fell sicke of a disease in the belly which for the time was extreeme but God bee thanked it was but of small continuance Wee founde also in diuers places of the woods images set vpon pinnes with diuers things before them as eggs meale rice round shot of stones and diuers other things such as the barbarous people had to offer vp When we came neere to the Line wee found it nothing so hot as it is at Sierra Leona by reason of the great winde and raine About the 24. day of Nouember one or two of our men died and others also were sicke of a Calentura The second day of Ianuary we had a little sight of land being about the
seueral steedes with fires and shooting off â—heir pieces This island hath much plaine ground in it in many places and many fayre and straight trees do grow vpon it fit for to make excellent good mastes for all sorts of ships There are also mynes of very fine gold in it which are in the custodie of the Indians And to the South-ward of this place there is another very great island which is not subdued by the Spaniards nor any other nation The people which inhabite it are all Negros and the island is called the island of Negros and is almost as bigge as England standing in 9 degrees the most part of it seemeth to be very lowe land and by all likelihood is very fruitfull The 29 day of Ianuary aboute sixe of the clocke is the morning we set saile sending our boate before vntil it was two of the clock in the afternoone passing all this time as it were through a straight betwixt the said 2 islands of Panama and the island of Negros and about 16 leagues off we espied a fayre opening trendingâ— Southwest and by South at which time our boate came aboord and our Generall sent commendations to the Spanish captaine which wee came froâ— the euening before by the Spaniard which we tooke and willed him to prouide good store of gold for he meant for to see him with his company at Manilla within fewâ— yeeres and that he did but want a bigger boate to haue landed his men or else hee would haue seene him then and so caused him to be set on shore The 8 day of February by 8 of the clocke in the morning we espied an island neere Gilolo called Batochina which standeth in one degree from the Equinoctial line Northward The 14 day of February we fell with 11 or 12 very small islands lying very low and flat full of treesâ— and passed by some islands which be suncke and haue the dry sands lying in the maine sea These islands neere the Malucoes stand in 3 degrees and 10 min. to the South-ward of the lyne On the 17 day one Iohn Gameford a Cooper dyed which had bene sicke of an olde disease a long time The 20 day wee fell with certaine other islands which had many small islands among them standing 4 degrees to the South-ward of the lyne On the 21 day of Februarie being Ash wednesday Captaine Hauers dyed of a most feruent and pestilent ague which held him furiously some 7 or 8 dayes to the no small griefe of our Generall and of all the reâ—t of the company who caused two Falcons and one Sacre to be shot oâ—f with all the small shotte in the ship who aftâ—r he was shrowded in a sheete and a prayer fayd was heued ouer bord with great lamenâ—ation of vs all Moreouer presently after his death my selfe with diuers othâ—rs in the ship fâ—ll marueilously sicke and so continued in very great paine for the space of three weekes or a moneth by reason of the extreeme heat and vntemperatnesse of the Climate The first day of March hauing passed through the Straights of Iaua minor and Iaua maior wee came to an ancker vnder the Southwest parts of Iauâ— maior where wee â—spied certaine of the people which were fishing by the sea side in a bay which was vnder the yland Then our Generall taking into the ship-boat certaine of his company and a Negro which could speake the Morisco tongue which hee had taken out of the great S. Anna made toward those fishers which hauing espied our boat ranne on shoare into the wood for feare of our men but our Generall caused his Negro to call vnto them who no sooner heard him call but presently one of them came out to the shore side and made answere Our Generall by the Negro enquired of him for fresh water which they found and caused the fisher to goe to the King and to certifie him of a shippe that was come to haue trafique for victuals and for diamants pâ—arles or any other riche iewels that hee had for which hee should haue â—ither golde or other marchandise in exchange The fisher answered that we should haue all maner of victuals that wee would request Thus the boat came abord againe Within a while after wee went about to furnish out shippe througâ—ly with wood and water About the eighth of March two or three Canoas came from the towne vnto vs with egges hennes fresh fish oranges and lymes and brought worde wee should hâ—ue â—ad victuals more plentifully but that they were so farre to bee brought to vs where wee ridde Which when our Generall heard hee weighed ancker and stoode in neerer for the towne and as weâ— were vnder saile wee mette with one of the kings canoas comming towarde vs whereupon wee sâ—oke the shippe in the winde and stayed for the canoa vntill it came abord of vs and stoode into the bay which was hard by and came to an ancker In this canoa was the Kings Secretarie who had on his head a piece of died linen cloth folded vp like vnto a Turkes Tuliban he was all naked sauing about his waste his breast was carued with the broade arrowe vpon it hee went bare-footed he had an interpretour with hâ—m which was a Mestizo that is halfe an Indian and halfe a Portugall who could speake very good Portugese This Secrâ—tarie signified vnto our Generall that he had brought him an hogge hennes egges fresh fish sugar-canes and wine which wine was as strong as any aquauitae and as cleare as any rocke water he tolde him farther that hee would bring victuals so sufficiently â—or him as hee and his company would request and that within the space of foure dayes Our Generall vsed him singularly well banquetted him most royally with the choyce of many and sundry conserues wines both sweete and other and caused his Musiâ—ians to make him musicke This done our Generall tolde him that hee and his company were Englishmen and that wee had bene at China and had had trafique there with them and that wee were come thither to discouer and purposed to goâ— to Malaca The people of Iaua tolde our Generall that thâ—re were certaine Portugals in the yland which lay there as Factours continually to trafique with them to buy Negros cloues pepper sugar and many other commodities This Secretarie of the King with his interpretour lâ—y one night abord our shippe The same night because they lay abord in the euening at the setting of the watch our Generall commanded euery man in the shippe to prouide his harquebuze and his shotte and so with shooting off 40. or 50. small shot and one Sacre himselfe set the watch with thâ—m Tâ—is was no small marueile vnto these heathen people who had not commonly seene any shippe so furnished with men and Ordinance The next morning wee dismissed the Secretarie and his interpretour with all humanitie The fourth day after which
vpon the saide Order receiuing maintenance and exhibition from the saide Order during the terme of his life It fortuned also vnder the gouernment of the foresayde Master Boppo that one Syr Martine a Golin beeing accompanied with another knight went into the countrey to see howe the Prussians were imployed And meeting with three Prussians they slew two and the thirde they reserued to guide them the directest way But this guide betrayed them into their enemies handes Which when they perceiued they slewe the Traytour Then fiue Prussian horsemen came riding and tooke them deliuering them bounde to the custodie of two And the other three pursued the horses of the two which broke loose in the time of tâ—e frâ—ye And they tarying somewhat long the other two woulde haue beheaded the two Knightes in the meane season And as one of them was striking with his drawen sworde at the necke of Sir Martine hee saide vnto them Sirs you doe vnwisely in that you take not off my garment before it bee defiled with blood They therefore loosing the cordes wherewith hee was bounde to take off his garment set his armes more at libertie Which Syr Martine well perceiuing reached his keeper such a boxe that his sworde fell to the grounde Which hee with all speede taking vp slewe both the keepers and vnbâ—unde his fellowe Knight Moreouer seeing the other three Prussians comming furiously vpon them with staute couragious hearts they made towarde the saide Prussians and slew thâ—m and so escaped the danger of death The seuenth great Master was Hanno de Sangeâ—shusen who deceased in the yeere one thousand two hundreth seuentie fiue The eight was Hartmanous ab Heldringen who deceased in the yeere 1282. The ninth was Burckardus a Schuuenden beeing afterwarde made knight of the order of Saint Iohns The tenth was Conradus a Feuchtuuang vnder this man the Citie of Acon in Palestina was sacked by the Soldan and manie people were slayne The Tâ—mplars which were therein returned home out of Fraunce where they had great reuenewes The Knightes of Saint Iohn who also had an Hospitall at Acon changed their place and went into the Isle of Cyprus and fromâ—thence departing vnto Rhodes they subdued that Islande vnto themselues Nowe the Dutch Knights abounded with wealth and possessions throughout all Germanie beeing Lordes of a good part of Prussia Liuonia and Curland whose chiefe house was then at Marpurg till such time as it was remooued vnto Marieburg a Towne of Prussia The eleuenth great Master was Godfrey Earle of Hohenloc Under this man the knights sustained a great ouerthrowe in Liuonia but hauing strengthned their armie they slewe neere vnto Rye foure thousande of their enemies The twelfth Master was Sifridus a Feuchtuuang Under this man the principall house of the Order was translated from Martpurg to Marieburg which in the beginning was established at Acon and from thence was remooued vnto Venice and from Venice vnto Martpurg This Sifridus deceased in the yeere 1341. The thirteenth Master was called Charles Beffart of Triers This man built a fort vpon the riuer of Mimmel and it was named Christmimmel The foureteenth was Warnerus ab Orsele whome a certaine knight of the Order slewe with his sworde The 15. was Ludolphus Duke of Brunswick who built the Towne of Ylgenburg and deceased 1352. The sixteenth was Theodoricus Earle of Aldenborg and hee built the Towne of Bartenstein The seuenteenth was Ludolphus sirnamed King The eighteenth was Henrie a Tusimer The nineteenth Winricus a Knoppenrodt In this mans time the knights took the king of the Lithuanians named Kinstut captiue and kept him prisoner in Marieburg halfe a yeere but by the helpe of a seruaunt hauing broken out of the Castle hee escaped away by night But fearing that hee was layde waite for in all places hee left his horse and went on foote through vnknowen pathes In the day time hee hidde himselfe in secrete places and in the night hee continued his iourney vntill hee came vnto Massouia But all the Knightes ioye was turned into sorrowe after they had lost so great an enemie The twentieth grand Master was Conradus Zolner of Rotenstein The one and twentieth Conradus Walenrod The two and twentieth Conradus a Iungingen who deceased in the yeere one thousand foure hundreth and seuen The three and twentieth Vlricus a Iungingen This man dyed in battell in the yeere one thousand foure hundreth and tenne which battell was fought against Vladislaus Father of Casimire Both partes had leuied mightie and huge forces vnto the Polonians the Lithuanians and the Tartars had ioyned themselues ouer whome one Vitoldus was captaine the Dutch Knights had taken vp Souldiers out of all Germanie And when eache armie had encamped themselues one within twentie furlongs of another hoping for victorie and impatient of delay the great Master of the Prussians sent an Herault to denounce warre vnto the King and immediately alarme beeing giuen it is reported that there were in both armies fourtie thousand horsemen in a readinesse Vladislaus commaunded the Lithuanians and the Tartars to giue the first onsette and placed the Polonians in the rerewarde of the battell on the contrarie side the Prussians regarded least of all to reserue any strong troupes behinde which might rescue such as were wearie and renewe the fight if neede shoulde require but set forwarde the flower and chiualrie of all his Souldiers in the verie forefront of the battell The charge beeing giuen certaine vnarmed Tartars Lithuanians were slaine handsmooth howbeit the multitude pressed on neither durst the fearefull Polonians turne their backes and so a cruell battell was fought vpon the heapes of dead carkases The combate continued a long time terrible slaughters were committed and the Lithuanians and Tartars were slaine like sheepe But when newe and fresh enemies continually issued foorth the Dutch knights being wearied began to fight more faintly Which Vladislaus no sooner perceiued but in all haste hee sends forwarde his mightie and well armed hande of Polonians who suddenly breaking in renewed the skirmish The Dutch were not able to withstand the furie of the fresh troupes great oddes there is betweene the wearied Souldier and him that comes in a fresh insomuch that the knights with their people were constrained to flee The master of the Order seeing his souldiers giue way vnto the enemie gathered a companie together and withstoode him in the face howbeit himselfe was slaine for his labour the flight of his people proued greater and more dishonourable neither did the Dutch cease to flee so long as the Polonian continued the chase There fell on the Knights partie manie thousands of men and the Polonians gotte not the victorie without great spoile and damage This battell was foughten in regard of the bounds of regions in the yeere 1410. All Prussia following the happie successe of the Polonian king except Marieburg onely yeelded themselues vnto him being Conquerour Howbeit the Emperour Sigismund taking vp the quarell peace was ordained between
the shotte of arrowes and the theeues also incamped within an arrowe shotte of vs but they were betwixt vs and the water which was to our great discomfort because neither we nor our camels had drunke in 2. dayes before Thus keeping good watch when halfe the night was spent the Prince of the theeues sent a messenger halfe way vnto vs requiring to talke with our Captaine in their tongue the Carauan Basha who answered the messenger I will not depart from my companie to goe into the halfe way to talke with thee but if that thy Prince with all his companie will sweare by our Lawe to keepe the truce then will I send a man to talke with thee or els not Which the Prince vnderstanding as well himselfe as his company swore so loude that we might all heare And then we sent one of our company reputed a holy man to talke with the same messenger The message was pronounced aloude in this order Our Prince demaundeth of the Carauan Basha and of all you that be Bussarmans that is to say circumcised not desiring your bloods that you deliuer into his hands as many Caphars that is vnbeleeuers meaning vs the Christians as are among you with their goods and in so doing hee will suffer you to depart with your goods in quietnesse and on the contrary you shall be handled with no lesse cruelty then the Caphars if hee ouercome you as he doubteth not To the which our Carauan Basha answered that he had no Christians in his company nor other strangers but two Turkes which were of their Law and although hee had hee would rather die then deliuer them and that we were not afraide of his threatnings and that should he know when day appeared And so passing in talke the theeues contrary to their othe caried our holy man away to their Prince crying with a lowde voyce in token of victory Ollo ollo Wherewith we were much discomforted fearing that that holy man would betray vs but he being cruelly handled and much examined would not to death confesse anything which was to vs preiudiciall neither touching vs nor yet what men they had staine and wounded of ours the day before When the night was spent in the morning we prepared our selues to battel againe which the theeues perceiuing required to fall to agreement asked much of vs And to be briefe the most part of onr companie being loth to go to battel againe and hauing litle to loose safecoÌ„duct to passe we were compelled to agree and to giue the theeues 20 ninths that is to say 20 times 9 seuerall things and a camell to cary away the same which being receiued the theeues departed into the wildernes to their old habitation and we went on our way forward And that night came to the riuer Oxus where we refreshed our selues hauing bene 3. dayes without water and drinke and carried there all the next day making mery with our slaine horses and camels and then departed from that place for feare of meeting with the said theeues againe or such like we left the high way which went along the said riuer and passed through a wildernes of sand and trauelled 4 dayes in the same before we came to water and then came to a wel the water being very brackish and we then as before were in neede of water and of other victuals being forced to kill our horses and camels to eate In this wildernes also we had almost fallen into the hands of theeues for one night being at rest there came certaine scoutes and caried away certaine of our men which lay a litle separated from the Carauan wherewith there was a great shoute and crie and we immediatly laded our camels and departed being about midnight and very darke and droue sore till we came to the riuer Oxus againe and then we feared nothing being walled with the said riuer whether it was for that we had gotten the water or for that the same theeues were far from vs when the scouts discouered vs we knowe not but we escaped that danger So vpon the 23 day of December wee arriued 〈◊〉 tâ—ie of Boghar in the lande of Bactria This Boghar is situated in the lowest part of all the land walled about with a high wall of earth with diuers gates into the same it is diuided into 3 partitions whereof two parts are the kings and the 3 part is for Marchants and markets and euery science hath their dwelling and market by themselues The Citie is very great and the houses for the most part of earth but there are also many houses temples and monuments of stone sumptuously builded and gilt and specially bathstoues so artificially built that the like thereof is not in the world the maner whereof is too long to rehearse There is a little riuer running through the middest of the said Citie but the water there of is most vnholsome for it breedeth sometimes in men that drinke thereof and especially in them that be not there borne a worme of aâ—ell long which lyeth commonly in the legge betwixt the flesh and the skinne and is plucke out about the ancle with great art and cunning the Surgeons being much practised therein and if shee breake in plucking out the partie dieth and euery day she commeth out about an inch which is rolled vp and so worketh till she be all out And yet it is there forbidden to drinke any other thing then water mares milke and whosoeuer is found to breake that law is whipped and beaten most cruelly through the open markets and there are officers appointed for the seme who haue authoritie to goe into any mans house to search if he haue either Aquauitae wine or brage and finding the same doe breake the vessels spoile the drinke and punish the masters of the house most cruelly yea and many times if they perceiue but by the breath of a man that he hath drunke without further examination he shall not escape their hands There is a Metropolitane in this Boghar who causeth this law to bee so streightly kept and he is more obeyed then the king and will depose the king and place another at his will and pleasure as he did by this king that raigned at our being there and his predecessour by the meanes of the sayd Metropolitan for he betrayed him and in the night slewe him in his chamber who was a Prince that loued all Christians well This Countrey of Boghar was sometime subiect to the Persians do now speake the Persian tongue but yet now it is a kingdome of it selfe and hath most cruel warres continually with the sayd Persians about their religion although they be all Mahometists One occasion of their wars is for that the Persians will not cut the haire of their vpper lips as the Bogharians and all â—ther Tarâ—ars doe which they accompt great sinne and cal them Caphars that is vnbeleeuers as they doe the Christians The
factors to come aboord the shippe The 29. day their goods were vnladen and carried to the Bashaes garden where he made choyce of such things as he liked taking for custome of euery fiue twenty karsies or whatsoeuer one or after the rate of foure for the hundred The factors after his choyce made determined to send a part of the rest of the goods to Bachu for the speedier making sale thereof for which cause they obtained the Bashaes letter to the captaine of Bachu written very fauourably in their behoofe and thereupon was laden and sent in a small boat of that countrey in merchandize to the value very neere of one thousand pound sterling videlicet one hundreth pieces of karsies seuen broad clothes two barrels of cochenelio two barrels of tinne foure barrels of shaffe There went with the same of the companies seruants William Winckle Robert Golding and Richard Relfe with two Russies whereof one was an interpretor besides foure barkemen They departed from Derbent with the said barke the 19. of Iuly and arriued at Bildih the 25. day their passage and carriage of their goods to Bachu was chargeable although their sales when they came thither were small they had great friendship shewed them of the captaine of Bachu as well for the Bashaes letter as also for the factors sakes who had dealt friendly with him as before is declared Robert Golding desirous to vnderstand what might be done at Shamaky which is a daies iourney from Bachu went thither from whence returning he was set on by theeues and was shot into the knâ—e with an arrow who had very hardly escaped with his life goods but that by good hap he killed one of the theeues horses with his caliuer and shot a Turke thorow both cheâ—ks with a dag On the sixt day of August the factors being aduertised at Derbent that their ship was so rotten weake that it was doubfull she would not carry them backe to Astracan did therupon agree and bargen at that place with an Armenian whose name was Iacob for a barke called a Busse being of burden about 35. tunnes which came that yere from Astracan and was at that instant riding at an Island called Zere about three or foure leagues beyond or to the Eastwardes of Bildih which barke for their more safety they ment to haue with them in their returne to Astracan and therupon wrote vnto Wincoll and the rest at Bachu that they should receiue the same Busse and lade in her their goods at Bildih to be returned to Derbent and to discharge their fiâ—st boate which was obseruâ—d by them accordingly When all their goods were laden aboord the sayd Busse at Bildih and being ready to haue departed thence for Derbent there arose a great storme with the winde out of the sea by force whereof the cables and halsers were broken and their vessell put a shoare and broken to pieces against the rockes euery of them â—hat were in her saued their liues and part of the goods But there was a Carobia or cheste wherein were dollers and golde which they had receiued for the commodities of the company which they sold at Bachu which at the taking out of the Busse fell by the barkes side into the water amongst the rockes and so was lost The packes of cloth which they could not well take out of the Busse were also lost other things that were more profitable they saued The 18. of August the Factors receiued from the Basha 500. Batmans of raw silke parcell of the bargaine made with him who bade them come the next day for the rest of the bargaine The 19. day the Factors went to the Basha according to his appointment but that day they could not speake with him but it was deliuered them as from him that they should looke and consider whether any thing were due vnto him or not which grieued the Factors and thereupon M. Turnebull answered that their heads all that they had were at the Bashaes pleasure But then it was answered there was no such matter in it but that they should cast vp their reckonings to see how it stood betweene them The 20. day they cast vp their reckonings The 21. they went to haue spoken with the Basha but were denied audience The 22. day they heard newes by a Busse that came from Astracan that Arthur Edwards whom the Factors left at Astracan with the moâ—tie of the goods was dead who departed this life the of The 23. day the Factors receiued more from the Basha 500. Batmans of silke The 4. of September newes was brought to Derbent that Golding comming from Shamaky was set on by theeues Turkes and had hurt one of them The 5. Tobias Atkins the gunners boy died of the flure who was buried the 6. day 2. miles to the Southward of the Castle of Derbent where the Armenian Christians do vsually bury their dead About the 20. of September newes came to Derbent that the Busse which they had bought of Iacob the Armenian as before was cast away at Bildih but they receiued no certaine newes in writing from any of our people The 26. of September was laden aboord the ship 40. bales of silke From the 26. till the 2. of October they tooke into the ship bread water and other necessary prouision for their seashore the said 2. day of October the Factors were commanded vpon the suddaine to auoide their house and get them with their prouision out of the towne Whereupon they were constrained to remoue and carry their things to the sea side against the ship and remained there all the night The cause of this sudden auoyding them out of the towne as afterwards they perceiued was for that the Basha had receiued newes of a supplie with treasure that the Turke had sent which was then neare at hand comming toward him The 3. day of October all things were brought from the shoare aboord the ship and that day the Factors went to the Basha to take their leaue of him vnto whom they recommended those the Companies seruants c. which they had sent to Bachu making accompt to leaue them behinde in the Countrey who caused their names to be written and promised they should want nothing nor be iniuried of any After this leaue taken the Factors went aboord purposing presently to haue set saile and departed towards Astracan the winde seruing well for that purpose at South Southeast And as they were readie to set saile there came against the ship a man who weued whereupon the boate was sent a shoare to him who was an Armenian sent from William Wincoll with his writing tables wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly the mishap of the losse of the Busse and that they were comming from Bildih towardes Derbent they and such things as they saued with a small boate forced to put a shoare in a place by the sea side called the Armenian village Whereupon the Factors caused
being Northerly so that we could not come neere to it The 6. day about 2. in the afternoone the wind at North northwest we halde East southeast with a faire and gentle gale this day we met with ice About 6. in the afternoone it became calme we with saile and oares laide it to the Northeast part hoping that way to cleare vs of it for that way we did see the head part of it as we thought Which done about 12. of the clocke at night we gate cleere of it We did thinke it to be ice of the bay of Saint Nicholas but it was not as we found afterwards The seuenth day we met with more yce at the East part of the other yce we halde along a weather the yce to finde some ende thereof by East northeast This day there appeared more land North from vs being perfect land the ice was betweene vs and it so that we could not come neerer to it The same morning at sixe of the clocke wee put into the ice to finde some way through it wee continued in it all the same day and all the night following the winde by the North Northwest Wee were constrained to goe many pointes of our compasse but we went most an Easterly course The eight day the winde at North northwest we continued our course and at fiue in the morning we sounded and had 90. fadoms red oze This day at foure in the afternoone we sounded againe and had 84. fadoms oze as before At sixe in the after noone we cleared our selues of the ice and hald along Southeast by South we sounded againe at 10. a clocke at night and had 43. fathom sandy oze The 9. day at 2. in the morning we sounded againe and had 45. fadoms then there appeared a shadow of land to vs East Northeast and so we ran with it the space of 2. houres and then perceiuing that it was but fogge we hald along Southeast This day at 2. in the afternoone wee sounded and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes At tenne a clocke at night wee sounded againe and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze The tenth day the wind being at North northwest we haled East and by North which course we set because at ten of the clocke afore noone wee did see land and then wee sounded hauing 35. fadoms blacke oze All this day there was a great fogge so that wee durst not beare with the land to make it and so we kept an outwardly course This day at 6. in the afternoone we espied land wherewith we halled and then it grew calme we sounded and had 120. fadoms blacke oze and then we sent our boat a land to sound and proue the land The same night we came with our ship within and Island where we rode all the same night The same night wee went into a bay to ride neere the land for wood and water The 11. day the wind came to the East southeast this day about a league from vs to the Eastwards we saw a very faire sound or riuer that past very farre into the countrey with 2. or 3. branches with an Island in the midst The 12. of Iuly the wind was East Southeast This day about 11. a clocke in the morning there came a great white beare down to the water side and tooke the water of his own accord we chased him with our boate but for all that we could doe he gote to land and escaped from vs where we named the bay Bearebay This day at 7. in the after noone we set saile for we had good hope that the winde would come Westerly and with saile and oares we gate the sea All the night it was calme with fogge The 13. day in the morning the wind was very variable with fog and as it cleared vp wee met with great store of ice which at the first shewed like land This ice did vs much trouble and the more because of the fog which continued vntill the 14. day 12. of the clocke The 14. day in the morning we were so imbayed with ice y t we were constrained to come out as we went in which was by great good fortune or rather by the goodnesse of God otherwise it had bene impossible and at 12. of the clock we were cleere of it the wind being at South and South by West The same day we found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees 26. minutes we lay along the coast Northwest thinking it to be an Island but finding no end in rowing so long we supposed it to be the maine of Noua Zembla About 2. in the afternoone we laide it to the Southward to double the ice which wee could not doe vpon that boorde so that we cast about againe and lay West along vnder the ice About seuen in the afternoone we gote about the greatest part thereof About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice Southeast of vs and thus we were ridde of this trouble at this time The 15. day about 3. in the morning the wind was at South southwest wee cast about and lay to the Eastwards the winde did Wester so that wee lay South southwest with a flawne sheete and so we ranne all the same day About 8. in the after noone we sounded and had 23. fadoms small grey sand This night at twelue of the clocke we sounded againe and had 29. fadoms sand as afore The 16. day vnto 3. in the morning we hald along East Southeast where we found 18. fadoms red sand then we hald along Northeast In these soundings wee had many ouerfals This day at 10. of the clocke we met with more ice which was very great so that we coulde not tell which way to get cleere of it Then the winde came to the South Southeast so that we lay to the Northwards We thought that way to cleare our selues of it but that way we had more ice About 6. in the afternoone the wind came to the East Then we lay to the Southwards that wee had 30. fadoms blacke oze This day we found the pole to bee eleuated 69. deg 40. minutes and this night at 12. a clocke we had 41. fadoms red sand The 17. day at 3. in the morning we had 12. fadoms At 9. we had 8. and 7. all this day we ran South and South by West at the depth aforesaid red sand being but shallow water At eight in the afternoone the winde with a showre and thunder came to the Southwest and then wee ranne East Northeast At 12. at night it came to the South and by East and all this was in the bay of Pechora The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bare with the heaâ—land oâ— the bay where wee founde two Islands There are also ouerfals of water 〈◊〉 â—â—des We went between the maine and the Island next to the head where we had abouâ— 2. fadoms and a halfe We found
of hope of his life and safetie The Saracens seeing and knowing this his banner that part of them which enuironed the Citie by water made towards him with twentie Gallies and thirteene shippes which they commonly cal Cazh seeking to inclose the Kings shippe But by Gods helpe the billowes of the Sea swelling and raging against them and the Kings shippe gliding and passing through the waues with an easie and nimble course arriued suddenly in the hatten of Ioppa the enemies frustrated of their purpose and sixe of the Saracens were hurt and wounded by shot out of the Kings shippe So that the King entering into the Citie and nowe appearing in safetie in all their sightes the spirits of all them that mourned for him and vntil then lamented as though hee had bene dead reuiued because that the head and King of the Christians and prince of Ierusalem was yet aliue and come againe vnto them in perfect health ¶ Mention made of one Hardine of England one of the chiefest personages and a leader among other of two hundred saile of ships of Christians that landed at Ioppa in the yeere of our Lord God 1102. CHronicon Hierosolymitanum libro 9. cap. 11. Interea dum haec obsidio ageretur 200. naues Christianorum nauigio Ioppen appulsae sunt vt adorarent in Hierusalem Horum Bernardus Witrazh de terra Galatiae Hardinus de Anglia Otho de Roges Hadewerck vnus de praepotentibus Wesifalorum primi ductores fuisse referuntur c. Erat autem tertia feria Iulij mensis quando hae Christianorum copiae Deo protegente huc nauigio angustiatis obsessis ad opem collatae sunt Sarracenorum autem turmae videntes quia Christianorum virtus audacter facie ad faciem vicino sibi hospitio proximè iungebatur media nocte oâ—biincumbente amotis tentorijs amplius milliari subtractae consederunt dum luce exorta consilium inirent vtrum Ascalonem redirent aut ciues Iaphet crebris assultibus vexarent The same in English VVHile the Sarazens continued their siege against Ioppa two hundred saile of Christian ships arriued at Ioppa that they might performe their deuotions at Hierusalem The chiefe men and leaders of these Christians are reported to haue bene Bernard Witrazh of the land of Galatia Hardine of England Otho of Roges Haderwerck one of the chiefe noble men of Westphalia c. This Christian power through Gods speciall prouision arriued here for the succour and reliefe of the distressed besieged Christians in Ioppa the third day of Iuly 1102. and in the second yeere of Baldwine king of Ierusalem Whereupon the multitude of the Sarazens seeing that the Christian power ioyned themselues boldly close by them euen face to face in a lodging hard by them the very next night at midnight remooued their tents and pitched them more then a mile off that they might the next morning bee aduised whether they should returne to Ascalon or by often assaults vexe the citizens of Iaphet Chronicon Hierosolymitanum eodem libro 9. cap. 12. continueth this historie of these two hundreth saile of ships and sheweth how by their prowesse chiefly the multitude of the Sarazens were in short space vanquished and ouerthrowen The words are these Ab ipso verò die terriae feriae dum sic in superbia elatione suae multitudinis immobiles Saraceni persisterent multis armorum terroribus Christianum populum vexarent sexta feria appropinquance Rex Baldwinus in tubis cornibus a Iaphet egrediens in manu robusta equitum peditum virtutem illorum crudeli bello est aggressus magnis hinc hinc clamoribus intonantes Christiani quoque qui nauigio appulsi sunt horribili pariter clamore cum Rege Baldwino graui strepitu vociferantes Babylonios vehementi pugna sunt aggressi saeuissimis atque mortiferis plagis eos affligentes donec bello fatigati vltra vim non sustinentes fugam versus Ascalonem inierunt Alij verò ab insecutoribus eripi existimantes marâ— se credentes intolerabili procellarum fluctuatione absorpti sunt Et sic ciuitas Ioppe cum habitatoribus suis liberata est Ceciderunt hac die tria millia Sarracenorum Christianorum verò pauci perijsse inuenti sunt The same in English YEt notwithstanding after the said third day of Iuly the Sarazens persisted high minded and insolent by reason of their great multitude and much annoied the Christian people with their many forceable and terrible weapons whereupon on the sixt day of Iuly early in the morning king Baldwine issued out of Iaphet his trumpets and cornets yeelding a great and lowd sound and with a very strong armie as well of horsemen as footemen who on euery side making great shoutes and outcries with fierce and sharpe battell set on the maine power of their enemies The Christians also who arriued in the nauie rearing great clamours and noyses with loud voices and shoutings in horrible wise together with king Baldwine assaulted likewise with strong battell the Babylonians and afflicted them with most sore and deadly wounds vntill the Sarazens being wearied with fighting nor able longer to endure and hold out against the valure of the Christians fled towards Ascalon And other of them hoping to escape from them that pursued them lept into the sea and were swalowed vp in the waues thereof And so the citie of Ioppa with the inhabitants thereof were freed of their enemies There were slaine this day three thousand Sarazens and but a few of the Christians perished ¶ A Fleete of Englishmen Danes and Flemmings arriued at Ioppa in the Holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Hierusalem Written in the beginning of the tenth booke of the Chronicle of Hierusalem in the 8. yeere of Henry the first of England Cap. 1. AT the same time also in the seuenth yeere of the raigne of Baldwine the Catholike king of Hierusalem a very great warrelike Fleete of the Catholike nation of England to the number of about seueÌ„ thousand hauing with them more men of warre of the kingdom of Denmarke of Flanders and of Antwerpe arriued with ships which they call Busses at the hauen of the citie of Iaphet determining there to make their abode vntill they hauing obtained the kings licence and safe conduct might safely worship at Hierusalem Of which nauie the chiefest and best spoken repairing to the king spake to him in this maner Christ preserue the Kings life and prosper his kingdome from day to day Wee being men and souldiours of Christian profession haue through the helpe of God sayled hither through mightie and large seas from the farre countreys of England Flanders and Denmarke to worship at Ierusalem and to visit the sepulchre of our Lord. And therefore we are assembled to intreat your clemency touching the matter that by your fauour and safe conduct we may peaceably goe vp to Ierusalem and worship there and so returne Chap. 2. THe king fauourably hearing their whole
making great mone for the ships of his sister and Berengaria his wife that should be not knowing where they were become after the tempest was ouerblowen sent forth his gallies diligently to seeke the rest of his Nauie dispersed but especially the shippe wherein his sister was and the maiden whom he should marry who at length were found safe and merry at the port of Lymszem in the I le of Cyprus notwithstanding the two other ships which were in their company before in the same hauen were drowned with diuers of the kings seruants and men of worship among whom was M. Roger called Malus Caâ—ulus the kings Uicechancellour who was found with the kings seale hanging about his necke The king of Cyprus was then Isakius called also the Emperour of the Gryffons who tooke and imprisoned all Engliâ—h men which by shipwracke were cast vpon his land also inuegled into his hands the goods and prises of them which were found drowned about his coastes neither would suffer the ships wherein the two ladies were to enter within the port The tidings of this being brought to king Richard he in great wrath gathering his gallies and ships together boordeth the land of Cyprus where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius how he with his English men comming as strangers to the supportatiâ—n of the holy land were by distresse of weather driuen vpon his bounds and therefore with all humble petition besought him in Gods behalfe and for reuerence of the holy crosse to let go such prisoners of his as he had in captiuitie and to restore againe the goods of them that were drowned which he deteined in his hands to be employed for the behoofe of their soules And this the king once twise and thrise desired of the Emperour but he proudly answering againe sent the king word that he neither would let the captiues go nor tender the goods of them which were drowned When king Richard heard this how light the Emperour Isakius made of his so humble and hoâ—est petition how that nothing could be gotten without violent force eftsoones giueth commandement thorowout all his hoste to put themselues in armour and follow him to reuenge the iniuries receiued of that proud and cruell king of Cyprus willing them to put their trust in God and not to misdoubt but that the Lord would stand with them and giue them the victory The Emperour in the meane time with his people stood warding the Sea coasts where the English men should arriue with swords billes and lances and such other weapons as they had setting boordes stooles and chestes before them as a wall few of them were harnessed and for the most part all vnexpert and vnskilfull in the feates of warre Then king Richard with his souldiers issuing out of their ships first set his bowemen before who with their shot made a way for others to followe The Englishmen thus winning the land vpon them so fiercely pressed vpon the Gryffons that after long fighting and many blowes at last the Emperour was put to flight whom king Richard valiantly pursued and slue many and diuers he tooke aliue and had gone neere also to take the Emperour had not the night come on and parted the battell And thus king Richard with much spoyle and great victory returning to the port Towne of Lymszem which the Townesmen had left for feare found there great abundance of corne wine oyle and victuals The day after the victory gotten Ioanna the Kings sister and Berengaria the mayden entred the Porte and Towne of Lymszem with 50. great ships and 14. galliots so that all the whole Nauie there meeting together were 254. tall shippes and aboue threescore galliots Then Isakius the Emperour seeing no way for him to escape by Sea the same night pitched his tentes fiue miles off from the English army swearing that the third day after he would surely giue battell to king Richard but he preuenting him before suddenly the same morning before the day of battell should be setteth vpon the tentes of the Gryffons early in the morning they being vnawares and a sleepe and made of them a great slaughter insomuch that the Emperour was fame to runne away naked leauing his tents and pauilions to the Englishmen full of horses and rich treasure also with the Imperial standerd the lower part whereof with a costly streamer was couered and wrought all with golde King Richard returning with victorie and triumph to his sister and Berengaria shortly after in the moneth of May next following and the 12. day of the said moneth married the said Berengaria daughter of Zanctius king of Nauarre in the yle of Cyprus at Lymszem The king of Cyprus seeing himselfe ouermatched was driuen at length to yeelde himselfe with conditions to giue king Richard 20000. markes in golde for amends of such spoyles as he had gotten of them that were drowned also to restore all the captiues againe to the king and furthermore he in his owne person to attend vpon the king to the lande of Ierusalem in Gods seruice and his with 400. horsemen and 500. footemen in pledge whereof he would giue to his hands his castles and his onely daughter and would hold his kingdome of him This done and the Emperour swearing fidelitie to king Richard before Guido king of Ierusalem and the prince of Antioche who were come thither to king Richard a little before peace was taken and Isakius committed to the warde of certaine keepers Notwithstanding shortly after he breaking from his keepers was againe at defiance with the King whereupon king Richard besetting the Iland of Cyprus round about with shippes and gallies did in such sort preuaile that the subiects of the land were constrained to yeelde themselues to the King and at last the daughter of the Emperour and the Emperour himselfe whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of gold and siluer and to be sent to the citie of Tripolis These things thus done and all set in order touching the possession of the I le of Cyprus the keeping whereof he committed to Radulphe sonne of Godfrey Lord Chamberlaine being then the first day of Iune vpon the fift of the saide moneth king Richard departed from the I le of Cyprus with his shippes and gallies toward the siege of Achon and on the next morrowe came to Tyrus where by procurement of the French king he was restrained by the Citizens to enter The next day after which was the first day of Iune crossing the seas he met with a great carak fraught with souldiers and men of warre to the number of a thousand and fiue hundred which pretending to be Frenchmen and setting foorth their flagge with the French armes were indeede Saracens secretly sent with wilde fire and certaine barrels of vnknowen serpents to the defence of the towne of Achon which king Richard at length perceiuing eftsoones set vpon them and so vanquished them of whom the most were drowned and some taken
it is no maruell if the walles be and haue bene beaten downe and if there be breaches and clifts in many places Of the mines that the Turks made and how they ouerthrew part of the bulwarke of England ANd because as it is sayd before that the greatest hope that the enemies had to get the towne of Rhodes was by mining therefore now after that I haue spoken of the gunshot and beatings I shall shew of the mines that the Turks made the which were in so great quantity and in so many places that I beleeue the third part of the towne was mined and it is found by account made that there were about 60 mines howbeit thanked be God many of them came not to effect by occasion of the countermines that they within made and also trenches that the right prudent lord the great master caused to be made deepe within the ditches vnto two or three foot of water The which trenches and certaine pits that he had caused in the sayd ditches to be wrought or the host arriued serued right well since for night and day there were men in them to watch and hearken when the enemies mined for to meet them and cut their way as was done many times And for to speake of the mines that had effect and damaged vs it is to wit that the fourth day of September about foure houres after noone the enemies put fire in two mines one was betweene the posterne of Spaine and Auuergne which did no hurt but to the Barbican The other was at the bulwarke of England which was so fell and strong that it caused most part of the town to shake and cast down a great part of the sayd bulwarke at the spring of the day and by the earth and stones that fell into the ditches the enemies came vpon the bulwarke with their banners and fought sore and mightily with our men not with hands but with shot of handgunnes The lord great master that was come 15 dayes or more with his succours to the sayd bulwarke went with his company to helpe them that fought After that they had fought the space of two or three houres the enemies repelled and driuen backe by our men from the sayd bulwarke and beaten with ordinance on euery side withdrew them with their losse fhame and damage And this was the first victory that our lord gaue vs and there abode of our enemies a thousand and more When this assault was done they made another at the breach in the wall of Spaine and mounted vpon it but the ordinance of the trauerses of the walles and of the houses made so faire a riddance that they were very willing to withdraw themselues for at the retreat and also at their comming the sayd ordinance of the bulwarke did them great damage albeit that they had made some repaire of earth Of our men died that day 25 or thereabout aswell knights as other And the same day in the morning departed out of this world Gabriel de Pomerolles lieutenant to the lord master which on a certaine day before fell from the wall as he went to see the trenches in the ditches and hurt his breast and for fault of good attendance he fell into a feuer whereof he died How the Turks assailed the bulwarke of England and how they were driuen away THe ninth day of the sayd moneth at seuen in the morning the enemies put fire in two mines one at the posterne of Prouence which had none effect the other was at the bulwarke of England whâ—ch felled another piece nigh to that that was cast downe atorr And the sayd mine was as fierce as the other or more for it seemed that all the bulwarke went downe and almost all they that were in it ranne away And when the sâ—anderd of the religion came into the sayd bulwarke the enemies were at the breach ready to haue entred but wheâ— they saw the sayd standerd as people lost and ouercome they went downe againe Then the artillery of the bulwarke of Quosquino and of other places found them well enough and slew many of them Howbeit their captaines made them to returne with great strokes of swordes and other weapons and to remount vpon the earth fallen from the sayd bulwarke and pight seuen banners nigh to our repaire Then our men fought with morispikes and fired speares against them the space of three whole houres till at the last they being well beaten with great ordinance and small on euery side withdrew themselues And of their banners our men gate one for it was not possible to get any more for assâ—one as any of our men went vp on our repaires he was slaine with small gunnes of the trenches and holes made in the walles of our ditches And there was slaine of our enemies that day at the assault 2000 of meane men and three persons of estate which lay dead along in the ditch with faire and rich harnesse And it was reported to vs from the campe they were three saniacbeis that is to say great sencshalles or stuarde And of Christian men of our part abode about thirty persons And this was the second victory giuen to vs the grace diuine How Sir Iohn Bourgh Turcoplier of England was slaine at an assault of the English bulwarke THe 17 day of the same moneth about midday the enemy came againe to giue another assault to the sayd bulwarke at the same place aforesayd without setting of fire in mines and brought fiue banners with them nigh to the repaires Then was there strong figâ—â—â—g on both parts and there were gotten two of their banners of the which sir Christopher Valdenare that time Castelaine of Rhodes gate one the other was in the hands of sir Iohn Bourgh Turcoplier of England chiefe captaine of the succours of the sayd posterne of England a valiant mâ—n a hardy and in holding of it he was slaine with the stroke of a handgunne which was great damage The sayd banner was recouered by one of our men And after long fighting on both sides the enemies seeing that they go nothing but stripes returned into their trenches At the sayd fray the lord prior of S. Giles pre Iohn was hurt thorow the necke with a handgun and was in great danger of death but he escaped and was made whole The same day and the same houre of the sayd assault the enemies mounted to the breach in the wall of Spaine and came to the repaires to the handes of our men and fought a great while but the great quantity of artillery that was shot so busily and so sharply from our trauerses on ech side and out of the bulwarks of Auuergne and Spaine skirmished them so well that there abode as many at that assault as at the other of England well neere to the number of 5000. And they withdrew themselues with their great losse and confusion which was the third time that they were chased and ouercome thanked be our Lord which
ground if a stranger meete one of them he will surely thinke by the state that she goeth with that he meeteth a Lady I departed from this Citie of Venice vpon Midsommer day being the foure and twentieth of Iune and thinking that the ship would the next day depart I stayed and lay a shippeboord all night and we were made beleeue from time to time that we should this day and that day depart but we caried still till the fourteenth of Iuly and then with scant winde wee set sayle and sayled that day and that night not aboue fiftie Italian miles and vpon the sixteene day at night the winde turned flat contrary so that the Master knewe not what to doe and about the fift houre of the night which we reckon to be about one of the clocke after midnight the Pilot descried a saile and at last perceiued it to be a Gallie of the Turkes whereupon we were in great feare The Master being a wise fellowe and a good sayler beganne to deuise howe to escape the danger and to loose litle of our way and while both he and all of vs were in our dumps God sent vs a merry gale of winde that we ranne threescore and tenne leagues before it was twelue a clocke the next day and in sixe dayes after we were seuen leagues past Zante And vpon Munday morning being the three and twentie of the same moneth we came in the sight of Candia which day the winde came contrary with great blasts and stormes vntill the eight and twentie of the same moneth in which time the Mariners cried out vpon me because I was an Englishman sayd I was no good Christian and wished that I were in the middest of the Sea saying that they and the shippe were the worse for me I answered truely it may well be for I thinke my selfe the worst creature in the worlde and consider you your selues also as I doe my selfe and then vse your discretion The Frier preached and the sermon being done I was demaunded whether I did vnderstand him I answered yea and tolde the Frier himselfe thus you saide in your sermon that we were not all good Christians or else it were not possible for vs to haue such weather to which I answered be you well assured that we are not indeede all good Christians for there are in the ship some that hold very vnchristian opinions so for that time I satisfied him although they said that I would not see when they said the procession and honoured their images and prayed to our Lady and S. Marke There was also a Gentleman an Italian which was a passenger in the ship and he tolde me what they said of me because I would not sing Salue Regina and Aue Maria as they did I told them that they that praied to so many or sought helpe of any other then of God the Father or of Iesus Christ his onely sonne goe a wrong way to worke and robbed God of his honour and wrought their owne destructions All this was told the Friers but I heard nothing of it in three daies after and then at euening prayer they sent the purser about with the image of our Lady to euery one to kisse I perceiuing it went another way from him and would not see it yet at last he fetched his course about so that he came to me offered it to me as he did to others but I refused it whereupon there was a great stirre the patron and all the friers were told of it and euery one saide I was a Lutheran and so called me but two of the friers that were of greatest authoritie seemed to beare mee better good will then the rest and trauelled to the patron in my behalfe and made all well againe The second day of August we arriued in Cyprus at a towne called Missagh the people there be very rude and like beasts and no better they eat their meat sitting vpon the ground with their legges a crosse like tailors their beds for the most part be hard stones but yet some of them haue faire mattraces to lie vpon Upon thursday the eight of August we came to Ioppa in a small barke which we hired betwixt Missagh and Salina and could not be suffered to come on land till noone the next day and then we were permitted by the great Basha who sate vpon the top of a hill to see vs sent away Being come on land we might not enter into any house for victuals but were to content our selues with our owne prouision and that which we bought to carie with vs was taken from vs. I had a paire of stirrops which I bought at Venice to serue me in my iourney and trying to make them fit for me when the Basha saw me vp before the rest of the companie he sent one to dismount me and to strike me whereupon I turned me to the Basha and made a long legge saying Grand mercie Signior and after a while we were horsed vpon litle asses and sent away with about fiftie light horsemen to be our conduct through the wildernesse called Deserta foelix who made vs good sport by the way with their pikes gunnes and fauchins That day being S. Laurence day we came to Rama which is tenne Italian miles from Ioppa and there we stayed that night and payed to the captaine of the castell euery man a chekin which is seuen shillings and two pence sterling So then we had a new gard of souldiers and left the other The house we lodged in at Rama had a doore so low to enter into that I was faine to creepe in as it were vpon my knees within it are three roomes to lodge trauellers that come that way there are no beds except a man buy a mat and lay it on the ground that is all the prouision without stooles or benches to sit vpon Our victuals were brought vs out of the towne as hennes egges bread great store of fruite as pomgranates figges grapes oringes and such like and drinke we drue out of the well The towne it selfe is so ruinated that I take it rather to be a heape of stones then a towne Then the next morning we thought to haue gone away but we could not be permitted that day so we stayed there till two of the clocke the next morning and then with a fresh gard of souldiers we departed toward Ierusalem We had not ridde fiue English miles but we were incountered with a great number of the Arabians who stayed vs and would not suffer vs to passe till they had somewhat so it cost vs for all our gard aboue twentie shillings a man betwixt Ioppa and Ierusalem These Arabians troubled vs oftentimes Our Truchman that payed the money for vs was striken downe and had his head broken because he would not giue them as much as they asked and they that should haue rescued both him and vs stood still
Ambassadours men hauing the winde faire and came within two cables length of this his moskita where hee to his great content beholding the shippe in such brauery they discharged first two volies of small shot and then all the great ordinance twise ouer there being seuen and twentie or eight and twentie pieces in the ship Which performed he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captaine of the great and spacious garden or parke to giue our men thankes with request that some other day they would shew him the like sporte when hee would haue the Sultana or Empresse a beholder thereof which few dayes after at the shippes going to the Custome-house they performed The grand Signiors salutation thus ended the master brought the ship to an anker at Rapamat neere the ambassadors house where hee likewise saluted him with all his great ordinance once ouer and where he landed the Present the deliuerie whereof for a time was staied the cause of which staie it shall neither be dishonorable for our nation or that woorthie man the ambassador to shew you At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chiefe Vizir and our ambassadors great friend toward the warres of Hungarie there was another Bassa appointed in his place a churlish and harsh natured man who vpon occasion of certaine Genouezes escaping out of the castles standing toward the Eurine Sea nowe called the blacke Sea there imprisoned apprehended and threatened to execute one of our Englishmen called Iohn Field for that hee was taken thereabouts and knowen not many dayes before to haue brought a letter to one of them vpon the solliciting of whose libertie there fell a iarre betweene the Bassa being nowe chiefe Vizir and our ambassador and in choler he gaue her maiesties ambassador such words as without sustaining some great indignitie hee could not put by Whereupon after the arriuall of the Present he made an Arz that is a bill of Complaint to the grand Signior against him the maner in exhibiting where of is thus performed The plaintifes expect the grand Signiors going abroad from his pallace either to Santa Sophia or to his church by the sea side whither with a Perma that is one of their vsuall whirries they approch within some two or three score yards where the plaintife standeth vp and holdeth his petition ouer his forehead in sight of the grand Signior for his church is open to the Sea side the rest sitting still in the boat who appointeth one of his Dwarfes to receiue them and to bring them to him A Dwarfe one of the Ambassadors fauorites so soone as he was discerned beckned him to the shore side tooke his Arz and with speed caried it to the grand Signior Now the effect of it was this that except his highnesse would redresse this so great an indignitie which the Vizir his slaue had offered him and her maiestie in his person he was purposed to detaine the Present vntill such time as he might by letters ouer-land from her maiestie bee certified whither she would put vp so great an iniurie as it was Whereupon he presently returned answere requesting the ambassador within an houre after to goe to the Douan of the Vizir vnto whom himselfe of his charge would send a gowne of cloth of gold and commaund him publikely to put it vpon him and with kind entertainment to embrace him in signe of reconciliation Whereupon our ambassador returning home tooke his horse accompanied with his meÌ„ and came to the Vizirs court where according to the grand Signiors command he with all shew of kindnesse embraced the ambassador and with curteous speeches reconciled himselfe and with his own hands put the gowne of cloth of gold vpon his backe Which done hee with his attendants returned home to the no small admiration of all Christians that heard of it especially of the French and Venetian ambassadors who neuer in the like case against the second person of the Turkish Empire durst haue attempted â—o hold an enterprise with hope of so friendly audience and with so speedie redresse This reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made the ambassador prepared himselfe for the deliuerie of the Present which vpon the 7 of October 1593. in this maner he performed The Ascension with her flags and streamers as aforesaid repaired nigh vnto the place where the ambassador should land to go vp to the Seraglio for you must vnderstand that all Christian ambassadors haue their dwelling in Pera where most Christians abide from which place except you would go 4 or 5 miles about you cannot by land go to Constantinople whereas by Sea it is litle broder then the Thames Our Ambassador likewise apparelled in a sute of cloth of siluer with an vpper gowne of cloth of gold accompanied with 7 gentlemen in costly sutes of Sattin with 30 other of his men very well apparelled and all in one liuerie of sad French russet cloth gownes at his house tooke boate at whose landing the ship discharged all her ordinance where likewise attended 2 Bassas with 40 or 50 Chauses to accompany y e ambassador to the court also horses for the ambassador his gentlemen very richly furnished with Turkish seruants attendaÌ„t to take the horses wheÌ„ they should light The ambassador thus honorably accompanied the Chauses foremost next his men on foote all going by two and two himselfe last with his Chause and Drugaman or Interpreter and 4 Ianissaries which he doeth vsually entertaine in his house to accompany him continually abroad came to the Seraglio about an English mile from the water side where first hee passed a great gate into a large court much like the space before White hall gate where he with his gentlemen alighted and left their horses From hence they passed into an other stately court being about 6 store in bredth and some 10 score yards long with many trees in it where all the court was with great pompe set in order to entertaine our ambassador Upon the right hand all the length of the court was a gallerie arched ouer and borne vp with stone pillars much like the Roiall Exchange where stood most of his guard in rankes from the one end to the other in coâ—tâ—â—aray with round head pieces on their heads of mettall and gilt ouer with a great plume of fethers somewhat like a long brush standing vp before On the left hand stood the Cappagies or porters and the Chauses All these courtiers being about the number of 2000. as I might well gesse most of them apparelled in cloth of gold siluer veluet sattin and scarlet did together with bowing their bodies laying their hands vpon their brests in curteous maner of salutation entertain the Ambassador who likewise passing between them turning himself somtime to the right hand and sometime to the left answered them with the like As he thus passed along certaine Chauses conducted him to the Douan which is the seat of Iustice where certaine
then dogges would wage them against a grayhound or spaniell and he who woon the wager should euer after holde them as his proper goods and chattels to do with them as he listed being Christians aswell as themselues if they may deserue so good a name As they behaued themselues most vnchristianly toward their brethren so and much more vngodly which I should haue put in the first place did they towards God for as though they were too great standing on foot or kneeling to serue God they would come riding on horsebacke into the church to heare their masse which church now is made a publike basistane or market place for the Turkes to sell commodities in but beholde the iudgement of the righteous God who payeth the sinner measure for measure The Turkes the yeere before the ouerthrowe giuen them at Lepanto by Don Iohn tooke Cyprus These mighty Nimrods fled some into holes some into mountaines to hide themselues whereupon the Turkes made generall proclamation that if they would all come in and yeeld themselues they would restore them to their former reuenues and dignities who not mistrusting the mischieuous pretense of the Turkes assembled together to make themselues knowen whom after the Turkes had in possession they as the Lords executioners put them with their wiues and children all to the sword pretending thereby to cut off all future rebellion so that at this day is not one of the noble race knowen aliue in the Iland onely two or three remaine in Venice but of litle wealth which in the time of the warres escaped After we had stayed in this Iland some thirty dayes we set saile in the foresayd shippe being about the burthen of 900 tunnes hauing in her passingers of diuers nations as Tartars Persians Iewes and sundry Christians Amongst all which I had often conference with a Iew who by reason of his many yeeres education at Saset a place in Iudea neere Ierusalem where they study the Rabbines with some other arts as they thinke good as also for his trauels into Persia and Ormus he seemed to be of good experience in matters abroad who related vnto me such conference as he had with a Bamane at Ormus being one of the Indians inhabiting the countrey of Cambaia This Baniane being a Gentile had skill in Astronomie as many of that nation haue who by his books written in his owne tongue and Characters could tell the time of Eclipses both of Sunne and Moone with the Change and Full and by iudgement in Astrologie gaue answere to any question demanded Being asked concerning his opinion in religion what he thought of God He made answere that they held no other god but the sun to which planet they pray both at the rising and setting as I haue seene sundry doe in Aleppo his reason was drawen from the effects which it worketh in giuing light to the moone other starres and causing all things to grow and encrease vpon the earth answere was made that it did mooue with the rest as the wheeles of a clocke and therefore of force must haue a moouer Likewise in the Eclipse being darkened it is manifestly prooued that it is not god for God is altogether goodnesse and brightnesse which can neither be darkened nor receiue detriment or hurt but the Sun receiueth both in the Eclipse as it is apparant to which hee could not answere but so they had receiued from their ancestors that it was without beginning or ende as in any Orbicular or round body neither beginning or end could be found He likewise saydâ— that there were other Gentiles in y e Indies which worship the moone as chiefe and their reason is The moone when she riseth goeth with thousands of starres accompanied like a king and therefore is chiefe but the Sunne goeth alone and therefore not so great Against whom the Banianes reason that it is not true because the Moone and starres receiue their light from the Sunne neither doth the Sunne vouchsafe them his company but when he lift and therefore like a mighty prince goeth alone yet they acknowledge the Moone as Queene or Uiceroy Law they hold none but onely seuen precepts which they say were giuen them from their father Noe not knowing Abraham or any other First to honor father and mother secondly not to steale thirdly not to commit adultery fourthly not to kill any thing liuing fiftly not to eate any thing liuing sixtly not to cut their haire seuenthly to go barefoot in their churches These they hold most strictly by no meanes will breake them but he that breaketh one is punished with twenty stripes but for the greatest fault they will kill none neither by a short death nor a long onely he is kept some time in prison with very little meat and hath at the most not aboue twenty or fiue twenty stripes In the yere they haue 16 feasts and then they go to their church where is pictured in a broad table the Sun as we vse to paint it the face of a man with beames round about not hauing any thing els in it At their feast they spot their faces in diuers parts with saffron all yellow and so walke vp and downe the streets and this they doe as a custome They hold there shal be a resurrection and all shall come to iudgâ—ment but the account shal be most streight insomuch that but one of 10000 shal be receiued to fauor and those shall liue againe in this world in great happinesse the rest shal be tormented And because they will escape this iudgement when any man dieth he and his wife be both burnt together euen to ashes and then they are throwen into a riuer and so dispersed as though they had neuer bene If the wife will not burne with her dead husband shee is holden euer after as a whore And by this meanes they hope to escape the iudgement to come As for the soule that goeth to the place from whence it came but where the place is they know not That the body should not be made againe they reason w t the phylosophers saying that of nothing nothing can be made not knowing that God made the whole world and their god the Sun of nothing but beholding the course of nature that nothing is made but by a meanes as by the seed of a man is made another and by corne cast into the ground there commeth vp new corne so say they man cannot be made except some part of him be left and therefore they burne the whole for if he were buried in the earth they say there is a small bone in the necke which would neuer be consumed or if he were eaten by a beast that bone would not consume but of that bone would come another man and then the soule being restored againe he should come into iudgement whereas now the body being destroyed the soule shall not be iudged for their opinion is that both body and soule must be vnited
by the sea side till they had bought what they would When he was come he sent our man aboord and required to haue two men pledges and he himselfe would come aboord and I sent him two of whom he tooke but one and so came aboord vs he and his wife with diuers of his friends and brought me a goate and two great rootes and I gaue him againe a latten bason a white bason 6 manillios and a bottell of Malmesie and to his wife a small casket After this we began to make our measure and weight and he had a weight of his owne which held one angell and 14 graines and required a measure of 4 elles and a halfe In fine we concluded the 8 part for one angell and 20 graines and before we had done they tooke mine owne weight and measure The 16 day I tooke 8 li. 1 ounce of gold and since the departure of the Hinde I heard not of her but when our pledge went into the countrey the first night he said he saw her cast anker aboue fiue leagues from this place The 17 day I sold about 17 pieces of cloth tooke 4. li. 4 ounces and a halfe of gold The 18 day the captaine desired to haue some of our wine and offered halfe a ducket of gold for a bottell but I gaue it him freely and made him and his traine drinke besides And this day also I tooke 5 li. 5 ounces of gold The 19 day we sold about 18 clothes and tooke 4 li. 4. ounces and one quarter of golde The 20 day we tooke 3 li. sixe ounces and a quarter of golde The 21 we tooke 8. li. 7. ounces and a quarter The 22.3 li. 8. ounces and a quarter And this night about 4 of the clocke the Captaine who had layen all this while vpon the shoare went away with all the rest of the people with him The 23 day we were waued a shoare by other Negroes and sold them cloth caskets kniues and a dosen of bels and tooke 1. li. 10. ounces of gold The 24 likewise we sold bels sheetes and thimbles and tooke two li. one ounce and a quarter of gold The 25 day we sold 7 dosen of smal bels and other things and then perceiuing their gold to be done we wayed and set sayle went to leeward to seeke the Hinde and about 5 of the clocke at night we had sight of her and bare with her and vnderstood that shee had made some sales The 26 day wee receiued out of the Hinde 48 li. 3 ounces and one eight part of golde which they had taken in the time that we were from them And this day vpon the request of a Negro that came vnto vs from a captaine we went to shoare with our marchandize and tooke 7 li. and one ounce of gold At this place they required no gages of vs but at night they sent a man aboord vs which lay with vs all night because we might knowe that they would also come to vs the next day The 27 day in both our shippes we tooke 8. li. one ounce three quarters and halfe a quarter of golde The 28 we made sales for the companie and tooke one pound and halfe an ounce of gold The 29 day in the morning we heard two calieuers shot off vpon the shore which we iudged to be either by the Portugales or by the Negroes of the Portugales we manned our boates and armed our selues and went to shoare but could finde nothing for they were gone The 30 day we made more sales for the companie and for the Masters The 31 we sent our boate to shoare to take in sand for balast and there our men met the Negroes with whom they had made sale the day before a fishing which did helpe them to fill sand and hauing no gold sold fish to our men for their handkerchiefes and nightkerchiefes The 1. day of February we wayed and went to another place and tooke 1. li. 9. ounces 3 quarters of gold The 2 day we made more sales but hauing viewed our victuals we determined to â—arie no long time vpon the coast because the most part of our drinke was spent that which remained grew sowre The 3 and 4 dayes we made some sales though not great and finding the wind this 4. day to come off the shoare we set saile and ranne along the shoare to the Westwards vpon this coast we found by experience that ordinarily about 2 of the clocke in the night the winde comes off the shoare at Northnortheast and so continueth vntill eight of the clocke in the morning and all the rest of the day and night it comes out of the Southwest and as for the tide or currant vpon this shore it goeth continually with the winde The 5 day we continued sayling and thought to haue met with some English ships but found none The sixt day we went our course Southwest to â—etch vnder the line and ranne by estimation 24 leagues The 13 day wee thought our selues by our reckoning to be cleare off the Cape das Palmas and ranne 12 leagues The 22 day we were thwart of the Cape de Monte which is to the Westward of the Riuer de Sestos about 30 leagues The first day of March in a Ternado we lost the Hinde whereupon we set vp a light and shot off a piece but could not heare of her so that then we strooke our saile and taried for her and in the morning had sight of her againe three leagues a sterne off vs. Upon the 22 day we found our selues to be in the height of Cape Verde which stands in 14. degrees and a halfe From this day till the 29 day we continued our course and then we found our selues to be in 22 degrees This day one of our men called William King who had bene long sicke died in his sleepe his apparell was distributed to those that lackt it and his money was kept for his friends to be deliuered them at his comming home The 30 day we found our selues to be vnder the Tropike The 31 day we went our course and made way 18 leagues From the first day of Aprill to the 20 we went our course and then found our selues to bee in the height of the Asores The seuenth day of May we fell with the South part of Ireland and going on shoare with our boate had fresh drinke and two sheepe of the countrey people which were wilde Kernes and we gaue them golde for them and bought further such other victuals as we had neede of and thought would serue vs till we arriued in England The 14 day with the afternoone tide we went into the Port of Bristoll called Hungrode and there ankered in â—afetie and gaue thankes to God for our safe arriuall The second voyage made by Maister VVilliam Towrson to the coast of Guinea and the Castle of Mina in the yeere 1556. with the Tiger of London a
shippe fo leake that he was not able to keepe her aboue the water and therefore requested vs to go backe againe to the Iland that we might discharge her and giue her vp but we intreated him to take paine with her a while and we put a French Carpenter into her to see if he could finde the leake This day we tooke a view of all our men both those that were hole and the sicke also and we found that in all the three ships were not aboue thirty sound men The 25 we had sight of the I le of S. Nicholas and the day following of the other Iles S. Lucia S. Vincent and S. Anthony which foure Iles lie the one from the other Northwest and by West Southeast and by East The 26 we came againe with the Iland of S. Anthony and could not double the Cape This day Philip Iones the Master of the Christopher came aboord vs who had beene aboord the Tyger and tolde vs that they were not able to keepe the Tyger because she was leake and the Master very weake and sayd further he had agreed with the Master and the company that if the next day we could double the Iland we should runne to the leeward of it and there discharge her but if we could not double it then to put in betwixt the Iland of S. Vincent and S. Anthony to see if we could discharge her The third day of September I went aboord the Tyger with the Master and marchants with me to view the shippe and men and we found the shippe very leake and onely six labouring men in her whereof one was the Master gunner so that we seeing that they were not able to keepe the ship agreed to take in the men and of the goods what we could saue and then to put the ship away The fift day we went to discharge the Tyger The eight day hauing taken out the artillery goods victuals and gold of the Tyger we gaue her vp 25 degrees by North the line The 27 we had sight of two of the Iles of the Azores S. Mary and S. Michael The fourth of October we found our selues to be 41 degrees and a halfe from the line The sixt day the Christopher came to vs and willed vs to put with the Cape for they also were so weake that they were not able to keepe the sea and we being weake also agreed to goe for Vigo being a place which many English men frequent The 10 day the Christopher went roome with the Cape but we hauing a mery wind for England and fearing the danger of the enemies which ordinarily lie about the Cape besides not knowing the state of our countrey and Spaine and although it were peace yet there was little hope of friendship at their hands considering the voyage that we had made and we also being so weake that by force and violence we could come by nothing and doubting also that the King of Portugall knowing of our being there might worke some way with the Councell of Spaine to trouble vs and further considering that if we did put in with any harbor we should not be able to come out againe till we sent for more men into England which would be a great charge and losse of time and meanes of many dangers All these things pondred we agreed to shoot off two pieces of ordinance to warne the Christopher and then we went our course for England she hearing our pieces followed vs and we carried a light for her but the next day in the morning it was thicke and we could not see her in the afternoone neither so that we suspected that either she was gone with Spaine or els that she should put foorth more sailes then we in the night and was shot a head of vs so that then we put forth our top-sailes and went our course with England At the time when the Christopher left vs we were within 120 leagues of England and 45 leagues Northwest and by West from Cape Finister and at the same time in our ships we had not aboue sixe Mariners and sixe Marchants in health which was buâ— weake company for such a ship to seeke a forren harbour The 16 day about sixe of the clocke at night we met with a great storme at the West-south-west West and our men being weake and not able to handle our sailes we lost the same night our maine saile foresaile and spreetsaile were forced to lie a hulling vntill the eighteenth day and then we made ready an olde course of a foresaile and put it to the yard and therewith finding our selues far shot into the sleeue we bare with our owne coast but that foresaile continued not aboue two houres before it was blowen from the yard with a freat and then we were forced to lie a hull againe vntill the nineteenth day of October in the morning and then we put an olde bonnet to our foreyard which by the good blessing and prouidence of God brought vs to the I le of Wight where we arriued the 20 of October in the afternoone The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinie betwixt Sierra Liona and the furthest place of the Mine MAnils of brasse and some of leade Basons of diuers sorts but the most lattin Pots of course tinne of a quart and more Some wedges of yron Margarites and certaine other sleight beads Some blew Corall Some horse tailes Linnen cloth principally Basons of Flanders Some red cloth of low price and some kersie Kettles of Dutch-land with brasen handles Some great brasse basons graued such as in Flanders they set vpon their cupboords Some great basons of pewter and ewers grauen Some lauers such as be for water Great kniues of a low price Sleight Flanders-caskets Chests of Roan of a lowe price or any other chests Great pinnes Course French couerings Packing sheets good store Swords daggers frise mantels and gownes clokes hats red caps Spanish blankets axe heads hammers short pieces of yron sleight belles gloues of a lowe price leather bags and what other trifles you will Certaine Articles deliuered to M. Iohn Lok by Sir VVilliam Gerard Knight M. William Winter M. Beniamin Gonson M. Anthony Hickman and M. Edward Castelin the 8 of September 1561 touching a voyage to Guinea A remembrance for you M. Lok at your comming to the coast of Guinie FIrst when God shal send you thither to procure as you passe alongst the coast to vnderstand what riuers hauens or harboroughs there be and to make to your selfe a plat thereof setting those places which you shall thinke materiall in your sayd plat with their true eleuations Also you shall learne what commodities doe belong to the places where you shall touch and what may be good for them It is thought good that hauing a fort vpon the coast of Mina in the king of Habaans country it would serue to great purpose wherfore you are especially sent to consider where the
we should prepare our selues to depart to Rio de Sestos and so we departed that day The 14 of May in the morning we fell with the land and when wee came to it we doubted what place it was and sent our boates on land to know the trueth and we found it to be Rio de Barbos which is to the Eastward of sant Andre and there remained in getting of water vntill the 21 where we lost the day before 5 of our men by meanes of ouerthrowing our blacke pinnasse The 22 we departed from thence to Rio de Sesto where we arriued the 2 of Iune and the 4 wee departed from Rio de Sesto and arriued God bee thanked the 6 of August within sight of the Stert in the West part of England our men being very sicke and weake We haue not at this present aboue 20 sound men that are able to labour and we haue of our men 21 dead and many more very sore hurt and sicke Master Burton hath bene sicke this 6 weekes and at this present God strengthen him is so weake that I feare he will hardly escape Herein inclosed your worship shall receiue a briefe of all the goods sold by vs also what commodities we haue receiued for the same Thus I leaue to trouble your worship reseruing all things els to our generall meeting aâ—d to the bringer hereof From aboord the Primerose the 6 of August 1563. Your obedient seruant William Rutter There are brought home this voiage An. 1563. Elephants teeth 166. weighing 1758 pounds Graines 22 buts full A meeting at Sir VVilliam Gerards house the 11 of Iuly 1564. for the setting foorth of a voyage to Guinea with the Minion of the Queens the Iohn Baptist of London and the Merline of M. Gonson AT this meeting were these chiefe aduenturers Sir William Gerard sir William Chester sir Thomas Lodge Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin Where it was agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford to M. Gonson for his letters to Peter Pet to goe about the rigging of the Minion vpon the Queenes maiesties charges and so the said Francis to repaire with the same letters to Gillingham with money to supplie our charge there Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith call vpon their partners to supply towards this new rigging and victualling 29 li. 10 s. 6 d. for euery 100 li. value Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith bring in 50 li. towards the furniture of the premisses Likewise it is agreed that if M. Gonson giue his consent that the Merline shall be brought about from Bristoll to Hampton that a letter be drawen whereunto his hand shall be before order be giuen for the same The successe of this Voiage in part appeareth by certaine briefe relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir Iohn Hawkins to the West Indies made in the sayd yeere 1564. which I thought good to set downe for want of further instructions which hitherto I could not by any meanes come by albeit I haue vsed all possible indeuour for the obtaining of the same Take them therefore in the meane season as foloweth MAster Iohn Hawkins with the Iesus of Lubeck a ship of 700. tunnes and the Salomon a ship of 7 score the Tiger a barke of 50 and the Swalow of 30 tunnes being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundred threescore and ten as also with ordinance and victuall requisite for such a voiage departed out of Plimmouth the 18 day of October in the yeere of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde at which departing in cutting the foresaile a marueilous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the ship who by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand being a sorowfull beginning to them all And after their setting out 10 leagues to the Sea hee met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queens Maiesties whereof was captaine Dauid Carlet also her consort the Iohn Baptist of London being bound to Guinea likewise who hailed one the other after the custome of the sea with certaine pieces of ordinance for ioy of their meeting which done the Minion departed from him to seeke her other consort the Merline of London which was a sterne out of sight leauing in M. Hawkins companie the Iohn Baptist her other consort Thus sailing forwards on their way with a prosperous wind vntil the 21 of the same moneth at that time a great storme arose the wind being at Northeast about 9 of the clocke at night and continued so 23 houres together in which storme M. Hawkins lost the company of the Iohn Baptist aforesaid and of his pinnasse called the Swallow the other 3 ships being sore beaten with the storme The 23 day the Swalow to his no small reioicing came to him againe in the night 10 leagues to the Nothward of Cape Finister hauing put roomer and not being able to double the Cape in that there rose a contrary wind at Southwest The 25 the wind continuing contrary he put into a place in Galicia called Ferol where he remained 5 daies and appointed all the masters of his ships an order for the keeping of good company The 26 day the Minion came in also where he was for the reioycing whereof he gaue them certaine pieces of ordinance after the curtesie of the Sea for their welcome but the Minions men had no mirth because of their consort the Merline whoÌ„ at their departure from M. Hawkins vpon the coast of England they went to seeke and hauing met with her kept company two dayes together and at last by misfortune of fire through the negligence of one of the gunners the pouder in the gunners roome was set on fire which with the first blast stroke out her poope and therewithall lost 3 men besides many sore burned which escaped by the Brigandine being at her sterne and immediatly to the great losse of the owners and most horrible sight of the beholders she sunke before their eies The 30 day of the moneth M. Hawkins with his consorts and company of the Minion hauing now both the Brigandines at her sterne weighed anker and set saile on their voiage hauing a prosperous wind thereunto The 4 of Nouember they had sight of the Iland of Madera and the 6 day of Teneriffa which they thought to haue bene the Canarie in that they supposed themselues to haue bene to the Eastward of Teneriffa but were not but the Minion beyng 3 or 4 leagues a head of vs kept on her course to Teneriffa hauing better sight thereof then the other had and by that means they parted company The aforesaid Sir Iohn Hawkins passing on his voiage by Cauo Verde and Sierra Leona and afterward crossing ouer the maine Ocean comming to the towne of Burboroata vpon the coast of Terra firma in the West Indies had further information of the euill successe of this
heareth againe the causes of such as be condemned Many times he deliuereth some of them declaring y e boord to haue bene wronfully put about their necks the visitation ended he choseth out seuen or eight not many more or lesse of the greatest malefactors the which to feare and keepe in awe the people are brought into a great market place where all the great Louteas meete together and after many ceremonies and superstitions as the vse of the Countrey is are beheaded This is done once a yeere who so escapeth that day may be sure that he shall not be put to death all that yeere following and so remaineth at the kings charges in the greater prison In that prison where we lay were alwayes one hundred and mo of these condemned persons besides them that lay in other prisons These prisons wherein the condemned caytifes do remaine are so strong that it hath not bene heard that any prisoner in all China hath escaped out of prison for in deed it is a thing impossible The prisons are thus builded First all the place is mightily walled about the walles be very strong and high the gate of no lesse force within it three other gates before you come where the prisoners do lye there many great lodgings are to be seene of the Louteas Notaries Parthions that is such as do there keepe watch and ward day and night the court large and paued on the one side whereof standeth a prison with two mighty gates wherein are kept such prisoners as haue committed enormious offences This prison is so great that in it are streetes and Market places wherein all things necessary are sold. Yea some prisoners liue by that kinde of trade buying and selling and letting out beds to hire some are dayly sent to prison some dayly deliuered wherefore this place is neuer void of 7. or eight hundred men that go at libertie Into one other prison of condemned persons shall you go at three yron gates the court paued and vauted round about and open aboue as it were a cloister In this cloister be eight roomes with yron doores and in ech of them a large gallerie wherein euery night the prisoners do lie at length their feet in the stocks their bodies hampered in huge wooden grates that keep them from sitting so that they lye as it were in a cage sleepe if they can in the morning they are losed againe that they may go into the court Notwithstanding the strength of this prison it is kept with a garrison of men part whereof watch within the house part of them in the court some keepe about the prison with lanterns and watch-bels answering one another fiue times euery night and giuing warning so lowd that the Loutea resting in a chamber not neere thereunto may heare them In these prisons of condemned persons remaine some 15 other 20. yeres imprisoned not executed for the loue of their honorable friends that seeke to prolong their liues Many of these prisoners be shoomakers and haue from the king a certaine allowance of rise some of them worke for the keeper who suffreth them to go at libertie without fetters and boords the better to worke Howbeit when the Loutea calleth his checke roll with the keeper vieweth them they all weare their liueries that is boords at their necks yronned hand and foot When any of these prisoners dieth he is to be seene of the Loutea and Notaries brought out of a gate so narrow that there can but one be drawen out there at once The prisoner being brought forth one of the aforesaid Parthions striketh him thrise on the head with an yron sledge that done he is deliuered vnto his friends if he haue any otherwise the king hireth men to cary him to his buriall in the fields Thus adulterers and theeues are vsed Such as be imprisoned for debt once knowen lie there vntil it be paied The Taissu or Loutea calleth them many times before him by the vertue of his office who vnderstanding the cause wherefore they do not pay their debts appointeth them a certaine time to do it within the compasse whereof if they discharge not their debts being debters indeed then they be whipped and condemned to perpetuall imprisonment if the creditors be many and one is to be paied before another they do contrary to our maner pay him first of whom they last borrowed and so ordinarily the rest in such sort that the first lender be the last receiuer The same order is kept in paying legacies the last named receiueth his portion first They accompt it nothing to shew fauour to such a one as can do the like againe but to do good to them that haue litle or nothing that is worth thanks therefore pay they the last before the first for that their intent seemeth rather to be vertuous then gainefull When I said that such as be committed to prison for theft and murther were iudged by the Court I ment not them that were apprehended in the deed doing for they need no triall but are brought immediatly before the Tutan who out of hand giueth sentence Other not taken so openly which do need trial are the malefactors put to eâ—ecution once a yere in the chiefe cities to keepe in awe the people or condemned do remaine in prison looking for their day Theeues being taken are caried to prison from one place to another in a chest vpon mens shoulders hired therfore by the king the chest is 6. handfuls high the prisoner sitteth therein vpon a bench the couer of the chest is two boords amid them both a pillery-like hole for the prisoners necke there sitteth he with his head without the chest and the rest of his body within not able to mooue or tuâ—ne his head this way or that way nor to plucke it in the necessities of nature he voydeth at a hole in the bottome of the chest the meate he eateth is put into his mouth by others There abideth â—â— day and night during his whole iourney if happily his porters stumble or the chest do iogge or be set downe carelesly it turneth to his great paines that sitteth therein al such motions being vnto him hanging as it were Thus were our companions caried froÌ„ Cinceo 7. â—aies iourney neuer taking any rest as afterward they told vs their greatest griefe was to stay by the way as soone as they came being taken out of the chests they were not able to stand on their feet and two of them died shortly after When we lay in prison at Fuquieo we came many times abroad were brought to the pallaces of noble men to be seene of them their wiues for that they had neuer seene any Portugale before Many things they asked vs of our Country and our fashions did write euery thing for they be curious in nouelties aboue measure The gentlemen shew great courtesie vnto strangers and so did we finde at their hands and because that many times we
degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall From which Cape of Comori vnto the aforesayd Ilands we ranne in sixe dayes with a very large wind though the weather were foule with extreme raine and gustes of windes These Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due obseruation of the South starre And we fell to the Southward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Polo which lie hard vpon the great Iland of Sumatra the first of Iune and at the Northeast side of them we lay two or three dayes becalmed hoping to haue had a Pilote from Sumatra within two leagues whereof wee lay off and on Now the Winter comming vpon vs with much contagious weather we directed our course from hence with the Ilands of Pulo Pinaou where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth an Iland at which Ilands wee arriued about the beginning of Iune where we came to an anker in a very good harborough betweene three Ilands at which time our men were very sicke and many fallen Here we determined to stay vntill the Winter were ouerpast This place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the Northward and some fiue leagues from the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued vntill the end of August Our refreshing in this place was very smal onely of oisters growing on rocks great wilks and some few fish which we tooke with our hookes Here we landed our sicke men on these vninhabited Ilands for their health neuerthelesse 26 of them died in his place whereof Iohn Hall our master was one and M. Rainold Golding another a marchant of great honestie and much discretion In these Ilands are abundance of trees of white wood so right and tall hat a man may make mastes of them being an hundred foote long The winter passed and hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to Sea wee had left vs but 33 men and one boy of which not past 22 were found for labour and helpe and of them not past a third part sailers thence we made sailâ— to seeke some place of refreshing and went ouer to the maine of Malacca The next day we came to an anker in a Baie in six fadomes water some two leagues from the shore Then master Iames Lancaster our captaine and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant and other of the companie manning the boat went on shore to see what inhabitants might be found And comming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people which were departed thence not long before for we sawe their fire still burning but people we sawe none nor any other liuing creature saue a certaine kind of foule called oxe birds which are a gray kind of Sea-foule like a Snite in colour but not in beake Of these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot being very tame and spending the day in search returned toward night aboord The next day about two of the clocke in the afternoone we espied a Canoa which came neere vnto vs but would not come aboord vs hauing in it some sixteen naked Indians with whom neuertheles going afterward on land we had friendly conference and promise of victuals The next day in the morning we espied three ships being all of burthen 60 or 70 tunnes one of which wee made to strike with our very boate and vnderstanding that they were of the towne of Martabam which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great citie of Pegu and the goods belonging to certaine Portugal Iesuites and a Biscuit baker a Portugal we tooke that ship did not force the other two because they were laden for marchants of Pegu but hauing this one at our command we came together to an anker The night folowing all the men except twelue which we tooke into our ship being most of them borne in Pegu fled away in their boate leauing their ship and goods with vs. The next day we weighed our anker and went to the Leeward of an Iland hard by and tooke in her lading being pepper which shee and the other two had laden at Pera which is a place on the maine 30 leagues to the South Besides the aforesaid three ships we tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper and perceiuing her to bee laden with marchants goods of Pegu onely wee dismissed her without touching any thing Thus hauing staied here 10 daies and discharged her goods into the Edward which was about the beginning of September our sicke men being somewhat refreshed and lustie with such reliefe as we had found in this ship we weighed anker determining to runne into the streights of Malacca to the Ilands called Pulo Sambilam which are some fiue and fortie leagues Northward of the citie of Malacca to which Ilands the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome for the Malucos China and Iapan And when wee were there arriued we lay too and agayne for such shipping as should come that way Thus hauing spent some fiue dayes vpon a Sunday we espied a saile which was a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan a towne on the maine of India ouer-against the Northeast part of the I le of Zeilan and that night we tooke her being of 250 tunnes she was laden with Rice for Malacca Captaine Lancaster commanded their captaine and master aboord our shippe and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and seuen more to keepe this prize who being aboord the same came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water for in that chanell three or foure leagues from the shore you shall finde good ankorage Being thus at an anker and keeping out a light for the Edward another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of foure hundred tunnes came and ankered hard by vs. The Edward being put to Leeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes was not able the next morning to fetch her vp vntil we which were in the prize with our boate went to helpe to man our shippe Then comming aboord we went toward the shippe of Sant Thome but our ship was so foule that shee escaped vs. After we had taken out of our Portugall prize what we thought good we turned her and all her men away except a Pilot and foure Moores We continued here vntill the sixt of October at which time we met with the ship of the captaine of Malacca of seuen hundred tunnes which came from Goa we shot at her many shot and at last shooting her maine-yard through she came to an anker and yeelded We commaunded her Captaine Master Pilot and Purser to come aboord vs. But the Captaine accompanied with one souldier onely came and after certaine conference with him he made excuse to fetch the Master and Purser which he sayd would not come vnlesse he went for them but being gotten from vs in the edge of the euening â—he with all the people which were to the number of about
in an house by the Chappell I found an Englishman one Iohn Segar of Burie in Suffolke who was left there eighteene moneths before by Abraham Kendall who put in there with the Roiall marchant and left him there to refresh him on the Iland being otherwise like to haue perished on shipboord and at our comming wee found him as fresh in colour and in as good plight of body to our seeming as might be but crazed in minde and halfe out of his wits as afterward wee perceiued for whether he were put in fright of vs not knowing at first what we were whether friends or foes or of sudden ioy when he vnderstood we were his olde consorts and countreymen hee became idle-headed and for eight dayes space neither night nor day tooke any naturall rest and so at length died for lacke of sleepe Here two of our men whereof the one was diseased with the skuruie and the other had bene nine moneths sicke of the fluxe in short time while they were on the Iland recouered their perfect health We found in this place great store of very holesome and excellent good greene figs orenges and lemons very faire abundance of goates and hogs and great plentie of partriges Guiniecocks and other wilde foules Our mariners some what discontented being now watered and hauing some prouision of fish contrary to the will of the capitaine would straight home The capitaine because he was desirous to goe for Phernambuc in Brasil granted their request And about the 12 of Aprill 1593. we departed from S. Helena and directed our course for the place aforesayd The next day our capitaine calling vpon the sailers to finish a foresaile which they had in hand some of them answered that vnlesse they might goe directly home they would lay their hands to nothing whereupon he was constrained to folow their humour And from thence-foorth we directed our course for our countrey which we kept vntill we came 8 degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall betweene which 8 degrees and the line we spent some sixe weekes with many calme and contrary winds at North and somtimes to the Eastward somtimes to the Westward which losse of time and expense of our victuals whereof we had very smal store made vs doubt to keepe our course and some of our men growing into a mutinie threatned to breake vp other mens chests to the ouerthrow of our victuals and all our selues for euery man had his share of his victuals before in his owne custody that they might be sure what to trust to and husband it more thriftily Our capitaine seeking to preuent this mischiefe being aduertised by one of our companie which had bene at the I le of Trinidada in M. Chidleis voyage that there we should be sure to haue refreshing hereupon directed his course to that Iland and not knowing the currents we were put past it in the night into the gulfe of Paria in the beginning of Iune wherein we were 8 dayes finding the current continually setting in and oftentimes we were in 3 fadomes water and could find no going out vntil the current had put vs ouer to the Westernside vnder the maine land where we found no current at all and more deep water and so keeping by the shore the wind off the shore euery night did helpe vs out to the Northward Being cleare within foure or fiue dayes after we fell with the I le of Mona where we ankred and rode some eighteene dayes In which time the Indians of Mona gaue vs some refreshing And in the meane space there arriued a French ship of Cane in which was capitaine one Monsieur de Barbaterre of whom wee bought some two buts of wine and bread and other victuals Then wee watered and fitted our shippe and stopped a great leake which broke on vs as we were beating out of the gulfe of Pana And hauing thus made ready our ship to goe to Sea we determined to goe directly for New-found-land But before wee departed there arose a storme the winde being Northerly which put vs from an anker and forced vs to the Southward of Santo Domingo This night we were in danger of shipwracke vpon an Iland called Sauona which is enuironed with flats lying 4 or 5 miles off yet it pleased God to cleare vs of them so we directed our course Westward along the Iland of Santo Domingo and doubled Cape Tiberon and passed through the old chanell betweene S. Domingo and Cuba for the cape of Florida And here we met againe with the French ship of Caen whose Captaine could spare vs no more victuals as he said but only hides which he had taken by traffike vpon those Islands wherewith we were content and gaue him for them to his good satisfaction After this passing the Cape of Florida and cleere of the chanell of Bahama we directed our course for the banke of Newfound-land Thus running to the height of 36 degrees and as farre to the East as the Isle of Bermuda the 17 of September finding the winds there very variable contrarie to our expectation and all mens writings we lay there a day or two the winde being northerly and increasing continually more and more it grewe to be a storme and a great fâ—ete of wind which continued with vs some 24 houres with such extremitie as it caried not onely our sayles away being furled but also made much water in our shippe so that wee had sixe foote water in holde and hauing freed our ship thereof with baling the winde shifted to the Northwest and became dullerd but presently vpon it the extremitie of the storme was such that with the labouring of our ship we lost our foremaste and our ship grewe as full of water as before The storme once ceased and the winde contrary to goe our course we fell to consultation which might be our best way to saue our liues Our victuals now being vtterly spent hauing eaten hides 6 or 7 daies we thought it best to beare back againe for Dominica the Islands adioyning knowing that there we might haue some reliefe whereupon we turned backe for the said Islands But before we could get thither the winde scanted vpon vs which did greatly endanger vs for lacke of fresh water and victuals so that we were constrained to beare vp to the Westward to certaine other Ilandes called the Nueblas or cloudie Ilands towards the I le of S. Iuan de porto Rico where at our arriuall we found land-crabs and fresh water and tortoyses which come most on lande about the full of the moone Here hauing refreshed our selues some 17 or 18 dayes and hauing gotten some small store of victuals into our ship we resolued to returne againe for Mona vpon which our determination fiue of our men left vs remaining still on the Iles of Nueblas for all perswasions that we could vse to the contrary which afterward came home in an English
to doe their painfull iâ—deuor not onely aboord but in all labours at the land according to the direction giuen by the abdue named officers vpon paine of forfeiture of their shares and wages the same to be diuided amongst the company 6 Item that the shares be taken at their returne out of al the traine oile and hides of the seales and of all other commodities gotten by their handie labour and of the salt that shall be bended and other commodities at or neere the coast of Brasill to allow after 9 li. the tunne freight whereof one third to goe to the companie 7 Item that if any man shall practise by any deuise or deuises whatsoeuer to alter the voiage from the true purpose and intent of the owner viz. to make their first port at Santos and Saint Vincent and there to reuictuall and traffike and from thence to the riuer of Plate to make their voyage by the traine and hide of the seales with such other commodities as are there to be had according as the owner with diuers that haue gouernment in the said ship are bound to her highnesse by their deedes obligatorie in great summes that all such practisers vpon due proofe made shall loose their whole intertainement due by shares or otherwise for this sayde voyage to be adiudged by the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master Pilot and marchant or three of them at the least whereof the Captaine to be one 8 Item that the pinnesse be ready at al times to serue the marchants turne vpon his demand to take in wares and commodities and to cary and recary to and from the shore when and as oft as neede shall be and to giue due attendance at the marchant and marchants ditection during the whole voyage 9 Item that no head or chiefe officer being set downe for such an officer vnder the hand of the owner at the going to sea of the said shippe shall or may be displaced from his said place or office without great cause and his misdemeanor to be adiudged by the Captaine and his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and the marchant or by the consent of three of them at the least 10 Item that vpon the returne of the shippe to the coast of England the Maister and Pilot put not into any port or harbour to the Westward of Southhampton but forced by weather or such like vrgent cause William Huddie Iohn Hooper Hugh Smith Iohn Foster William Cheesman A direction as well for the Captaine and other my friends of the ship as especially for William Cheesman Marchant for the voyage to the riuer of Plate AT your comming to the Isle of Saint Sebastian vpon the coast of Brasill you shall according to your discretions make sale of such commodities as you may thinke will be thereabout well vented and likewise to buy commodities without making longer stay there then your victuals be prouiding but rather to bespeake commodities against your returne from the riuer of Plate especially of Amber Sugar Grâ—ene ginger Cotton wooll and some quantitie of the peppers of the countrey there Also for Parats and Munkies and the beast called Serrabosa Also you shall barrell vp of the beefe called Perune two or three barrels and to lose no good oportunitie to gather of the Indian figges and the graines of them to preserue drie in such quantitie as conueniently may be done and touching the making of the traine and preseruing of the hides I leaue it wholly to the order and the discretion of the chiefe of the companie Also that in any road where the ship shall ride vpon the coast of America triall be made with the dragges for the pearle Oisters and the same being taken to be opened and searched for pearle in the presence of the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and marchant or three of them whereof the Captaine or his Lieutenant to be one and to remaine in the custodie of the Captaine and marchant vnder two lockes either of them to haue a key to his owne locke and that a true inuentorie be deliuered also to the Master and Pilot of the said pearle or other iewels of price gotten in the said voiage to the intent that no partie be defrauded of his due and that no concealment be made of any such thing vpon forfeiture the partie to lose his share and dutie for the voyage that shall so conceale and not reueale it vnto the officers aboue named Also to doe your best indeuour to try for the best Ore of golde siluer or other rich mettals whatsoeuer Forget not also to bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants with you the Palmito with his fruit inclosed in him Serue God keepe good watch and stand alwayes vpon your garde Edward Cotton These things being thus ordered and the ship of the burden of 260 tunnes with 83 men of all sortes furnished and fully appointed for the voyage began to set saile from Hurst Castle vpon Friday the 20 of May Anno 1583 and the 17 day of Iuly ensuing fell with the coast of Guinie to take in fresh water where through meere dissolute negligence she perished vpon a sand with the most part of the men in her as appeareth by the confession of one that escaped the substance and tenor whereof is this The confession of VVilliam Bends Masters Mate in the Edward Cotton the 21 of October Ann. 1584. HE sayth that the 17 day of Iuly Anno 1583. hauing some lacke of fresh water they put roome vpon the coast of Guinie where they were set vpon a sand about 8 leagues from the shore and this Examinate with 29 more got into the pinnesse who arriued in an Island being desolate of people and fiue miles in compasse where they rested 18 dayes through force of weather hauing nought to eate but grasse The rest of the company the ship being splitted in two and in quarters got them into one of the after quarters and by the helpe of raftes came also a shore into another Island neere to Rio grande where they all died as he supposeth The other 30 in the pinnesse at the end of 18 dayes departed that Island and came to Saint Domingo where comming on shore they were taken of the Moores stripped naked And they buried one Coxe an olde man aliue not withstanding his pitifull lamentation and skâ—â—kings the rest hauing Rice and water allowed them liued there a certaine time This Examinate was at last sold to a Portugall with whom he dwelt the space of a quarter of a yere and in the end a Portugall Carauel comming thither his master laded the same with Negroes and he obtained leaue of his master to goe in the same Carauell by that meanes arriued at Lisbone and from thence came into England the 17 of October 1584 leauing behinde him of his companie aliue Richard Hacker Iohn Baker Iohn Mathew and a boy with two others which were gone beyond Saint Domingo all which as
in houses to front their shot vpon the wall who from the same scowred the great streets very dangerously By this time our men being thorowly weary with our sixe dayes march and the last nights watch were desirous of rest whereof the enemy being aduertised about one or two of the clocke sallied out of the towne and made their approch in three seuerall streets vpon vs but chiefly in Colonell Brets quarter who as most of the army was being at rest with as much speed as he could drew his men into armes and made head against them so thorowly as himselfe was slaine in the place Captaine Carsey shot thorow the thigh of which hurt he died within foure dayes after Captaine Carre slaine presently and Captaine Caue hurt but not mortally who were all of his regiment This resistance made aswell here as in other quarters where Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk commanded put them to a sudden foule retreat insomuch as the Earle of Essex had the chase of them euen to the gates of the high towne wherein they left behinde them many of their best Commanders their troupe of horsemen also came out but being charged by Captaine Yorke withdrew themselues againe Many of them also left the streets and betooke them to houses which they found open for the Sergeant maior Captaine Wilson slew in one house with his owne hands three or foure and caused them that were with him to kill many others Their losse I can assure you did triple ours aswell in quality as in quantity During our march to this place Generall Drake with the whole fleet was come into Cascais and possessed the towne without any resistance many of the inhabitants at their discouery of our nauy fledde with their baggage into the mountaines and left the towne for any man that would possesse it till Generall Drake sent vnto them by a Portugall Pilot which he had on boord to offer them all peaceable kindnesse so farre foorth as they would accâ—pt of their King and minister necessaries to the army he had brought which offer they ioyfully imbraced and presently sent two chiefe men of their towne to signifie their loyalty to Don Antonio and their honest affections to our people Whereupon the Generall landed his companies not farre from the Cloister called San Domingo but not without perill of the shot of the castle which being guarded with 65 Spaniards held still against him As our fleet were casting ancre when they came first into that road there was a small ship of Brasil that came from thence which bare with them and seemed by striking her sailes as though she would also haue ancred but taking her fittest occasion hoised againe and would haue passed by the riuer but the Generall presently discerning her purpose sent out a pinnesse or two after her which forced her in such sort as she ran herselfe vpon the Rocks all the men escaped out of her and the lading being many chests of sugar was made nothing woorth by the salt water In his going thither also he tooke ships of the port of Portugall which were sent from thence with fifteene other from Pedro Vermendes Xantes Sergeant maior of the same place laden with men and victuals to Lisbon the rest that escaped put into Setuuel The next day it pleased Generall Norris to call all the Colonels together and to aduise with them whether it were more expedient to tary there to attend the forces of the Portugall horse and foot whereof the King had made promise and to march some conuenient number to Cascais to fetch our artillery and munition which was all at our ships sauing that which for the necessity of the seruice was brought along with vs whereunto some caried away with the vaine hope of Don Antonio that most part of the towne stood for vs held it best to make our abode there and and to send some 3000 for our artillery promising to themselues that the enemy being wel beaten the day before would make no more sallies some others whose vnbeliefe was very strong of any hope from the Portugall perswaded rather to march wholly away then to be any longer carried away with the opinion of things whereof there was so little appearance The Generall not willing to leaue any occasion of blotte to be layed vpon him for his speedy going from thence nor to lose any more time by attending the hopes of Don Antonio tolde them that though the expedition of Portugall were not the onely purpose of their iourney but an aduenture therein which if it succeeded prosperously might make them sufficiently rich and woonderfull honourable and that they had done so much already in triall thereof as what end soeuer happened could nothing impaire their credits yet in regard of the Kings last promise that he should haue that night 3000 men armed of his owne Countrey he would not for that night dislodge And if they came thereby to make him so strong that he might send the like number for his munition he would resolue to trie his fortune for the towne But if they came not he found it not conuenient to diuide his forces by sending any to Cascais and keeping a remainder behinde sithence he saw them the day before so boldly sally vpon his whole army and knew that they were stronger of Souldiours armed within the towne then he was without and that before our returne could be from Cascais they expected more supplies from all places of Souldiours for the Duke of Bragança and Don Francisco de Toledo were looked for with great reliefe Whereupon his conclusion was that if the 3000 promised came not that night to march wholly away the next morning It may be here demanded why a matter of so great moment should be so flenderly regarded as that the Generall should march with such an army against such an enemy before he knew either the fulnesse of his owne strength or certaine meanes how he should abide the place when he should come to it Wherein I pray you remember the Decrees made in the Councell at Peniche and confirmed by publique protestation the first day of our march that our nauy should meet vs in the riuer of Lisbon in the which was the store of all our prouisions and so the meane of our tariance in that place which came not though we continued till we had no munition left to entertaine a very small fight We are also to consider that the King of Portugall whether carried away with imagination by the aduertisements he receiued from the Portugals or willing by any promise to bring such an army into his Countrey thereby to put his fortune once more in triall assured the Generall that vpon his first landing there would be a reuolt of his subiects whereof there was some hope giuen at our first entry to Peniche by the maner of the yeelding of that towne and fort which made the Generall thinke it most conuenient speedily to march to the principall place thereby
them and about 10 or 11 of the clocke we came vp to them with the Victory But after some few shot some litle fight passed betwixt vs they yeelded themselues the masters of them all came aboord vs shewing their seueral Pasports from the cities of Hamburg and Lubeck from Breme Pomerania and Calice They had in them certaine bags of Pepper Synamom which they confessed to be the goods of a Iew in Lisbon which should haue bene caried by them into their country to his Factor there and so finding it by their owne confession to be lawful Prise the saine was soone after taken and deuided amongst our whole company the value wherof was esteemed to be about 4500 pounds at two shillings the pound The 17 day the foresaid ships were dismissed but 7 of their men that were willing to go along with vs for sailers we tooke to helpe vs and so held on our course for the Azores The 1 of August being Friday in the morning we had sight of the Iland of S. Michael being one of the Eastermost of the Azores toward which we sailed all that day and at night hauing put foorth a Spanish flag in our main-top that so they might the lesse suspect vs we approched neere to the chiefe towne and road of that Iland where we espied 3 ships riding at anker and some other vessels all which we determined to take in the darke of the night and accordingly attempted about 10 or 11 of the clocke sending our boats well manned to cut their cables and hausers and let them driue into the sea Our men comming to them found y e one of those greatest ships was the Falcon of London being there vnder a Scottish Pilot who bare the name of her as his own But 3 other smal ships that lay neere vnder the castle there our men let loose and towed them away vnto vs most of the Spaniards that were in them leaping ouer-boord and swimming to shore with lowd and lamentable outcries which they of the towne hearing were in an vprore and answered with the like crying The castle discharged some great shot at our boats but shooting without marke by reason of the darknesse they did vs no hurt The Scots likewise discharged 3 great pieces into the aire to make the Spaniards thinke they were their friends and our enemies and shortly after the Scottish master some other with him came aboord to my lord doing their dutie and offring their seruice c. These 3 ships were fraught with wine and Sallet-oile from Siuil The same day our Carauel chased a Spanish Carauel to shore at S. Michael which caried letters thither by which we learned that the Caraks were departed from Tercera 8 dayes before The 7 of August we had sight of a litle ship which wee chased towards Tercera with our pinnasse the weather being calme and towards euening we ouertooke her there were in her 30 tunnes of good Madera wine certaine woollen cloth silke taffata c. The 14 of August we came to the Iland of Flores where we determined to take in some fresh water and fresh victuals such as the Iland did affoord So we manned our boats with some 120 men and rowed towards the shore whereto when we approched the inhabitants that were assembled at the landing place put foorth a flag of truce whereupon we also did the like When we came to them my Lord gaue them to vnderstand by his Portugall interpreter that he was a friend to their king Don Antonio and came not any way to iniury theÌ„ but that he ment onely to haue some fresh water and fresh victuals of them by way of exchange for some prouision that he had as oile wine or pepper to which they presently agreed willingly sent some of their company for beeues and sheepe and we in the meane season marched Southward about a mile to Villa de Santa Cruz from whence all the inhabitants yong and old were departed and not any thing of value left We demanding of them what was the cause hereof they answered Feare as their vsuall maner was when any ships came neere their coast We found that part of the Iland to be full of great rockie barren hils and mountains litle inhabited by reason that it is molested with ships of war which might partly appeare by this towne of Santa Cruz being one of their chiefe townes which was all ruinous and as it were but the reliques of the ancient towne which had bene burnt abouâ— two yeeres before by certaine English ships of war as the inhabitants there reported At euening as we were in rowing towards the Victory an huge fish pursued vs for the space well nigh of two miles together distant for the most part froÌ„ the boats sterâ—e not a speares length and sometimes so neere that the boat stroke vpon him the tips of whose finnes about the ghils appearing oft times aboue the water were by estimation 4 or 5 yards asunder and his iawes gaping a yard and an halfe wide which put vs in feare of ouer-turning the pinnasse but God bee thanked rowing as hard as we could we escaped When we were about Flores a litle ship called the Drake brought vs word that the Caraks were at Tercera of which newes we were very glad sped vs thicherward with all the speed we could and by the way we came to Fayal road the seuen and twentieth day of August after sunne set where we espied certaine shippes ryding at anker to whom we sent in our Skiffe with Captaine Lister and Captaine Monson in her to discouer the roaders and least any daunger should happen to our boate we sent in likewise the Sawsie-Iacke and the small Carauell but the wind being off the shoare the shippes were not able to fet it so nigh as the Spaniards ride which neuerthelesse the boate did and clapped a shippe aboord of two hundred and fiftie tunnes which caried in her fourteene cast peeces and continued fight alone with her for the space of one houre vntill the comming vp of other boates to the reskue of her which were sent from the shippes and then a fresh boording her againe one boate iu the quarter another in the hause wee entred her on the one side and all the Spaniards lept ouerboord on the other saue Iuan de Palma the Captaine of her and two or three more and thus we became possessors of her This shippe was mored to the Castle which shot at vs all this while the onely hurt which we receiued of all this shot was this that the master of our Carauell had the calfe of his legge shot away This shippe was laden with Sugar Ginger and hides lately come from S. Iuan de Puerto Rico after we had towed her cleare off the castle we rowed in againe with our boats and fetched out fiue small ships more one laden with hides another with Elephants teeth graines coco-nuts and goates skins come from Guinie another with woad
a place vpon the coast of Cornwal which the Cornish men cal Al 's Effeâ—ne that is Hel-cliffe and that Captaine Lister and all the men in the ship were drowned saue 5. or 6. the one halfe English the other Spanish that saued themselues with swimming but notwithstanding much of the goods were saued and reserued for vs by sir Francis Godolphin and the worshipful gentlemen of the Countrey there My Lord was very sorry for Captaine Listers death wishing that he had lost his voyage to haue saued his life The 29. of December we met with another shippe that tolde vs the saine newes and that sir Marâ—in Frobisher Captaine Reymond had taken the Admirall and vice-Admirall of the Fleet that we espied going to Terçera hauen But the Admiral was sunke with much leaking neere to the Idy Stone a rocke that lieth ouer against Plimouth sound and the men were saued This ship also certified vs that Captaine Prestons ship had taken a prize loden with siluer My Lord entred presently into this ship went to Falmouth and we held on our course for Plimouth At night wee came neere to the Ram-head the next Cape Westwards from Plimouth sound but we were afraid to double it in the night misdoubting the scantnesse of the winde So we stood off to Sea halfe the night and towards morning had the winde more large and made too little spare thereofâ— that partly for this cause and partly through mistaking of the land wee were driuen so much to lee-wards that we could not double that Cape Therefore we returned backe againe and came into Falmouth hauen where wee strucke on ground in 17. foote water but it was a low tâ—â—â— and ready againe to flowe and the ground soft so as no hurt was done Here with gladnesse wee set foote againe vpon the English ground long desired and refreshed our selues with keeping part of Christmas vpon our natiue soile The valiant fight performed by 10. Merchants ships of London against 12. Spanish gallies in the Straights of Gibraltar the 24. of April 1590. IT is not long since sundry valiant ships appertaining to the Marchants of London were fraighted rigged forth some for Venice some for Constantinople some to sundry other places of trafique among whom these ensuing met within the Straights of Gibraltar as they were taking their course homewards hauing before escaped all other danger The first whereof was the Salomon apperteining to M. Alderman Baâ—nam of London and M. Bond and M. Twyd of Harwich which went foorth the first day of February last The second was the Margaret and Iohn belonging to M. Waâ—s of London The thirde was the Minion The fourth was the Ascension The fifâ—h was the Centurion of Master Cordal The sixt the Violet the seuenth the Samuel the eight the Cresscent the ninth the Elizabeth and the 10. was the Richard belonging to M. Duffield All these ships being of notable and approued seruice comming neere to the mouth of the Straights hard by the coast of Barbary descried twelue tall Gallies brauely furnished and strongly prouided with men and munition ready to seaze vpon these English ships which being perceiued by the Captaines and Masters thereof wee made speedy preparation for the defence of our selues still waiting all the night long for the approching of the enemie In the morning early being the Tuesday in Easter weeke and the 24 of April 1590. according to our vsual customes we said Seruice and made our prayers vnto Almightie God beseeching him to saue vs from the hands of such tyrants as the Spaniards whom we iustly imagined to be and whom we knew and had found to be our most mortall enemies vpon the Sea And hauing finished our prayers and set our selues in a readinesse we perceiued them to come towards vs and that they were indeede the Spanish Gallies that lay vnder the conduct of Andre Doria who is Vice-roy for the King of Spaine in the Straights of Gibraltar and a notable knowne enemie to all Englishmen So when they came somewhat neerer vnto vs they waued vs a maine for the King of Spaine and wee waued them a maine for the Queene of England at which time it pleased Almightie God greatly to incourage vs all in such sort as that the neerer they came the leese we feared their great multitudes and huge number of men which were planted in those Gallies to the number of two or three hundred men in ech Gallie And it was thus concluded among vs that the foure first and tallest ships should be placed hindmost and the weaker smallest ships formost and so it was performed euery man being ready to take part of such successe as it should please God to send At the first encounter the Gallies came vpon vs very fiercely yet God so strengthened vs that if they had bene ten times more we had not feared them at all Whereupon the Salomon being a hot shippe and hauing sundry cast pieces in her gaue the first shotte in such a sowre sort as that it shared away so many men as sate on the one side of a Gallie and pierced her through in such maner as that she was ready to sinke which made them to assault vs the more fiercely Whereupon the rest of our shippes especially the foure chiefest namely the Margaret and Iohn the Minion and the Ascension followed and gaue a hot charge vpon them and they at vs where began a hot and fierce battaile with great valiancie the one against the other and so continued for the space of sixe houres About the beginning of this our fight there came two Flemings to our Fleet who seeing the force of the Gallies to be so great the one of them presently yeelded strooke his sailes and was taken by the Gallies whereas if they would haue offered themselues to haue fought in our behalfe and their owne defence they needed not to haue bene taken so cowardly as they were to their cost The other Fleming being also ready to performe the like piece of seruice began to vaile his sailes and intended to haue yeelded immediatly But the Trumpetter in that shippe plucked foorth his faulchion and stepped to the Pilote at the helme and vowed that if he did not speedily put off to the English Fleete and so take part with them he would presently kill him which the Pilote for feare of death did and so by that meanes they were defended from present death and from the tyrannie of those Spaniards which doubtlesse they should haue found at their handes Thus we continued in fight sixe houres and somewhat more wherein God gaue vs the vpper hand and we escaped the hands of so many enemies who were constrained to flie into harbour and shroude themselues from vs and with speed to seeke for their owne safetie This was the handie worke of God who defended vs all from danger in such sort as that there was not one man of vs slaine And in all this fierce
perceiue about a mile from vs a certaine place cleare from any yce to the which with an easie breath of wind which our God sent vs we bent our selues And furthermore hee prouided better for vs then we deserued or hoped for for when we were in the foresaid cleare place he sent vs a fresh gale at West or at West Southwest which set vs cleare without all the yce And further he added more for he sent vs so pleasant a day as the like we had not of a long time before as after punishment consolation Thus we ioyfull wights being at libertie tooke in all our sailes and lay a hull praysing God for our deliuerance and slayed to gather together our Fleete which once being done we seeing that none of them had any great hurt neither any of them wanted sauing onely they of whom I spake before and the ship which was lost then at the last wee hoised our sailes and lay bulting off and on till such time as it would please God to take away the yce that wee might get into the Straights And as we thus lay off and on we came by a marueilous huge mountaine of yce which surpassed all the rest that euer we saw for we iudged it to be neere fourescore fathomes aboue water and we thought it to be a ground for any thing that we could perceiue being there nine score fathoms deepe and of compasse about halfe a mile Also the fift of Iuly there fell a hidious fogge and mist that continued till the nineteenth of the same so that one shippe could not see another Therefore we were faine to beare a small sayle and to obserue the time but there ran such a current of a tide that it set vs to the Northwest of the Queenes foreland the backside of all the Straights where through the contagious fogge hauing no sight either of Sunne or Starre we scarce knew where we were In this fogge the tenth of Iuly we lost the company of the Uiceadmirall the Anne Francis the Busie of Bridgewater and the Francis of Foy. The 16. day one of our small Barkes named the Gabriel was sent by our Generall to beare in with the land to discrie it where being on land they met with the people of the Countrey which seemed very humane and ciuill and offered to traffike with our men profering them foules and skins for kniues and other trifles whose courtesie caused vs to thinke that they had small conuersation with other of the Straights Then we bare backe againe to goe with the Queenes foreland and the eighteenth day wee came by two Islands whereon we went on shore and found where the people had bene but we saw none of them This day wee were againe in the yce and like to be in as great perill as we were at the first For through the darknesse and obscuritie of the foggie mist we were almost run on rocks and Islands before we saw them But God euen miraculously prouided for vs opening the fogges that we might see clearely both where and in what danger we presently were and also the way to escape or els without faile we had ruinously runne vpon the rocks When we knew perfectly our instant case wee cast about to get againe on Sea-bord which God be thanked by night we obtained and praised God The cleare conâ—inued scarce an houre but the fogge fell againe as thicke as euer it was Then the Rearadmirall and the Beare got themselues cleare without danger of yce and rocks strooke their sailes and lay a hull staying to haue the rest of the Fleete come forth which as yet had not found the right way to cleare themselues from the danger of rockes and yce vntill the next morning at what time the Rearadmirall discharged certaine warning pieces to giue notice that she had escaped and that the rest by following of her might set themselus free which they did that day Then hauing gathered our selues togither we proceeded on our purposed voyage bearing off and keeping our selues distant from the coast till the 19. day of Iuly at which time the fogges brake vp and dispersed so that we might plainely and clearely behold the pleasant ayre which so long had bene taken from vs by the obscuritie of the foggie mists and after that time we were not much encombred therewith vntill we had left the confines of the Countrey Then we espying a fayre sound supposed it to goe into the Straights betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound which proued as we imagined For our Generall sent forth againe the Gabriel to discouer it who passed through with much difficulty for there ran such an extreme current of a tide with such a horrible gulfe that with a fresh gale of wind they were scarce able to stemme it yet at the length with great trauaile they passed it and came to the Straights where they met with the Thomas Allen the Thomas of Ipswich and the Busse of Bridgewater who altogether aduentured to beare into the yce againe to see if they could obtaine their wished Port. But they were so incombred that with much difficultie they were able to get out againe yet at the last they escaping the Thomas Allen and the Gabriel â—are in with the Westerne shore where they found harbour and there moared their ships vntill the fourth of August at which time they came to vs in the Countesse of Warwicks sound The Thomas of Ipswich caught a great leake which caused her to cast againe to Seabord and so was mended We sailed along still by the coast vntill we came to the Queenes foreland at the point whereof we met with part of the gulfe aforesayd which place or gulfe as some of our Masters doe credibly report doeth flow nine houres and ebs but three At that point wee discouered certaine lands Southward which neither time nor opportunitie would serue to search Then being come to the mouth of the Straights we met with the Anne Francis who had laine bulting vp and downe euer since her departure alone neuer finding any of her company We met then also the Francis of Foy with whom againe we intended to venture and get in but the yce was yet so thicke that we were compelled againe to retyre and get vs on Sea-bord There fell also the same day being the 26. of Iuly such an horrible snow that it lay a foot thick vpon the hatches which frose as it fell We had also at other times diuers cruell stormes both of snow and haile which manifestly declared the distemperature of the Countrey yet for all that wee were so many times repulsed and put backe from our purpose knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for vs but hurtfull to our voyage we mutually consented to our valiant Generall once againe to giue the onset The 28. day therefore of the same Iuly we assayed and with little trouble God be praysed we passed the dangers by day light Then
The twentieth of Iune at two of the clocke in the morning the General descried land found it to be West Frisland now named west England Here the Generall other Gentlemen went ashore being the first knowen Christians that we haue true notice of that euer set foot vpon that ground and therefore the Generall tooke possession thereof to the vse of our Souereigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie and discouered here a goodly harborough for the ships where were also certaine little boates of that countrey And being there landed they espied certaine tents and people of that countrey which were as they iudge in all sorts vâ—ry like those of Meta Incognita as by their apparell and other things which we found in their tents appeared The Sauage and simple people so soone as they perceiued our men comming towards them supposing there had bene no other world but theirs fled fearefully away as men much amazed at so strange a sight and creatures of humane shape to farre in apparell complexion and other things different from themselues They left in their tents all their furniture for haste behind them where amongst other things were found a boxe of small nailes and certaine red Herrings boords of Firre tree well cut with diuers other things artificially wrought whereby it appeareth that they haue trade with some ciuill people or else are indeede themselues artificiall workemen Our men brought away with them onely two of their dogs leauing in recompense belles looking-glasses and diuers of our countrâ—y coyes behinde them This countrey no doubtâ— promiseth good hope of great commoditie and riches if it may be well discouered The description whereof you shall finde more at large in the second voyage Some are of opinion that this West England is firme land with the Northeast partes of Meta Incognita or else with Groenland And their reason is because the people apparel boates and other things are so like to theirs and another reason is the multitude of Islands of yce which lay betweene it and Meta Incognita doth argue that on the Northside there is a bay which cannot be but by conioyning of the two lands together And hauing a faire and large winde we departed from thence towards Frobishers Streites the three and twentieth of Iune But first wee gaue name to a high cliffe in West England the last that was in our sight and for a certaine similitude we called it Charing crosse Then wee bare Southerly towards the Sea because to the Northwardes of this coast we met with much driuing yce which by reason of the thicke mistes and weather might haue bene some trouble vnto vs. On Munday the last of Iune wee met with many great Whales as they had bene Porposes This same day the Salamander being vnder both her corses and bonets happened to strike a great Whale with her full stemme with such a blow that the ship stoode still and stirred neither forward nor backward The Whale thereat made a great and vgly noyse and cast vp his body and taile and so went vnder water and within two daies after there was found a great Whale dead swimming aboue water which wee supposed was that which the Salamander strooke The second day of Iuly early in the morning we had sight of the Queenes Foreland and bare in with the land all the day and passing thorow great quantity of yce by night were entred somewhat within the Streites perceiuing no way to passe further in the whole place being frozen ouer from the one side to the other and as it were with many walles mountaines and bulwarks of yce châ—ked vp the passage and denied vs entrance And yet doe I not thinke that this passage or Sea hereabonts is frozen ouer at any time of the yere albeit it seemed so vnto vs by the abundance of yce gathered together which occupied the whole place But I doe rather suppose these yce to bee bred in the hollow soundes and freshers thereabouts which by the heate of the sommers Sunne being loosed doe emptie themselues with the ebbes into the sea and so gather in great abundance there together And to speake somewhat here of the ancient opinion of the frozen sea in these parts I doe thinke it to be rather a bare coniecture of men then that euer any man hath made experience of any such sea And that which they speake of Mare glaciale may be truely thought to be spoken of these parts for this may well be called indeede the ycie sea but not the frozen sea for no sea consisting of salt water can be frozen as I haue more at large herein shewed my opinion in my second voyage for it seemeth impossible for any sea to bee frozen which hath his course of ebbing and flowing especially in those places where the tides doe ebbe and flowe aboue ten fadome And also all these aforesayd yce which we sometime met a hundreth mile from lande being gathered out of the salt Sea are in taste fresh and being dissolued become sweete and holesome water And the cause why this yere we haue bene more combred with yce then at other times before may be by reason of the Easterly Southerly winds which brought vs more timely thither now then we looked for Which blowing from the sea directly vpon the place of our Streits hath kept in the yce and not suffered them to be caried out by the ebbe to the maine sea where they would in more short time haue bene dissolued And all these fleeting yce are not only so dangerous in that they wind and gather so neere together that a man may passe sometimes tenne or twelue miles as it were vpon one firme Island of yce but also for that they open and shut together againe in such sort with the tides and sea-gate that whilest one ship followeth the other with full sayles the yce which was open vnto the foremost will ioyne and close together before the latter can come to follow the first whereby many times our shippes were brought into great danger as being not able so sodainely to take in our sayles or stay the swift way of our ships We were forced many times to stemme and strike great rockes of yce and so as it were make way through mighty mountaines By which meanes some of the fleete where they found the yce to open entred in and passed so farre within the danger thereof with continuall desire to recouer their port that it was the greatest wonder of the world that they euer escaped safe or were euer heard of againe For euen at this present we missed two of the fleete that is the Iudith wherein was the Lieutenant generall Captaine Fenton and the Michael whom both we supposed had bene vtterly lost hauing not heard any tidings of them in moe then 20 dayes before And one of our fleete named the Barke Dennis being of an hundreth tunne burden seeking way in amongst these yce receiued such a blow
thicke mist so that we could not see a cable length before vs. And betimes in the morning we were altogether runne and folded in amongst flats and sands amongst which we found shoale and deepe in euery three or foure shippes length after wee began to sound but first we were vpon them vnawares vntill master Cox looking out discerned in his iudgement white cliffes crying land withall though we could not afterward descrie any land it being very likely the breaking of the sea white which seemed to be white cliffes through the haze and and thicke weather Immediatly tokens were giuen vnto the Delight to cast about to seaward which being the greater ship and of burden 120 tunnes was yet formost vpon the breach keeping so ill watch that they knew not the danger before they felt the same too late to recouer it for presently the Admirall strooke a ground and had soone after her â—terne and hinder partes beaten in pieces whereupon the rest that is to say the Frigat in which was the Generall and the Golden Hinde cast about Eastsoutheast bearing to the South euen for our liues into the windes eye becâ—use that way caried vs to the seaward Making out from this danger wee sounded one while seuen fadome then fiue fadome then foure fadome and lesse againe deeper immediatly foure fadome then but three fadome the sea going mightily and high At last we recouered God be thanked in some despaire to sea roome enough In this distresse wee had vigilant eye vnto the Admirall whom wee sawe cast away without power to giue the men succour neither could we espie any of the men that leaped ouerboord to saue themselues either in the same Pinnesse or Cocke or vpon rafters and such like meanes presenting themselues to men in those extremities for we desired to saue the men by euery possible meanes But all in vaine sith God had determined their ruine yet all that day and part of the next we beat vp and downe as neere vnto the wracke as was possible for vs looking out if by good hap we might espie any of them This was a heauy and grieuous euent to lose at one blow our chiefe shippe fraighted with great prouision gathered together with much trauell care long time and difficultie But more was the losse of our men which perished to the number almost of a hundreth soules Amongst whom was drowned a learned man an Hungarian borne in the citie of Buda called thereof Budaeus who of pietie and zeale to good attempts aduentured in this action minding to record in the Latine tongue the gests and things worthy of remembrance happening in this discouerie to the honour of our nation the same being adorned with the eloquent stile of this Orator and rare Poet of our time Here also perished our Saxon Refiner and Discouerer of inestimable riches as it was left amongst some of vs in vndoubted hope No lesse heauy was the losse of the Captaine Maurice Browne a vertuous honest and discreete Gentleman ouerseene onely in liberty giuen late before to men that ought to haue bene restrained who shewed himselfe a man resolued and neuer vnprepared for death as by his last act of this tragedie appeared by report of them that escaped this wracke miraculously as shall bee hereafter declared For when all hope was past of recouering the ship and that men began to giue ouer and to saue themselues the Captaine was aduised before to shift also for his life by the Pinnesse at the sterne of the ship but refusing that counsell he would not giue example with the first to leaue the shippe but vsed all meanes to exhort his people not to despaire nor so to leaue off their labour choosing rather to die then to incurre infamie by forsaking his charge which then might be thought to haue perished through his default shewing an ill president vnto his men by leauing the ship first himselfe With this mind hee mounted vpon the highest decke where hee attended imminent death and vnauoidable how long I leaue it to God who withdraweth not his comfort from his seruants at such times In the meane season certaine to the number of foureteene persons leaped into a small Pinnesse the bignes of a Thames barge which was made in the New found land cut off the rope wherewith it was towed and committed themselues to Gods mercy amiddest the storme and rage of sea and windes destitute of foode not so much as a droppe of fresh water The boate seeming ouercharged in foule weather with company Edward Headly a valiant souldier and well reputed of his companie preferring the greater to the lesser thought better that some of them perished then all made this motion to cast lots and them to bee throwen ouerboord vpon whom the lots fell thereby to lighten the boate which otherwayes seemed impossible to liue offred himselfe with the first content to take his aduenture gladly which neuertheles Richard Clarke that was Master of the Admirall and one of this number refused aduising to abide Gods pleasure who was able to saue all as well as a few The boate was caried before the wind continuing sixe dayes and nights in the Ocean and arriued at last with the men aliue but weake vpon the New found land sauing that the foresayd Headly who had bene late sicke and another called of vs Brasile of his trauell into those Countreys died by the way famished and lesse able to holde out then those of better health For such was these poore mens extremitie in cold and wet to haue no better sustenance then their owne vrine for sixe dayes together Thus whom God deliuered from drowning hee appointed to be famished who doth giue limits to mans times and ordaineth the manner and circumstance of dying whom againe he will preserue neither Sea nor famine can confound For those that arriued vpon the Newe found land were brought into France by certaine French men then being vpon that coast After this heauie chance wee continued in beating the sea vp and downe expecting when the weather would cleere vp that we might yet beare in with the land which we iudged not farre off either the continent or some Island For we many times and in sundry places found ground at 50,45,40 fadomes and lesse The ground comming vpon our lead being sometimes oazie sand and otherwhile a broad shell with a little sand about it Our people loss courage dayly after this ill successe the weather continuing thicke and blustering with increase of cold Winter drawing on which tooke from them all hope of amendement setling an assurance of worse weather to grow vpon vs euery day The Leeside of vs lay full of flats and dangers ineuitable if the wind blew hard at South Some againe doubted we were ingulfed in the Bay of S. Laurence the coast full of dangers and vnto vs vnknowen But aboue all prouision waxed scant and hope of supply was gone with losse of our Admirall Those in
and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes wherof was M. Steuen Benner bound vnto the riuer of Canada set to sea at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of London merchants the saide Charles Leigh himselfe and Steuen Van Herwick brother to the sayd Abraham going themselues in the said ships as chiefe commanders of the voyage departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8 of April 1597. And after some hindrances arriuing at Falmoâ—th in Cornewal the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe And with prosperous windes the 18 of May we were vpon the banke of Newfoundland The 19 we lost the Chancewel The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of Assumption where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French ship and afterward in the same bay wee met with our conâ—ort Whereupon we presently put to sea againe and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay where we remained by extremitie of foule weather and to mend a pinnes of 7 or 8 tunnes which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of Dartmouth the Admiral of that place vntill the last of May. On which day departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke Shallops but could find none The first of Iune we set saile from Rogneuse and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme The 4 we set saile and this day we saw a great Island of yce The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in a fog at the mouâ—h of the bay of Placentia The 11 at Sunne setting we had sight of Cape Briton And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we cast anker vnder the Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground In that place we caught great store of Cods which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland The 13 wee weyed anker againe and being becalmed about a league from the shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes aboue ground and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship The 14 we came to the 2 Islands of Birds some 23 leagues froÌ„ Menego where there were such abundance of Birds as is almost incredible to report And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds we saw great store of Morsses or sea Oxen which were a sleepe vpon the rockes but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee from them The 16 we arriued at Brians Island which lyeth 5 leagues West from the Island of Birds About this Island ther is as great aboundance of cods as in any place can be found In litle more then an houre we caught with 4 hookes 250 of them Here we caught also a great Tuâ—but which was an elâ—e long and a yard broad which was so great that the hooke could not hold her into the ship but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke escaped In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for corne and meadow great store of wood but of smal groweth Springes of fresh water we found none in all the Island but some standing pooles of raine water The same day at night we weyed anker againe The 17 we had stormy weather The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea where we appointed to meet with our consort And approching neere vnto the harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our great boate into the harborough with the masters mate and some dozen more of the company who when they came in found 4 ships Namely 2 of Saint Malo in Britaigne and two of Sâ—bâ—buro adioyning to Saint Iohn de luz being the French Kings subiâ—cts whom they supposed to haue bene of Spaine and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into haâ—borough â—inding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre and a mightie great cuâ—rent in when wee had cast anker we sent presently to speake with the masters of all thâ— ships but those onely of Saint Malo came aboord whom wee entertained very friendly and demaunded of whence the other two shippes were They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de Luz or Sibiburo Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both the sayd shippes to request them to come aboord and to bring with them their Charters parties and other euidences to the ende we might knowe of whence they were At which message one of the sayde Masteâ—s came aboord with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe whom when we had examined they sayd that they were of Sibiburo and the French Kings subiectes We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough peaceably to deliuer vp their powder and munition promising them that if we found them to be the French Kings subiectes it shoulde be kept in safetie for them without diminishing But they woulde not consent thereunto whereunto we replyed that vnlesse they would consent thereunto we would hold them to be our enemies They not consenting we sent the boate well manned to fetch thâ—ir powder and munition from aboorde their ship but straightly commanded our men not to touch any thing else in the ship vpon their further perill which they promised to performe When they came aboorde the saide ships which were mored together they were resisted by force of armes but quickly they got the victorie which done they fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes contrary to their promise whereupon we sent another to forbidde them but when he came to them none was more ready of pillage then he Whereupon I went my selfe and tooke away from our men whatsoeuer they had pillaged and gaue it againe to the owners onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were When I had done I gaue the Baskes possâ—ssion of their shippe againe and tolde them they should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings of subiects Then I caryed away all our men and also tooke with me two or three of the chiefest of them and when I came aboord went to examining of them and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France whereupon I tolde the master of the â—aid ship that I was throughly satisfied that he was of France and so diâ—missed him in peace Of the other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine but had nâ— certaine proofe thereof wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace After I had thus dismissed them our ships company fell into a mutiny and more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away But they weâ—e
the Prouince of Canada to the port of the Holy Crossâ— where we had left our ships The seuenth day we came against a riuer that commeth from the North and curred into that riuer at the entrance whereof are foure little Ilands full of faire and goodly trees we named that riuer The riuer of Fouetz But because one of those Ilandes stretcheth it selfe a great way into the riuer our Captaine at the point of it caused a goodly great Crosse to be set vp and commanded the boates to be made readie that with the neâ—t tide he might goe vp the saide riuer and consider the qualitie of it which wee did and that day went vp as farre as we could but because we found it to be of no importance and very shallow we returned and sayled downe the riuer How we came to the Port of the Holy Crosse and in what state we found our ships and how the Lord of the Countrey came to visite our Captaine and our Captaine him and of certaine particular customes of the people Chap. 9. VPon Monday being the 11 of October we came to the Port of the Hoâ—y Crosse where our ships were and found that the Masters and Mariners we had left there had made and reared a trench before the ships altogither closed with great â—eeres of timber set vpright and very well fastened togither then had they beset the said trenâ—h about with peeces of Artilletiâ—â—nd other necessarie things to shield and defend themselues from the power of all the countrey So soone as the Lord of the countrey heard of our comming the next day being the twelfth of October he came to visite vs accompanied with Taignoagny Domagala and many others fayning to be very glad of our comming making much of our Captaine who as friendly as he could entertained them albeit they had not deserued it Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day to come and see Canada which he promised to doe for the next day bâ—ing the 13 of the moneth he with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners very well appointed went to visite Donnacona and his people about a league from our ships The place where they make their abode is called Stadacona When we were about a stones cast from their houses many of the inhabitants came to meete vs being all set in a ranke and as their custome is the men all on one side the women on the other still dancing and singing without any ceasing and after we had salutâ—d and receiued one another our Captaine gaue them kniues and such other sleight things then he caused all the women and children to passe along before him giuing ech one a ring of Tin for which they gaue him hearty thankes that done our Captaine was by Donnacona and Taignoagny brought to see their houses which the qualitie considered were very well prouided and stored with such victuals as the countrey yeeldeth to passe away the winter withall Then they shewed vs the skins of fiue mens heads spread vpon boords as we doe vse parchment Donnacona told vs that they were skins of Toudamani a people dwelling toward the South who continually doe warre against them Moreouer they told vs that it was two yeeres past that those Toudamans came to assault them yea euen into the said riuer in an Iland that lyeth ouer against Saguenay where they had bin the night before as they were going a warfaring in Hognedo with 200 persons men women and children who being all asleepe in a Fort that they had made they were assaulted by the said Toudamans who put fire round about the Fort and as they would haue come out of it to saue themselues they were all slaine only fiue excepted who escaped For which losse they yet sorrowed shewing with signes that one day they would be reuenged that done we came to our ships againe The manner how the people of that Countrey liue and of certaine conditions of their faith maners and customes Chap. 10. THis people beleeue no whit in God but in one whom they calâ— Cudâ—uaigni they say that often he speaketh with them and telleth them what weather shal follow whether good or bad Moreouer they say that when he is angry with them he casteth dust into then eyes they beleeue that when they die they go into the stars thence â—â— little little descend downe into the Horizonâ— euen as the stars doe that then they go into certaine greene fiâ—lds full of goodly faire precious trees floures fruits After that they had giuen vs these things to vnderstand we shewed them their error and told that their Cudruaigni did but deceiue them for he is but a Diuell an euill spirit affirming vnto them that there is but one onely God who is in heauen and who giueth vs all necessaries being the Creatour of all himselfe and that onely we must beleeue in him moreouer that it is necessarie for vs to be baptised otherwise wee are damned into hell These and many other things concerning our faith and religion we shewed them all which they did easily beleeue calling their Cudruaigni Agouiada that is to say nought so that very earnestly they desired and prayed our Captaine that he would cause them to be baptised and their Lorde and Taignoagny Domagaia and all the people of the towne came vnto vs hoping to be baptised but because we did not throughly know their minde and that there was no bodie could teach them our beliefe religion we excused our selues desiring Taignoagny Domagaia to tell the rest of their countreymen that he would come againe another time bring Priests chrâ—some with vs for without them they could not be baptised which they did easily beleeue for Domagaia Tâ—ignoagny had seene many children baptised in Britain whiles they were there Which promise when they heard they seemed to be very glad They liue in common togither and of such commodities as their countrey yeeldeth they are indifferently well stored the inhabitants of the countrey cloth themselues with the skinnes of certaine wilde beasts but very miserably In winter they weare hosen and shoes made of wilde beasts skins and in Sommer they goe barefooted They keepe and obserue the rites of matrimonie sauing that euery one weddeth 2 or â— vâ—â—tes which their husbands being dead do neuer marrie agaiâ—e but for the death of their husbands weare a certaine blacke weede all the daies of their life be sâ—earing al their faces with coleâ—â—uâ—â—â—â—â—ease mingled togither as thicke as the backe of a knife and by that they are knowen to be wâ—â—â—owes They haue a filthy and detestable vse in marrying of their maidens and that is this they put them all after they are of lawfull age to marry in a common place as harlots free for euery man that will haue to doe with them vntill such time as they find a match This I say because I haue seene by experience many housen full of those
some in calking them some in beating of chalke some in one thing and some in another and that he would not haue them come foorth till their worke was done And to make his â—ale seeme true and likely he would make all his men whole sound to make a great noyse with knocking stickes stones hammers and other things togither at which time we were so oppressed and grieued with that sicknesse that we had lost all hope euer to see France againe if God of his infinite goodnesse and mercie had not with his pitifull eye looked vpon vs and reuealed a singular and excellent remedie against all diseases vnto vs â—â—e best that euer was found vpon earth as hereafter shall follow How long we stayed in the Port of the holy Crosse amidst the snow and yce and how many died of the said disease from the beginning of it to the midst of March Chap. 14. FRom the midst of Nouember vntill the midst of March we were kept in amidst the yce aboue two fadomes thicke and snow aboue foure foote high and more higher then the sides of our ships which lasted till that time in such sort that all our drinkes were frozen in the â—essels and the yce through all the ships was aboue a hand-breadth thicke as well aboue hatches as beneath and so much of the riuer as was fresh euen to Hochelaga was frozen in which space there died fiue and twentie of our best and chiefest men and all the rest were so sicke that wee thought they should neuer recouer againe only three or foure excepted Then it pleased God to cast his pitifull eye vpon vs and sent vs the knowledge of remedie of our healthes and recouerie in such manâ—â— as in the next Chapter shall be shewed How by the grace of God we had notice of a certaine tree whereby we all recouered ouâ— health and the maner how to vse it Chap. 15. OUr Captaine considering our estate and how that sicknesse was increased and hot amongst vs one day went foorth of the Forte and walking vpon the yce hee saw a troupe of those Countreymen comming from Stadacona among which was Domagaia who not passing ten or twelue dayes afore had bene very sicke with that disease and had his knees swolne as bigge as a child of two yeres old all his sâ—ews shrunke together his teeth spoyled his gummes rotten and stinking Our Captaine seeing him whole and sound was there at maruelious glad hoping to vnderstand and know of him how he had healed himselfe to the end he might ease and help his men So soone as they were come neere him he asked Domagaia how he had done to heale himselfe he answered that he had taken the â—â—ice and sappe of the leaues of a certaine Tree and therewith had healed himselfe For it was a singular remedy against that disease Then our Captaine asked of him if any were to be had thereabout desiring him to shew him for to heale a seruant of his who whilest he was in Canada with Donnacona was striken with that disease That he did because he would not shew the number of his sicke men Domagaia straight sent two women to fetch some of it which brought ten or twelue braâ—ches of it and therewithall shewed the way how to vse it and that is thus to take the barke and leaues of the sayd tree and boile them together then to drinke of the sayd deâ—oction euery other day and to put the dregs of it vpon his legs that is sicke moreouer they told vs that the vertue of that tree was to heale any other disease the tree is in their language called Ameda or Hanneda this is thought to be the Sassafras tree Our Captain presently caused some of that drink to be made for his men to drink of it but there was none durst tast of it except one or two who ventured the drinking of it only to tast proue it the other seeing that did the like and presently recouered their health and were deliuered of that sickenes what other disease soeuer in such sorte that there were some had bene diseased and troubled with the French Pockes foure or fiue yeres and with this drinke were cleane healed After this medicine was found and proued to be true there was such strife about it who should be first to take of it that they were ready to kill one another so that a tree as big as any â—ake in France was spoiled and lopped bare and occupied all in fiue or sixe daies and it wrought so wel that if all the phisicians of Mountpelier and Louaine had bene there with all the drugs of Alexandria they would not haue done so much in one yere as that tree did in siâ—e dayes for it did so preuaile that as many as vsed of it by the grace of God recouered their health How the lord Donnacona accompanied with Taignoagny and diuers others faining that they would goe to hunt Stags and Deere â—aried out two moneths and at their returne brought a great multitude of people with them that we were not wont to seâ— before Chap. 16. VVHile that disease sailed in our ships the lord Donnacona Taigâ—oagny with many others went from home faining that they would goe to catch Stags and â—eere which are in their tongue called Aiounesta and Asquenoudo because the yce and snow was not so broken along the riuer that they could sayle it was told vs of Domagaia and others that they woulâ— stay out but a fortnight we beleeued it but they slayed aboue two moneths which made vs mistrust that they had bene gone to raise the countrey to come against vs and do vs some displeasure we seeing our selues so weake faint Albeit we had vsed such diligence and policie in our Fort that if all the power of the countrey had bene about it they could haue done nothing but looke vpon vs and whilest they were foorth many of the people came dayly to our ships and brought vs fresh meat as Stags â—eâ—re fishes with diuers other things but held them as such an excessiue price that rather then they would sell them any thing cheape many times they would carie them backe againe because that yere the Winter was very long and they had some scarcity and neede of them How Donnacona came to Stadaconâ— a gaine with a great number of people and because he would not come to visit our Captaine faiâ—ed himselfe to be sore sicke which he did only to haue the Captaine come see him Chap. 17. ON the one and twentieth day of April Domagaia came to the shore side accompanied with diuers lusty and strong men such as we were not wont to see and tolde vs that their lord Donnacona would the next day come and see vs and bring great store of Deeres flesh and other things with him The next day he came and brought a great number of men to Stadacona to what end and for what cause wee knew not but as
a plaine marsh they stayed expecting the comming of the Spaniards according to their promise to furnish vs with victuals who keeping their olde custome for periurie and breach of promise came not whereupon our Generall fired the woods thereabout and so retired to our Fort which the same day was fired also and each man came aboord to be ready to set saile the next morning The 29. day wee set saile from Saint Iohns being many of vs stung before vpon shoare with the Muskitos but the same night wee tooke a Spanish Frigat which was forsaken by the Spaniards vpon the sight of vs and the next day in the morning very early we tooke another Frigat with good and rich fraight and diuers Spaniards of account in her which afterwards wee rausomed for good round summes and landed them in S. Iohns The 26. day our Lieutenant Master Ralph Lane went in one of the Frigats which we had taken to Roxo bay vpon the Southwest side of Saint Iohns to fetch salt being thither conducted by a Spanish Pilot as soone as hee arriued there hee landed with his men to the number of 20. and intrenched himselfe vpon the sandes immediatly compassing one of their salte hils within the trench who being seene of the Spaniards there came downe towardes him two or three troopes of horsemen and fooâ—nen who gaue him the looking and gazing on but durst not come neere him to offer any resistance so that Master Lane maugre their troopes caryed their salte aboord and laded his Friâ—at and so returned againe to our fleete the 29. day which road at S. Germans Bay The same day we all departed and the next day arriued in the Iland of Hispaniola Iune THe 1. day of Iune we anchored at Isabella on the North side of Hispaniola The 3. day of Iune the Gouernour of Isabella and Captaine of the Port de Plata being certified by the reports of sundry Spaniards who had beene well intertained aboord our shippes by our Generall that in our fleete were many braue and gallant Gentlemen who greatly desired to see the Gouernour aforesayd he thereupon sent gentle commendations to our Generall promising within few dayes to come to him in person which he perfourmed accordingly The 5. day the aforesayd Gouernour accompanied with a lusty Fryer and twenty other Spaniards with their seruants and Negroes came dowâ—e to the Sea side where our ships road at anker who being seene our Generall manned immediatly the most part of his boates with the chiefe men of our Fleete euery man appointed and furnished in the best sort at the landing of our Generall the Spanish gouernour receiued him very courteously and the Spanish Gentlemen saluted our English Gentlemen and their inferiour sort did also salute our Souldiers and Sea men liking our men and likewise their qualities although at the first they seemed to stand in feare of vs and of so many of our boates whereof they desired that all might not land their men yet in the end the courtesies that passed on both sides were so great that all feare and mistrust on the Spaniards part was abandoned In the meane time while our English Generall and the Spanish Gouernour discoursed betwixt them of diuers mattersâ— as of the state of the Countrey the multitude of the Townes and people and the commodities of the Iland our men prouided two banquetting houses couered with greene boughes the one for the Gentlemen the other for the seruaunts and a sumptuous banquet was brought in serued by vs all in plate with the sound of trumpets and consort of musicke wherwith the Spaniards were more then delighted Which banquet being ended the Spaniardes inrecompence of our courtesie caused a great heard of white buls and kyne to be brought together from the mountaines and appoynted for euery Gentleman and Captaine that would ride a horse ready sadled and then singled out three of the best of them to bee hunted by horsemen after their maner so that the pastime grewe very pleasant for the space of three houres wherein all three of the beasts were killed whereof one tooke the Sea and there was slaine with a musket After this sport many rare presents and gifts were giuen and bestowed on both parts and the next day wee played the Marchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exchange of diuers of their commodities as horses mares kine buls goates swine sheepe bull-hides sugar ginger pearle tabacco and such like commodities of the Iland The 7. day we departed with great good will from the Spaniards from the Iland of Hispaniola but the wiser sort doe impute this great shew of friendship and courtesie vsed towards vs by the Spaniards rather to the force that wee were of and the vigilancie and watchfulnesse that was amongst vs then to any heartie good will or sure friendly intertainement for doubtlesse if they â—â—d bene stronger then wee wee might haue looked for no better curtesie at their handes then Master Iohn Hankins receiued at Saint Iohn de Vllua or Iohn Oxnam â—eere the streights of Dariene and diuers others of our Countrymen in other places The 8. day we ankred at a small Iland to take Seales which in that place wee vnderstood to haue bene in great quâ—ntitie where the Generall and certaine others with him in the pinnesse were in very great danger to haue beene all cast away but by the helpe of God they escaped the hasard and returned aboord the Admirall in safetie The 9. day we arriued and landed in the I le of Caycos in which Iland we searched for saltepondes vpon the aduertisment and information of a Portugall who indeede abused our Generall and vs deseruing a haster for his hire if it had so pleased vs. The 12. we ankered at Guanima and landed The 15. and 16. we ankered and landed at Cyguateo The 20. we fell with the maine of Florida The 23. we were in great danger of a wracke on a breath called the Cape of Feare The 24. we came to anker in a harbour where wee caught in one tyde so much fish as would haue yeelded vs twentie pounds in London this was our first landing in Florida The 26. we came to anker at Wocokon The 29. wee weighed anker to bring the Tyger into the harbour where through the vnskilfulnesse of the Master whose name was Fernando the Admirall strooke on ground and sunke The 3. we sent word of our arriuing at Wococon to Wingina at Roanoak The 6. M. Iohn Arundel was sent to the maine and Manteo with him and Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten the same day were sent to Croatoan where they found two of our men left there with 30 other by Captaine Reymond some 20. dayes before The 8. Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten returned with two of our men found by them to vs at Wocokon The 11. day the Generall accompanied in his Tilt boate with Master Iohn Arundell Master Stukeley and diuers other Gentlemen
goodly Riuer in hope to meete with some better happe or otherwise to retire our selues backe againe And for that they might be the better aduised I willed them to deliberate all night vpon the matter and in the morning at our going aborde to set our course according to the desires of the greatest part Their resolution fully and wholy was and not three founde to bee of the contrary opinion that whiles there was left but one halfe pinte of Corne for a man wee should not leaue the search of that Riuer and that there were in the companie two Mastiues vpon the pottage of which with Sassafras leaues if the worst fell out the company would make shift to liue two dayes which time would bring them downe the current to the mouth of the Riuer and to the entrie of the Sound and in two dayes more at the farthest they hoped to crosse the Sound and to bee relieued by the weares which two dayes they would fast rather then be drawen backe a foote till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friendes or foes This resolution of theirs did not a little please mee since it came of themselues although for mistrust of that which afterwards did happen I pretended to haue bene rather of the contrary opinion And that which made me most desirous to haue some doings with the Mangoaks either in friendship or otherwise to haue had one or two of them prisoners was for that it is a thing most notorious to all the countrey that there is a Prouince to the which the said Mangoaks haue recourse and trafique vp that Riuer of Moratoc which hath a marueilous and most strange Minerall This Mine is so notorious amongst them as not onely to the Sauages dwelling vp the said riuer and also to the Sauages of Chawanook and all them to the Westward but also to all them of the maine the Countreis name is of fame and is called Chaunis Temoatan The Minerall they say is Wassador which is copper but they call by the name of Wassador euery mettall whatsoeuer they say it is of the colour of our copper but our copper is better then theirs and the reason is for that it is redder and harder whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very soft and pale they say that they take the saide mettall out of a riuer that falleth very swift from hie rockes and hâ—ls and they take it in shallow water the maner is this They take a great bowle by their description as great as one of our targets and wrappe a skinne ouer the hollow part thereof leauing one part open to receiue in the minerall that done they watch the comming downe of the current and the change of the colour of the water and then suddenly chop downe the said bowle with the skinne and receiue into the same as much oare as will come in which is euer as much as their bowle will holde which presently they cast into a fire and foorthwith it melteth and doeth yeelde in fiue parts at the first melting two parts of metall for three parts of oare Of this metall the Mangoaks haue so great store by report of all the Sauages adioyning that they beautifie their houses with great plates of the same and this to be true I receiued by report of all the countrey and particularly by yong Skiko the King of Chawanooks sonne my prisoner who also himselfe had bene prisoner with the Mangoaks and set downe all the particularities to me before mentioned but hee had not bene at Chawnis Temoatan himselfe for hee said it was twentie dayes iourney ouerland from the Mangoaks to the said Mineral Countrey and that they passed through certaine other territories betweene them and the Mangoaks before they came to the said Countrey Upon report of the premisses which I was very inquisitiue in all places where I came to take very particular information of by all the Sauages that dwelt towards those parts and especially of Menatonon himselfe who in euery thing did very particularly informe mee and promised me guides of his owne men who should passe ouer with me euen to the said Country of Chaunis Temoatan for ouerland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but one dayes iourney from Sunne rising to Sunne setting whereas by water it is seuen dayes with the soonest These things I say made me very desirous by all meanes possible to recouer the Mangoaks and to get some of that their copper for an assay and therefore I willingly yeelded to their resolution But it fell out very contrary to all expectation and likelyhood for after two dayes trauell and our whole victuall spent lying on shoare all night wee could neuer see man onely fires we might perceiue made alongst the shoare where we were to passe and vp into the Countrey vntill the very last day In the euening whereof about three of the clocke wee heard certaine Sauages call as we thought Manteo who was also at that time with me in the boat whereof we all being very glad hoping of some friendly conference with them and making him to answere them they presently began a song as we thought in token of our welcome to them but Manteo presently betooke him to his piece and tolde mee that they meant to fight with vs which worde was not so soone spoken by him and the light horseman ready to put to shoare but there lighted a vollie of their arrowes amongst them in the boat but did no hurt God be thanked to any man Immediatly the other boate lying ready with their shot to skoure the place for our hand weapons to lande vpon which was presently done although the land was very high and steepe the Sauages forthwith quitted the shoare and betooke themselues to flight wee landed and hauing faire and easily followed for a smal time after them who had wooded themselues we know not where the Sunne drawing then towards the setting and being then assured that the next day if wee would pursue them though we might happen to meete with them yet wee should be assured to meete with none of their victuall which we then had good cause to thinke of therefore choosing for the company a conuenient ground in safetie to lodge in for the night making a strong Corps of guard and putting out good Centinels I determined the next morning before the rising of the Sunne to be going backe againe if possibly we might recouer the mouth of the riuer into the broad sound which at my first motion I found my whole company ready to assent vnto for they were nowe come to their Dogges porredge that they had be spoken for themselues if that befell them which did and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape The ende was we came the next day by night to the Riuers mouth within foure or fiue miles of the same hauing rowed in one day downe the current as much as in foure dayes wee had done against the same we lodged vpon an Iland
beginning of this bruite I returned which when hee sawe contrary to his expectation and the aduertisement that hee had receiued that not onely my selfe and my company were all saâ—e but also by report of his owne 3. Sauages which had bene with mee besides Manteo in that voyage that is to say Tetepano his sisters husband Eracano and Cossine that the Chanoists and Mangoaks whose name and multitude besides their valour is terrible to all the rest of the prouinces durst not for the most part of them abide vs and that those that did abide vs were killed and that we had taken Menatonon prisoner and brought his sonne that he best loued to Roanoak with mee it did not a little asswage all deuises against vs on the other side it made Ensenores opinions to bee receiued againe with greater respects For he had often before tolde them and then renewed those his former speeches both to the king and the rest that wee were the seruants of God and that wee were not subiect to bee destroyed by them but contrarywise that they amongst them that sought our destruction should finde their owne and not bee able to worke ours and that we being dead men were able to doe them more hurt then now we could do being aliue an opinion very confidently at this day holden by the wisest amongst them and of their old men as also that they haue bene in the night being 100. miles from any of vs in the aire shot at and stroken by some men of ours that by sicknesse had died among them and many of them holde opinion that we be dead men returned into the world againe and that wee doe not remaine dead but for a certaine time and that then we returne againe All these speeches then againe grewe in ful credite with them the King and all touching vs when hee sawe the small troupe returned againe and in that sort from those whose very names were terrible vnto them But that which made vp the matter on our side for that time was an accident yea rather as all the rest was the good prouidence of the Almightie for the sauing of vs which was this Within certaine dayes after my returne from the sayd iourney Menatonon sent a messenger to visite his sonne the prisoner with me and sent me certaine pearle for a present or rather as Pemisapan tolde mee for the ransome of his sonne and therefore I refused them but the greatest cause of his sending then was to signifie vnto mee that hee had commaunded Okisko King of Weopomiok to yeelde himselfe seruant and homager to the great Weroanza of England and after her to Sir Walter Raleigh to perfourme which commandement receiued from Menatonon the sayde Okisko ioyntly with this Menatonons messenger sent foure and twentie of his principallest men to Roanoak to Pemisapan to signifie that they were ready to perfourme the same and so had sent those his men to let mee knowe that from that time forwarde hee and his successours were to acknowledge her Maiestie their onely Soueraigne and next vnto her as is aforesayd All which being done and acknowledged by them all in the presence of Pemisapan his father and all his Sauages in counsell then with him it did for the time thorowly as it seemed change him in disposition toward vs Insomuch as foorthwith Ensenore wanne this resolution of him that out of hand he should goe about and withall to cause his men to set vp weares foorthwith for vs both which he at that present went in hande withall and did so labour the expedition of it that in the end of April he had sowed a good quantitie of ground so much as had bene sufficient to haue fed our whole company God blessing the grouth and that by the belly for a whole yere besides that he gaue vs a certaine plot of ground for our selues to sowe All which put vs in marueilous comfort if we could paise from Aprill vntill the beginning of Iuly which was to haue bene the beginning of their haruest that then a newe supply out of England or els our owne sâ—ore would well ynough maintaine vs All our feare was of the two moneths betwixt in which meane space if the Sauages should not helpe vs with Cassaui and Chyna and that our weares should faile vs as often they did we might very well statue notwithstanding the growing corne like the staruing horse in the stable with the growing grasse as the prouerbe is which wee very hardly had escaped but onely by the hand of God as it pleased him to try vs. For within few dayes after as before is saide Ensenore our friend died who was no sooner dead but certaine of our great enemies about Pemisapan as Osacan a Weroance Tanaquiny and Wanchese most principally were in hand againe to put their old practises in vre against vs which were readily imbraced and all their former deuises against vs renued and new brought in question But that of staruing vs by their forbearing to sow was broken by Ensenore in his life by hauing made the King all at one instant to sow his ground not onely in the Iland but also at Dasamonquepeio in the maine within two leagues ouer against vs. Neuerthelesse there wanted no store of mischieuous practises among them and of all they resolued principally of this following First that Okisko king of Weopomeiok with the Mandoages should bee mooued and with great quantitie of copper intertained to the number of 7. or 8. hundreth bowes to enterprise the matter thus to be ordered They of Weopomeiok should be inuited to a certaine kind of moneths minde which they doe vse to solemnise in their Sauage maner for any great personage dead and should haue bene for Ensenore At this instant also should the Mandoaks who were a great people with the Chesepians their friends to the number of 700. of them be armed at a day appointed to the maine of Dasamonquepeio and there lying close at the signe of fiers which should interchangeably be made on both sides when Pemisapan with his troupe aboue named should haue executed me and some of our Weroances as they called all our principall officers the maine forces of the rest should haue come ouer into the Iland where they ment to haue dispatched the rest of the company whom they did imagine to finde both dismayed and dispersed abroad in the Island seeking of crabs and fish to liue withall The maner of their enterprise was this Tarraquine and Andacon two principall men about Pemisapan and very lustie fellowes with twentie more appointed to them had the charge of my person to see an order taken for the same which they ment should in this sort haue bene executed In the dead time of the night they would haue beset my house and put fire in the reedes that the same was couered with meaning as it was likely that my selfe would haue come running out of a sudden amazed in my shirt without armes
that by this time we had almost driuen out the moneth of May two subiects of king Vtina came vnto me with an Hermaphrodite which shewed mee that by this time the maiz was ripe in the greatest part of their quarters Whereupon Vtina signified vnto me that in case I would carrie him home to his house he would take such good order that I should haue plentie of maiz beanes and withall that the field which he had caused to be sowen for me should be reserued to my vse I consulted with my men concerning this matter and found by the aduice of all my company that it was best to grant him his request saying that he had meanes to succour vs with food sufficient to serue our turnes for our embarkement and that therefore I might do well to carry him home Wherefore I caused the two barks forthwith to be made readie wherin I sailed to Patica a place distant from his village 8 or 9 leagues where I found no bodie for they were gotten into the woods and would not shew themselues albeit Vtina shewed himselfe vnto them for as much as they imagined that I should be constrained to let him go But seeing no body to shew themselues I was constrained to hazard one of my men which had bene acquainted with the state of the countrie to whom I deliuered the young sonne of Vtina and commanded him to goe with diligence to the village of Vtina vnto his father in law and his wife to aduertise them that if they would haue their king againe they should bring me victuals vnto the side of the little riuer whither I was gone At my mans comming euery one made much of the little thilde neither was there a man that thought not himselfe well appaide to touch him His father in law and his wife hearing of these newes came presently towards our barkes and brought bread which they gaue vnto my souldiers they held me there three dayes and in the meane while did all that they could to take me which presently I discouered and therefore stood diligently vpon my gard Wherefore perceiuing they could not haue their purpose and that they were already discouered they sent to aduertise me that as yet they could not helpe me to victuals and that the corne was not yet ripe Thus I was constrained to returne and to carry backe Vtina home where I had much adoe to saue him from the rage of my souldiers which perceiuing the maliciousnes of the Indians went about to haue murdered him Moreouer it seemed they were content that they had gotten the sonne that they cared not greatly for the father Now my hope fayling me on this side I deuised to send my men to the villages where I thought the maiz was by this time ripe I went to diuers places and cōtinued so doing 15 daies after when as Vtina besought me again to send him vnto his village assuring himselfe that his subiects would not sticke to giue me victuals and that in case they refused so to do he was content that I should do what I thought good with him I vndertooke this voyage the second time with the two barkes furnished as before At my comming vnto the little riuer we found his subiects there which failed not to come thither with some quantitie of bread beanes and fish to giue my souldiers Neuerthelesse againe to their former practise they sought all meanes to entrap me hoping to try quittance for the imprisonment of their king if they might haue gotten the victorie of me But after that they sawe the small meanes which they had to annoy me they returned to intreaties and offered that if I would giue them their king with certaine of my souldiers they would conduct them vnto the village and that the subiects seeing him would be more willing to giue vs victuals Which thing notwithstanding I would not grant vnto them mistrusting their subtiltie which was not so couert but that one might espie day at a little hole vntill they had first giuen me two men in pledge with charge that by the next day they should bring me victuals Which thing they granted and gaue mee two men which I put in chaines for feare they should escape away as I knew well they were instructed to doe Foure dayes were spent in these conferences at the end whereof they declared vnto me that they could not fully and wholly performe their promise and that the vttermost that they could doe for the present was to cause ech subiect to bring his burthen of mill To conclude they were content to doe so on condition that I would send them their two pledges within ten dayes As my Lieutenant was ready to depart I warned him aboue all things to take heede he fell not into the Indians hands because I knew them to be very subtill and craftie to enterprize and execute any thing to our disaduantage He departed therefore with his troope and came to the small riuer whereinto we were accustomed to enter to approch as neere as we could vnto the village of Vtina being sixe French leagues distant from thence There he went on shore put his men in good array and drew streight towards the great house that was the kings where the chiefe men of the countrey were assembled which caused very great store of victuals to be brought now one and then another in doing whereof they spent notwithstanding three or foure dayes in which meane white they gathered men together to set vpon vs in our retreit They vsed therefore many meanes to holde vs still in breath For one while they demanded their pledges another while seeing my Lieutenant would not yeeld to them vntill such time as they had brought the victuals vnto the boats according to the agreement passed betwene vs they signified vnto him that the women and young children were affraide out of all measure to see fire in their matches so neere their harquebuses and that therefore they most earnestly be sought them to put them out that they might more easily get people ynough to carry the victuals and that they for their partes would leaue their bowes and arrowes and would be contented that their seruants should carrie them This second request was as flatly denied them as the former For it was an easie matter to smel out their intention But while these things were thus in handling Vtina by no meanes was to be seene but hid and kept himselfe secret in a little house apart where certaine chosen men of mine went to see him shewing themselues agreeued with him for the long delayes of his subiects whereunto he answered that his subiects were so much incensed against vs that by no meanes possible he was able to keepe them in such obedience as he willingly would haue done and that he could not hold them from waging of warre against Monsieur de Ottigny That he also called to minde that euen while he was prisoner at what time
tuesday and two dayes more the very same way that Stephan had gone at the end of which 3 dayes they tolde mee that from that place a man might trauell in thirtie dayes to the citie of Ceuola which is the first of the seuen Neither did one onely tell me thus much but very many who tolde me very particularly of the greatnesse of the houses and of the fashion of them as the first messengers had informed me Also they told me that besides these seuen Cities there are 3. other kingdomes which are called Marata Acus and Totonteac I enquired of them wherefore they trauelled so farre from their houses They said that they went for Turqueses and Hides of kine and other things and that of all these there was great abundance in this Countrey Likewise I enquired how and by what meanes they obteined these things They tolde me by their seruice and by the sweat of their browes and that they went vnto the first citie of the Prouince which is called Ceuola and that they serued them in â—illing their ground and in other businesses and that they giue them Hydes of oxen which they haue in those places and turqueses for their seruice and that the people of this city weare very fine and excellent turqueses hanging at their eares and at their nostrils They say also that of these turqueses they make fine workes vpon the principall gates of the houses of this citie They tolde mee that the apparell which the inhabitants of Ceuola weare is a gowne of cotten downe to the foote with a button at the necke and a long string hanging downe at the same and that the sleeues of these gownes are as broad beneath as aboue They say they gyrd themselues with gyrdles of turqueses and that ouer these coates some weare good apparel others hides of kine very well dressed which they take to bee the best apparell of that countrey whereof they haue there great quantitie Likewise the women goe apparelled and couered downe to the foote These Indians gaue me very good intertainment and curiously enquirâ—d the day of my departure from Vacupa that at my returne they might prouide me of foode and lodging They brought certaine sicke folkes before mee that I might heale them and sought to touch my apparell and gaue mee certaine Cow-hydes so well trimmed and dressed that by them a man might coniecture that they were wrought by ciuile people and all of them affirmed that they came from Ceuola The next day I followed my iourney and carrying with mee the Pintados I came another Uillage where I was well receiued by the people of the same who likewise sought to touch my garments and gaue mee as particular knowledge of the Lande aforesayde as I had receiued of those which meete mee before and also tolde mee that from that place certaine people were gone with Stephan Dorantez foure or fiue dayes iourney And here I found a great crosse which Stephan had left me for a signe that the newes of the good Countrey increased and left worde that with all haste they should sende mee away and that hee would stay for mee at the ende of the first Desert that he mette with Heere I set vp two Crosses and tooke possession according to mine instruction because that the Countrey seemed better vnto mee then that which I had passed and that I thought it meete to make an acte of possession as farre as that place In this maner I trauailed fiue dayes alwayes finding inhâ—bâ—ted places 〈…〉 and intertainments and many Turqueses and Ore-hides and the like report 〈…〉 countrey Heere I vnderstood that after two dayes iourney I should finde a desert where theâ—â— is no foode but that there were certaine gâ—â—e before to build mee lodgings and to 〈…〉 for mee whereupon I hastened my way hoping to finde Stephan at the ende thereof because 〈◊〉 that place hee had left worde that hee would stay for mee Before I came to the desert I 〈◊〉 with a very pleasant Towne by reason of great store of waters conueighed 〈…〉 the same Heere I meâ—te with many people both men and women clothed in Cotton and somâ— couered with Ore-hydes which generally they take for better apparâ—ll then thaâ— of cottoâ—◠〈◊〉 the people of this Uillage goe in Caconados that is to say with Turqueses hanging at 〈◊〉 nostrilles and eares which Turqueses they call Cacona Amongst others the Lord 〈◊〉 Uillage came vnto me and two of his bretheren very well apparelled in Cotton who 〈…〉 in Caconados each of them hauing his collar of Turqueses abâ—ut his necke and the◠〈◊〉 vnto mee many wilde beastes as Conies Quailes Maâ— nuttes of Pine trees and 〈◊〉 great abundance and offered mee many Turqueses and dressed Ore-hydes and very 〈◊〉 vessels to drinke in and other thingsâ— whereof I would receiue no â— hâ—◠〈…〉 garment of gray cloth which in Spaine is called â—uagoâ—â— the Lord of this Uillage and the other Indians touched my gowne with these handes and â—olde mee that of such Cloth thâ—â—â— was great store in Totonteac and that the people of that Countrey wore the same Whereas I laughed and sayde that it was nothing else buâ— such apparell of Cotton as they wore And they replyed We would haue thee thinke that we vnderstand that that apparell which then wearest and that which we weare are of diuers sortes Understand than that in Ceuola all the â—â—â—seâ— are full of that apparell which we weare but in Totonteac there are certaine litle beasts from whom they take that thing wherewith such apparell as thou wearestâ— is made I prayed them to informe mee more playnely of this matter And they tolde mee that the sayde beastes were â—bout the bignesse of the two braches or spaniels which Stephan caryed with him and 〈◊〉 saâ— that there is great store of that cattell in Totonteac Chap. 3. He entreth into a desert and the Indians suffer him to want nothing necessary Followâ—â—â— his Voyage he commeth into a fertile valley and hath certaine knowledge giuen 〈◊〉 as he had before of the state of Ceuola and of Totonteac and that the coast oâ— th◠〈◊〉 35. degrees trendeth much to the Westward and also of the kingdomes of Mâ—â—â—â— and Aâ—â—â—â— THe next day I entred into the Desert and where I was â—o â—iâ—e I found â—â—â—ers madâ— and victuals in abundance by a riuâ—rs side and at night I found bowers and victuâ—ls in like sort and after that maner I found for 4. dayes trauell all which â—ime the wildâ—â—nesse continueth At the ende of these foure dayes I entred into a valley very well inhabited with people At the first Uillage there meâ—te me many men and women with victuals and alâ— of them haâ— Turqueses hanging at their nostrils and eares and some had collars of turqueses like thâ—se which the Lord of the Uillage before I came to the Desert and his two brethren wore saâ—â—â—g thâ—t thâ—y ware them but single about their nâ—ckes and
much to be marueiled at and with the like fury it returned backe againe with the ebbe during which time wee found 11. fadome water and the flood and ebbe continued from sire to sire houres The day following the Captâ—ine and Pilote went vp to the shippes top and sawe all the lande full of sand in a great round compasse and ioyning it selfe with the other shore and it was so low that whereas wee were a league from the same wee could not well discerne it and it seemed that there was an iâ—let of the mouthes of certaine lakes whereby the Sea went in and out There were diuers opinions amongst vs and some thought that that current entered into those lakes and also that some great Riuer there might be the cause thereof And when we could perceiue no passage through nor could discerue the countrey to be inhabited the Captaine accompanied with certaine of vs went to take possession thereof The same day with the ebbe of the Sea wee fâ—ll downe from the other coast from the side of Nueua Espanna though alwayes we had in sight the firme land on the one side of vs end the other Islands on our left hande on the side of the port of Santa Cruz situatâ— on the Westerne shore for on that side there are so many Islands and lands so farre as we could descry that it was greatly to be wondered at for from the said hauen of Santa Cruz and from the coast of Culiacan we had alwayes in a maner land on both sides of vs and that so great a countrey that I suppose if it should so continue further inwarde there is countrey ynough for many yeeres to conquer This day wee had the winde contrary and cast ancker vntil the flood increased which was in the afteâ—noone and then wee set saile likewise with contrary winde vntill midnight and then cast ancker The next day we dâ—pâ—rted shapâ—ng our course along the coast Southwest vntill midnight with littlâ— winde and wee sawe wiâ—hin the land high mountaines with some openings and wee made way sâ—me three leagues and all the next night wee were be calmed and the next day we continued our course but a lâ—ttle while for we sailed not aboue fiue leagues and all the night were becalmed and sawe the lande full of bare and high mountaines and on our left hande wee descried a plaine countrey and saw in the night certaine fires Chap. 4. They land vpon an Island to discouer the same and there they see many fires which issue out of certaine mountaines and many Seale-fishes Here they take an Indian and can not vnderstand his language Running along they discouer another Island and take possession therof for the Emperours Maiestie and a great hauen in the firme land which they call Ancon de Sant Andres or The hauen of S. Andrew THe next day following our course we saw a great hauen with an Iland in the sea within a crosse-bow shoote of the firme land and in this Island and on the firme land were seâ—ne many smokes by the iudgement of all the company wherefore the captaine thought good that wee should goe on land to know the certainty of these smokes and fires himselfe taking ten or twelue of vs with a boate in his company and going on shore in the Island we found that the smokes proceeded out of certaine mountaines and breaches of burned earth whereout ascended into the aire certaine cinders and ashes which mounted vp to the middle region of the aire in such great quantitie that we could not esteeme lesse then twenty lodes of wood to bee burned for the causing of euery of those smokes whereat wee were all not a little amazed In this Island were such abundance of Seales as it was wonderful Here we stayed that day and killed a great number of these Seals with whom we had some trouble for they were so many and ayded one another so well that it was strange to behold for it fell out that while we were occupied in killing some of them with staues they assembled twentie or thirty together and lifting themselues vp assayled vs with their feete in a squadron and ouerthrew two or three of our company on the ground whereupon letting goe those which they had in their hands they and the others escaped vs and went into the seaâ— howbeit wee killed good store of them which were so fatte as it was wonderfull and when we opened some of them to haue their liuers we found certaine small blacke stones in their bodies whereat wee much marueiled The next day wee rode at anker here for lacke of good weather to sayle withall whereupon the Captaine determined to goe on shore with nine or ten in his company to see whether there were any people there or any signe of people that had bene there and they found on the maine land seuen or eight Indians like to Chichimecas which wâ—re gone a fishing and had a raft of canes who so soone as they espied vs ranne away and betooke themselues to flight but being pursued by vs in the end we tooke one of them whose language was so strange that wee could by no meanes vnderstand him his clothing was nothing at all for he was starke naked These people caried their water in bottels made of beasts skins they fished with hookes of bone and wee found good store of their fishes whereof we tooke three or foure dozen The Indian which we had taken seeing himselfe in our hands did nothing but weepe but the Captaine called him and made much of him giuing him certaine beades with a hat and certaine hookes of ours and then let him goe And it seemed that after hee was returned to his companions he declared vnto them how we had done him no harme at all shewing them the things which we had giuen him whereupon they also determined to come vnto vs to our boate but because it was now night and that our shippes were farre from vs we forced not to stay for them especially because it was a bad place and a dangerous This countrey hath on the sea-coast high and bare mountaines with certaine grasse in some places like vnto our broomes or like vnto woods of rosemary The next day wee sayled neere to the coast on the same side with very scarce winde and in a manner calme and ranne not aboue fiue leagues and all the night following we lay becalmed and we saw on the shore fiue of sixe fires The land is high with very high mountaines without grasse hauing certaine caues in them the next day also and part of the night following we were becalmed and the morow after we followed our course along the sayd coast and passed betweene a great Island full of exceeding high mountaines and the maine land where we saw a very great hauen in the firme land in which wee ankered to see what it was and being come to an anker the Captaine and some of vs went on land
denomination I was apprehended for the same words here rehearsed and none other thing and thereupon was vsed as before is written Now to speake somewhat of the description of the countrey you shall vnderstand that the port of S. Iohn de Vllua is a very little Island low by the waterside the broadest or longest part thereof not aboue a bowshoote ouer and standeth within two â—urlongs of the firme land In my time there was but one house and a little Chappel to say Masse in in all the Island the side to the land wards is made by mans handes with free-stone and grauel and is 4. fadome deepe downe right wherfore the great ships that come in there do ride so neere the shoare of the Island that you may come and goe aland vpon their beake noses They vse to put great chaines of yron in at their halsers and an ancker to the landward and all little ynough to more well their shippes for feare of the Northerly winds which come off the coast of Florida that sometimes haue caried ships houses and all away to the shoare The king was wont to haue 20. great mightie Negroes who did serue for nothing else but onely to repaire the said Island where the foule weather doeth hurt it The Countrey all thereabout is very plaine ground a mile from the sea side a great wildernes with great quantitie of red Deere in the same so that when the mariners of the ships are disposed they go vp into the wildernes and do kil of the same and bring them aboord to eate for their recreation From this port to the next towne which is called Vera Cruz are 5. leagues almost by the Sea side till you come within one league of the place and then you turne vp towards the land into a wood till you come to a litle riuer hard by the said townes side which sometimes of the yere is dry without water The towne of Vera Cruz in my time had not past 300. housholds and serued but for the folke of the ships to buy and bring their goods aland and deliuer it to their ownersâ— as also the owners and their factors to receiue their goods of the Masters of the ships This towne standeth also in a very plaine on the one side the riuer and the other side is enuironed with much sande blowâ—n from the sea side with the tempest of weather many times comming vpon that coast This towne also is subiect to great sicknes and in my time many of the Mariners officers of the ships did die with those diseases there accustomed especially those that were not vsed to the countrey nor knew the danger therof but would commonly go in the Sunne in the heat of the day did eat fruit â—f the countrey with much disorder and especially gaue themsâ—lues to womens company aâ— their first comming whereupon they were caâ—t into a burning ague of the which few escaped Halfe a dayes iourney from Vera Cruz towards Mexico is a lodging of fiue or sixe houses called the Rinconado which is a place where is a great pinacle made of lime and stone fast by a riuer side where the Indians were wont to doe their sacrifices vnto their gods and it is plaine and low ground betwixt that and Vera Cruz and also subiect to sicknes but afterward halfe a dayes iourney that you do begin to enter into the high land you shall find as faire good and sweet countrey as any in the world and the farther you go the goodlier and sweeter the countrey is till you come to Pueblo dâ— los Angeles which may be some 43 leagues from Vera Cruz which was in my time a towne of 600. housholds or thereabout standing in a goodly soile Betweene Vera Cruz and that you shall come through many townes of the Indians and villages and many goodly fieldes of medow grounds Râ—uers of fresh waters forrests and great woods very pleasant to behold From Pueblo de los â—ngeles to Mexico is 20. leagues of very faire way and countrey as before is declared Mexico was a Citie in my time of not aboue 1500. housholds of Spaniards inhabiting there but of Indian people in the suburbs of the said city dwelt aboue 300000. as it was thought and many more This City of Mexico is 65. leagues from the North sea and 75. leagues from the South sea so that it standeth in the midst of the maine land betwixt the one sea and the other It is situated in the middest of a lake of standing water and enuironed round about with the same sauing in many places going out of the Citie are many broad wayes through the said lâ—ke or water This lake and Citie is enuironed also with great mountaines round about which are in compasse aboue thirtie leagues and the saide Citie and lake of standing water doeth stand in a great plaine in the middest of it This lake of standing water doeth proceed from the shedding of the raine that falleth vpon the saide mountaines and so gather themselues together in this place All the whole proportion of this Citie doeth stand in a very plaine ground aud in the middest of the said Citie is a square place of a good bow shoote ouer from side to side and in the middest of the said place is the high Church very faire and well builded all through at that time not halfe finished and round about the said place are many faire houses built on the one side are the houses where Mutezuma the great king of Mexico that was dwelt and now there lye alwayes the viceroyes that the King of Spaine sendeth thither euery three yeeres And in my time there was for viceroy a gentleman of Castil called Don Luis de Velasco And on the other side of the saide place ouer against the same is the Bishops house very faire built and many other houses of goodly building And hard by the same are also other very faire houses built by the Marques de Valle otherwise called Hernando Cortes who was hee that first conquered the saide Citie and Countrey who after the said conquest which hee made with great labour and trauaile of his person and danger of his life and being growen great in the Countrey the King of Spaine sent for him saying that he had some particular matters to impart vnto him And when he came home he could not bee suffered to returâ—e backe againe as the King before had promised him With the which for sorrow that he tooke he died and this he had for the reward of his good seruice The said Citie of Mexico hath the streetes made very broad and right that a man being in the high place at the one ende of the street may see at the least a good mile forward and in all the one part of the streets of the North part of their Citie there runneth a pretie lake of very cleare water that euery man may put into his
Spaniards and Indian gard as aforesayd Of these two Spaniards the one was an aged man who all the way did very courteously intreate vs and would carefully go before to prouide for vs both meat and things necessary to the vttermost of his power the other was a yong man who all the way trauelled with vs and neuer departed from vs who was a very cruell caitiue and he caried a iaueline in his hand and sometimes when as our men with very feeblenesse and faintnesse were not able to goe so fast as he required them he would take his iauelin in both his handes and strike them with the same betweene the necke and the shoulders so violently that he would strike them downe then would he cry and say Marchad marchad Ingleses perros Luterianos enemigos de Dios which is as much to say in English as March march on you English dogges Lutherans enemies to God And the next day we came to a towne called Pachuca and there are two places of that name as this towne of Pachuca and the mines of Pachuca which are mines of siluer and are about sixe leagues distant from this towne of Pachuca towards the Northwest Here at this towne the good olde man our Gouernour suffered vs to stay two dayes and two nights hauing compassion of our sicke and weake men full sore against the minde of the yoong man his companion From thence we tooke our iourney and trauelled foure or fiue dayes by little villages and Stantias which are farmes or dairie houses of the Spaniards and euer as wee had neede the good olde man would still prouide vs sufficient of meates fruites and water to sustaine vs. At the end of which fiue dayes wee came to a towne within fiue leagues of Mexico which is called Quoghliclan where wee also stayed one whole day and two nights where was a faire house of gray friers howbeit wee saw none of them Here wee were told by the Spaniards in the towne that wee had not past fifteene English miles from thence to Mexico whereof we were all very ioyfull and glad hoping that when we came thither we should either be relieued and set free out of bonds or els bee quickly dispatched out of our liues for seeing our selues thus caried bound from place to place although some vsed vs courteously yet could wee neuer ioy nor be merrie till wee might perceiue our selues set free from that bondage either by death or otherwise The next morning we departed from thence on our iourney towards Mexico and so trauelled till wee came within two leagues of it where there was built by the Spaniards a very faire church called our Ladyes church in which there is an image of our Lady of siluer gilt being as high as large as a tall woman in which church and before this image there are as many lamps of siluer as there be dayes in the yeere which vpon high dayes are all lighted Whensoeuer any Spaniards passe by this church although they be on horse backe they will alight and come into the church and kneele before thie image and pray to our Lady to defend them from all euil so that whether he be horseman or footman he will not passe by but first goe into the Church an◠pray as aforesayd which if they doe not they thinke and beleeue that they shall neuer prosper which image they call in the Spanish tongue Nuestra sennora de Guadalupe At this place there are certain cold baths which arise springing vp as though the water did seeth the water whereof is somewhat brackish in taste but very good for any that haue any sore or wound to wash themselues therewith for as they say it healeth many and euery yeere once vpon our Lady day the people vse to repaire thither to offer and to pray in that Church before the image and they say that our Lady of Guadalupe doeth worke a number of miracles About this Church there is not any towne of Spaniards that is inhabited but certaine Indians doe dwell there in houses of their own countrey building Here we were met with a great number of Spaniards on horsebacke which came from Mexico to see vs both gentlemen and men of occupations and they came as people to see a wonder we were still called vpon to march on and so about foure of the clocke in the afternoone of the said day we entred into the citie of Mexico by the way or street called La calle Santa Catherina and we stayed not in any place till we came to the house or palace of the Vice Roy Don Martin Henriques which standeth in the middest of the city hard by the market place called La plaça del Marquese We had not stayed any long time at this place but there was brought vs by the Spaniards from the market place great store of meat sufficient to haue satisfied fiue times so many as we were some also gaue vs hats some gaue vs money in which place we stayed for the space of two houres from thence we were conueyed by water in two large Canoas to an hospital where as certaine of our men were lodged which were taken before the fight at S. Iohn de Vllua wee should haue gone to our Ladies hospitall but that there were also so many of our men taken before at that fight that there was no roome for vs. After our comming thither many of the company that came with me from Panuco dyed within the space of fourteene dayes soone after which time we were taken forth from that place and put altogether into our Ladies hospitall in which place we were courteously vsed and visited oftentimes by vertuous gentlemen and gentlewomen of the citie who brought vs diuers things to comfort vs withall as succats and marmilads and such other things and would also many times giue vs many things and that very liberally In which hospitall we remained for the space of sixe moneths vntill we were all whole and sound of body and then we were appointed by the Vice Roy to be caried vnto the town of Tescuco which is from Mexico Southwest distant eight leagues in which towne there are certaine houses of correction and punishment for ill people called Obraches like to Bridewell here in London into which place diuers Indians are sold for slaues some for ten yeeres and some for twelue It was no small griefe vnto vs when we vnderstood that we should be caried thither and to bee vsed as slaues we had rather be put to death howbeit there was no remedy but we were caried to the prison of Tescuco where we were not put to any labour but were very straitly kept almost famished yet by the good prouidence of our mercifull God we happened there to meet with one Robert Sweeting who was the sonne of an Englishman borne of a Spanish woman this man could speake very good English and by his means wee were holpen very much with
victuals from the Indians as mutton hennes bread And if we had not bene so relieued we had surely perished and yet all the prouision that wee had gotten that way was but slender And continuing thus straightly kept in prison there for the space of two moneths at the length wee agreed amongst our selues to breake forth of prison come of it what would for we were minded rather to suffer death then longer to liue in that miserable state And so hauing escaped out of prison we knew not what way to flie for the safetie of our selues the night was darke and it rained terribly and not hauing any guide we went we knew not whither and in the morning at the appearing of the day we perceiued our selues to be come hard to the city of Mexico which is 24 English miles frō Tescuco The day being come we were espied by the Spaniards pursued and taken and brought before the Vice Roy and head iustices who threatned to hang vs for breaking of the kings prison Yet in the end they sent vs into a garden belonging to the Vice Roy comming thither we found there our English gentlemen which were deliuered as hostages when as our General was betrayed at S. Iohn de Vllua as is aforesaid and with them wee also found Robert Barret the Master of the Iesus in which place we remained labouring and doing such things as we were commanded for the space of 4 moneths hauing but two sheepe a day allowed to suffice vs all being very neere a hundred men and for bread we had euery man two loaues a day of the quantity of one halfepeny loafe At the end of which foure moneths they hauing remooued our gentlemen hostages and the Master of the Iesus to a prison in the Vice Roy his owne house did cause it to be proclaimed that what gentleman Spaniard soeuer was willing or would haue any English man to serue him and be bound to keepe him forth comming to appeare before the Iustices within one moneth after notice giuen that they should repaire to the said garden and there take their choice which proclamation was no sooner made but the gentlemen came and repaired to the garden amaine so that happie was he that could soonest get one of vs. Chap. 5. Wherein is shewed in what good sort and how wealthily we liued with our masters vntil◠the comming of the Inquisition when as againe our sorowes began a fresh Of our imprisonment in the holy house and of the seuere iudgement and sentences giuen against vs and with what rigour and crueltie the same were executed THe gentlemen that thus tooke vs for their seruants or slaues did new apparell vs through out with whom we abode doing such seruice as they appointed vs vnto which was for the most part to attend vpon them at the table and to be as their chamberlaines to waite vpon them when they went abroad which they greatly accounted of for in that countrey no Spaniard will serue one another but they are all of them attended and serued by Indians weekely and by Negroes which be their slaues during their life In this sort we remained and serued in the said citie of Mexico and thereabouts for the space of a yeere and somewhat longer Afterwards many of vs were by our masters appointed to go to sundry of their Mines where they had to doe and to be as ouerseers of the Negroes and Indians that laboured there In which mines many of vs did profite gaine greatly for first we were allowed three hundred Pezos a man for a yeere which is threescore pound sterling and besides that the Indians and Negroes which wrought vnder our charge vpon our well vsing intreating of them would at times as vpon Saturdayes when they had left worke labour for vs and blow as much siluer as should be worth vnto vs 3 markes or thereabouts euery marke being worth 6 Pezos and a halfe of their money which 19 Pezos a halfe is worth 4 li. 10 s. of our money Sundry weekes we did gaine so much by this meanes besides our wages that many of vs became very rich and were woorth three thousand or foure thousand Pezos for we liued and gained thus in those Mines some three or foure yeeres As concerning those Gentlemen which were deliuered as hostages and that were kept in prison in the Uiceroy his house after that we were gone from out the garden to serue sundry gentlemen as aforesaid they remained prisoners in the said house for the space of 4 moneths after their comming thither at the end whereof the fleete being readie to depart from S. Iohn de Vllua to goe for Spaine the said Gentlemen were sent away into Spaine with the fleete where as I haue heard it credibly reported many of them died with the cruell handling of the Spaniards in the Inquisition house as those which haue bene deliuered home after they had suffered the persecution of that house can more perfectly declare Robert Barret also master of the Iesus was sent away with the fleete into Spaine the next yeere following where afterwards he suffered persecution in the Inquisition and at the last was condemned to be burnt and with him one more of our men whose name was Iohn Gilbert Now after that sixe yeeres were fully expired since our first comming into the Indies in which time we had bene imprisoned and serued in the said countreys as is before truely declared In the yeere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred seuentie foure the Inquisition began to be established in the Indies very much against the mindes of many of the Spaniards themselues for neuer vntill this time since their first conquering and planting in the Indies were they subiect to that bloodie and cruell Inquisition The chiefe Inquisitor was named Don Pedro Moya de Contreres and Iohn de Bouilla his companion and Iohn Sanches the Fischall and Pedro de los Rios the Secretary they being come and setled and placed in a very faire house neere vnto the white Friers considering with themselues that they must make an entrance and beginning of that their most detestable Inquisition here in Mexico to the terror of the whole countrey thought it best to call vs that were Englishmen first in question and so much the rather for that they had perfect knowledge and intelligence that many of vs were become very rich as hath bene alreadie declared and therefore we were a very good booty and pray to the Inquisitors so that now againe began our sorrowes a fresh for we were sent for and sought out in all places of the countrey and proclamation made vpon paine of loosing of goods and excommunication that no man should hide or keepe secret any Englishmen or any part of their goods By means whereof we were all soone apprehended in all places and all our goods seized and taken for the Inquisitors vse and so from all parts of the countrey we were conueied and sent
others in that order All which came very well to passe for as it drew towards night when most of the Wagoners were gone to draw vp their wagons in this sort I being alone had quickly filed off my boltes and so espying my time in the darke of the euening before they returned downe the hill againe I conueyed my selfe into the woods there adioyning carrying my bolts and manacles with me a few biscuits and two smaâ—l cheeses And being come into the woods I threw my yrons into a thicke bush and then couered them with mosse and other things and then shifted for my selfe as I might all that night And thus by the good prouidence of Almightie God I was freed from mine yrons all sauing the collar that was about my necke and so got my libertie the second time Chap. 7. Wherein is shewed how I escaped to Guatimala vpon the South sea and from thence to the port of Cauallos where I got passage to goe into Spaine and of our arriuall at Hauana and our comming to Spaine where I was againe like to haue bene committed prisoner and how through â—he great mercy of God I escaped and came home in safetie into England in February 1582. THe next morning day light being come I perceiued by the Sunne rising what way to take to escape their hands for wâ—en I fledde I tooke the way into the woods vpon the left hand and hauing lâ—ft that wâ—y that went to Mexico vpon my right hand I thought to kâ—â—pe my course as the woods and mountaines lay sâ—ill direct South as neere as I could by meanes wher of I was sure to conuey my selfe farre ynouâ—h from that way that went to Mexico And as I was thus going in the woods I saw many great fires made to the North not past a league from the mouâ—taine where I was and trauailing thus in my bootes with mine yron coller abâ—ut my necke and my bread and cheese the very same forenoone I mette with a company of Indians which were hunting of Deere for their sustenance to whom I spake in the Mexican tongue and told them how that I had of a long time bin kept in prison by the cruel Spanyards and did desire them to helpe me fâ—â—e to off mine yron coller which they willingly â—id reioycing greatly with me that I was thus escaped out of the Spanyards hands Then I desired that I might haue one of them to guide mee out of those desert mountaines towardes the South which they also most willingly did and so they brought mee to an Indian towne 8. leagues distant from thence named Shalapa where I stayed three dayes for that I was somewhat sickely At which towne with the gold that I had quilted in my dublet I bought me an horse of one of the Indians which cost mee 6. pezos and so trauailing South within the space of 2. leagues I happened to ouertake a gray Frier one that I had bene familiar withall in Mexico whom then I knewe to be a zealous good man and one that did much lament the crueltie vsed against vs by the Inquisitors and truely hee vsed me very courteously and I hauing confidence in him did indeede tel him that I was minded to aduenture to see if I could get out of the sayd countrey if I could finde shipping and did therefore pray him of his ayde direction and aduise herein which he faithfully did not onely in directing me which was my safest way to trauaile but he also of himselfe kept me company for the space of three dayes and euer as we came to the Indians houses who vsed and intertained vs well hee gathered among them in money to the value of 20. pezos which at my departure from him hee freely gaue vnto mee So came I to the citie of Guatimala vpon the South sea which is distant from Mexico about 250. leagues where I stayed 6. dayes for that my horse was weake And from thence I trauailed still South and by East seuen dayes iourney passing by certaine Indian townes vntill I came to an Indian towne distant from Mexico direct South 309. leagues And here at this towne enquiring to go to the Port de Cauallos in the Northeast sea it was answered that in trauailing thither I should not come to any towne in 10. or 12. dayes iourney so heere I hired two Indians to be my guides and I bought hennes and bread to serue vs so long time and tooke with vs things to kindle fire euery night because of wilde beastes and to dress our meate and euery night when we rested my Indian guides would make two great fires betweene the which we placed our selues and my horse And in the night time we should heare the Lions roare with Tygres Dunces and other beastes and some of them we should see in the night which had eyes shining like fire And trauailing thus for the space of twelue dayes wee came at last to the port of Cauallos vpon the East sea distant from Guatimala South and by East two hundreth leagues and from Mexico 450. or thereabouts This is a good harborough for shippes and is without either castle or bulwarke I hauing dispatched away my guides went downe to the Hauâ—n where I saw certaine ships loden chiefly with Canary wines where I spake with one of the Masters who asked me what Countrey man I was and I told him that I was â—oâ—ne in Granadoâ— he said that then I was his countreyman I required him that I might passe home with him in his ship paying for my passage and he said yea so that I had a safe conduct or letter testâ—monial to shew that he might incurre â—o danger for said he it may be that you haue killed some man or he indebted and would therefore run away To that I answered that there was not any such cause Wel in the end we grew to a price that for 60. pezos he would cary me into Spaine a glad man was I at this good hap and I quickly solde my horse and made my prouision of hennes and bread to serue me in my passage And thus within 2. dayes after we set saile and neuer stayed vntill we came to Hauana which is distant from puerto de Cauallos by sea 500. leagues where we found the whole fleete of Spaine which was bound home from the Indies And heere I was hired for a souldier to serue in the Admiral ship of the same fleete wherein the General himself went There landed while I was here 4. ships out of Spaine being all full of souldiers and ordinance of which number there were 200. men landed here 4. great brasse pieces of ordinance although the castle were before sufficiently prouided 200. men more were sent to Campeche certaine ordinance 200. to Florida with ordinance and 100. lastly to S. Iohn de Vllua As for ordinance there they haue sufficient and of the very same which was ours which we had in the Iesus and those others which
we had planted in the place where the Vice-roy betrayed M. Hawkins our general as hath bene declared The sending of those souldiers to euery of those Porâ—s and the strengthening of them was done by commandement from the king of Spaine who wrote also by them to the general of his fleete giuing him in charge so to doe as also directing him what course he should keepe in his comming home into Spaine charging him in any hand not to come nigh to the yles of Açores but to keepe his course more to the Northward aduertising him withal what number and power of French ships of warre and other Don Antonio had at that time at Terçera the yles aforesaid which the general of the fleete wel considering and what great store of riches he had to bring home with him into Spaine did in all very duetifully obserue and obey for in trueth he had in his said fleete 37. saile of ships and in euery of them there was as good as 30. pipes of siluer one with another besides great store of gold Cochinilla sugars hides and Cana Fistula with other Apothecary drugs This our general who was called Don Pedro de Guzman did prouidently take order for for their most strength and defence if neede should be to the vttermost of his power and commanded vpon paine of death that neither passenger nor souldier should come aboord without his sword and harquebush with shot and powder to the end that they might be the better able to encounter the fleete of Don Antonio if they should hap to meete with them or any of them and euer as the weather was faire the said general would himself go aboord from one ship to another to see that euery man had his ful prouision according to the commandement giuen Yet to speake truely what I thinke two good tall ships of warre would haue made a foule spoile amongst them For in all this fleete there were not any that were strong and warlike appointed sauing only the Admiral and Uice-admiral And againe ouer and besides the weakenesse and the ill furnishing of the râ—st they were all so deeply laden that they had not bene able if they had bene charged to haue held out any long fight Wel thus we set saile had a very ill passage home the weather was so contrary We kept our course in maner Northeast and brought our selues to the height of 42. degrees of latitude to be sure not to meete with Don Antonio his fleete and were vpon our voyage from the 4. of Iune vntill the 10. of September and neuer saw land till we fell with the Arenas Gordas hard by S. Lucar And there was an order taken that none should goe on shoare vntill he had licence as for me I was knowen by one in the ship who told the Master that I was an EnglishmaÌ„ which as God would it was my good hap to heare for if I had not heard it it had cost me my life Notwithstanding I would not take any knowledge of it and seemed to be mery pleasant that we were all come so wel in safety Presently after licence came that we should go on shoare and I pressed to be gone with the first howbeit the Master came vnto me said Sirra you must goe with me to Siuil by water I knew his meaning wellinough that he meant there to offer me vp as a sacrifice to the Holy house For the ignorant zeale of a number of these superstitious Spaniards is such that they thinke that they haue done God good seruice when they haue brought a Lutheran herelike to the fire to be burnt for so do they account of vs. Wel I perceiuing all this tooke vpon me not to suspect any thing but was still â—ocund mery howbeit I knew it stood me vpon to shift for my selfe And so wayting my time when the Master was in his cabbin asleepe I conueyed my selfe secretly downe by the shrowds into the ship boate and made no stay but cut the rope wherewithal she was moared and so by the cable haled on shore where I leapt on land let the boate goe whither it would Thus by the helpe of God I escaped that day then neuer stayed at S. Lucar but went all night by the way which I had seene other take toward Siuil so that the next morning I came to Siuil and sought me out a workemaster that I might fall to my science which was weauing of taffataes and being intertained I set my selfe close to my worke and durst not for my life once to stirre abroad for feare of being knowen and being thus at my worke within 4. dayes after I heard one of my fellowes say that he heard there was great inquiry made for an Englishman that came home in the fleete what an heretique Lutheran quoth I was it I would to God I might knowe him surely I would present him to the Holy house And thus I kâ—pt still within doores at my worke and fained my selfe not well at ease that I would labour as I might to get me new clothes And continuing thus for the space of 3. moneths I called for my wages and bought me all things new different from the apparell that I did weare at sea and yet durst not be ouerbold to walke abroad and after vnderstanding that there were certaine English ships at S. Lucar bound for England I tooke a boat and went aboord one of them and desired the Master that I might haue passage with him to goe into England and told him secretly that I was one of those which Captaine Hawkins did set on shore in the Indies he very courteously prayed me to haue him excused for he durst not meddle with me prayed me therefore to returne from whence I came Which when I perceiued with a sorowful heart God knoweth I tooke my leaue of him not without watry cheekes And then I went to S. Mary port which is 3. leagues from S. Lucar where I put my selfe to be a souldier to goe in the king of Spaines Gallies which were bound for Maiorca and comming thither in the end of the Christmas holidayes I found there two English ships the one of London and the other of the West countrey which were ready fraighted and stayed but for a faire wind To the Master of the one which was of the West countrey went I and told him that I had bene 2. yeeres in Spaine to learne the language and that I was now desirous to goe home and see my friends for that I lacked maintenance and so hauing agreed with him for my passage I tooke shipping And thus through the prouidence of Almighty God after 16. yeeres absenceâ— hauing sustained many and sundry great troubles and miseries as by this discourse appeareth I came home to this my natiue countrey of England in the yeere 1582. in the moneth of February in the ship called the Landret and arriued at Poole The trauailes of Iob Hortop which
Swallow of 100. tunnes wherein went for Captaine M. Thomas Hampton and the third the Ionas a barke of 40. tunnes wherein the Master suppliâ—d the Captaines roome in which small fleete M. Hawkins tooke with him not aboue 100. men for feare of sicknesse and other inconueniences whereunto men in long voyages are commonly subiect With this companie he put off and departed from the coast of England in the moneth of October 1562. and in his course touched first at Teneriffe where hee receiued friendly intertainement From thence he passed to Sierra Leona vpon the coast of Guinea which place by the people of the countrey is called Tagarin where he stayed some good time and got into his possession partly by the sworde and partly by other meanes to the number of 300. Negros at the least besides other merchandises which that countrey yeeldeth With this praye hee sayled ouer the Ocean sea vnto the Iland of Hispaniola and arriued first at the port of Isabella and there hee had reasonable vtterance of his English commodities as also of some part of his Negros trusting the Spaniards no further then that by his owne strength he was able still to master them From the port of Isabella he went to Puerto de Plata where he made like sales standing alwaies vpoÌ„ his guard from thence also hee sayled to Monte Christi another port on the North side of Hispaniola and the last place of his touching where he had peaceable traffique and made vent of the whole number of his Negros for which he receiued in those 3. places by way of exchange such quantitie of merchandise that bee did not onely lade his owne 3. shippes with hides ginger sugars and some quantitie of pearles but he fraighted also two other hulkes with hides and other like commodities which hee â—ent into Spaine And thus leauing the Iland he returned and disemboqued passing out by the Ilands of the Caycâ—s without further entring into the bay of Mexico in this his first voyage to the West India And so with prosperous successe and much gaine to himselfe and the aforesâ—yde aduenturers he came home and arriued in the moneth of September 1563. The voyage made by M. Iohn Hawkins Esquire and afterward knight Captaine of the Iesus of Lubek one of her Maiesties shippes and Generall of the Salomon and other two barkes going in his companie to the coast of Guinea and the Indies of Noua Hispania begun in An. Dom. 1564. MAster Iohn Hawkins with the Iesus of Lubek a shippe of 700. and the Salomon a shippe of 140. the Tiger a barke of 50. and the Swallow of 30. tunnes being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundreth threescore and tenne as also with ordinance and victuall requisite for such a voyage departed out of Plymmouth the 18. day of October in the yeere of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde at which departing in cutting the foresaile a maâ—ueilous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the shippe who by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand being a sorowfull beginning to them all And after their setting out ten leagues to the sea he met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queenes Maiestie whereof was Captaine Dauid Carlet and also her consort the Iohn Baptist of London being bounde to Guinea also who hailed one the other after the custome of the sea with certaine pieces of ordinance for ioy of their meeting which done the Minion departed from him to seeke her other consort the Merlin of London which was a sterne out of sight leauing in M. Hawkins companie the Iohn Baptist her other consort Thus sayling forwards on their way with a prosperous winde vntill the 21. of the same moneth at that time a great storme arose the winde being at Northeast about nine a clocke in the night and continued so 23. houres together in which storme M. Hawkins lost the compâ—nie of the Iohn Baptist aforesayd and of his pinnesse called the Swallow his other 3. shippes being sorâ— beaten with a storme The 23. day the Swallow to his no small reioycing came to him againe in the night 10. leagues to the Northward of Cape Finister he hauing put roomer not bâ—ing ablâ— to double the Cape in that there rose a contrary winde at Southwest The 25. the wind continuing contrary hee put into a place in Galicia called Ferroll where hee remained fiue dayes and appointed all the Masters of his shippes an order for the keeping of good companie in this manner The small shippes to bee alwayes ahead and a weather of the Iesus and to speake twise a day with the Iesus at least if in the day the Ensigne bee ouer the poope of the Iesuâ— or in the night two lights then shall all the shippes speake with her If there bee three lights aboord the Iesuâ— then doeth she cast about If the weather bee extreme that the small shippes cannot keepe compâ—nie with the Iesus then all to keepe companie with the Salomon and foorthwith to repaire to â—he Iland of Teneriffâ— to the Northward of the road of Sirroes If any happen to any misfortune then to shew two lights and â—o shoote off a piece of ordinance If any lose companie and come in sight againe to make three yawes and strike the Myson three times Serue God daily loue one another preserue your victuals beware of fire and keepe good companie The 26. day the Minion came in also where hee was for the reioycing whereof hee gaue them certaine pieces of ordinance after the courtesie of the sea for their welcome but the Minions men had no mirth because of their consort the Merline whome at their departure from Master Hawkins vpon the coast of England they went to seeke and hauing met with her kept companie two dayes together and at last by misfortune of fire through the negligence of one of their gunners the powder in the gunners roome was set on fiâ—e which with the first blast strooke out her poope and therewithall lost three men besides many sore burned which escaped by the brigandine being at her sterne and immediatly to the great losse of the owners and most horrible sight to the beholders she sunke before their eyes The 20. day of the moneth M. Hawkins with his consorts and companie of the Minion hauing nowe both the brigandines at her sterne wayed anker and set saile on their voyage hauing a prosperous winde thereunto The fourth of Nouember they had sight of the Iland of Madera and the sixt day of Teneriffe which they thought to haue beene the Canarie in that they supposed themselues to haue beene to the Eastward of Teneriffe and were not but the Minion being three or foure leagues ahead of vs kept on her course to Teneriffe hauing better sight thereof then the other had and by that meanes they parted companie For M. Hawkins and his companie went more to the West vpon
monstrous fire made by the warring place that before was not seene which fiâ—e is the onely marke for the Tangomangos to know where their armie is alwayes If these men had come downe in the euening they had done vs great displeasure for that wee were on shore filling water but God who worketh all things for the best would not haue it so and by him we escaped without danger his name be praysed for it The 29 of this same moneth we departed with all our shippes from Sierra Leona towardes the West Indies and for the space of eighteene dayes we were becalmed hauing nowe and then contrary windes and some Ternados amongst the same calme which happened to vs very ill beeing but reasonably watered for so great a companie of Negros and our selues which pinched vs all and that which was worst put vs in such feare that many neuer thought to haue reached to the Indies without great death of Negros and of themselues but the Almightie God who neuer suffereth his elect to perish sent vs the sixteenth of Februarie the ordinary Brise which is the Northwest winde which neuer left vs till wee came to an Island of the Canybals called Dominica where wee arriued the ninth of March vpon a Saturday and because it was the most desolate place in all the Island we could see no Canybals but some of their houses where they dwelled and as it should seeme forsooke the place for want of fresh water for wee could finde none there but raine water and such as fell from the hilles and remained as a puddle in the dale whereof wee filled for our Negros The Canybals of that Island and also others adiacent are the most desperate warriers that are in the Indies by the Spaniardes report who are neuer able to conquer them and they are molested by them not a little when they are driuen to water there in any of thoseâ— Islands of very late not two moneths past in the said Island a Carauel being driuen to water was in the night sette vpon by the inhabitants who cutte their cable in the halser whereby they were driuen a shore and so taken by them and eaten The greene Dragon of Newhauen whereof was Captaine one Bontemps in Marche also came to one of those Islands called Granada and being driuen to water could not doe the same for the Canybals who fought with him very desperatly two dayes For our part also if we had not lighted vpon the desertest place in all that Island wee could not haue missed but should haue bene greatly troubled by them by all the Spaniards reports who make them deuils in respect of me The tenth day at night we departed from thence and the fifteenth had sight of nine Islands called the Testigos and the sixteenth of an Island called Margarita where wee were entertayned by the Alcalde and had both Beeues and sheepe giuen vs for the refreshing of our men but the Gouernour of the Island would neither come to speake with our Captaine neither yet giue him any licence to trafficke and to displease vs the more whereas wee had hired a Pilote to haue gone with vs they would not onely not suffer him to goe with vs but also sent word by a Carauel out of hand to Santo Domingo to the Uice-roy who doeth represent the kings person of our arriuall in those partes which had like to haue turned vs to great displeasure by the meanes that the same Uice-roy did send word to Cape de la Vela and to other places along the coast commanding them that by the vertue of his authoritie and by the obedience that they owe to their Prince no man should trafficke with vs but should resist vs with all the force they could In this Island notwithstanding that wee were not within foure leagues of the Towne yet were they so afraid that not onely the Gouernour himselfe but also all the inhabitants forsooke their Towne assembling all the Indians to them and fled into the mountaines as wee were partly certified and also sawe the experience our selues by some of the Indians comming to see vs who by three Spaniards a horsebacke passing hard by vs went vnto the Indians hauing euery one of them their bowes and arrowes procuring them away who before were conuersant with vs. Here perceiuing no trafficke to be had with them nor yet water for the refreshing of our men we were driueÌ„ to depart the twentieth day and the 2 and twentieth we came to a place in the maine called Cumana whither the Captaine going in his Pinnisse spake with certaine Spaniards of whom he demanded trafficke but they made him answere they were but souldiers newely come thither and were not able to by on Negro whereupon hee asked for a watring place and they pointed him a place two leagues off called Santa Fe where we found marueilous goodly wateringâ— and commodious for the taking in thereof for that the fresh water came into the Sea and so our shippes had aboord the shore twentie fathome water Neere about this place inhabited certaine Indians who the next day after we came thither came down to vs presenting mill and cakes of breade which they had made of a kinde of corne called Maiz in bignesse of a pease the care whereof is much like to a teasell but a spanne in length hauing thereon a number of granes Also they brought down to vs Hennes Potatoes and Pines which we bought for beades pewter whistles glasses kniues and other trifles These Potatoes be the most delicate rootes that may be eaten and doe farre exceed our passeneps or carets Their pines be of the bignes of two fistsâ— the outside whereof is of the making of a pine-apple but it is soft like the â—nde of a Cucomber and the inside eateth like an apple but it is more delicious then any sweet apple sugred These Indians being of colour tawnie like an Oliue hauing euery one of them both men and women haire all blacke and no other colour the women wearing the same hanging downe to their shoulders and the men rounded and without beards neither men nor women suffering any haire to growe in any part of their body but dayly pull it off as it groweth They goe all naked the men couering no part of their body but their yaâ—d vpon the which they weare a gourd or piece of cane made fast with a thrid about their loynes leauing the other parts of their members vncouered whereof they take no shame The women also are vncouered sauing with a cloth which they weare a hand-breath wherewith they couer their priuities both before and behind These people be very small feeders for trauelling they cary but two small bottels of gourdes wherein they put in one the iuice of Sorrell whereof they haue great store and in the other flowre of their Maiz which being moist they eate taking sometime of the other These men cary euery man his bowe and arrowes whereof
was committed but if they would stay tenne dayes they would send to their gouernour who was threescore leagues off and would returne answere within the space appointed of his minde In the meane time they were contented hee should bring his ships into harbour and there they would deliuer him any victuals he would require Whereupon the fourth day we went in where being one day and receiuing all things according to promise the Captaine aduised himselfe that to remaine there tenne dayes idle spending victuals and mens wages and perhaps in the ende receiue no good answere from the gouernour it were meere follie and therefore determined to make request to haue licence for the sale of certaine leane and sicke Negros which hee had in his shippe like to die vpon his hands if he kept them ten dayes hauing little or no refreshing for them whereas other men hauing them they would bee recouered well ynough And this request hee was forced to make because he had not otherwise wherewith to pay for victuals for necessaries which he should take which request being put in writing and presented the officers and towne-dwellers assembled together and finding his request so reasonable granted him licence for thirtie Negros which afterwards they caused the officers to view to the intent they should graunt to nothing but that were very reasonable for feare of answering thereunto afterwards This being past our Captaine according to their licence thought to haue made sale but the day past and none came to buy who before made shewe that they had great neede of them and therefore wist not what to surmise of them whether they went about to prolong the time of the Gouernour his answere because they would keepe themselues blamelesse or for any other pollicie hee knew not and for that purpose sent them worde marueiling what the matter was that none came to buy them They answered because they had granted licence onely to the poore to buy those Negros of small price and their money was not so ready as other mens of more wealth More then that as soone as euer they sawe the shippes they conueyed away their money by their wiues that went into the mountaines for feare were not yet returned yet asked two dayes to secke their wiues and fetch their money Notwithstanding the next day diuers of them came to cheapen but could not agree of price because they thought the price too high Whereupon the Captaine perceiuing they went about to bring downe the price and meant to buy and would not confesse if hee had licence that he might sell at any reasonable rate as they were worth in other places did send for the principals of the Towne and made a shewe hee would depart declaring himselfe to be very sory that he had so much troubled them and also that he had sent for the gouernour to come downe seeing nowe his presence was to depart whereat they marueiled much and asked him what cause mooued him thereunto seeing by their working he was in possibilitie to haue his licence To the which he replied that it was not onely a licence that he sought but profit which he perceiued was not there to bee had and therefore would seeke further and withall shewed him his writings what he payed for his Negros declaring also the great charge he was at in his shipping and mens wages and therefore to counteruaile his charges hee must sell his Negros for a greater price then they offered So they doubting his departure put him in comfort to sell better there then in any other place And if it fell out that he had no licence that he should not loose his labour in tarying for they would buy without licence Whereupon the Captaine being put in comfort promised them to stay so that hee might make sale of his leane Negros which they granted vnto And the next day did sell some of them who hauing bought and payed for them thinking to haue had a discharge of the Customer for the custome of the Negros being the Kings duetie they gaue it away to the poore for Gods sake and did refuse to giue the discharge in writing and the poore not trusting their wordes for feare least hereafter it might bee demaunded of them did refraine from buying any more so that nothing else was done vntill the Gouernours comming downe which was the fourteenth day and then the Captaine made petition declaring that hee was come thither in a shippe of the Queenes Maiesties of England being bound to Guinie and thither driuen by winde and weather so that being come thither hee had neede of sundry necessaries for the reparation of the said Nauie and also great need of money for the paiment of his Souldiours vnto whom hee had promised paiment and therefore although hee would yet would not they depart without it for that purpose he requested licence for the sale of certaine of his Negros declaring that although they were forbidden to trafique with strangers yet for that there was a great amitie betweene their princes and that the thing perteined to our Queenes highnesse he thought hee might doe their prince great seruice and that it would bee well taken at his hands to doe it in this cause The which allegations with diuers others put in request were presented vnto the Gouernour who sitting in counsell for that matter granted vnto his request for licence But yet there fell out another thing which was the abating of the kings Custome being vpon euery slaue 30 duckets which would not be granted vnto Whereupon the Captaine perceiuing that they would neither come neere his price hee looked for by a great deale nor yet would abate the Kings Custome of that they offered so that either he must be a great looser by his wares or els compell the officers to abate the same kings Custome which was too vnreasonable for to a higher price hee coulde not bring the buyers Therefore the sixteenth of April hee prepared one hundred men well armed with bowes arrowes harquebuzes and pikes with the which hee marched to the townewards and being perceiued by the Gouernour he straight with all expedition sent messengers to knowe his request desiring him to march no further forward vntill he had answere againe which incontinent he should haue So our Captaine declaring how vnreasonable a thing the Kings Custome was requested to haue the same abated and to pay seuen and a halfe per centum which is the ordinarie Custome for wares through his dominions there and vnto this if they would not graunt hee would displease them And this word being caried to the Gouernour answere was returned that all things should bee to his content and thereupon hee determined to depart but the souldiers and Mariners finding so little credite in their promises demanded gages for the performance of the premisses or els they would not depart And thus they being constrained to send gages wee departed beginning our trafique and ending the same without
because my abode was there so short But for the fowle of the fresh riuers these two I noted to be the chiefe whereof the Flemengo is one hauing all red feathers and long red legs like a herne a necke according to the bill red whereof the vpper neb hangeth an inch ouer the nether and an egript which is all white as the swanne with legs like to an hearnshaw and of bignesse accordingly but it hath in her taile feathers of so fine a plume that it passeth the estridge his feather Of the sea-fowle aboue all other not common in England I noted the pellicane which is fained to be the louingst bird that is which rather then her yong should want wil spare her heart bloud out of her belly but for all this louingnesse she is very deformed to beholde for she is of colour russet notwithstanding in Guinea I haue seene of them as white as a swan hauing legs like the same and a body like a hearne with a long necke and a thick long beake from the nether law whereof downe to the breast passeth a skinne of such a dignesse as is able to receiue a fish as big as ones thigh and this her big throat and long bill doeth make her seeme so oughly Here I haue declared the estate of Florida and the commodities therein to this day knowen which although it may seeme vnto some by the meanes that the plenty of golde and siluer is not so abundant as in other places that the cost bestowed vpon the same will not be able to quit the charges yet am I of the opinion that by that which I haue seene in other Islands of the Indians where such increase of cattell hath bene that of twelue head of beasts in fiue twenty yeeres did in the hides of them raise a thousand pound profit yerely that the increase of cattel onely would raise profit sufficient for the same for wee may consider if so small a portion did raise so much gaines in such short time what would a greater do in many yeres and surâ—lâ— I may this affirme that the ground of the Indians for the breed of cattell is not in any point to be compared to this of Florida which all the yeere long is so greene as any time in the Summer with vs which surely is not to be maruelled at seeing the countrey standeth in so watery a climate for once a day without faile they haue a shower of raine which by meanes of the countrey it selse which is drie and more feruent bot then ours doeth make all things to flourish therein And because there is not the thing we all seeke for being rather desirous of present gaines I doe therefore affiâ—me the attempt thereof to be more requisit for a prince who is of power able to go tâ—orow with the same rather then for any subiect From thence wee departed the 28 of Iuly vpon our voyage homewards hauing there all things as might be most conuenient for our purpose and tooke leaue of the Frenchmen that there still remained who with diligence determined to make as great speedâ— after as they could Thus by meanes of contrary windes oftentimes wee prolonged our voyage in such manner that victuals scanted with vs so that we were diuers times or rather the most part in despaire of euer comming home had not God of his goodnesse better prouided for vs then our deseruing In which state of great miserie wee were prouoked to call vpon him by feruent prayer which mooued him to heare vs so that we had a prosperous winde which did set vs so farre shot as to be vpon the banke of Newfound land on Saint Bartholomews eue and we sounded therupon finding ground at an hundred and thirtie fadoms being that day somewhat becalmed and tooke a great number of fresh codde-fish which greatly relieued vs and being very glad thereof the next day we departed and had lingring little gales for the space of foure or fiue dayes at the ende of which we sawe a couple of French shippes and had of them so much fish as would serue vs plentifully for all the rest of the way the Captaine paying for the same both golde and siluer to the iust value thereof vnto the chiefe owners of the saide shippes but they not looking for any thing at all were glad in themselues to meete with such good intertainement at sea as they had at our hands After which departure from them with a good large winde the twentieth of September we came to Padstow in Cornewall God be thanked in safetie with the losse of twentie persons in all the voyage and with great profit to the venturers of the said voyage as also to the whole realme in bringing home both golde siluer pearles and other iewels great store His name therefore be praised for euermore Amen The names of certaine Gentlemen that were in this voyage M. Iohn Hawkins M. Iohn Chester sir William Chesters sonne M. Anthony Parkhurst M. Fitzwilliam M. Thomas Woorley M. Edward Lacie with diuers others The Register and true accounts of all herein expressed hath beene approoued by me Iohn Sparke the younger who went vpon the same voyage and wrote the same The third troublesome voyage made with the Iesus of Lubeck the Minion and foure other ships to the parts of Guinea and the West Indies in the yeeres 1567 and 1568 by M. Iohn Hawkins THe ships departed from Plimmouth the second day of October Anno 1567 and had reasonable weather vntill the seuenth day at which time fortie leagues North from Cape Finister there arose an extreme storme which continued foure dayes in such sort that the fleete was dispersed and all our great boats lost and the Iesus our chiefe shippe in such case as not thought able to serue the voyage whereupon in the same storme we set our course homeward determining to giue ouer the voyage but the eleuenth day of the same moneth the winde changed with faire weather whereby we were animated to followe our enterprise and so did directing our course with the Ilands of the Canaries where according to an order before prescribed all our shippes before dispersed met at one of those Ilands called Gomera where we tooke water and departed from thence the fourth day of Nouember towards the coast of Guinea and arriued at Cape Verde the eighteenth of Nouember where we landed 150 men hoping to obtaine some Negros where we got but fewe and those with great hurt and damage to our men which chiefly proceeded of their enuenomed arrowes and although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawen of them but died in strange sort with their mouthes shut some tenne dayes before they died and after their wounds were whole where I my selfe had one of the greatest woundes yet thankes be to God escaped From thence we past the time vpon the coast of Guinea searching with
all diligence the riuers from Rio grande vnto Sierra Leona till the twelfth of Ianuarie in which time we had not gotten together a hundreth and fiftie Negros yet notwithstanding the sicknesse of our men and the late time of the yeere commanded vs away and thus hauing nothing wherewith to seeke the coast of the West Indias I was with the rest of our company in consultation to goe to the coast of the Mine hoping there to haue obtained some golde for our wares and thereby to haue defraied our charge But euen in that present instant there came to vs a Negro sent from a king oppressed by other Kings his neighbours desiring our aide with promise that as many Negros as by these warres might be obtained aswell of his part as of ours should be at our pleasure whereupon we concluded to giue aide and sent 120 of our men which the 15 of Ianuarie assaulted a towne of the Negros of our Allies aduersaries which had in it â—000 Inhabitants being very strongly impaled and fenced afâ—er their manner but it was so well defended that our men preuailed not but lost sixe men and fortie hurt so that our men sent forthwith to me for more helpe whereupon considering that the good successe of this enterprise might highly further the commoditie of our voyage I went my selfe and with the helpe of the king of our side assaulted the towne both by land and sea and very hardly with fire their houses being couered with dry Palme leaues obtained the towne and put the Inhabitants to flight where we tooke 250 persons men women children and by our friend the king of our side there were taken 600 prisoners whereof we hoped to haue had our choise but the Negro in which nation is seldome or neuer found truth meant nothing lesse for that night he remooued his campe and prisoners so that we were faine to content vs with those few which we had gotten our selues Now had we obtained between foure and fiue hundred Negros wherwith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seeke the coast of the West Indies and there for our Negros and other our merchandize we hoped to obtaine whereof to counteruaile our charges with some gaines wherunto we proceeded with all diligence furnished our watering tooke fuell and departed the coast of Guinea the third of Februarie continuing at the sea with a passage more hard then before hath bene accustomed till the 27 day of March which day we had sight of an Iland called Dominica vpon the coast of the West Indies in fourteene degrees from thence we coasted from place to place making our traffike with the Spaniards as we might somewhat hardly because the king had straightly commanded all his Gouernors in those parts by no meanes to suffer any trade to be made with vs notwithstanding we had reasonable trade and courteous entertainement from the I le of Margarita vnto Cartagena without any thing greatly worth the noting sauing at Capo de la Vela in a towne called Rio de la Hacha from whence come all the pearles the treasurer who had the charge there would by no meanes agree to any trade or suffer vs to take water he had fortified his towne with diuers bulwarkes in all places where it might be entered and furnished himselfe with an hundred Hargabuziers â—o that he thought by famine to haue inforced vs to haue put a land our Negros of which purpose he had not greatly failed vnlesse we had by force entred the towne which after we could by no meanes obtaine his fauour we were enforced to doe and so with two hundred men brake in vpon their bulwarkes and entred the towne with the losse onely of two men of our partes and no hurt done to the Spaniards because after their voley of shot discharged they all fled Thus hauing the town with some circumstance as partly by the Spaniards desire of Negros and partly by friendship of the Treasurer we obtained a secret trade whereupon the Spaniards resorted to vs by night and bought of vs to the number of 200 Negros in all other places where we traded the Spaniards inhabitants were glad of vs and traded willingly At Cartagena the last towne we thought to haue seene on the coast we could by no meanes obtaine to deale with any Spaniard the gouernour was so straight and because our trade was so neere finished we thought not good either to aduenture any landing or to detract further time but in peace departed from thence the 24 of Iuly hoping to haue escaped the time of their stormes which then soone after began to reigne the which they call Furicanos but passing by the West end of Cuba towards the coast of Florida there happened to vs the 12 day of August an extreme storme which continued by the space of foure dayes which so beat the Iesus that we cut downe all her higher buildings her rudder also was sore shaken and withall was in so extreme a leake that we were rather vpon the point to leaue her then to keepe her any longer yet hoping to bring all to good passe we sought the coast of Florida where we found no place nor Hauen for our ships because of the shalownesse of the coast thus being in greater dispaire and taken with a newe storme which continued other 3 dayes we were inforced to take for our succour the Port which serueth the citie of Mexico called Saint Iohn de Vllua which standeth in 19 degrees in seeking of which Port we tooke in our way 3 ships which carried passengers to the number of an hundred which passengers we hoped should be a meane to vs the better to obtaine victuals for our money a quiet place for the repairing of our fleete Shortly after this the 16 of September we entered the Port of Saint Iohn de Vllua and in our entrie the Spaniardes thinking vs to be the fleete of Spaine the chiefe officers of the Countrey came aboord vs which being deceiued of their expectation were greatly dismayed but immediatly when they sawe our demand was nothing but victuals were recomforted I found also in the same Port twelue ships which had in them by the report two hundred thousand pound in gold siluer all which being in my possession with the kings Iland as also the passengers before in my way thitherward stayed I set at libertie without the taking from them the waight of a groat onely because I would not be delayed of my dispatch I stayed two men of estimation and sent post immediatly to Mexico which was two hundred miles from vs to the Presidentes and Councell there shewing them of our arriuall there by the force of weather and the necessitie of the repaire of our shippes and victuals which wantes we requiâ—ed as friends to king Philip to be furnished of for our money and that the Presidents and Councell there should with all conuenient speede take order that at
onely one halfe houre the Minion was made readie to auoide and so leesing her hedfaâ—ls and hayling away by the sterâ—â—fastes she was gotten out tâ—us with Gods helpâ— she dâ—fendeâ— the violence of the first brunt of these three hundred men The Minion being past out they came aboâ—rd the Iesus which also with very much a doe and the losse of manie of our men were defended and kept out Then were there also two other ships that assaulted the Iesus at the same instant so that she had hard getting loose but yet with some time we had cut our head-fastes and gotten out by the sterne-fastes Nowe when the Iesus and the Minion were gottâ—n about two shippes length from the Spanish fleete the fight beganne so hotte on all sides that within one houre the Admirall of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunke their Uiceadmirall burned and one other of their principall ships supposed to be sunke so that the shippes were little able to annoy vs. Then is it to be vnderstood that all the Ordinance vpon the Ilande was in the Spaniardes handes which did vs so great annoyance that it cut all the mastes and yardes of the Iesus in such sort that there was no hope to carrie her away also it sunke our small shippes wereupon we determined to place the Iesus on that side of the Minion that she might abide all the batterie from the land and so be a defence for the Minion till night and then to take such reliefe of victuall and other necessaries from the Iesus as the time would suffer vs and to leaue her As we were thus determining and had placed the Minion from the shot of the land suddenly the Spaniards had fired two great shippes which were comming directly with vs and hâ—uing no meanes to auoide the fire it bredde among our men a maruellous feare so that some sayd let vs depart with the Minion other said let vs see whither the winde will carrie the fire from vs. But to be short the Minions men which had alwayes theâ—r sayles in a readinesse thouâ—ht to make sure worke and so without either consent of the Captâ—ine or Master cut therâ— saile so that very hardly I was receiued into the Minion The most part of the men that were left a liue in the Iesus made shift and followed the Minion in a small boat the rest which the little bâ—ate was not able â—o receiue were inforâ—â—d â—â— abide the mercie of the Spaniards which I doubt was very little so with the Minion only and the â—udith a small barke of 50 tunne we escaped which barke the same night forsooke vs in our great miserie we were now remooued with the Minion from the Spanish ships two bow-shâ—oâ—es and there rode all that night the next morning we recouered aâ— Iland a mile from the Spaniardes where there tooke vs a North winde and being left onely with two ankers and two cables for in this conflict we lost three cables and two ankers we thought alwayes vpon death which euer was present but God preserued vs to a longer time The weather waxed reasonable and the Saturday we set saile and hauing a great number of men and little victuals our hope of life waxed lesse and lesse some desired to yeeld to the Spaniards some rather desired to obtaine a place where they might giue themselues to the Infidels and some had rather abide with a little pittance the mercie of God at Sea so thus with many sorowfull hearts we wandred in an vnknowen Sea by the space of 14 dayes till hunger inforced vs to seeke the land for hides were thought very good meat rats cats mice and dogs none escaped that might be gotten parrats and monkeyes that were had in great price were thought there very profitable if they serued the turne one dâ—nner thus in the end the 8 day of October we came to the land in the boâ—ome of the same bay of Mexico in 23 degrees and a halfe where we hoped to haue found inhabitants of the Spaniards reliefe of victuals and place for the repaire of our ship which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies and brused with shooting off our owne ordinance that our wearie and weake armes were scarce able to defende and keâ—pe out water But all things happened to the contrary for we found neither people victuall nor hauen of reliefe but a place where hauing faire weather with some perill we might land a boat our people being forced with hunger desired to be set on land whereunto I consented And such as were willing to land I put them apart and such as were desirous to goe homewardes I put a part so that they were indifferently parted a hundred of one side and a hundred of the other side these hundred men we set a land with all diligence in this little place before said which being landed we determined there to take in fresh water and so with our little remaine of vâ—ctuals to take the sea The next day hauing a land with me fiftie of our hundreth men that remained for the speedier preparing of our water aboord there arose an extreame storme so that in three dayes we could by no meanes repaire aboord our ship the ship also was in such perill that euery houre we looked for shipwracke But yet God againe had mercie on vs and sent faire weather we had aboord our water and departâ—d the siâ—teenth day of October after which day we had faire and prosperous weather till the siâ—teenth day of Nouâ—mber which day God be praysed we were cleere from the coast of the Indies and out of â—hâ— chanell and gulfe of Bahama which is betweene the Cape of Florida and the Ilandes of Iucayo After this growing neere to the colde countrey our men being oppressed with famine died continually and they that were left grew into such weaknesse that we were scantly able to manage our shippe and the winde being alwayes ill for vs to recouer England we determined to goe with Galicia in Spaine with intent there to relieue our companie and other extreame wantes And being arriued the last day of December in a place neere vnto Vigo called Ponce Vedra our men with excesse of fresh meate grew into miserable disseases and died a great part of them This matter was borne out as long as it might be but in the end although there were none of our men suffered to goe a land yet by accesse of the Spaniards our feeblenesse was knowen to them Whereupon they ceased not to seeke by all meanes to betray vs but with all speede possible we departed to Vigo where we had some helpe of certaine English ships and twelue fresh mâ—n wherewith we repaired our wants as we might and departing the 20 day of Ianuary 1568 arriued in Mounts bay in Cornewall the 25 of the same moneth praised be God therefore If all the miseries and troublesome affâ—ires of this sorowfull voyage
men who doe admit litle conuersation with the Spanyards for as some of our people might vnderstand them they had a Spaniard or twaine prisoners with them neither doe I thinke that there is any safetie for any of our nation or any other to be within the limits of their commandement albeit they vsed vs very kindly for those few houres of time which wee spent with themâ— helping our folkes to fill and cary on their bare shoulders fresh water from the riuer to our ships boates and fetching from their houses great store of Tabacco as also a kind of bread which they fed on called Cassaui very white and sauourie made of the rootes of Cassaui In recompence whereof we bestowed liberall rewards of glasse coloured beades and other things which we had found at Saint Iago wherewith as it seemed they rested very greatly satisfied and shewed some sorowfull countenance when they perceiued that we would depart From hence wee went to another Island Westward of it called Saint Christophers Island wherein we spent some dayes of Christmas to refresh our sicke people and to cleanse and ayre our ships In which Island were not any people at all that we could heare of In which time by the General it was aduised and resolued with the consent of the Lieutenanâ— generall the Uice-admirall and all the rest of the Captaines to proceede to the great Islande oâ— Hispaniola aswell for that we knewe our selues then to bee in our best strength as also the ratheâ— allured thereunto by the glorious fame of the citie of S. Domingo being the ancientest and chiefâ— inhabited place in all the tract of Countrey thereabouts And so proceeding in this determination by the way we mette a small Frigat bound for the same place the which the Uice-admiralâ—u tooke and hauing duely examined the men that were in her there was one found by whom wee were aduertised the Hauen to be a barred Hauen and the shore or land thereof to bee well fortified hauing a Castle thereupon furnished with great store of Artillerie without the danger whereof was no conuenient landing place within ten English miles of the Citie to which the sayd Piâ—at tooke vpon him to conduct vs. All things being thus considered on the whole forces were commaunded in the Euening to embarke themselues in Pinnesses boats and other small barkes appoynted for this seruice Our souldiers being thus imbarked the Generall put himselfe into the barke Francis as Admirall and all this night we lay on the sea bearing small saile vntill our arriuall to the landing place which was about the breaking of the day and so we landed beeing Newyeeres day nine or ten miles to the Westwards of that braue Citie of S. Domingo for at that time nor yeâ— is knowen to vs any landing place where the sea-surge doth not threaten to ouerset a Pinnesse or boate Our Generall hauing seene vs all landed in safetie returned to his Fleete bequeathing vs to God and the good conduct of Master Carliell our Lieutenant Generall at which time being about eight of the clocke we began to march and about noone time or towards one of the clocke we approched the towne where the Gentlemen and those of the better sort being some hundred and fiftie braue horses or rather more began to present themselues but our small shot played vpon them which were so susteined with good proportion of pikes in all parts as they finding no part of our troope vnprepared to receiue them for you must vnderstand they viewed all round about they were thus driuen to giue vs leaue to proceed towards the two gates of the towne which were the next to the seaward They had manned them both and planted their ordinance for that present and sudden alarme without the gate and also some troopes of small shot in Ambuscado vpon the hie way side We diuided our whole force being some thousand or twelue hundred men into two partes â—o enterprise both the gates at one instant the Lieutenant Generall hauing openly vowed to Captaine Powel who led the troope that entred the other gate that with Gods good fauour he would not rest vntill our meeting in the market place Their ordinance had no sooner discharged vpon our neere approch and made some execution amongst vs though not much but the Lieutenant generall began forthwith to aduance both his voyce of encouragement and pace of marching the first man that was slaine with the ordinance being very neere vnto himselfe and thereupon hasted all that hee might to keepe them from the recharging of the ordinance And notwithstanding their Ambuscados we marched or rather ran so roundly in to them as pell mell wee entred the gates and gaue them more care euery man to saue himselfe by flight then reason to stand any longeâ— to their broken fight Wee forthwith repayred to the market place but to be more truely vnderstood a place of very faire spacious square ground whither also came as had bene agreed Captaine Powel with the other troope which place wâ—th some part next vnto it we strengthened with Barricados and there as the most conuenient place assured our selues the Citie being farre too spacious for so small and weary a troope to vndertake to guarde Somewhat after midnight they who had the guard of the Castle hearing vs busie about the gates of the said Castle abandoned the same some being taken prisoners and some fleeing away by the helpe of boates to the other side of the Hauen and so into the countrey The next day we quartered a litle more at large but not into the halfe part of the towne and so making substantiall trenches and planting all the ordinance that ech part was correspondent to other we held this towne the space of one moneth In the which time happened some accidents more then are well remembred for the present but amongst other things it chanced that the Generall sent on his message to the Spanyards a Negro boy with a flagge of white signifying truce as is the Spanyards ordinarie maner to doe there when they approch to speake to vs which boy vnhappily was first meete withall by some of those who had bene belonging as officers for the King in the Spanish Galley which with the Towne was lately fallen into our hands who without all order or reason contrary to that good vsage wherewith wee had intertained their messengers furiously strooke the poore boy thorow the body with one of their horsemens slaues with which wound the boy returned to the General and after hee had declared the maner of this wrongfull crueltie died foorthwith in his presence wherewith the Generall being greatly passioned commaunded the Proâ—ost Martiall to cause a couple of Friers then prisoners to be caried to the same place where the boy was stroken accompanied with sufficient guard of our souldiers and there presently to be hanged dispatching at the same instant another poore prisoner with this reason wherefore this execution was done with this
island we stayed all Nouember finding the people blacke and very camly but very treacherous and cruell for the day before we departed from thence they killed thirty of our men on shore among whom was William Mace our master and two of his mates the one of them being in the boat with him to fetch water the other being on shore against our ship they hauing first be trayed our boat From hence we went for the isle of Zanzibar on the coast of Melinde whereas wee stayed and Wintered vntill the beginning of February following The second of February 1592 wee weyed anker and set saile directly for the East Indies but hauing calmes and contrary windes wee were vntill the moneth of Iune before wee could recouer the coast of India neere Calicut whereby many of our men died for want of refreshing In this moneth of Iune we came to an anker at the isles of Pulo pinaom whereas we stayed vntill the first day of September our men being very sicke and dying apace This day we set saile and directed our course for Malaca and wee had not bene farre at sea but wee tooke a shippe of the kingdome of Pegu of some foure score tunnes with wooden ankers and about fiftie men in her with a pinnesse of some eighteene tunnes at her stearne both laden with pepper◠But their pinnesse stole from vs in a gust in the morning Here we might haue taken two shippes more of Pegu laden likewise with pepper and rice In this moneth also we tooke a great Portugall ship of six or seuen hundred tun laden chiefly with victuals chests of hats pintados and Calicut clothes Besides this we tooke another Portugall ship of some hundred tun laden with victuals rice Calicos pintados and other commodities These ships were bound for Malaca with victuals for those of Goa of S. Thomas and of other places in the Indies doe victuall it because that victuals there are very scarce In the moneth of Nouember 1592 we shaped our course for the island of Nicubar lying certeine leagues to the Northwest of the famous island of Sumatra whereas within short time wee came to anker and here wee had very good refreshing for after wee arriued there the people whom we found in religion Mahumetans came aboord vs in their canoas with hennes cocos plantans and other fruits and within two dayes they brought vnto vs reals of plate giuing vs them for Calicut cloth which reals they found by diuing in the sea which were lost not long before in two Portugall ships which were bound for China were cast away there This was the furthest place that we were at to the Southeast and heere because our company by this time was much wasted and diminished we resolued to turne backe to the isle of Zeilan Wherfore we weyed anker in the moneth of Nouember and arriued at Zeilan about the end of the same moneth In this island groweth great store of excellent cinamon◠and the best diamonds in the world Here our captaine meant to stay to make vp our voyage whereof hee conceiued great hope by certeine intelligence which wee had receiued but the company which were in all but 33 men and boyes being in a mutiny and euery day ready to go together by the eares the captaine being sicke and like for to die would not stay but would needs go home The 8 of December 1592 we set saile homeward but some 15 dayes before we had sight of the cape of Good hope we were forced to share our bread by reason we had certeine flies in our ship which deuoured most part of our bread before we were aware so that when we came to sharing we had but 31 pound of bread a man to cary vs into England with a small quantity of rice a day The last of March 1593 we doubled the cape of Bona Sperançan In April next insuing we came to anker at the island of S. Helena whereas we found an English man a tailer which had bene there 14 moneths before we came thither so we sending our boat on shore with some ten meu they found this English man in the chapell who by reason of the heat of the climat was inforced to keepe himselfe out of the Sun Our company hearing one sing in the chapell supposing it had bene some Portugall thrust open the doore and went in vnto him but the poore man seeing so many come in vpon him on the sudden and thinking them to be Portugals was first in such a feare not hauing seene any man in 14 moneths before and afterwards knowing them to be Englishmen and some of them of his acquaintance in such ioy that what betweene excessiue sudden feare ioy he became distracted of his writs to our great sorowes Here we found of his drying some 40 goats The party had made him for want of apparell two sutes of goats skinnes with the hairy side outwards like vnto the Sauages of Canada Here we stayed all this moneth This man liued vntill we came to the West Indies and then he died In the moneth of Iune 1593 we arriued at the island of Trinidad in the West Indies hoping there to finde refreshing but we could not get any by reason that the Spanyards had taken it Here we were imbayed betweene the island and the maine and for want of victuals the company would haue forsaken the ship whereupon the captaine was inforced to sweare euery man not to forsake the ship vntill we should see further occasion Out of this bay called Boca de Dragone it pleased God to deliuer vs from whence we directed our course for the isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico but fell with the small isle of Mona where we abode some fifteene dayes finding in that place some small refreshing And heere arriued a ship of Caen in Normandy whereof was captaine one Monsieur Charles de la Barbotiere who greatly refreshed vs with bread and other prouision which we greatly wanted And so we tooke our leaues the one of the other In Iuly hauing foule weather at Mona we were forced to wey anker and to set saile directing our course for Cape Tiburon and in doubling of the cape we had a gust from the shore which caried away all our sailes from the yards so that we had left but one new fore course to helpe our selues withall which canuas the aforesayd Frenchman did helpe vs withall Also hauing doubled the foresayd cape in the distresse aforenamed the forsayd capitan de la Barbotiere with his pinnesse gaue chase vnto vs againe who being come nere vnto vs I went aboord him certifying him what distresse we were in The gentleman replied to me againe that there was not any thing in his shippe but what he could spare he would helpe vs withall So to conclude we agreed with him for canuas Moreouer he sayd that if we would go with him to an harbour called Gonnauy
18 tun for the most part with tronnels and very few nailes As for tackling we made a voyage aboord the ship before the split and cut downe her shrowds and so we tackled our barke and rigged her In stead of pitch we made lime and mixed it with the oile of tortoises and assoone as the carpenters had calked I and another with ech of vs a small sticke in our hands did plaister the morter into the seames and being in April when it was warm and faire weather we could no sooner lay it on but it was dry and as hard as a stone In this moneth of April 1594 the weather being very hot we were afrayd our water should faile vs and therfore made the more haste away and at our departure we were constrained to make two great chests and calked them and stowed them on ech side of our maine mast and so put in our prouision of raine-water and 13 liue tortoises for our food for our voyage which we intended to Newfoundland In the South part of this Island of Bermuda there are hogs but they are so leane that you can not eat them by reason the Island is so barren but it yeeldeth great store of fowle fish and tortoises And to the Eastward of the Island are very good harbours so that a shippe of 200 tun may ride there land-locked without any danger with water enough Also in this Island is as good fishing for pearles as is any in the West Indies but that the place is subiect to foule weather as thundering lightning and raine but in April and part of May we had very faire and hot weather The 11 of May it pleased God to set vs cleere of the Island to the no little ioy of vs all after we had liued in the same almost the space of 5 moneths And the 20 of May we fell with the land nere to Cape Briton where we ran into a fresh water riuer whereof there be many and tooke in wood water and ballast And here the people of the countrey came vnto vs being clothed all in furs with the furred side vnto their skins brought with them furres of sundry sorts to sell besides great store of wild ducks so some of our company hauing saued some small beads bought some of their ducks Here we stayed not aboue foure houres and so departed This should seeme to be a very good countrey And we saw very fine champion ground and woods From this place we ranne for the banke of Newfoundland where as we met with diuers but none would take in a man of vs vntill it pleased God that wee met with a barke of Falmouth which receiued vs all for a little time and with her we tooke a French ship wherein I left capitan de la Barbotier my deere friend and all his company and stayed my selfe aboord the English barke and hauing passage in the same in the moneth of August I arriued at Falmouth 1594. A voyage of the honourable Gentleman M. Robert Duddeley now knight to the Isle of Trinidad and the coast of Paria with his returne home by the Isles of Granata Santa Cruz Sant Iuan de puerto rico Mona Zacheo the shoalds called Abreojos and the isle of Bermuda In which voyage he and his company tooke and sunke nine Spanish ships wherof one was an armada of 600 tunnes Written at the request of M. Richard Hakluâ—t HAuing euer since I could conceiue of any thing bene delighted with the discoueries of nauigation I fostered in my selfe that disposition till I was of more yeres and better ability to vndertake such a matter To this purpose I called to me the aduise of sufficient seamen and principally vndertooke a voyage for the South seas but by reason that many before had miscaried in the same enterprise I could not be suffered to hazard more of her Maiesties subiects vpon so vncerteine a ground as my desire which made me by constraint great charges already by me defrayed to prepare another course for the West Indies without hope there to doe any thing woorth note and so common is it indeed to many as it is not woorth the registring Neuerthelesse I haue yeelded to your former importunity and sent you this my iournall to supply a vacant roome amongst your more important discourses Nowe being prouided for this last enterprize rather to see some practise and experience then any wonders or profice I weighed ancker from Southampton road the sixth of Nouember 1594. But the winde falling scant it was the 17. day of the same moneth before I could put into the Sea Upon this day my selfe in the Beare a shippe of 200. tunnes my Admirall and Captaine Munck in the Beares whelpe vice-admirall with two small pinnesses called the Frisking and the Earewig passed through the Needles and within two dayes after bare in with Plimmouth My busines at this port-towne dispatched I set saile whither againe by contrary winds to my great misfortune I was inforced to returne backe I might call it misfortune for by this meanes I vtterly for all the voyage lost my vice-admirall which was the cause likewise of loosing mine owne pinnesse which three were the principall stay of my voyage For at this last leauing of England in a storme I lost mine owne pinnesse as is be foresaid Notwithstanding all these crosses all alone I went wandering on my voyage sailing along the coast of Spaine within view of Cape Finister and Cape S. Vincent the North South capes of Spaine In which space hauing many chases I could meet with none but my couÌ„treymen or countreys friends Leauing these Spanish shores I directed my course the 14. of December towards the isles of the Canaries Here I lingered 12 dayes for two reasons The one in hope to meete my vice-admiral The other to get some vessel to remoue my pestered men into who being 140. almost in a ship of 200. tunnes there grew many sicke The first hope was frustrated because my vice-admiral was returned into England with two prizes The second expectation fell out to our great comfort for I tooke two very fine Carauels vnder the calmes of Tenerif and Palma which both refreshed and amended my company and made me a Fleete of 3. sailes In the one Carauel called The Intent I made Beniamin Wood Captaine in the other one Captaine Wentworth Thus cheared as a desolate traueller with the company of my small and newe erected Fleete I continued my purpose for the West Indies and first for Cape Blanco in Africa vpon the deserts of Libya My last hope was to meete my lost ship and withall to renue my victuals vpon the Canthers which are Portugal fishermen but the Canthers had bene so frighted by Frenchmen as I could get none Riding vnder this White Cape two daies and walking on shore to view the countrey I found it a waste desolate barren and sandie place the sand running in drifts like snow and being very
victorious voyage of Captaine Amias Preston now knight and Captaine George Sommers to the West India begun in March 1595. Wherein the yle of Puerâ—o Santo the yle of Coche neere Margarita the fort and towne of Coro the stately city of S. Iago de Leon were taken sacked and burned and the towne of Cumana ransomed Iamaica enâ—red Written by Robert Dauie one of the company CAptaine Amias Preston and captaine Sommers both valiant gentlemen discreet commanders lying ready with two call ships the Ascension and the Giâ—â— and a small pinnesse at Plimmouth for the space of a moneth attending the comming of captaine Iones their consort which in al that time through the bad dealing of those which he put in trust could not makâ— his sâ—ip in readines according to his appointment the 12. of March â—595 set forward on their voyage for the West Indies We with captaine Iones in the Derling and Captaine Prowse in the Angel followed after them the 19. of the said moneth The last of March captaine Preston by giuing chase to a saile was separated from captaine Sommers and his pinnesse so that they vtterly lost sight ech of other whereupon capâ—ain Preston in his ship alone resolued to surprise the yle of Puerto santo and shortly after came before the same This yland standeth in the Northerly latitude of 33. degrees and lieth to the Northward of the yle of Madera and is inhabited by old souldiers which the kings of Portugal were wont to reward for their former olde seruices by placing of them there This yland is rich in coâ—â—e wine oile and hath good store of sheep asses goats kine they haue also plenty of foules fishes fruits Captaine Preston coÌ„ming before this yland with one ship only sought with 2. long boats to land his men to force the same but the people were on shore in warlike array with baricados trenches made ready to withstand them Wherupon considering the great danger and disaduantage of the place he caused his people to returne abord againe And the next morning 3 or 4 houres before day he landed in a place of greater security with 60 men onely who lay closely in a chapel to defend themselues from the raine til break of the day and so marched forward vpon the backs of their enemies which kept their baricados vpon the shore By this time the enemie was 500 strong But being so suddenly surprised after some resistance of our muskets when they saw our pikes approch and had tasted somewhat of their force they began to flee into certaine thickets shrubs thinking from thence to gall our men but with very litle or no losse at all our men dillodged them of that place also Hereupon they all fled toward the chiefe towne of the yland but once againe they thought to make a new stand at a certaine house by the way from whence they were repulsed by captaine Roberts So in the flight part of them were slaine and an ensigne which one captaine Haruey an English man had lost not long before was recouered and the chiefe towne it selfe was by our men wholly woon and possessed But before the entrance of our men they had conueighed their wiues their children and the rest of their goods into an exceeding high hil which standeth neere the towne and could not be conquered but with exceeding losse Although they sent diuers times to redeeme their towne which was very faire and large yet in regard of their crueltic and treachery which they vsed towards captaine Haruey and his people captaine Preston would shew them no fauour but vtterly burnt their towne to ashes and sent his men to wast the rest of their villages of the yland preferring the honour iust reuenge of his country men before his owne priuate gaine commodity And so with small pillage and great honour he retired in safetie and all his small company with him from the conquered yland vnto his ship But we in our ship met not with him vntil the 12. of April following We therefore in the Derling pursuing our voiage had sight of the yles of the Canaries the 6 of April and the 8 of the same we watered on the Southeastside of the grand Canaria There we met with capt Sommers his pinnesse 3 ships of Hampton in one whereof was cap. Willis The 9 of April we al departed for Tenerif to seeke captaine Preston and standing ouer towards Tenerif the 9 day at night I came into captaine Sommers ship The 10 in the morning we brake our maine yard yet we recouered Tenerif the same day towards night we ankered vnder the southside of the same There I wenâ— a land in our boat found 3 or 4 fisherboats and brought one of them off The rest bulged themselues Here we rode to mend our yard til the 11 at night then we set saile to find captaine Amias Preston and standing towards Gomera the 12 in the morning we had sight of him Then we thought to haue landed in Gomera but the wind blew so much that we could not So we departed altogether with ioy the 13 of April set our course for the West Indieâ— And the 8 of May next ensuing we arriued at the yland of Dominica In all which time nothing happened vnto vs sauing this that the 18 day of April at midnight our admiral lost her long boat in towing We slaied at Dominica til the 14 of May to refresh our sicke men Here the Indians â—ame vnto vs in canoas made of an whole tree in some wherof were 3 men in some 4 or 6 in others â—2 or 14 brought in them plantans pinos and potatos and trucked with vs for hatchets kniues smal beadstones Here in refreshing of our men we found an hot bath hard ioyning to a cold riuer side wherein our sick men bathed themselues and were soone recouered of their sicknesses This is a goodly yland and something high land but al ouergrowen with woods The 14 we departed from thence the 16 sâ—iling Southwestward we had sight of Granada but landed not there The 17 we arriued at the Testigos ankered there and consorted with the 3 ships of Hampton wherin captaine Willis was The 18 we landed our men tooke view and â—uster of all the same night set saile away The 19 we had sight of Margarita where the Spaniards by their Indians fish for pearle we stood in very neere the rode but saw nothing there Therefore we went no further in but stood from it againe The same day toward night we had sight of a litlâ— yland betweene Margarita the maineâ— called Coche We came neer it in the night with our ships within some 3 leagues there ankered vnder the maine side and about midnight we manned our pinnesses â—oats and in the morning about breake of day we landed on the yland wherin are few or none inhabitants but
with flankers of great trees and stones filled with earth betweene and had not our comming disappointed their pretence they would haue made it one of the strongest places in all the maine There they ment to haue builded a great towne We found there three pieces of brasse ordinance sunke in the sea which we weighed vp all the people were fled and their goods carried away Up within this bay there was a little village but of no force where we found a great fresh riuer our men rowing vp some two leagues found pillage as wine and oyle and some small quantitie of yron After our comming hither to anker and the solemne buriall of our Generall sir Francis in the sea Sir Thomas Baskeruill being aboord the Defiance where M. Bride made a sermon hauing to his audience all the captaines in the fleete sir Thomas commanded all aboord the Garland with whom he held a Councell there shewing his Commission was accepted for General captain Bodenham made captaine of the Defiance M. Sauill captaine of y e Aduenture The 27 died captaine Iosias of the Delight and captaine Egerton a Gentlâ—man of the Foâ—e-sight and Iames Wood chiefe chirurgion of the fleete out of the Garland The 28 died Abraham Kendall out of the Saker At this place we watered againe washed our ships made new sailes it being by the Generall and all the captaines agreed that if we could by any meanes turne vp againe for Santa Martha we should if not to goe directly for England Here also we tooke in some balast as our neede râ—quired The 6 of Februarie the Elizabeth of M. Wattes was discharged and sunke and that day the Pegasus iolly was going on shore for water carying no guarde The Spaniards perceiuing it came downe vpon them killed two of them and tooke 2 or 3 prisoners and so ranne vp into the woods againe The seuenth the Delight and captaine Edens frigat were discharged and sunke because they were old and leakâ—d and the Queenes ships wanted saylers That day our men being mustered we had sicke and whole 2000. And the next day we set on shore all our prisoners as Spaniards and Negros But before at our first comming to Puerto Bello sir Thomas sent two of those Spaniards to Nombre de Dios and to Panama to fetch ransome for some of the chiefest prisoners but they neuer returned againe As we were setting saile there came one with a flagge of truce and told the General that they had taken 18 of our men and that they were well vsed adding that if he would stay 8 or 10 dayes longer they should be brought from Panama We supposed this to haue bene but a delay to haue kâ—pt vs there while the kings forces had come about by sea as they dayly expected We set saile the 8 of Februarie turning vp for Santa Martha and the 14 day we saw the Ilands of Baru some 14 leagues to the Wesâ—ward of Carthagena The Generall that night told vs he would stand in â—or the towne of Baru in the bay but that night blew so much winde and continued that small moone that the same night we lost the Foresight and the next day standing againe to make the land which we had made we lost companie of the Susan Parnel The Helpe and the Pegasus Then â—he next day we put ouer for Cape S. Antonie and gaue ouer Santa Martha The 25 we saw the Iland of Grand Cayman some 30 leagues to the Northwestward of Iamaica being a low sandie Iland hauing many tortoyses about it The 26 we saw the hie land of Cuba to the Eastward of the broken Ilands to the East of the Iland of Pinos and were imbayed in among those dangerous places But perceiuing it we stood out againe Southsoutheast and so got cleere and then stood away West and by North for the I le of Pinos which we saw the first of March It is a low land with wood and fresh water to the Western end If you come in with the middest of it you shall see rise vp aboue the rest of the land 8 or 9 râ—und homockes and the Westermost hath three in one Being that foorth with the West end and standing in for to water we espied 20 sayle of ships about one in the afternone This was a third part of the fleete which the king sent for Carthagena the rest of the fleete being gone for the Honduras They were in all 60 sailes sent onely to meete our fleete being commâ—nded wheresoeuer they heard we were to come vpon vs with all their three forces This fleete which we met withall came standing for Cape de los Corrientes and had bene refreshed at Hauana Assoone as they discried vs they kept close vpon a tacke thinking to get the winde of vs but we weathered them And when our Admirall with all the rest of our fleet were right in the wâ—nds â—ye of them sir Thomas Baskeruil putting out the Queenes armes and all the rest of our fleete their brauerie bare roome with themâ— and commanded the Defiance not to shoot but to keâ—pe close by to second him The Uiceadmirall of the Spaniards being a greater ship then any of ours and the best sayler in all their fleete loofed by and gaue the Concord the â—wo first great shot which she repayed presently againe thus the fight began The Bonauenture baâ—e full with her ringing her such a peale of ordinance and small shot withall that he left her with torne sides The Admirall also made no spare of powder and shot But the Defiance in the middest of the Spanish flâ—ete thâ—ndering of her ordinance and small shot continued the fight to the end So that the Uiceaâ—mirall with 3 or 4 of her consorts were forced to tacke about to the Eastward leauing their admirall and the rest of the fleete who came not so hotly into the fight as they did The fight continued two houres better At sunne set all the fleete tacked about to the Eastward we continued our coâ—rse to the Westward for cape de los Corrientes supposing we should haue met with more of their consorts In this conflict in the Defiance we had fiue men slaine three English men a Greâ—ke and a Nâ—gro That night some halfe houre after their fleete keeping vpon their weather quarter we saw a mightie smoke rise out of one of their great ships which stayed behind which happenâ—d by meanes of powder as we thinke and presently after she was all on a light fire and so was consumed and all burnt as we might well perceiue The next day beâ—ng thâ— second of March in the morning by breake of day we were hard aboord Cape de los Corrientes which is a bare low cape hauing a bush of trees higher then the rest some mile to the Eastward of the cape All Cuba is full of wood on the Southside The Spanish fleete which then were but 14 no more then we were kept still vpon our
liue vnited for the most part towards the riuer of Amazones But the especiall cause of his present remooue was because two or three yeeres past twentie Spaniards came to his towne and sought to take his best wife from him but before they carried her away hee at time and place of aduantage killed halfe of them the rest fledde most of them sore hurt Now in this case hee thought it best to dwell farre ynough from them Your Indian pilot Ferdinando who conducted you by Amana and now abideth neere the head of Desâ—ekebe is one of this mans subiects By whom as it may seeme hee hath taken good notice of our princesse and countrey For hee descended more particularly to inquire what forces were come with vs assuring me of the Spaniards beeing in Trinidad and that the Indians our friendes betwixt hope and feare haue earnestly expected our returne from England these foure or fiue moneths When I had answered him that at our departure we left no Spaniards aliue to annoy them that we now came only to discouer and trade with them and that if her Maiestie should haue sent a power of men where no enemie was to resist the Indians might perhaps imagine that wee came rather to inuade then to defend them He replied that this course very wel sorted with the report which they had heard of our Princesse iustice rare graces and vertues the fame of whose power in beeing able to vanguish the Spaniards and singular goodnesse in vndertaking to succour and defend the afflicted Indians was now so generall that the nations farre and neere were all agreed to ioyne with vs and by all meanes possible to assâ—st vs in expelling and rooting out the Spaniards from all parts of the land and that we were deceiued if wee thought this countrey not large ynough to receiue vs without molestation or intâ—usion vpon the Indians who wanted not choise of dwelling places if they forsooke one to liue in another but stoode in neede of our presence at all times to ayde them and maintaine their libertie which to them is deerer then land or liuing He then farther desired that he with his people might haue our fauour against the Arwaccas who not being content to enioy their groundes and houses had taken from them many of their wiues and children the best of whose fortune was if they liued to liue in perpetuall slauerie vnder the Spaniards Wee put him in good hope and comfort thereof And hee to deserue some part of this friendship commended vnto vs an elderly man to be our Pilote in bringing vs to Raleana When we were ready to depart he demanded whether we wanted any Vrapo which is the wood that is vsually carried from these parts to Trinidad in Canoas and is there sold to the French for trade he offered if we would bring our ship neere his port to put in her lading thereof But because most of our caske was not yron-bound and in making stowage-way to remooue it would haue bene the losse of our Sider and other drinke I therefore referred the taking of any quantity to fitter opportunitie thinking it sufficient at this time to haue only my boats lading therof which afterwards in extremitie of foule weather before we could get aboord our ship wee were inforced in a darke night to heaue all ouerboord thinking our selues happy to haue recouered thither at seuen dayes ende with safetie of life onely All which time wee could no where set foote on shore but rested day and night wet and weather beaten in our couertlesse boate which was sometimes ready to sinke vnder vs. For wee had in this place without comparison more raine wind and gustes then else where at any time To bee briefe my men became weake and sicke and if wee had stayed any longer time out I doubt whether the greatest part of vs had euer come aboord againe I afterwards vnderstood by my Indian pilot that this weather is for most part of the yeere vsuall neere the Island Oncaiarie which lyeth North from the riuer Capurwacka some sixe leagues into the sea and that they hold opinion how this Iland is kept by some euil spirit for they verily beleeue that to sleepe in the day time neere it except it be after much drinke is present death The only season wherein little raine doth fal there is as I gathered by their speech they diuiding al times by their Moones at our Winter Solstice The mother-wind of this coast is for the most part to the Northward of the East except when the Sunne is on this side of the Equinoctiall for then it often beares Southerly but most in the night This our guid is of the Iaos who doe al marke themselues thereby to bee knowen from other nations after this maner With the tooth of a small beast like a Rat they race some their faces some their bodies after diuers formes as if it were with the scratch of a pin the print of which rasure can neuer bee done away againe during life When he had sometime conuersed with our Indians that went from England with vs hee became willing to see our countrey His sufficiencie trustinesse and knowledge is such that if the pretended voyage for Guiana doe take place you shall I doubt not find him many wayes able to steed your Lordship in your designes and purposes For besides his precise knowledge of all the coast and of the Indian townes and dwellings he speaketh all their languages was bred in Guiana is a sworne brother to Puâ—ima who slewe the Spaniards in their returne from Manoa can direct vs to many golde mines and in nothing will vndertake more then hee assuredly will performe To the Westward this Bay hath many good roads vnder small Islands whereof the greatest named Gowateri is inhabited by the Shebaios and besides the plenty of foule fish fruits wilde â—orks and deere which are there to be had where Caiane falles into the sea for it standeth in the mouthes of Wâ—a and Caiane it yeeldes safe and good harbour in foure and fiue fathome for ships of great burthen On all that coast we found not any like it wee therefore honoured this place by the name of Port Howard The road vnder Triangle Islands which are the Westermost from the rest and stand in fiue degrees which haue also store of â—ish foule deere and Iwanas is good but not comparable with this other where in all windes and weather shippes though they be many may all riâ—e securely The hils and high lands are limits to this bay on ech side for to the Eastward beyond it appeare none at all and to the Westward of mount Hobbeigh very â—ew Where the mountaines faile there Brasill wood is no farther to bee sought for but in all parts cotton pepper silke and Balsamum trees doe grow in abundance The rootes of the herbe Wiapassa are here most plentifull I finde them in taste nothing different from good ginger and in
Gualtero who liueth here a reuolt from the Spaniard was now in election to bee chiefe commander of all the Indian forces in these partes cannot in pollicie for Gualtero his sake whose inheritance hee sought to vâ—urpe bee a fast friend vnto vs that the Spaniardes abiding in Winicapora for there were tenne might well before wee could doe any thing and returne cause some others of Berreo his men to ioyne with them in the way to intercept vs and forethinking withall that there being no meanes but our selues to make knowne our discouerie if wee returned not in our misfortune the hope of following this voyage would bee buried but besides all this and the respect of such spyals as the Spaniardes kept to obserue our dooings foreknowing that if the enemie should by our lingring stop our passage which in one or two places of aduantage fewe of them might easilie doe it would bee a question howe with our shippe to get out of the Riuer except first wee could remooue them I thought it best all other possibilities set apart to seeke in time to bee free from the hazard of the aforesaid euill passages Whilest wee were searching at the shoare for the Indians my Barge tooke a Canoa with three men in her the one a seruant to Berreo as before is mentioned the other two marchants of Cassaui They had a letter sent from the Gouernour to bee conueied to Trinidad which I receiued There was also a great hatchet and twentie kniues wherewith this Indian seruant should buy a Canoa and hire Indians to cary her vp the Riuer towardes Nueuo Reyno This Canoa forsooth with foure other were to bee sent to bring downe Berreo his sonne with all his forces which nowe haue bene I thinke full three yeeres in preparing If fiue such boates bee sufficient to conuoy him his men and all their prouision it may seeme hee commeth with no great strength This seruant as hee was a man of especiall trust and neere Berreo so appeared hee to haue some insight is his proceedings He shewed mee that the Indians who with these kniues should be hired were to passe vp so high as where some of the Cassanari doe dwell in small villages That Berreo his purpose was when they came thither to leaue them there and make them officers ouer the other Indians and in their places some of the Cassanari should returne who likewise should be made Iustices and Constables ouer them of Guiana that from Trinidad he meant to remoue most of the olde inhabitants that would be tractable and interpose them amongst the Cassanarians of Guiana and the Guianians of the Cassanari That the Arwaccas should wholly possesse Trinidad and the riuer side of Raleana That they already were prouided of threescore Negros to worke the mynes in these places And that by this meanes Berreo hoped to keepe these seuerall nations in mutual enmitie each against other all to serue his turne and neuer to become strong or likely to ioyne themselues against him He farther shewed me that Topiawary soone after our departure from the riuer fledde into the mountaines carying Hugh Godwyn with him and leauing a Substitute in his Countrey as aforesayde and that the next newes they heard of him was that hee was dead and the English boy eaten by a Tyger That the Spaniardes beleeue neither the one nor the other That about the ende of Iune when the Riuer shall bee impassable the tenne shippes shall depart from Trinidad And that Berreo euer since his comming to Guiana hath spent his time altogether in purueying of victuals whereof there is such scarsitie by reason that the Indians forsaking their houses haue not this halfe yeere planted any of their grounds so that the Spaniards are inforced to seeke their bread farre off and content themselues to liue with litle In sayling vp the Riuer wee passed by Toparimacko his Port which in one place is very shoalde the chanell lying close aboord the shoare Wee returned therefore another way by the maine riuer on the South side this branch wee found large deepe and without danger When wee were come neere Carapana his Port hee sent fiue or sixe seuerall Canoas promising this day and the next that hee would come and speake with vs. Thus wee lingred sixe or seuen dayes but hee came not In the ende hee sent one of his aged followers to certifie vs that hee was sicke olde and weake that the wayes neere his dwelling are not easie and that therefore he desired vs to holde him excused for not comming This olde man dilated vnto vs that Carapana in hope of our returne hath euer since your Lorshippes being in that Countrey kept the mountaines where the Spaniardes can hardly any way inforce him that they haue taken from him and his people many of their wiues because they refused to furnish them weekely with a ceâ—taine proportion of bread and victuals that Don Iuan otherwise called Eparacano hath the commandement of all his subiects excepting onely a choise guarde of men sufficient to keepe the place hee nowe dwelleth in That it repenteth him of his ambition euer to haue sought by the Spaniardes meanes to haue inlarged his Counâ—reys and people For true it is that from the beginning hee was a Lorde of no other then ordinarie power amongst them vntill hee had entered into friendshippe with Berreo for then the Indians on all sides left some their habitations and manie their commanders to become his subiectes that they might haue the priuiledge to trade with the Spaniardes for hatchets and kniues which are iewels of great price amongst thâ—m that hee nowe sawe no other choise but that the Indians must if they will doe well without farther dissembling of their necessitie either entertaine vs their friendes or else giue place to the Spaniardes their enemies For the plentie of golde that is in this Countrey beeing nowe knowen and discouered there is no possibilitie for them to keepe it on the one side they coulde feele no greater miserie nor feare more extremitie then they were sure to finde if the Spaniardes preuayled who perforce doe take all things from them vsing them as their slaues to runne to rowe to bee their guides to cary their burthens and that which is worst of all to bee content for safetie of their liues to leaue their women if a Spaniard chance but to set his eye on any of them to fancie her on the otherside they could hope for nor desire no better state and vsage then her Maiesties gracious gouernment and Princely vertues doe promise and assure vnto them For sayde he the other yeere when wee fledde into the mountaines and measured your doings by the Spaniards in like case we made no other account but that your Commander being able as hee was would doubtlesse haue persecuted vs to the vttermost as the onely maintainers and supporters of your enemies and would at the least if hee could not reach vs take our Townes and
master Walker master Shawe master Ieffries the master the masters mate and the pilot to whom I shewed that I was desirous to goe backe to seeke our admirall whereunto the master pilot and masters mate answered directly that wee could not fetch the ile where wee left them and to meete them in going backe it was very vnlikely and to vs dangerous many wayes aswell for falling into the laps of the Spaniards as to be put on a lee shoare whereupon all the rest aduised me to stand off into the sea whereunto I assented remembring withal that time spent consumed victuall and howe long wee had beaten vp and downe in the same bay before to get in with calmes and contrary windes Thus wee concluded that M. Walker should set downe each mans opinion and wee set to ouâ— handes and from hencefoorth hee to keepe a Register of all our proceeding as M. Maddox did abord the Admirall The first day of February wee went East by south and East southeast with a stoute gale and went the same course the 3.4 and 5. dayes following The 5. day about 10. a clocke in the forenoone M. Walker died who had bene weake and sicke of the bloodie flixe 6. dayes wee tooke a view of his things and prised them and heaued him ouer bord and shot a peece for his knell The 14. day I called into my cabbin the two marchants the Master and the Pilot shewing them our wants of victuals and other necessaries whereupon they and I concluded that it was best for vs to returne to our countrey with as litle losse of time and expense of victuals as might be being without hope of reliefe vpon this coast and yet to keepe the coast of Brasil to friend for feare of extremitie The 17. day in the morning hauing much raiue wee saued aboue two tunne of water of which we were very glad The 18. day I obserued the variation of the compasse which varied one point and a halfe to the Southwards by our ordinary compasse of London The second day of March the Master Pilot I agreed to fetch the yle of Fernando Loronha From the 3. day to the 10. day we went West and by South and ran in for the shoare The 10. day we saw the land which was sandie hilles with woods on it The 11. day seeking to goe a shoare wee sawe foure men which weaued to vs with a white shirt and we weaued to them with a flagge of truce At length one of them swamme to our boatâ— side and there lay in the Sea talking with vs almost an houre in the ende being partly perswaded by Pinto who talked with them in the Indian-tongue and partly entised with such trifles as I shewed him hee came into our Skiffe and called to his companions on shoare who came abord swimming wee deliuered them certaine barricos to fetch vs them full of fresh water after there came downe 40. Indians boyes women and men and with them a French boy but the former Indians deceiued vs of our barricos Whereupon Pinto and Russell swamme a shoare to seeke water but found none The same day wee sailed to a place where boats might land I went a land in my Skiffe and found the Indians and Frenchmen which were with mee the day before and they brought our three barricos full of fresh water for whâ—â—â— I rewarded them with some trifles In the meane time our boat went ashoare and one men with some of the Indians brought vs twentie barricos more of fresh water and I my selfe went to shoare and brought 23. hennes of India The 12. day betimes in the morning wee manned our boat and Skiffe and â—ooke some trifling things to shoare and barricos at our first arriuall the rude Indians stocked together wading to the Skiffe wherein I was begging and wondering about vs First I caused them to fetch 27. barricos of water whom I rewarded with small bells c. In the meane time they brought hens to me wading to the Skiffe for I kept my selfe alwayes afleat and for their hens I gaue them a knife and a smal looking glasse All this while M. Blackcoller our Pilot Thomas Russel Mâ—rkâ— Thawgâ—â—s were still on shoare and would not tarry abord In the ende fearing some treacherie because all the Indians were slipped on shoare from mee I called our men away and suddenly they layed handes on our men ashoare and with their bowes shot thicke at vs in the boats and waded into the water to vs laying hands on our Skiffe yet God of his mercie deliuered vs from their hands with the losse of fiue men slaine and others hurt Thus we got abord with 40. hens ducks turkies and parrats and three hogsheads of water and I caried a Frenchman abord with mee named Iaques Humfrey who was by chance in the boat with me when this fray began The 17. day we tooke three sharks in the morning From that day to the first of April wee went our course sometime with raine and sometime with variable windes so til the 4. of April which day we saw 4. birds with long tailes which houered about the ship and in the afternoone we saw and tooke vp many weedes which draue thickâ— in the sea which we iudged to be driuen with the East windes from the yles of Cape verde From this day till the 11. day we went our course sometime Northeast sometime Northwest according to the winds vpon this 11. day George Coxe one of our Carpenters hauing the night before broken vp the hold and stolâ—e wine and drunken himselfe drunke being taken in the roome lept ouerbord out of the beake head and so drowned himselfe The 12. day wee spied our foremast to be perished in the hownes and durst not beare our foretop saile vpon it but went hence with our sailes next hand North all day and night From hence to the 20. day we went Northeast and by North. This day I obserued the variation of the compasse and I noted that the South point of the compasse caried more then halfe a point to the Westwards The 25. day of May wee went betweene the East northeast and the Northeast with a small gale till fiue a clocke in the afternoone then had we sight of land which rose ragged to the Northwards like broken land we bring about fiue leagues off that yle bare Northeast by North of vs and the Northermost part bare North by East of vs with a rocke a sea bord we then sounded and had fiftie and fiue fadome grey sand and maze great store in it so wee stood in Northeast till eight a clocke and then be helde it againe being within foure leagues of it bearing as before but wee coulde not make it for some thought it to bee the foreland of Fontenay some iudged it the yle of Vssanâ—â— then we sounded againe in 55. fadome browne sand and little maze in it at eight a clocke at night we
height of 28. degrees to the Southward of the Line The 4. day wee fell with the shoare high and bold being in 30. degrees and a terse little more or lesse All of it to the Northward was a high land but to the Southward it did presently faile and was a very low land and all sandie About sixe leagues from the shoare wee sounded and had about fifteene or sixteene fathome water and blacke sandie oze We thought to haue gone to the shoare and to haue watered but we could not discerne any good harbour and therefore we cast off to seaward againe The 12. day wee found our selues in 32. degrees and 27. minutes From the day of the Natiuitie of Christ till the 13. day of this moneth although the Sunne was very neere vnto vs yet we found no want of winds but variable as in England not so hot but that a mans shoulders might well disgest a frize gowne and his bellie the best Christmas cheere in England yet wee for our parts had no want but such as might content honest men The tenth day being about 8. leagues from the shoare and a little short of the Riuer of Plate it was my good happe to espie a saile which was a small Portugal bound for the Riuer to a towne called Santa Fee and from thence by horse and carts the marchants and part of their goods were to bee transported into Peru. This shippe being about the burthen of 45. or 50. tunnes wee tooke that day about three of the clocke wherein there was for Master of Pilote and Englishman called Abraham Cocke borne in Lee. We examined him and the rest concerning the state of the Riuer and they told vs that there were in the Riuer fiue townes some of 70. housholds and some of more The first towne was about 50. leagues vp the Riuer called Buenos Ayres the rest some 40. some 50. leagues one from another so that the vppermost towne called Tucaman is 230. leagues from the entrance of the Riuer In these townes is great store of corne cattell wine and sundry fruits but no money of gold or siluer they make a certaine kinde of slight cloth which they giue in trucke of sugar rice Marmalade and Sucket which were the commodities that this shippe had They had abord also 45. Negros whereof euery one in Peru yeeldeth 400. duckets a piece and besides these there were as passengers in her two Portugal women and a childe The 11. day wee espied another saile which was the consort of this Portugall and to him also we gaue chase and tooke him the same day Hee was of the burthen of the other and had in him good store of sugar Marmalade and Sucâ—ats with diuers other things which we noted downe our booke In this ship also we found about 35. Negro women and foure or fiue friers of which one was an Irish man of the age of three or foure and twentie yeeres and two Portugal women also which were borne in the riuer of Ienero Both these ships were bought in Brasil by a yong man which was Factor for the bishop of Tucaman and the friers were sent for by that bishop to possesse a new Monasterie which the bishop was then a building The bookes beads and pictures in her cost as one of the Portugals confessed aboue 1000. duckats Of these ships we learned that M. Iohn Drake who went in consort with M. Fenton had his Barke cast away a little short of the Riuer of Plate where they were taken captiues by the Sauages all sauing them which were slaine in the taking the Sauages kept them for a time and vsed them very hardly yet at the last Iohn Drake and Richard Faireweather and two or three more of their company with them got a Canoa and escaped and came to the first towne of the Spaniards Faireweather is maried in one of the townes but Iohn Drake was carried to Tucaman by the Pilot of this ship and was liuing and in good health the last yeere Concerning this voyage of the Portugals they tolde vs that it was the thirde voyage that was made into the Riuer of Plate these 30. yeeres The 12. of Ianuary wee came to Seale yland and the 14. day to the Greene yland where going in we found hard abord the maine 8. fathome 7. and 6. and neuer lesse then fiue fathome There lies a ledge of rocks in the faire way betwixt the yland and the maine so that you must bee sure to borrow hard abord the maine and leaue the ledge on the larbord side One of the Portugals which wee caried along with vs in our shippe seemed to bee a man of experience and I entred into speach with him concerning the state of the Riuer hee tolde mee that the towne of Buenos Ayres is from the Greene yland about seuentie leagues standing on the Southside of the Riuer and from thence to Santa Fee is 100. leagues standing on the same side also At which towne their shippes doe discharge all their goods into small Barkes which rowe and towe vp the Riuer to another towne called Ascension which is from Santa Fee 150 leagues where the boats discharge on shoare and so passe all the goods by carts and horses to Tucaman which is in Peru. The towne of Ascension stands in a very fertile place reaping corne twise in the yeere with abundance of wine cattell and fruits In the townes of Ascension and Tucaman a rapier of 20. rials of plate is worth 30. duckats a boxe of Marmalade 20. duckats a looking glasse a foote ouer is worth 30. li. pictures in tables of 14. inches 30. and 40. li. a piece The 16. day wee went from Greene yland to the watering place which is about a league to the Westward where wee tooke in about 18. tunnes of water and the 22. day came againe to Seale yland to make prouision of Seales where a storme arose which put vs in some danger by the breaking of our anckers and cables and the winde blew so colde that wee much marueiled at it considering the height of the place I must needes in this place finde fault with our selues and the whole company that riding in this Riuer 16. dayes the chanell was not sounded nor the way made perfect The 29. day wee tooke into our ship one Miles Philips which was left in the West Indies by M. Hawkins The first of February I tooke the Sunne in 38. degrees And the 3. day of I tooke it againe and found it to be in 41. degrees The 7. day of February our Captaine master Lister being in one of the prizes hoysed ouer bord his Gundelo and went abord the Admirall and being there they sent their Gundelo abord vs for our Master master Collins and my selfe at our comming we were called into the Captaines cabbin where were set in counsell for matters touching the state of our voyage these men whose names are vnder written
many of them were caried away by the helpe of their fellowes although wee had some of our men hurt with some of their arrowes The 24 day we receiued out of the carauel twelue buts of wine and foure barels of oyle and halfe a quâ—rter The 26 of April our pinnesse was lanched and the same day came downe vnto vs a great number of Portugals and Indians with whom we skirmished the space of two houres to their cost The second day of May the Admirals boate went a shore with 14 men to fill water and presently being on shore they were intrapped with two or three hundred Indians which assaulted theÌ„ and slew one or two of our men but the rest escaped notwithstanding the number of the enemie and came safe againe with water to the ship We suffered this losse by meere negligence want of circumspection The 5 day the captaine of the Admiral himselfe tooke a small barke his owne little carauel our pinnesse and the Dutchmans boate and at night went on shore to get victuals amongst the bullocks which were in the fields and in the morning they were gone so farre that they were out of sight Which being perceiued by the enemie they presently made ready their galley for Admiral with foure carauels with as many men in them as possibly could thrust in stand one by another and they bare ouer with the North shore to meete with our pinnesse and boats whereupon our men fell into great danger although M. Lister our captaine disswaded M. Withrington from that attempt by laying before him the danger both of himselfe and vs also being so far one from the other But being once gone there was no remedie but they were to abide whatsoeuer might happen we in the barke Clifford although wee were weakely left yet perceiuing the Galley to make after our men weyed and pursued the galley as neere the shore as we could conueniently come for want of water the hulke also weyed and came after vs to follow the enemie but the enemie with his oares got sight of our pinnesse and boats before wee could and bare directly with them which being espied of our men and they seeing no way to auoide them made themselues ready not withstanding the great oddes to fight it out like men and to liue and die together The course that they tooke for their best aduantage vpon the sudden was this they went all into the pinnesse and made fast the Dutchmans boate to one side and the small carauel to the other side and so waited the comming of the enemie giuing them first of all a piece of Ordinance for their welcome which they presently repaied againe with a piece out of the prowe of the galley and presently after with three or foure small brasse pieces charged with haileshot and so giuing a mighty shoute came all aboord together crying entrad entrad but our men receiued them so hately with small shot and pikes that they killed them like dogs And thus they continued aboord them almost a quarter of an hour thinking to haue deuoured our men pinnesse and all And surely to mans iudgement no other thing was likely in regard of their great number and the fewnes of our men and they at the first thought all was their owne but God who is the giuer of all victories so blessed our small company and so strengthened their armes and mindes to fight that the enemie hauing receiued a mighty foyle was glad to ridde himselfe from their handes and whereas at their entrance wee esteemed them to bee no lesse then betwixt two hundred and three hundred men in the galley we could scarse perceiue twenty men at their departure stand on their legs but the greater part of them was slaine many deadly wounded their oates broken she dâ—parted from our men hanging vpon one side as a Sowe that hath lost her left eare with the number of dead and wounded men that lay one vpon another And whereas their comming aboord was in a great brauado with drumme shouting and crying they departed without either noise of drumme or speech We lost in this conflict of our men three onely which were Alexander the Master Gunners mate Laurence Gambrel a proper yoong man of Hampton and another that was master Benmans man Some also were hurt with the arrowes of the enemie but the wounds were curable and thus it pleased Almighty God of his great goodnes to giue victory to 50 or 60 Englishmen against sixe or seuen hundreth Portugals and Indians for which we ceased not to giue such dutifull thanks to his Maiestie as so miraculous a victory required Now touching the purpose of our men who made that attempt for fresh victuals their labour was nothing lost but in despite of the enemie they brought to our ships 16 or 17 yong bullockes which was to our great comforts and refreshing As for vs that were in our ship we could not come â—eere them by two miles or more to giue them any aid yet we suppose that the countenance of our ships was an incouragement to our men and some maner of feare to the enemie Now whereas our opinion concerning the number of the Portugals and Indians which were slaine as aforesayd was grounded at that time vpon our probable coniecture not being able otherwise to come to the knowledge thereof you shall vnderstand that the next night after the fight there came aboord vs two Indians vpon a Gyngatho who were runne away from their masters and they told vs for a very good trueth that the gallie went out from the towne with foure hundreth men in her but there came not backe to the towne again aliue aboue thirty of them all and I amongst the rest being desirous to know of one of them what the newes was at the towne he answered me with great laughter Todo esta cacado en Tierra The twelfth day I was sent for to come aboord the admirall about the hulke where vpon the complaint of the Dutchmen master Withrington entred into bond to them for the paiment of their fraight but how my lord would like that bond of debt at our returne I knowe not I gaue him my aduise and counsell to get his bond againe into his hands The thirteenth day our captaine sent out of our ship certaine victuals vnto the Admirall as one butte of dight rise two chests of cleane rise one barrell of oatemeale one barrell of peason and one barrell of oile because they were somewhat scanted of victuals and we at this time were to haue out of the Admirall our part of fiue and twenty chests of fine sugar and more of eight chests and siâ—e chests that were taken in the Bay of Todos Santos at the Ingenios more of one hundreth and thirty hats and other diuers pillages which were taken in the prizes and at the shore The foureteenth day being Monday it was concluded amongst vs all not to leaue the towne of Baya so
but notwithstanding the time that they had to strengthen themselues and the towne yet to giue an attempt for the winning of it and therefore wee prouided our pinnesses carauels and boates for the enterprise and as we were departing from our shippes the winde turned directly contrary to our course so that our determination for that time was broken and wee returned againe to our ships and to say the trueth if the weather and winde had serued our attempt had bene very desperate considering the number of Portugals and Indians which were then gathered together to the number of seuen or eight thousand and their artillery vpon the shore playing vpon vs but neuerthelesse we had proceeded if the winds had fauoured vs. The 16 day we went to certaine Ingenios of the Portugals where we found the people fled and we entred their houses without resistance We found in their purging house 1000 pots of sugar some halfe purged some a quarter and some newly put into the pots so that euery man tooke his pot of sugar for their prouision and set all the rest on fire The 17 day wee all weyed to goe to another Ingenio to see if wee could find there better sugar and in the way we met with a prize which was a carauel which wee found driuing with the weather and entred her and had in her onely three Faulcons of yron which our pinnesse brought away and set the ship on fire Dalamor in the small prize ran so farre in that hee brought his ship on ground where shee lay three or foure houres till such time as there came from the towne fiue carauels full of men which being perceiued of vs our captaine with our men went to him to ayde him The carauels came within Faulcon shot of vs but durst come no neerer lest they might haue tasted of the like banket that they receiued the last time About halfe flood came the galley againe and three carauels more but before they came the barke was a floate and set sayle and then they all went to gard their Ingenios which we had purposed to visit but the night comming on perswaded vs to the contrary The 19 day we set sayle to goe into the roade of Baya againe with our pinnesses and a flag of truce to see if we could recouer our foure men which remained aliue of those ten that perished in our boate of whom we spake before which foure were vnfortunately fallen into their hands but they at our approching neere the towne shot at vs and wee as ready as they gaue them in all 27 shot and so ankored a little from the towne to see what they would doe The 20 day riding still before the towne our Admirall sent a Negro ashore with letters from the Portugals that wee had prisoners aboord the effect of which letters was that if we might haue our men released and deliuered vs they should haue theirs from our ships The next day in the morning in stead of their bloody flagge they put vp two white flagges and sent a Gâ—ngatho off to vs with two Indians with letters of answere from the Gouernour but they would not consent in any case that we should haue our men and willed their Portugals to take their captiuitie patiently for they would not redeeme them a motion they made in their letters to buy againe one of their prizes which we had taken out of the rode but our admirall answered them no seeing they detained our men wee would keepe both their men and ships tooâ— The same euening we weyed and came out of the hauen halfe a league to seaward The 22 we set saile to sea and the 23 came to an Island twelue leagues to the Southward of Baya to wood and water The 24 day being aboord with our pinnesses we met with a Canoa wherein was one Portugall and siâ—e Indians we shot at the Canoa and killed an Indian and tooke the Portugall and one of the Indians and â—rought them aboord our shippes we there examined them and the Portugal confessed that there was a shippe â—aden with meale and other victuals bound for Fernambuck but put into a creeke because she dursâ— not goe along the coast hearing of our shippes Whereupon we manned both our pinnesses and tooke the Portugal with vs to goe and seeke the same ship but that night we could not find her The 26 day we went againe and found her being halled vp inâ—o a creeke where a man would haue thought a shippe boate could not haue entred wee found her indeede laden with meale principally but she hâ—d also in her fourteene chests of sugar of which two were in powder and twelue in loaues This ship was of the burden of one hundred and twenty tunnes and a new ship this being the first voyage that euer she made and as the Portugall confessed shee was straighted for Fernambuck but the men of Baya hauing great want of bread bought both the ship and her lading and so thought to stay her in this creeke till we were gone off the coast but it was our good hap to disappoint their pretense and to fetch her from thence where they thought her as safe as if she had bene at Lisbon The 28 day we deuided the meale amongst vs according to the want of euery ship The 30 day 16 or 17 Dutchmen went with their boate from the hulke to shoare to fill water and vpon a sudden they were assaulted with fifty or sixty Portugals and so many more Indians armed with shot and other weapons and they slew their Master and Purser and the rest were hurt but yet escaped with their liues a good warning for vs to bee circumspect and carefull in our landing The last day of May wee câ—st off one of our prizes which wee called the George and our Admirall and the hulke tooke the men and other necessaries out of her into them The same day the Portugals which had hurt the Dutchmen came to the shore and dared vs to come on land wherevpon wee went into our pinnesses with fortie shot but the cowardly villanes ranne all away to the hils from the watâ—â— side but master Lister with nine men followed them and they fled still before them and durst not stay their approch so they came backe againe and wee filled water quietly and at our pleasure The third day of Iune our captaine master Lister hauing a great desire for the performance of this voyage according to my Lords direction went to our admirall and requesâ—ed him to giue him siâ—e buts of wine one barrell of oile three or foure barrels of flesh and to haue Thomas Hood and seuen or eight seamen for some of our landmen and by Gods help he with the barke Clifford would alone proceede for the South sea but the admirall mightily withstoode his motion and would grant no iote of his particular requests The 7 of Iune hauing no vse at all of our prizes we burnt one and
indured most furious weather so that one of our two cables brake whereby we were hopeles of life Yet it pleased God to calme the storme and wee vnriued our sheates tackes halliers and other ropes and mored our ship to the trees close by the rockes We laboured to recouer our ankor againe but could not by any means it lay so deepe in the water and as we thinke cleane couered with oaze Now had we but one ankor which had but one whole Flouke a cable spliced in two places and a piece of an olde cable In the middest of these our troubles it pleased God that the wind came faire the first of October whereupon with all expedition wee loosed our morings and weighed our ankor and so towed off into the chanel for wee had mended our boate in Port Desire and had fiue oares of the pinnesse When we had weighed our ankor we found our cable broken onely one strand helde then wee praysed God for we saw apparantly his mercies in preseruing vs. Being in the chanel we riued our ropes againe rigged our ship no mans hand was idle but all laboured euen for the last gaspe of life Here our company was deuided some desired to go againe for Port Desire and there to be set on shore where they might trauell for their liues and some stood with the Captaine Master to proceed Whereupon the Captaine sayd to the Master Master you see the wonderfull extremitie of our estate and the great doubts among our companie of the truth of your reports as touching reliefe to be had in the South sea some say in secret as I am informed that we vndertake these desperate attempts through blind affection that we beare to the General For mine owne part I plainely make knowen vnto you that the loue which I bare to the Generall caused mee 〈◊〉 to enter into this action whereby I haue not onely heaped vpon my head this bitter calamity now present but also haue in some sort procured the dislike of my best friends in England as it is not vnknowen to some in this company But now being thus intangled by the prouidence of God for my former offences no doubt I desire that it may please his diuine Maiestie to shew vs such mercifull fauourâ— that we may rather proceed then otherwise or if it be his wil that our mortall being shal now take an ende I rather desire that it may bee in proceeding then in returning And because I see in reason that the limits of our time are now drawing to an end I do in Christian charity intreat you all first to forgiue me in whatsoeuer I haue bin grieuous vnto you secondly that you wil rather pray for our General then vse hard speeches of him and let vs be fully perswaded that not for his cause negligence but for our own offences against the diuine Maiesty we are presently punished lastly let vs forgiue one another and be reconciled as children in loue charity and not think vpon the vanities of this life so shall we in leauing this life liue with our glorious redeemer or abiding in this life find fauour with God And now good master for asmuch as you haue bin in this voyage once before with your master the general satisfie the coÌ„pany of such truths as are to you best knowen you the rest of the generals men which likewise haue bin with him in his first voyage if you heare any thing contrary to the truth spare not to reprooue it I pray you And so I beseech the Lord to bestow his mercy vpon vs. Then the master began in these speeches Captain your request is very reasonable I referre to your iudgment my honest care great pains taken in the generals seruice my loue towards him in what sort I haue discharged my duety from the first day to this houre I was commanded by the general to follow your directions which hitherto I haue perfourmed You all knowe that when I was extreamely sicke the General was lost in my mates watch as you haue well examined siâ—hens which time in what anguish and griefe of minde I haue liued God onely knoweth and you are in some part a witnesse And nowe if you thinke good to returne I will not gaine say it but this I assure you if life may be preserued by any meanes it is in proceeding For at the Isle of Santa Maria I doe assure you of wheate porke and rootes enough Also I will bring you to an Isle where Pelicans bee in great abundance and at Santos wee shall haue meale in great plenty besides all our possibilitie of intercepting some shippes vpon the coast of Chili and Peru. But if wee returne there is nothing but death to be hoped for therefore doe as you like I am ready but my desire is to proceede These his speeches being confirmed by others that were in the former voyage there was a generall consent of proceeding and so the second of October we put into the South sea and were free of all land This night the winde began to blowe very much at Westnorthwest and still increased in fury so that wee were in great doubt what course to take to put into the Streights wee durst not for lacke of ground-tackle to beare sayle wee doubted the tempest was so furious and our sayles so bad The pinnesse came roome with vs and tolde vs that â—hee had receiued many grieuous Seas and that her ropes did euery houre fayle her so as they could not tell what shift to make wee being vnable in any sort to helpe them stood vnder our coarses in view of the lee-shore still expecting our ruinous end The fourth of October the storme growing beyond all reason furious the pinnesse being in the winde of vs strake suddenly ahull so that we thought shee had receiued some grieuous sea or sprung a leake or that her sayles failed her because she came not with vs but we durst not hull in that vnmercifull storme but sometimes tried vnder our maine coarse sometime with a haddock of our sayle for our ship was very lee ward and most laboursome in the sea This night wee lost the pinnesse and neuer saw her againe The fift our foresayle was split and all to torne then our Master tooke the mizzen and brought it to the foremast to make our ship worke and with our spritsaile we mended our fore-sayle the storme continuing without all reason in fury with haile snowe raine and winde such and so mighty as that in nature it could not possibly be more the seas such and so lofty with continuall breach that many times we were doubtfull whether our ship did sinke or swimme The tenth of October being by the accompt of our Captaine and Master very neere the shore the weather darke the storme furious and most of our men hauing giuen ouer to trauell we yeelded our selues to death without further hope of succour Our captaine sitting in the
caused them to take in all their sailes sauing the fore corse with which they were forced to steere before the sea South by West and Southsouthwest And on the 8 day about two of the clocke in the morning their great boat sunke at the ships sterne which they were forced to cut from the ship to their great griefe and discomfort for in her they hoped to saue their liues if the ship should haue miscaried About 10 of the clocke before noone they had sight of the land about 5 leagues to the South of Derbent and bare longst the coast to the Southeastwards vnto Nezauoo where they came at ancre in three fathoms and blacke oze good ancre holde whereof they were glad as also that the winde was shifted to the Northwest and but a meane gale Wincoll and the rest of his fellowes being in the Armenian village which is about 18 versts to the Westwards of Nezauoo the place where against they rode at ancre saw the ship as the passed by that place and sent a man in the night following alongst the coast after her who came against the ship where she rode and with a fire brand in the top of a tree made signes which was perceiued by them in the shippe whereupon they hoised out their skiffe and sent her ashore to learne what was meant by the fire which returned a letter from Wincoll wherein he wrote that they were with such goods as they had at the Armenian village and prayed that there they might with the same goods be taken into the ships The 9 day it was litle winde they wayed and bare a little further off into the sea towards the said village and ancred The 10 day they sent their skiffe to the Armenian village to fetch those men and the goods they had with order that if the winde serued that they could not returne to fetch the ship they of the ship promises to come for them against the said village This day it was calme The 11 day the winde Northwest they rode still The 12 day the winde Southeast they wayed ancre bare against nere to the Armenian village where they ancred and then the skiffe came aboord and tolde them that our people at shore were like to be spoiled of the Tartars were it not that the gunners defended them then was the skiffe sent backe againe to charge them at any hand they should hasten aboord the ship whatsoeuer it cost them Whereupon all the company came aboord the same day sauing Richard Relfe and two Russes but assoone as the skiffe was returned aboord the ship the winde blew at Southeast and the sea was growen so as they were forced to take in their skiffe into the ship and rode stil till the 13 day and then being faire weather early in the morning the skiffe was hoised out of the ship and sent to shore to fetch the said Relfe and the two Russes which were ready at the shore side and with them two Spaniards that were taken captiues at the Goletta in Barbary which serued the Turke as souldiers Those Spaniards of Christian charity they brought also aboord the ship to redeeme them from their captiuity which were brought ouer into England and set free and at liberty here in London in September 1581. The winde this day at Northnortheast faire weather The 14 day they sent the skiffe to shore and filled fresh water The 15 day they rode still being litle winde and fog The 16 day the winde Eastsoutheast they wayed ancre and set saile bearing Northwards towards Astracan and the same night they ancred in ten fathoms water about fiue miles from the shore of the Shalkaules countrey which place is eight leagues Northnorthwest from Derbent The 17 day the winde at North very stormy they rode still all that day and night The 18 the winde all Southeast about one of the clocke afternoone they wayed ancre and sailed thence till foure of the clocke Northnortheast sixe leagues then they might see the land Northwest about tenne leagues from the winde Southeast from thence they sailed til midnight Northnortheast twelue leagues From thence till the 19 day seuen a clocke in the morning they sailed Northnortheast eight leagues the winde then Eastsoutheast a faire gale they sounded and had 17 fathoms and sand being as the Master iudged about the head of Sherly from thence till 12 of the clocke at noone they sailed North 5 leagues the winde then at East a faire gale they sounded and had 5 fathoms From thence till 8 of the clocke at night they sailed North 7 leagues the winde then at Northeast with small raine they tooke in their sailes and ancred in 3 fathoms water and soft oze where they rode still all night and the 20 day and night the winde Northeast as before with small raine The 21 day the winde Northwest they likewise rode still The 22 day about 3 of the clocke in the afternoone they wayed ancre the winde Westnorthwest and sailed from thence till sixe of the clocke at night North 4 leagues then they ancred in 2 fathoms and a halfe soft oze the winde at West a small breath The 23 day about 7 of the clocke in the morning they wayed ancre and set saile being litle winde Easterly and sailed till 2 of the clocke after noone Northwest in wiâ—h the shore about sixe leagues and then ancred in 6 foot water hauing perfect sight of the low land sand hilles being about 3 miles from the nerest land This place of the land that they were against they perceiued to be to the Westwards of the 4 Islands called in the Russe tongue Chetera Bougori and they found it afterwards by due proofe to be about 50 versts or 30 English miles to the Southwest or Southwest by South from the sayd Chetera Bougori The 24 day the winde at East and by South a Sea winde called Gillauar caused them to ride still The 25 day they thought good to send in their skiffe Robert Golding and certaine Russes torow him alongst Northwards by the shore to seeke the foure Islands and so to passe vnto the Vchooge and there to land the sayd Robert Golding to proceed to Astracan to deliuer Amos Riall a letter wherein he was required to prouide Pauoses to meet the shippe at the sayd Islands and the skiffe with the Russes were appointed to returne from the Vchooge with victuals to the shippe which skiffe departed from the shippe about nine of the clocke in the forenoone The 26 27 28 and 29 dayes the windes Easterly and Northeast they rode still with their ship The 30 day the winde Southeast they wayed and set saile to the Northeastwards but the ship fell so on the side to the shorewards that they were forced efâ—soones to take in their saile and ancre againe from whence they neuer remoued her That day they shared their bread but in their want God sent them two couies of partridges
that came from the shore and lighted in and about their ships whereby they were comforted and one that lay sicke of whose life was small hope recouered his health The 4 of Nouember the skiffe returned to the ship with some victuals and certified that the foure Islands were about 60 versts from them to the Northeastwards When Robert Golding came to Astracan and deliuered there the Factors letters to Amos Rial the duke captaine of that place was done to vnderstand of the ships arriuall of the state they were in and their request for Pauoses who was very glad to heare of their safe returne and appointed to be sent with all speed two Pauoses and a Stroog with gunners to gard and to defend them With the which Stroog and Pauoses Amos Riall went downe to the Chetera Bougori or 4 Islands aforesayd where he stayed with those barks according to the Factors appointment The 5 day they purposed to send from the ship their skiffe with the carpenter and 4 Russes to row him to the 4 Bougories to request Amos Riall to come from thence with the Pauoses to the shippe with all possible speed The skiffe with those men departed from the ship in the morning and within one houre they met with a small boat with Russes rowing towards the ship which came from the Ouchooge with a wilde swine and other victuals to sell with the same bear the skiffe returned backe to the ship after the Russes had receiued and were satisfied for the victuals they brought the same day they returned with their boat backe toward the Ouchooge and with them in the same boat was sent the Carpenter of the shippe to the Chetera Bougori which were in their way to declare vnto Amos Riall the message before appointed him From the 5 vntill the 9 day the ship rode still with contrary winds Easterly The same 9 day came to the shippe certaine Russes in a small boat which brought with them some victuals sent by Amos Riall and declared that he with the Pauoses and Stroog had remained at the Chetera Bougori fiue dayes expecting the comming thither of the ship The 10 day being doubtfull of the Pauoses comming they sent Thomas Hudson Master of the ship in the skiffe and with her went the foresayd skiffe boat towards the Chetera Bougori to the Pauoses to bring word whether they would come to the ship or not the wind then at Northeast with fogge The 11 day the winde Northerly with fogge the ship rode still The 12 day Amos Riall Christopher Fawcer and a new gunner came to the ship and with them the M. Thomas Hudson returned but the Stroog with the gunners remained at the Chetera Bougori and from thence when it began to freese returned to Astracan Amos Riall declared that he sent the carpenter backe from the Chetera Boogori in a small boat on the 10 day and marueiled that he was not come to the shippe but in the fogge the day before as afterwards they learned mâ—ssed the shippe and ouershot her and afterwards returning backe he found the ship at ancre and nothing in her but the Russes that were left to keepe her and then he departed thence and went to the Vchooge and there stayed Presently vpon the comming of the Pauoses to the ship they vsed as much speed as might be to get the goods out of the shippe into them and after the goods were laden in they tooke in also of the shippes ordinance furniture and prouision as much as they could The 13 day in the morning Amos Riall was sent away in a small boat towards Astracan to prouide victuals and cariages to relieue and helpe them who could passe no further then the foure Islands but was there ouertaken with yce and forced to leaue his boat and from thence passed poste to Astracan finding at the Vchooge the Carpenter returned from his ill iourney very ill handled with the extremity of the colde The same day they departed also in those lighters with the goods towards the Chetera Bougori leauing the ship at ancre and in her two Russes which with three more that went in the Pauoses to prouide victuals for themselues and the rest therewith promised to returne backe to the ship with all speed had offered to vndertake for twenty rubbles in money to cary the ship into some harborow where she might safâ—ly winter or els to keepe her where she rode all winter which was promised to be giuen them if they did it and the same day when with those lighters they had gotten sight of the foure Islands being about eight versts Southwest from them the winde then at Northeast did freese the sea so as they could not row guide stirre or remoue the said lighters but as the winde and yce did force them And so they continued driuing with the yce Southeast into the sea by the space of forty houres and then being the sixteenth day the yce stood Whiles they droue with the yce the dangers which they incurred were great for oftentimes when the yce with the force of winde and sea did breake pieces of it were â—ossed and driuen one vpon another with great force terrible to beholde and the same happened at sometimes so neere vnto the lighters that they expected it would haue ouerwhelmed them to their vtter destruction but God who had preserued them from many perils before did also saue and deliuer them then Within three or foure dayes after the first standing of the yce when it was firme and strong they tooke out all their goods being fourty and eight bales or packes of raw silke c. layde it on the yce and couered the same with such prouisions as they had Then for want of victuals c. they agreed to leaue all the goods there vpon the yce and to go to the shore and thereupon brake vp their Chests and Corobias wherewith and with such other things as they could get they made sieddes for euery of them to draw vpon the yce whereon they layed their clothes to keepe them warme and such victuals as they had and such other things as they might conueniently cary and so they departed from the sayd goods and Pauoses very carely about one of the clocke in the morning and trauailing on the yce directed their way North as neere as they could iudge and the same day about two of the clocke in the afternoone they had sight of the Chetera Babbas foure hillocks of Islands so called vnto the same they directed themselues and there remained that night The goods and Pauoses which they left on the yce they iudged to be from those Chetera Babbas about 20 versts And the next morning departed thence Eastwards and came to the Chetera Bougories or foure Islands before spoken of before noone the distance betweene those places is about 15 versts where they remained all that night departing thence towards Astracan the next morning very early they
that which hee made Iamaica seemed to be but a piece of the land and thereby tooke it rather to be Hispaniola by the lying of the coast and also for that being ignorant of the force of the current he could not beleeue he was so farre driuen to leeward and therfore sâ—tting his course to Iamaica and after certaine dayes not finding the same perceiued then certainly that the yland which he was at before was Iamaica and that the cloudes did deceiue him whereof he maruelled not a little and this mistaking of the place came to as ill a passe as the ouershooâ—â—ng of Iamaica for by this did he also ouerpasse a place in Cuba called Santa Cruz where as he was informed was great store of hides to be had thus being disappointed of two of his portes where he thought to haue raised great profite by his trafique and also to haue found great refreshing of victuals and watâ—r for his men hee was now disappointed greatly and such want he had of fresh water that he was forced to seeke the shore to obteine the same which he had sight of after certaine dayes ouerpassed with stormes and contrary windes but yet not of the maine of Cuba but of certaine ylands in number two hundred whereof the most part were desolate of inhabitâ—nts by the which ylands the Captaine passing in his pinnesse could finde no fresh water vntill hee came to an yland bigger then all the rest called the yle of Pinas where wee anckered without ships the 16. of Iune and found water which although it were neither so toothsome as running water by the meanes it is standing and but the water of raine and also being neere the Sea was brackish yet did wee not refuse it but were more glad thereof as the time then required then wee should haue bene another time with fine Conduit water Thus being reasonably watâ—red we were desiroâ—s to depart because the place was not very coÌ„uenient for such ships of charge as they were because there were many shoales to leeward which also lay open to the sea for any wind that should blow and therfore the captaine made the more haste away which was not vnneedfull for little sooner were their anckers weyed and foresaile set but there arose such a storme that they had not much to spare for doubling out of the shoales for one of the barks not being fully ready as the rest was faine for haste to cut the cable in the hawse and loose both ancker and cable to saue her selfe Thus the 17. of Iun ewe departed and on the 30. wee felâ— with the West end of Cuba called Cape S. Antony where for the space of three dayes wee doubled along till wee came beyond the shoales which are 20. leagues beyond S. Anthony And the ordinary Brise taking vs which is the Northeast winde put vs the 24. from the shoare and therefore we went to the Northwest to fetch wind and also to the coast of Florida to haue the helpe of the current which was iudged to haue set to the Eastward so the 29. wee found our selues in 27. degrees and in the soundings of Florida where we kept our selues the space of foure dayes sailing along the coast as neere as we could in tenne or twelue fadome water hauing all the while no sight of land The fift of Iuly we had sight of certaine Islands of sand called the Tortugas which is lowe land where the captaine went in with his pinnesse and found such a number of birds that in halfe an houre he laded her with them and if they had beene ten boats more they might haue done the like These Islands beare the name of Tortoises because of the number of them which there do breed whose nature is to liue both in the water and vpon land also but breed onely vpon the shore in making a great pit wherein they lay egges to the number of three or foure hundred and couering them with sand they are hatched by the heat of the Sunne and by this meanes commeth the great increase Of these we tooke very great ones which haue both backe and belly all of bone of the thicknes of an inch the fish whereof we proued eating much like veale and finding a number of egges in them tasted also of them but they did eat very sweetly Heere wee ankered sixe houres and then a faire gale of winde springing we weyed anker and made saile toward Cuba whither we came the sixt day and weathered as farre as the Table being a hill so called because of the forme thereof here we lay off and on all night to keepe that we had gotten to wind-ward intending to haue watered in the morning if we could haue done it or els if the winde had come larger to haue plied to wind-ward to Hauana which is an harborow whereunto all the fleet of the Spanyards come and doe there tary to haue one the company of another This hill we thinking to haue beene the Table made account as it was indeed that Hauana was but eight leagues to wind-ward but by the perswasion of a Frenchman who made the captaine beleeue he knew the Table very well and had beene at Hauana sayd that it was not the Table and that the Table was much higher and neerer to the sea side and that there was no plaine ground to the Eastward nor hilles to the Westward but all was contrary and that behinde the hilles to the Westward was Hauana To which persuasion credit being giuen by some and they not of the woorst the captaine was persuaded to goe to leeward and so sailed along the seuenth and eight dayes finding no habitation nor no other Table and then perceiuing his folly to giue eare to such praters was not a little sory both because he did consider what time he should spend yer he could get so far to wind-ward againe which would haue bene with the weathering which we had ten or twelue days worke what it would haue bene longer he knew not and that whâ—ch was woorst he had not aboue a dayes water and therfore knew not what shift to make but in fine because the want was such that his men could not liue with it he determined to seeke water and to goe further to leeward to a place as it is set in the card called Rio de los puercos which he was in doubt of both whether it were inhabited whether there were water or not and whether for the shoalds he might haue such accesse with his ships that he might conueniently take in the same And while we were in these troubles and kept out way to the place aforesayd almighty God our guide who would not suffer vs to run into any further danger which we had bene like to haue incurred if we had ranged the coast of Florida along as we did before which is so dangerous by reports that no ship escapeth which commeth thither as
the Spanyards haue very wel proued the same sent vs the eight day at night a faire Westerly winde whereupon the captaine and company consulted determining not to refuse Gods gift but euery man was contented to pinch his owne bellie whatsoeuer had happened and taking the sayd winde the ninth day of Iuly got to the Table and sailing the same night vnawares ouershot Hauana at which place wee thought to haue watered but the next day not knowing that wee had ouershot the same sailed along the coast seâ—king it and the eleuenth day in the morning by certeine knowen marks we vnderstood that we had ouershot it 20 leagues in which coast ranging we found no conuenient watering place whereby there was no remedy but to disemboque and to water vpon the coast of Florida for to go further to the Eastward we could not for the shoalds which are very dangerous and because the current shooteth to the Northeast we doubted by the force thereof to be set vpon them and therefore durst not approch them so making but reasonable way the day aforesayd and all the night the twelfth day in the morning we fell with the Islands vpon the cape of Florida which we could scant double by the meanes that fearing the shoalds to the Eastwards and doubting the current comming out of the West which was not of that force we made account of for we felt little or none till we fell with the cape and then felt such a current that bearing all sailes against the same yet were driuen backe againe a great pace the experience whereof we had by the Iesus pinnesse and the Salomons boat which were sent the same day in the afternoone whiles the ships were becalmed to see if they could finde any water vpon the Islands aforesaid who spent a great part of the day in rowing thither being further off then they deemed it to be and in the meane time a faire gale of winde springing at sâ—a the ships departed making a signe to them to come away who although they saw them depart because they were so neere the shore would not lose all the labour they had taken but determined to keepe their way and see if there were any water to be had making no account but to finde the shippes well enough but they spent so much time in filling the water which they had fouÌ„d that the night was come before they could make an end And hauing lost the sight of the ships they rowed what they could but were wholly ignorant which way they should seâ—ke them againe as indeed there was a more doubt then they knew of for when they departed the shippes were in no current and sailing but a mile further they found one so strong that bearing all saâ—les it could not preuaile against the same but were driuen backe whereupon the captaine sent the Salomon with the other two barks to beare neere the shore all night because the current was lesse there a great deale and to beare light with shooting off a piece now and then to the intent the boats might better know how to come to them The Iesus also bare a light in her toppe gallant and shot off a piece also now and then but the night passed and the morning was come being the thirteenth day and no newes could be heard of them but the ships and barkes ceased not to looke stâ—ll for them yet they thought it was all in vaine by the meanes they heard not of them all the night past and therefore determined to tary no longer seeking for them till noone and if they heard no newes then they would depart to the Iesus who perforce by the vehemency of the current was caried almost out of sight but as God would haue it now time being come and they hauing tacked about in the pinnesses top had sight of them and tooke them vp they in the boats being to the number of one and twenty hauing sight of the ships and seeing them tacking about whereas before at the first sight of them they did greatly reioyce were now in a greater perplexitie then euer they were for by this they thought themselues vtterly forsaken whereas before they were in some hope to haue found them Truly God wrought maruellously for them for they themselues hauing no victuals but water and being sore oppressed with hunger were not of opinion to bestow any further time in seeking the shippes then that present noone time so that if they had not at that instant espied them they had gone to the shore to haue made prouision for victuals and with such things as they could haue gotten either to haue gone for that part of Florida where the French men were planted which would haue bene very hard for them to haue done because they wanted victuals to bring them thither being an hundred and â—wenty leagues off or els to haue remained amongst the Floridians at whose hands they were put in comfort by a French man who was with them that had remained in Florida at the first finding thereof a whole yeere together to receiue victuals sufficient and gentle entertainment if need were for a yeere or two vntill which time God might haue prouided for them But how contrary this would haue fallen out to their expectations it is hard to iudge seeing those people of the cape of Florida are of more sauage and fiâ—rce nature and more valiant then any of the rest which the Spanyards well prooued who being fiue hundred men who intended there to land returned few or none of them but were inforced to forsake the same and of their cruelty mention is made in the booke of the Decades of a frier who taking vpon him to persuade the people to subiection was by them taken and his skin cruelly pulled ouer his eares and his flesh eaten In these Islands they being a shore found a dead man dried in a maner whole with other heads and bodies of men so that these sorts of men are eaters of the flesh of men aswel as the Canibals But to returne to our purpose The foureteenth day the shippe and barks came to the Iesus briâ—ging them newes of the recouery of the men which was not a little to the râ—ioycing of the captaine and the whole company and so then altogether they kept on their way along the coast of Florida and the fifteenth day came to an anker and so from sixe and twenty degrees to thirty degrees and a halfe where the French men abode ranging all the coast along seeking for fresh water ankering euery night because we would ouershoot no place of fresh water and in the day time the captaine in the ships pinnesse sailed along the shore went into euery creeke speaking with diuers of the Floridians because hee would vnderstand where the French men inhabited and not finding them in eight and twentie degrees as it was declared vnto him maruelled thereat and neuer left sailing along the coast till he found them who