make void any such acception of the word suspendit in these places But as for the controversie it has indeed more generally been carried for Maro though if the question be respectively propos'd for the age in which they writ the glory may be Homers who was not only without peer but without pattern And though some have pointed out some blemishes in his work are they more visible then Virgils anachronism in laying together the stories of Aeneas and Dido whereas he came into Italy according to the best Chronologers above three hundred years before Carthage was built But Juvenal seems as some understand him to flour at them both in diverse passages of his Satyres as at Homer Sat. 13. vers 112. and 113. in those words Vr Stenâ—bra vincere possâ—s vel potius quantum Gradivus Homericus because Homer Iliad 5. makes Stentor to out-cry 50. men and Mars being wounded to roar louder then 9. or 10. thousand In like manner at Maro Sat. 9. vers 63. and 64. in those words sed appellat pues â—nicus ut Polyphemi Aeato acies per quà m solets evafit Vlysses as if the Giants eye had been so broad that Olysses had scap'd through it but of this in its place But apparently and vehemently he inveighs in his first Satyre against all writers of elegant and uprofitable fictions 46. All stand mute Omnis turba silet Totum convivium says Lubin illa loquente silet It may more generally be understood of any company met together and rather by chance then as at a Feast to which the word turba seems not so well to agree Nor yet may we think that it ought to be strain'd to signifie a rout or uproare as if he would implie that she outshouted them for this were not suteable to the degrees of aggravation which follow when he says by way of increase that neither Lawier Crier nor another woman out-spake her More generally therefore it may be render'd of many met together All stand mute 47. So many bells Tot tintinnabula Pancirollus lib. 2. tit 9. refers the invention of Bells to Paulinus Bishop of Nola about the year of Christ 400 but He rather changed the use of them to religious purposes For their great Antiquitie is well shew'd by Adrian Junius in his Adversorum Lib. 3. cap. 11. who shews out of the ancient Scholiast upon Theocritus that they used to be rung when men died Strabo likewise lib. 15. says that the Persians did call an assembly before day-light by the sound of a bell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We may remember also Aaron's bells and see farther in Coel. Rhodigin Lection Antiquar lib. 19. cap. 11. at large and in Salmuth on Pancirollus Concerning the Matter or Substance of which they were made we may take notice that Durantus de â—itih Eccles Cathol lib. 1. cap. 22. says of the Citizens of Caesarea that upon an occasion of joy they went ligna sacra pulsantes whereby he means that they had some hollow vessels of wood which they used insteed of bells for upon this occasion Durantus mentions them Salmuth amongst others tells us that in Prester John's Country they use bells of stone 48. This can alone the lab'ring Moon restore Vna laboranti poterit succurrere Luna that is with her greater noise The vain Heathen had an opinion that the Moon when she was eclips'd did labour as if in an agonie and suffer a kind of death by the Incantations of witches of which opinion even Stesichorus and Pindarus were as Pliny relates lib. 2. cap. 12. Besides it was generally believ'd that by such means the Moon might be brought down from Heaven and so at such times they fear'd the loss of that heavenly light which yet they thought might be prevented by making a loud and Panick noise with brasen Vessels as pans kettles bells and the like that the Moon might not hear the Inchantments and so not suffer any hurt Liv. 7. decad 3. speaks of it as of an Ordinary custome in those words qualis in defectu Lunae silenti nocte fieri solet edidit clamorem which absurdity was so inbred in the Heathen that after that diverse of them were become Christians it was not quite expelled it being reprehended in them by some of the Fathers as by St. Ambrose and by Maximus in a Homily De defectu Lunae Of the suppos'd fainting of the Moon Wowerus also makes mention in his Paegnion de Vinbr â cap. 8. towards the end But we may farther observe that the Arabians did believe the Moon to be in such an agonie when she eclips'd the Sun as may appear from their custome at their New Moon For they keeping the day of their Neomenia or New Moon Holy and counting it unlucky to have the Moon suffer any hurt on that day did use because on that day she might eclipse the Sun the Solar eclipse being in Novilunio to defer the celebration of their Neomenia till the next day at least for 16. hours till the Sun were past the Eclipse And hence it is that the Astronomers do distinguish the Arabian's Neomenia into Caelestis which was the first and natural time and Civilis which was not the true time but the next day celebrated to avoid the ill luck which their superstition fear'd See Nicolaus Mulerius in his Diarribe de Anno Arabico in the Explication of the Arabian Epocha or Hegyra it is inserted by Vbbo Emmius in his Chronologie between his fourth and fift books 49. In just Acts too New Aim she gives For she That pretends Art Tongue should coated be But to th' Mid. Leg should to Sylvanus slay A Hog and at the Baths the farthing pay Imponit finem sapiens rebus honestis Nam quae docta nimis cupit facunda videri Crure tenus medio tunicas succingere debet Caedere Sylvano porcum quadrante lavari The Poet Satyrically describing his Learned Dame says that she has her proper opinion de Summo Bono which is the End or Aim of vertuous Actions Then adds he Nam quae docta nimis cupit facunda videri c. Which Reason of the former speech seems not so fully cleared by the Interpreters But I conceive the mind of the Poet in this place to be briefly this It needs not seem strange that she has also her several opinion of the Summum Bonum for she that so mainly pretends to Learning and Eloquence should not only as a Leader of a Sect have This Novelty but should do many things besides as Philosophers do namely have her coat descend but to the mid-leg Sacrifice to Sylvanus and pay the farthing for the Bath-fee implying that these things she did not either through shame or pride as may appear from the more particular view of the three things he mentions For first she was asham'd to wear her coat like the Philosophers Orators and such learned men whose fashion is described as Britannicus rightly notes in that of Quintilian Tunicae
gratus Domino sine moribus esse Interius mentes inspicit ille Deus The stage did not express my Life but skill In effect this I did but Personate not Practice Ill. I had not else pleas'd my great Lord that weigh'd With what a mind I liv'd with what I playd Leaving therefore this opinion too much hitherto receiv'd I most willingly embrace the interpretation of Turnebus who in his Adversar lib. 20. cap. 8. gives this exposition Latinus and Thymele famous mimicks had often on the stage as an adulterer an adulteress performed their parts in which personated work the adulterer had either been taken or at least been suspected by the husband of the adulteress whereupon she by the instruction of her lover went to her husband with much flattery like some love to smooth-up the matter and clear the adulterer which stage device was generally known in Rome and the like is imitated in the sixt Satyre in that verse Quem toties texit perituri cista Latini for this Latinus had playd the adulterer and upon the apprehension of the Husbands comming was sodainly clapt into a chest The poet then saith that as Latinus upon the stage did send his adulteress to make peace for him so do many now adays that offend use the mediation of others to bribe great informers to a silence Therefore I understand it not by way of story but of allusion it being false in the person but in the allusion true because Thymele did not bribe him but as Thymele excused her adulterer to her husband so some she-intercedents did obtain pardon of great informers for some offenders 19. When they thee remove An Apostrophe of the Poet to any true heir disinherited by an adulterer 20. Proculeius and Gillo Famous adulterers 21. At the Lugdunian Altar A contention of Orators was instituted by Caligula as Sueton in his Life cap. 20. relates at Lions in France where was a famous Altar mentioned by Strabo and where he that was overcome was to write the praises of his Conquerer and bestow a reward upon him If he did extreamly displease the Auditory he wiped out his own lines with a sponge or with his Tongue unless he chose rather to be punish'd with a ferula and not drown'd but ducked over head and ears in the next River as Sueton's learned Interpreter renders it in English 22. Condemn'd in vain Marius Priscus Proconsul of Africa for spoiling the Country of great sums of mony was forced upon the complaint of the Africans to pay a fine to the Roman Treasury and was banish'd Italy Yet reserving the greater part of his former spoils he lived in a wanton exile whiles the distressed Africans had the sentence of Law passed on their side but no restitution The sum in which he was condemn'd was as some tell us 7000. Sesterâ—ii herein following Lubin who says 7000. nummûm but the sum it self might shew the error this being not so many two-pences and in exact reckoning but 54 l. 13 s. 9 d. but if they had consulted with Britannicus he would have told them it was Septingenta millia that is if deduced to our coin 5468 l. 15 s. though this also was but a trifling Fine for such an Offender 23. The eighth hour The Romans greatly differ'd from our times in the division of the day for we use a Civil day that is the space of day and night which we divide into 24. parts or Equinoctial hours which are always constantly equal They used a Natural day which is the space from the Sun-rising to the Sun-setting as Censorinus shews De Die Natali cap. 23. so that their own hours varied according to the season of the year an hour at Mid-sommer being a twelfth part of their longest day and an hour at the deep of Winter being but a twelfth part of their shortest day The like was the division of the night Thus they had only one six'd hour both of day and night when the Sun was at the Meridian in either Hemisphere So that when would render their hours by ours we must not make the comparison absolutely but consider the time of the year Yet for the aptest and general equation we may consider the Roman hours when they are the same with the Equinoctial which is when the Sun is in the first points of Aries and Libra and then the sixt hour both Roman and Equinoctial being at 12. of the clock their eighth hour was at our two of the clock And so consequently their hours at all seasons of the year may be easily reduced by allowance or abatement Now their custome was to allow the first part of the day for business and at the ninth hour to Sup according to that of Martial Imperat extructos frangere nona thoros To bath and Sup sooner was accounted Luxury except on Festival days for then they might prevent this time as is implied in that of the eleventh Satyre Quanquam Solida hora supersit Ad Sextam See Achilles Statius in his Observations cap. 9. and Parrhasius in his 63. Epist touching some part of this argument and Lipsius in his Excursions on Tacitus Annal. 14. de Conviviis tempestivis Concerning the hour of Bathing read Bisciola in his Hor. Subseciv lib. 9. cap. 20. Alexand. Neapol Genial Dior lib. 4. cap. 20. And Tiraquel's Annotations on him For the division of the day according to the Ancients see Rader on Martial lib. 4. epig. 7. and the more diligent Expositors of St. Mark cap. 15. vers 25. as also Beroald Chron. lib. 1. cap. 3. and Aldus de Dierum generibus horis by way of Commentary upon Palladius de Re Rustica Concerning the Number and Distinction of the Roman Meals or times of repast as Jentatio Frandiculum Prandium Merenda Coena Vesperna Commessatio there is diversity of opinions Servius denies Prandium to have been in use amongst the Ancients but Philip Beroald in his Annotations on Servius does abundantly prove this to be an error as likewise Stuckius in his Antiquitat Convivial lib. 1 cap. 11. to which we may adde that of our own Poet Sat. 13. Prandebat sibi quisque Dens See also Marsilius Cagnatus in his Var. Observation lib. 1. cap. 17. Some have held that the Romans did use to eat but once in a day but this likewise is refuted by Muret. in his Var. Lection lib. 4. cap. 12. The truth of their custome was this There were in all Five times of repast in a day which before we reckon and parallel with ours one difference is to be observed concerning Prandium and Merenda Prandium is by Festus made the same with Merenda but Nonius distinguishes them making Merenda to be in the Afternoon which controversie between these two Aldus Manutius de Quaesitis per Epistol lib. 1. Epist 4. endeavours to compose saying that Merenda a word in use before Prandium and derived a meridie the time of the day wherein it was did at the first signifie that which
greediness not be content with the wealth of Croesus or with the riches of Persia no nor with the treasures of Narcissus himself Which expression contains a bitter jeer Narcissus being but a freed-man though of Claudius the Emperor but of so vast an estate and power that as it is here implied it exceeded example see Pliny lib. 33. cap. 10. and even commanded his Lord and Emperor and that to the killing of the Empress her self Messalina Upon occasion of which passage concerning the wealth of Narcissus Franciscus Floridus Sabinus in his Lection Subseciv lib. 3. cap. 5. vvonders at Erasmus that he made not this Divitiae Narcissi one of his Adagies to vvhom I may ansvver in his behalf as I conceive of his Excellent Labour that his Wit did not consider vvhat Might be but his Judgement vvhat Was already dravvn into Proverb SATYRE XV. ARGUMENT Th' Aegyptian Gods seem Monsters rare Th' Aegyptians yet worse Monsters are Their Feasts they keep with such large Ease They 're not their Mirth but their Disease In Cruelty they 're unconfin'd Beyond all Cause Below their Mind All Beasts are to their own kind Mild These Mankind men tow'rds men are Wild. In Aegypt Juvenal did see This Fact Verse 't is Not Poetrie MAd 1 Aegypt's Gods all know the Crocodile Bythinian Volusius some so stile Some to the Snake-fed Ibis erect Shrines A sacred Monkies golden Statue shines VVhere 2 the Half Memnon's Magick strings do sound And old Thebes Hundred Gates be whelm'd i' th' ground There 3 Sea-fish here River-fish they adore The 4 Dog whole Towns Diana none implore Bite but a Leek or Onion you're Heaven's Foe O holy Nations in whose Gardens grow These Gods The woolly 5 Creature 's no mans meat Not the soft kid but Man's flesh you may eat When at a Feast Vlysses did intrance Alcinous with such a tale perchance 6 Some at the Fabler vext some jeer'd as fast VVill none into the Sea this fellow cast VVorthy a true Carybdis who immane Cyclops and Laestrygonians thus does sain I 'le sooner think a Scylla one may find Cyane's rocks that meet and Bags of Wind Or that Elpenor upon Circe's fine Touch grunted straight and 's Rowers all turn'd Swine VVhat thinks he we Phaeacians are so vain From Corcyraean draughts thus one of Brain Yet Free might have replied No proof he knew Th' Ithacan had VVe will tell wonders too VVhen 7 Junius yet was Consul lately done At Coptus where they 're scalded with the Sun The whole Rout's Crime beyond all Buskin'd strains For fraâ—â—â— from Pyrrha all your Tragick Trains A whole Town 's not an Actor Hear what Ragâ— Has â—â—ted then in this out fiercer Age Between two Towns whose fields each other bound Old grudge immortal hate a desp'rate wound Burns still 'tween Ombos and Tentyra Th'odds Is that each place does hate the others Gods None but their own they hold should be esteem'd Divine At th' Ombians feast-Feast-day then there seem'd To the cheif Tentyrites occasion fit To spoil the Joy and Feast whiles they admit Invasion whiles their Tables were in pride Spread by their Temples and the High-ways side VVhom lazing on their Feast-beds day and night The 9 Sun found seav'n days after A rough sight Aegypt's here yet the Barb'rous Rout no less I found then Leud Canopus for Excess Besides they thought the Victory at hand O're men in VVine that scarce could speak or stand They dance whiles their black Minstrel plays and now All ointments serve whiles flow'rs do crown their brow Hence 10 Hate gnaws these Loud Quarrels first display Their minds inflam'd the Trumper to the fray VVith equal shout their fury meets insteed Of Sword their meer hand wounds few jaws but bleed The whole Rout scarce yields one whole Nose but ye May in each Band of them half-faces see Chang'd faces through torn checks in gastly wise Bones yawning fists all blood from wounded eies Yet this they think but sport like Armies led By boyes till on some Carcasses they tred Indeed why do so many thousands fight If all Live They press then with fiercer might And stooping down stones they begin to throw In Home-Sedition These for VVeapons go Not such as once Turnus and Ajax cast Or great Tydides who almost displac'd Aenaeay's hip but such as our hands throw Unlike to Theirs such as our Age does know From that size men in Homer's time did fall Tke Earth now brings up men both Bad and small VVhat Gods look'd-on with Flout and Hate they view'd But to bring-on our Fable VVhen renew'd Th' Assailants are with Aide their bolder hearts Restore the fight with Swords and gauling darts The Omâ—ians turn their backs The Tentyrites That do injoy their neighb'ring Palmes delights Pursue VVhen one through fear flies headlong but Falls and is caught Him into bits they cut That so the Conquering Rout might with this one Carcass rest pleas'd They gnaw'd clean ev'ry bone No pot not spit they us'd 't was dull they saw To wait the Dressing it pleas'd well though raw VVe may be glad the Fire was not prophan'd VVhich wise Prometheus though by theft regain'd From Heav'n to Earth I 'me glad for th' Elements sake And think Volusius thou like joy dost take But He whose stomack suffer'd him to eat The Carcass thought he ne'ré had sweeter meat For doubt not but that in a Crime so vast The Throat was first pleas'd He then that came last The flesh being gone did drink the blood he found Scooping it with his fingers from the ground The Vascons Fame says once fed thus and were Glad so to live The Case was Diff'rent there VVas Fortune's spight the worst of VVar indeed A desp'rate state long siege and gastly need This Food then and Example might have claim'd Pity this People which I thus now nam'd After all Hearbs all Beasts and what the rage Of Famine tempts to which did half-asswage The Foe that saw such pale limbs skin and bone Tore others flesh ready to eat their own VVhat Man then or what God could well deny Pardon to such brave Men as first did try Th' immanest Plague whom their ghosts might forgive VVhose Carcasses they eat meerly to Live Yet Zeno said we may not for Life do All things But 11 could a Vascon be a true Stoick in old Metellus's days Now where Don't they a Greek and Latine Athens rear Eloquent France does Britans teach to plead Thule will Rhetoricians hire to Read Brave yet the People was I nam'd no less Loyal then stour Sagantus for distress Of Ruin Greater a like fact excuses Aegypt's rage the Maeotick shrine refuses For though the Taurick Foundress with dire Rites Not now to distrust Poets strangers Frights Nay kills yet when the Sacrifice his Life Has lost he nothing fears beyond the knife But what hard straight famine siege warlike act Made these dare such a Monster By what fact Could they have more made their kind Nilus slow To Rise and their parch'd
Instance of the stately funeral of Stephen Gardiner sometimes Bishop of Winchester a man of shrewd wisdome and excellent learning I intend only his Civil Abilities a solemnity not sutable to the son of his pretended father but as may be seen in Brook's Catalogue published by Vincent of his true father Lionel Woodvile Arch-deacon of Oxford and for some years Bishop of Salisbury the son of Earl Rivers and brother to Edward the Fourth's Queen a Man that when by the death of divers brothers the Earldome fell to Him most nobly lest it to a younger brother According to this man's excellency was the funeral of his natural son Stephen Gardiner who leaving behind him 40000 marks in ready money for Executors the Vicount Mountague and the Bishop of Ely as the worthy Bishop Godwin in his Catalogue relates had the happy honour to have his body which was enclosed in lead carried from St. Mary Overies Church where it had continued in a vault about a quarter of a year through Southwark to Winchester in a Chariot covered with black having on it an Image lively representing the person deceased cloth'd in a Goap of Gold with a Miter on the head and all manner of Pontifical attire his Great Executors attending the Corps with two hundred horse which with the consideration of the length of the journey may rank it though a late one amongst Magnificent and Ancient solemnities Concerning funeral Antiquities see Juvenal also Sat. 1. Illustrat 51. and 52. and Sat. 10. Illustrat 36. and Persius Sat. 6. Illustrat 4. SATYRE IV. ARGUMENT Young Rulers The complaint of Lust On Avarice unsit though just ARt thou a Common-wealths cheif Governor Suppose the bearded grave Philosopher Whom the cold draught of Hemlock forc'd to dye Thus to demand On what dost thou rely VVhat are thy grounds speak Alcibiades Pupil unto the famous Pericles Oh wit and grave discretion I have heard Indeed do many times prevent a Beard And so Thou knowest no doubt though th' art but young Both when to speak and when to hold thy tongue VVhen therefore the vext multitude grow hot VVith choller and their duty have forgot Thou dost but lift up thy Majestick hand And straight a general silence doth command O're the tumultuous rout Then what dost say O ye Quiritians if prevail I may I think this is not just that 's done by you Nor This 't were better if you Thus did do For thou can'st weigh truth in the double scale Of the most doubtful ballance If it fail Straightways thou know'st it yea though hid it lye Between a double crooked falsity Of if a Rule so perfect is thy sight Measure not ev'ry thing exactly right And the 1 black Theta signe of deadly shame Thou can'st prefix 'fore an offenders name Thou canst do this Oh 't were a crime to Doubt Come come Thou being fair only without And in the skin in vain leave off to shake Thy tail before the flatt'ring rout or make Suit for great offices 'till age and cares Have made thee Fit to manage such affairs Thou being fitter yet to drink good store Of pure unmixt brain-purging Hellebore Wherein consists thy last thy greatest wish In having ev'ry day a full fat dish Then with sweet oyl to ' noint my skin and lye In the Suns pleasant warmth till it be dry VVhy had'st thou with the self same question try'd This poor old woman she had so reply'd Go now and boast how thy Nobilitie Comes from th' Illustrious Dinomache Puff out thy vaunts and say I 'me comely fair To grant thee such vain praises I 'le not care When ragged gran'ame Baucis that does cry Unto the looser servants Will ye 2 buy Any sweet herbs has as much wit as thee That thus doth boast of thy vain pedegree That no man will descend to his own heart And search the secrets of that hidden part No man But have their eies fixt evermore Upon his back and bagg that goes before For do but ask a man by chance d' ye know Vectidius farmes Hel ' say Vectidius Who The Chuff of Cures he whose grounds they say A kite can scarce fly o're in a whole day Him ev'n the Gods oppose and the sure fate Of an unlucky Genius Who the date Of time bringing again the Plow-mens feast VVhen from their painful labors they have ceas'd And now hung up their weary Oxens yoke By the worn path upon some aged oke When he should freely laugh and make good chear For other Plow-men 't is but once a year Most basely fearing to pull off the clay From his small Wine-vessel he 'l sigh and say Pray Jove that this my Prodigality Bring me not in the end to beggery A coated oignion then with salt he eats His servants much applauding such brave meats Nay and rejoycing for their happy lot And for the Barly-pudding in the pot Then sparingly he sups instead of Beer The cloathy dregs of dying Vineger But straight replies the other If Thou ' noint'st VVith supple oile thy foul lubberly joints And ly'st in the hot Sun letting it beat Upon thy skin with its strong parching heat There 's one whom thou scarce know'st stands here hardby Ev'n at thine elbow that could likewise cry Against thy Manners and thy lewder art The depilation of thy modest part And of thy lungs to prostitute thereby Unto a barren lust thy pathick thigh Thy Cheeks bearing a kemb'd oil'd beard Elsewhere VVhere dost thou too-unjustly smooth appear Scrape on but though 3 five lusty wrastlers would Root up these springing Plants yea though they should With crooked pinsers by their tugging oft Weaken thy parts of shame though first made soft VVith Barbers soapy water so to yield The better to the Plowers of this Field Yet this o're-spreading fearn will never bow Unto the deepest furrow-making Plow Thus we wound others and do yield agen Our thighs unto the darts of other men And thus we know mans life pursu'd to be By this too-much-assumed Libertie Yet some mens faults because they hidden lie From the Enquiry of their Enemy Are not objected to them yet are known To him to whom they cry VVe are thine Own Thou hast a secret wound under thy side But thy broad gold-boss'd girdle doth it hide So though thou make Men say Th' art well in Vain VVill thy Side say so too that feels the pain Thou 'lt here perchance reply VVhat when as all My neighbours Me an ex'lent fellow call And say I am not as your Common men Shall I ah Can I not believe 'hem then Alas blind wretch if at the sight of gold VVith avaricious love thou waxest cold And pale if ev'ry thing thou likewise do VVhich greif-procuring Lust provokes thee to If on the Table of thy Usury By most oppressing heavy cruelty As by a strong deep-wounding scourge thou make Many a sure-imprinted grievous strake To the false-praising People thou may'st lend Thy spungy sucking ears but to no end Seem not more