by West The eight wee kept the same course The ninth we kept still the same course The winde beganne to vere some thing to the Southward which had beene constant still from the Ilands of the Canaries vnto the Ilands of the West Indies And now began the winde to draw towards the West and then is it as constant there The reason I deferre to longer consideration The current setteth out of the Gulfe of Mexico and from the mayne shore Sunday the tenth we kept still the same course and had now but a small gale almost becalmed The eleuenth we continued the same course with the same small gale we went North. Tuesday the twelfth we kept the same course if any at all for for the most part we were becalmed Wednesday the thirteenth the calme continued the Sunne being extremely hot in the calme Thursday the fourteenth the calme continued as hot as before These dayes we ayred our Newland fish called Poore Iohn which proued ill done For after it was ayred it rotted the sooner being burnt in the same On Friday the fifteenth God sent vs a reasonable gale The sixteenth and seuenteenth the calme came againe Munday we had a good gale and went North and by West and North North-west The nineteenth twentieth and one and twentieth we had an excellent gale and ranne North North-west Then we cast out the Lead and looked out for land but found no ground nor saw no land and therefore we much doubted that the current had set vs very farre to the leeward of the place which wee were bound for being the Chesepian Bay but that could not be knowne till it pleased God to bring vs to land In the afternoone about sixe of the clocke we cast out the Lead againe and had ground in thirtie fathomes whereof we were glad and thanked God knowing we could not be farre from land Saturday the three and twentieth in the morning about eight of the clocke wee saw land in the height of 40. degrees and odde minutes very fine low land appearing farre off to bee full of tall Trees and a fine sandie shoare but a great siege we saw no Harbour and therefore coasted along to seeke one to the Northward the wind being at West Sunday the foure and twentieth the wind being about the North-east we beat hard to fetch an Head-land where we thought we saw an Harbour but when we came vp with it wee perceiued it was none and all our labour lost And therefore the wind beeing now more full in our teeth at the North-east wee considered it were better to put roome so that if the winde should stand then we should fetch the Bay of Chesepian which Master Gilbert so much thirsted after to seeke out the people for Sir Walter Raleigh left neere those parts in the yeere 1587. if not perhaps we might find some Road or Harbour in the way to take in some fresh water for now wee had none aboord On Munday the fiue and twentieth of Iuly at night wee came neere the mouth of the Bay but the wind blew so sore and the Sea was so high that the Master durst not put in that night into the Sea and so continued next day On Wednesday the seuen and twentieth at night the winde came faire againe and wee bare againe for it all night and the wind presently turned againe Thursday the eight and twentieth considering our extremitie for water and wood victuals and beere likewise consuming very fast we could no longer beate for it and therefore ran roomer determining for this time to seeke it no more Friday the nine and twentieth being not farre from the shoare which appeared vnto vs exceeding pleasant and full of goodly Trees and with some shew of the entrance of a Riuer our Captaine Baxtholomew Gilbert accompanied with Master Thomas Canner a Gentleman of Bernards Inne Richard Harison the Masters Mate Henry Kenton our Chirurgion and one Derricke a Dutchman went on shore in the Boate from the ship which lay aboue a mile from the land and with their weapons marched vp into the Countrey leauing two youths to keepe the Boate but shortly after the Indians set vpon them and one or two of them fell downe wounded in sight of our yong men that kept the Boat which had much a doe to saue themselues and it For some of the Indians roming downe to them would haue haled it on shore which notwithstanding they saued and with heauie hearts gat vnto the ship with the losse of their Captain and foure of their principall men Thus being but eleuen men and Boyes in all in the ship though our want of water and wood were great yet wee durst not aduenture the losse of any more of our small company in this place Therefore our Master Henry Sute tooke his course home for England by the Iâ—es of the Açores and fell first with the Pike and afterward entring into our Chanell had first sight of Portland and thence came vp the Riuer of Thames vnto Rateliffe about the end of September 1603. finding the Citie most grieuously infected with a terrible plague CHAP. XIII Extracts of a Virginian Voyage made An. 1605. by Captaine GEORGE WAYMOVTH in the Arch-angell Set forth by the Right Honorable HENRY Earle of South-hampton and the Lord TMOMAS ARVNDEL written by IAMES ROSIER VPon Easter day the last of March the winde comming at North North-east about fiue of the clocke after noone we weighed anchor and put to Sea from the Downes in the Name of God being very well victualled and furnished with Munition and all necessaries our whole companie being nine and twenty persons of whom I dare boldly say few Voyages haue beene manned forth with better Sea-men generally in respect of our small number Munday the thirteenth of May about eleuen of the clocke in the fore-noone our Captaine iudging we were not farre from Land sounded and we had soft oze in an hundred and sixty fathome at foure of the clocke after noone wee sounded againe and had the like oze in an hundred fathome From ten a clocke that night till three a clocke in the morning our Captain tooke in all Sayles and lay at hull being desirous to fall with the Land in the day time because it was an vnknown Coast which it pleased God in his mercy to grant vs otherwise surely we had runne our Shippe vpon the hidden Rockes and perished all for when we set sayle we sounded in an hundred fathom and by eight a clocke hauing not made aboue fiue or sixe leagues our Captaine vpon a sudden change of water supposing verily he saw the sand presently sounded and had but fiue fathome much maruelling because we saw no Land he sent one to the top who descried a whitish sandy Clisse which bare West North-west about sixe leagues off but comming neerer within three or foure leagues we saw many breaches still neerer the Land At last we espied a great
breach ahead vs right along the shoare into which before we entred our Captaine thought best to hoise out his Ship-boat and sound it which if hee had not done wee had there ended our Voyage together with our liues for he bare vp the Ship as neere as he could after the Boate vntill Master Cam his Mate being in the Boat weffed and called to him to winde about and stand off for in this breach he had very shoald water two fathome vpon Rockes and sometime they supposed they saw the Rocke within three or foure foot whereon the Sea made a very high strong breach which we might discerne from the top to runne along as wee sayled by it sixe or seuen leagues to the Southward and we saw no end thereof Wherefore we were constrained to put backe againe from the Land and sounding the weather being faire wee found our selues embayed with continuall Shoalds and Rocks in a most vncertaine ground as by iudgement of our Captaine and whole companie they had neuer knowne the like from fiue and sixe fathome at the next cast of the Lead wee should haue fifteene and eighteene fathome all hard Rocke ouer many which by the vnspeakable goodnesse and mercy of God towards vs wee passed For if we had bare in with it but the day before which was exceeding tempestuous or in the night we could by no meanes haue escaped the danger But God so blessed vs that we had weather and winde as faire as poore men could wish in this distresse whereby we both perfectly discerned euery breach and with the winde were able to turne where wee saw most hope of safest passage Thus we parted from the Land which wee had not so much before desired and at the first sight reioyced as now wee all ioyfully praised God that it had pleased him so miraculously to deliuer vs from so imminent danger of death before our eyes Our Captaine found himselfe in the latitude of 41. degrees and an halfe Here we found great store of fish and saw many Whales as we had done two or three dayes before Wee stood off that night and all the next day being Wednesday but the winde still continuing for many dayes betweene the points of South South-west and West South-west so as we could not by any possible meanes make any way to the Southward in regard of our great want of water and Wood which was now spent wee much desired Land and therefore sought for it where the winde would best suffer vs to refresh our selues Thursday the sixteenth day of May we stood directly in with the Land and we much maruelled that we descried it not wherein wee found our Sea Charts very false laying out Land where none was for though we bare in directly with it according to them yet in almost fifty leagues running we found none Friday the seuenteenth of May about sixe a clocke at night wee descried Land which bare from vs North North-east but because it blew a great gale of winde the Sea very high and neere night not fit to come vpon an vnknowne coâ—st our Captaine stood off till two of the clocke in the morning being Saturday and Whitson Eâ—e then standing with it againe wee descried it by eight a clocke in morning bearing North-east from vs. It appeared a meane high Land as we after found it being but an Iland of no great compasse but I hope the most fortunate that euer men discouered as shall appeare by the sequell About twelue a clocke that day wee came to an anchor on the North side of this Iland in forty fathome water about a league from shoare This Iland is woody growne ouer with Firre Birch and Beech as farre as we saw along the shoare and so likely to be within On the Verge growe Gosseberries Strawberries wilde Pease and wilde Rose bushes The fresh water issued down the rocky Cliffes in many places and much fowle of sundry kindes breed vpon the shoare and Rockes While wee were at shoare our men aboord with a few hookes got aboue thirty great Cod and Haddocke which gaue vs a taste of the great plenty of fish which we found afterward wheresoeuer we went vpon the coast FRom hence we might discerne many Ilands and the maine Land from the West South-west to the East North-east and North North-east from vs a great way as it then seemed and as we after found it vp into the Maine we might discerne very high Mountaines although the Maine seemed but lowe Land which gaue vs a hope that it might please God to direct vs to the Discouery of some good although wee were driuen by windes farre from that place whether both by our direction and desire we euer intended to shape the course of our Voyage The next day being Whitsunday because we rode too much open to the Sea and windes wee wayed anchor about twelue a clocke and came along to the other Ilands more adioyning to the Maine and in the Road directly with the Mountaines about three leagues from the first Iland where we anchored When we came neere vnto them sounding all along in a good depth our Captaine manned his Ship-boat and sent her before with Thomas Cam one of his Mates whom he knew to be of good experience to search and sound about and between the Ilands for a place safe for our ship to ride in In the meane while we kept aloofe at Sea hauing giuen order to them in the Boat by a token to weffe in the ship if he found a conuenient Harbour which it pleased God to send vs farre beyond our expectation in a most safe birth defended from all windes in an excellent depth of water for ships of any burthens in six seuen eight nine and ten fathome vpon a clay oze very tough where is good moring euen on the Rocks vpon the Cliffe side We all with great admiration praised God who had from so apparent danger miraculously deliuered vs and directed vs vpon this day vpon which he sent the chiefe promised Director of all goodnesse vnto his Apostles and Disciples into such a place wherof here before we reade none to haue made either description or relation and then which neither our selues could wish or Nature affoord more secure In remembrance whereof our Captaine named it Pentecost Harbour Whitsun Munday the twentieth day of May by three a clocke in the morning our Captaine caused the Shalop to be carried ashoare where while some were busied about her himselfe set others to worke in digging Wels to receiue the water which we found issuing downe out of the Land in many places and rising amidst the rocky Cliffes In digging amongst other things we found in some places and not deepe clay ground blue red and white to make Bricke or Tile fit for building This day our Pinnace was fitted together and lanched in small time with two or three hookes were fished sufficiently for our whole companie three
our Ship with Furres and Tobacco This we perceiued to be onely a meere deuice to get possession of any of our men to ransome all those we had taken which their naturall pollicy could not so shaddow but we did easily discouer and preuent These meanes were by this Sauage practised because we had one of his kinsmen prisoner as we iudged by his most kinde vsage of him being aboord vs together Thursday the thirteenth of Iune by two a clocke in the morning because our Captain would take the helpe and aduantage of the Tide in the Pinnace with our Company well prouided and furnished with Armour and Shot both to defend and offend we went from our Ship vp to that part of the Riuer which trended West into the Maine to search that and wee carried with vs a Crosse to erect at that point which because it was not day-light we left on shoare vntill our returne backe when we set it vp in manner as the former And this we deligently obserued that in no place either about the Ilands or vp in the Maine or along the Riuer wee could discerne any token or signe that euer any Christian had beene before which either by cutting wood digging for water or setting vp Crosses a thing neuer omitted by any Christian trauailours wee should haue perceiued some mention left But to returne to our Riuer vp into which we then rowed by estimation twenty miles What profit or pleasure is described and truely verified in the former part of the Riuer is wholly doubled in this for the breadth and depth is such that any Ship drawing seuenteene or eighteene foote water might haue passed as farre as we went with our Shallop and by all our iudgements much further because we left it in so good depth which is so much the more to be esteemed of greater worth by how much it trendeth further vp into the Maine for from the place of our Ships riding in the Harbour at the entrance into the Sound to the furthest point wee were in this Riuer by our estimation was not much lesse then threescore miles From each Banke of this Riuer are diuers branching streames running into the Maine whereby is afforded an vnspeakeable profit by the conueniency of easie transportation from place to place which in some Countries is both very chargeable and not so fit by Carriages on Wane or Horsebacke Here wee saw store of Fish some leaping aboue water which we iudged to be Salmon for they were great All along is an excellent mould of ground the wood in most places especially on the Easterne side very thin chiefely Oake and small Birch bordering low vpon the Riuer all fit for Meddow and pleasant Pasture ground And in that space wee went wee had on both sides the Riuer many plaine places of cleere Meddow some of three or foure acres some eight or nine so as we iudged in the whole to be betweene thirty and forty acres of good grasse and where the Armes runne into the Maine there likewise went a space on both sides of the cleare grasse how farre we knew not In many places we might see pathes Beasts had made to come downe to watering And we all concluded as I verily thinke we might rightly that we should neuer see the like Riuer in euery degree equall vntill it pleased God we beheld the same againe for the further we went the more pleasing it was to euery man alluring vs still with expectation of better so as our men although they had with great labour rowed long and eate nothing for we carried with vs no victuall but a little Cheese and Bread yet they were so refreshed with the pleasant beholding thereof and so loath to forsake it as some of them affirmed they would haue continued willingly with that onely fare and labour two dayes but the Tide not suffering vs to make any longer stay because we were to come backe with the ebbe and our Captaine better knowing what was fit then we and better what they in labour were able to endure being very loath to make any desperate hazard where so little necessitie required thought it best to make returne because whether we had discouered was sufficient to conceiue that the Riuer ranne very farre into the Land for we passed sixe or seuen miles altogether fresh water whereof we all dranke forced vp by the flowing of the Salt which after a great while ebbe where we left it by bredth and depth of Channell was likely to runne by estimation of our whole companie an vnknowne way further And as our Captaine verily thought although hee then concealed it might possibly make a passage into or very nigh the South Sea which hee neither had commission nor time now to search but hath left that till his next returne if it shall so please God to dispose of him and vs. Friday the fourteenth of Iune early by foure a clocke in the morning with the Tide our two Boats and a little helpe of the winde we warped our shippe downe to the Riuers mouth and there came to an anchor about about eleuen a clocke Afterward our Captaine in the Pinnace searched the sounding all about the mouth and comming into the Riuer for his certaine instruction of a perfect description The next day being Saturday we weighed anchor and with a briese from the Land we sayled vp to our watering place and there stopped went ashoare and filled all our empty caske with fresh water Our Captaine vpon the Rocke in the middest of the Harbour made his certaine obseruation by the Sunne of the height latitude and variation exactly vpon all his Instruments 1. Astrolabe 2. Semisphere 3. Ring-instrument 4. Crosse staffe 5. And an excellent Compas made for the variation The latitude he found to be 43. degrees 20. minutes North. The variation 11. degrees 15. minutes viz. one point of the Compas Westward And it is so much in England at Lime-house by London Eastward The temperature affoorded to vs no speciall alteration from our disposition in England somewhat hotter vp into the Maine because it lieth open to the South but scarse yeelding a sensible difference to any of vs. The aire so wholsome as I suppose not any of vs found our selues at any time more healthfull more able to labour nor with better stomachs to such good fare as we partly brought and partly found Sunday the sixteenth of Iune the winde being faire and because wee had set out of England vpon a Sunday descried the Ilands vpon a Sunday and as we doubted not by Gods appointment happily fallen into our Harbour vpon a Sunday so now beseeching him with like prosperitie to blesse our returne into England and from thence with his good-will and pleasure to hasten and fortunate our next arriuall here Wee set sayle and quit the Land vpon a Sunday Tuesday the eighteenth day of Iune being not runne aboue fiue and thirty leagues from Land and our Captaine for his
halfe water and my Barke did draw seuen foot This Land lyeth South-west and North-east and the shoales lie off from it South and South by West and so along toward the North. At the Northwest by West Guards I obserued the North-starre and found the ship to be 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of fortie-one degrees fiftie minutes being then in the middle of the Sholdes and I did finde thirteene degrees of westerly variation then likewise Thus finding the place not to be for my turne assoon as I was cleere of these dangers I thought it fit to returne to â—ames Towne in Uirginia to the Lord De-lawarre my Lord Gouernour and there to attend his command so I shaped my course for that place And the one and twentieth day by noone I had brought my selfe South Southwest thirtie three leagues from this Cape and I had the wind shifting all this while betweene North and North-west and the weather very faire and cleere From the one and twentieth at noone to the two and twentieth at noone I ran thirtie leagues South-West by West and then by mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie nine degrees thirtie 〈◊〉 minutes and I had twelue degrees westerly variation and the wind â—â—ifting betweene North and North-east and the weather very faâ—re and cleere From the two and twentieth at noone to the three and twentieth at noone nine leagues South-west by West and then by obseruation I did find the ship in thirtie nine degrees twentie foure minutes and I had eleuen degrees of westerly variation and there did blow but very little wind and shifting betweene West and North and the weather very faire and cleere From the three and twentieth at noone to the foure and twentieth at noone eighteene leagues South-west and then I found the shippe to be in thirtie eight degrees fortie two minutes and I had twelue degrees of Westerly Variation and the wind shifting betweene North and West and the weather very faire From the foure and twentieth at noone to the fiue and twentieth at noone two and twentie leagues West by South the wind shifting betweene North and East And then I found the ship to bee in thirtie eight degrees fiue and twentie minutes and the same Variation that I had before and the weather very faire From the fiue and twentieth at noone to the six and twentieth at noone fiue and twentie leagues Westerly the wind all shifting betweene South and South-west And I had thirteene degrees fiue and twentie minutes of Westerly Variation About sixe of the clocke at night the water was changed and then I sounded and had red sandie ground in twelue fathomes water about twelue leagues from the shore The seuen and twentieth by day in the morning I was faire aboord the shore and by nine of the clocke I came to an Anchor in nine fathomes in a very great Bay where I found great store of people which were very kind and promised me that the next day in the morning they would bring me great store of Corne. But about nine of the clocke that night the winde shifted from South-west to East North-east So I weighed presently and shaped my course to Cape Charles This Bay lyeth in Westerly thirtie leagues And the Souther Cape of it lyeth South South-east and North North-west and in thirtie eight degrees twentie minutes of Northerly Latitude The eight and twentieth day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone I fell among a great many of shoales about twelue leagues to the Southw 〈…〉 of Cape La Warre So there I came to an Anchor in three fathomes water the winde beeing then all Easterly and rode there all that Night The nine and twentieth in the morning I weighed againe the wind being all Southerly and turned vntill night and then I came to an Anchor in seuen fathomes water in the 〈…〉 ing to Sea How the tyde did set there or whether that there did run any current or not I cannot say but I could find neither current nor tyde The thirtieth in the morning I weighed againe the wind still Southerly and turned all that day but got very little so at Euening I stood off to Sea vntill midnight and then stood in againe The one and thirtieth about seuen of the clocke at night I came to an Anchor vnder Cape Charles in foure fathomes and one third part water and rode there all that night CHAP. VIII A short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre to the Lords and others of the Counsell of Virginia touching his vnexpected returne home and afterwards deliuered to the generall Assembly of the said Company at a Court holden the twentie fiue of Iune 1611. Published by authoritie of the said Counsell MY LORDS c. BEing now by accident returned from my Charge at Uirginia contrary either to my owne desire or other mens expectations who spare not to censure mee in point of dutie and to discourse and question the reason though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne I am forced out of a willingnesse to satisfie euery man to deliuer vnto your Lordships and the rest of this Assembly briefly but truly in what state I haue liued euer since my arriuall to the Colonie what hath beene the iust occasion of my sudden departure thence and in what termes I haue left the same The rather because I perceiue that since my comming into England such a coldnesse and irresolution is bred in many of the Aduenturers that some of them seeke to withdraw those payments which they haue subscribed towards the Charge of the Plantation and by which that Action must be supported and mayntained making this my returne the colour of their needlesse backwardnesse and vniust protraction Which that you may the better vnderstand I must informe your Lordships that presently after my arriuall in Iames Towne I was welcommed by a hot and violent Ague which held me a time till by the aduice of my Physition Doctour Lawrence B 〈…〉 n by bloud letting I was recouered as in my first Letters by Sir Thomas Gâ—â—es I haue informed you That Disease had not long left me till within three weekes after I had gotten a little strength I began to be distempered with other grieuous sicknesses which successiuely and seuerally assailed meâ— for besides a relapse into the former Disease which with much more violence held me more thâ—â— a moneth and brought me to great weaknesse the Flux surprized mee and kept me many dayes then the Crampe assaulted my weake bodie with strong paines and afterwards the Gout with which I had heeretofore beene sometime troubled afflicted me in such sort that making my bodie through weaknesse vnable to stirre or to vse any manner of exercise drew vpon me the Disease called the Scuruy which though in others it be a sicknesse of slothfulnesse yet was in me an effect of weaknesse which neuer left mee till I was vpon the point to leaue the World These
and reuerend Diuine Doctor LAYFIELD his Lordships Chaplaine and Attendant in that expedition very much abbreuiated §. I. The Shippes emploied in the Voyage and accidents on the Coasts of Spaine in the Canaries and the Nauigation thence to Dominica HIs Lordship being authorised by Letters Patents giuen at Westminster the foureteenth of Ianuary to leuie Forces seruiceable by Sea and Land came downe to Portesmouth the eight of February wherein nothing memorable happened till Munday being the thirteenth of March. While we were at Morning Prayer his Lordship happened to see a Gallant of the company purposely I name him not reading of Orlando Furioso to whom himselfe in person went presently after Seruice all the Company being by and hauing told him that we might looke that God would serue vs accordingly if we serued not him better bad him be sure that if againe he tooks him in the like manner he would cast his Booke ouer-boâ—â—d and turne himselfe out of the Ship The next day by obseruation it was found that towards the euening we had runne within fiue or sixe and twenty leagues of the North Cape whereupon his Lordship gaue direction to the Vice-admirall that he should carry his Flagge in the Maine-top and with a peece of Ordnance should hale in the rest of the Fleete to his Lee and that they all with him as their Admirall for the time should this night winde South and by West and there they should ride off and on scattering themselues to the North and South in the height of the Burlings till his Lordshippe should come to them In the meane season himselfe attended onely with the Guiana and the Scourges scoâ—t run to fall in with the North Cape meaning by the taking of some Caruell or some Fisherman to haue some certaine intelligence in what forwardnesse the fiue Carracks were which at this very time his Lordship knew were outwards bound The defect of his maine Maste caused him to stand in for the Burlings The Burlings is an Iland something longer then broad and by the violent beating of the Sea it selfe almost made two Ilands and within few yeares it will be so exceeding rockie it is and barren aboue measure We found no liuing thing in it but Lysards and some few Conies Vpon thursday being the thirteenth of Aprill we had sight of the Ilands The first that was within kenning was Alegrança the most Northerly of the Canaries we left it on the star-boord side as also three little hils rather then the Islands hauing all one name of the Grange In the afternoone we had Lancerota one of the six great Canaries in cleere kenning The next morning twixt fiue and six we were come to an anchor in the Roade which beareth East South-east of the Iland His Lordship had taken colde with watching the last night whereupon he found himselfe so ill the next morning being good Friday that he kept his Cabbin and was glad to take some strong Physicke He sent therefore for Sir Iohn Barkley his Lieutenant generall and gaue him order to land with certaine Companies to the number of betweene fiue and six hundred men They were in their March by ten that morning and marched the next way as they thought to the chiefe Towne of the Iland but their foremost desire was if they might to haue surprised the Marquesse who commandeth both that and the next Iland called Fortenentura as his owne possession The Towne is from the place they landed at as they coniecture some ten miles at the least By fiue in the afternoone they entered the Towne which besides the expectation they found clearely quitted of the enemy and nothing in a manner left sauing good store of very excellent Wine and Cheese After the Towne was assured Sir Iohn sent a troope to a strong Hold some halfe a mile of from the Towne called the Castle a place which the Marquesse had fortified with good store of Munition and Ordnance When our Troopes were come vp the Hill they found twixt 80 and 100. Ilanders and Spaniards within and about the house but without fight they quitted the place so that our men entered it without losse or danger They found in it a dozen or more cast Peeces of Brasse the least Bases the most whole Culuering and Demiculuering and an innumerable company of Stones laid in places of greatest aduantage The House it selfe built of squared stone flanked very strongly and cunningly both for defence and offence the entrance thereunto not as in our Forts of equall height with the foundation and ground but raised about a Pikes length in height so that without the vse of a Ladder there could be no entrance there I haue heard sundry of our wisest Commanders say that if they had drawne in their Ladder and onely shut the doore twenty men victualled might haue kept it against fiue hundred The Towne consisteth of somewhat more then a hundred houses whose building is rude being commonly but of one Storie their Roofes flat and something sloping to cast of raine couered onely with Canes or Straw laid vpon a few rafters and very dirt cast vpon all which being hardned by the Sunne becommeth of showre-proofe The Inhabitants are of very able and actiue bodies their stature commonly tall of swiftnesse in that Mountainous Countrie not farre behinde their Horses and Cammels their Armes are Pikes and Stones when a Peece is presented to them so soone as they perceiue the cocke or match to fall they cast themselues flat to the ground and the report is no sooner heard but they are vpon their feete their stones out of their hands and withall they charge with their Pikes and this in scattered incounters or single fight for either they know not or neglect orderly baâ—talion oftner giueth then receiueth hurt The Iland it is not round but stretched somewhat in length to the North-east and South-west parted by a ridge of Hils from end to end as Italie is by the Mountaines Apennine These hils are barren otherwise then that in prettie store they feede flocks of Sâ—eepe and Goates Their Vallies promise no fruitfulnesse being very sandy and dry something like Rye-fields in England and yet they yeelde passing good Barley and Wheate Their beasts be Sheepe and Goates few Neate many Asses fewer Camels but fewest Gennets and these of no great stature The Iland is thought to exceede the Wight both in breadth and length of the Temper a man may iudge besides that it lyeth in 28. degâ—ees and some minutes by the complexion of the Inhabitants which is blackish and by their Haruest-time which was past before the middest of Aprill and looke for a second about Michaelmas their landing there was vpon good Friday The next day the fifteenth of Aprill Sir Iohn Barkeley being out of hope to finde the Marquesse not knowing where to seeke him whom feare had taught to hide himselfe closely marched backe to the Nauie without farther
the ninteenth of May the colour of the Sea began sensibly to alter that whereas before it was of a cleere azure it then began to incline to a deepe blacke We were that day a hundreth and sixtie leagues or thereabouts from the West Indies and held our selues so certainly in the height of Dominica that wee runne a due Westerly course It is not vnlikely but this colour will be found in the same place at another time And in such a course wherein besides the great difference of Cardes a man must bee forced to trust to a dead reckoning this may bee some helpe to a heedfull man Vpon Sunday in the euening his Lordship directed the Master to runne that night with an easie saile because he tooke himselfe neerer land then most of the Mariners would consent to being himselfe the first that both spyed and cryed land they were but few that did assent at the first some desired it so much that they durst not let themselues be ouer credulous others happily would haue had themselues the first discryers but his Lordship still made it land Wee set saile for the land and within two houres it was made to bee Matinino Leauing it therefore on the larboard side wee stood for Dominica and within an houre or thereabouts had it in kenning §. II. Description of Dominica and the Virgines Their landing on Port Ricco march fights and taking the Towne BY two in the afternoone wee were come so neere aboard the shoare that wee were met with many Canoes manned with men wholly naked sauing that they had chaines and bracelets and some bodkins in their eares or some strap in their nostrils or lips the cause of their comming was to exchange their Tabacco Pinos Plantins Potatoes and Pepper with any trifle if it were gawdie They were at the first suspicious that wee were Spaniards or Frenchmen but being assured that wee were English they came willingly aboard They are men of good proportion strong and straight limmed but few of them tall their wits able to direct them to things bodily profitable Their Canoes are of one Tree commonly in breadth but containing one man yet in some are seene two yonkers sit shoulder to shoulder They are of diuers length some for three or foure men that sit in reasonable distance and in some of them eight or nine persons a rowe Besides their Merchandise for exchange euery one hath commonly his Bowe and Arrowes they speake some Spanish words they haue Wickers platted something like a broad shield to defend the raine they that want these vse a very broad leafe to that purpose they prouide shelter against the raine because it washeth of their red painting laid so on that if you touch it you shall finde it on your fingers That night hauing with much a doe found land within a quarter of a mile of the shore we ankored for that night onely for though there were a good watering place and a very sweete riueret fast by vs yet his Lordship ment to way ankor the next morning and to beare in to another watering place wherewithall we certainly looked for a hot Bathe Their Oares wherewith they rowe are not laid in bankes as Ship-boates haue but are made like a long Battledoore sauing that their palmes are much longer then broade growing into a sharpe point with a rising in the middest of them a good way very like they are to blades of bigge Westerne Daggers that are now made with grauing The shankes of these Oares are of equall bignesse and at the top crosset like a lame mans crutch These they vse alwayes with both their hands but indifferently as they finde cause to steere this way or that way The next morning wee bore in to the North-west end of the Iland where we found a goodly Bay able to receiue a greater Nauie then hath beene together in the memorie of this age There his Lordship found the hote Bathe fast by the side of a very fine Riuer The Bathe is as hot as either the Crosse-bathe or Kingsbathe at the Citie of Bathe in England and within three or foure yards runneth into the Riuer which within a stones cast disburdeneth it selfe into the Sea Here our sicke men specially found good refreshing In this place his Lordship staied some six dayes in watering the whole Fleete which in that time was all come sauing the Frigat one of the blacke Pinnaces and one of the Flemmings which we hoped to be before vs for they haue directions It was held conuenient here to take a Muster of our companies and something better to acqâ—aint euery one with his owne colours but the weather was so extreamely foule that in three or foure dayes spent to this purpose there could be nothing done Vpon Wednesday therefore being the last of May it was resolued to stay no longer there but to come againe to ankor at the Uirgines and there bestow one day in training our men For that was our way to Saint Iohn de Puertorico whether his Lordship now declared it was his purpose to goe first of all By this time for his Lordship would not haue any thing done in that foule weather the other blacke Pinnace was taken down for a long Boate to serue for the more conuenient landing of our men That euening and the next morning all our men were brought aboord and on thursday night our sailes were cut for the Virgines To describe this Iland it heth North-west and South-east the soile is very fat euen in the most neglected places matching the Garden-plats in England for a rich blacke molde so Mountainous certaine in the places where we came neere the Sea-coasts that the Vallies may better be called Pits then Plaines and withall so vnpassably wooddie that it is maruailous how those naked soules can be able to pull themselues through them without renting their naturall cloathes Some speake of more easie passages in the Inland of the Iland which make it probable that they leaue those skirts and edges of their Countrie thus of purpose for a wall of defence These Hils are apparelled with very goodly greene Trees of many sorts The tallnesse of these vnrequested Trees make the hils seeme more hilly then of themselues happily they are for they grow so like good children of some happy ciuill body without enuie or oppression as that they looke like a proud meddow about Oxford when after some irruption Tems is againe cooched low within his owne banks leauing the earths Mantle more ruggie and flakie then otherwise it would haue bin yea so much seeme these natural children delighted with equalitie and withall with multiplication that hauing growne to a definite stature without desire of ouertopping others they willingly let downe their boughes which being come to the earth againe take roote as it were to continue the succession of their decaying progenitors and yet they doe continually maintaine themselues in a greene-good liking
the paiues to continue tillage For drinks the Spaniard doth here as in Spaine hee doth vse water for most of his drinke which in so hot a climate would well agree with the English after some acquaintance yet the Spaniard hath two other sorts of drinke the one called Gâ—acapo made of Molasses that is the coursest of their Sugar and some Spices the other kinde and vsed by the better sort of them is called Alâ— which is a kinde of Bragget made with many hot spices And if both these fayled yet haue they good store of wines indeed brought in from other Countries not that this Iland will not nourish Vines for I haue seene some grow here in Pâ—erto Rico very flourishingly But I haue heard the King will not suffer them to plant and dresse Vineyards as a matter of policie I might here and so would I make an end of speaking of the fruits of this Iland for me thinks what hath beene said sheweth it to be selfe sufficient to liue well and happily but their Yerua vina will not haue me forget it This hearbe is a little contemptible weed to looke vpon with a long woodden stalke creeping vpon the ground and seldome lifting it selfe aboue a handfull high from ground But it hath a propertie which confoundeth my vnderstanding and perhaps will seeme strange in the way of Philosophers who haue denyed euery part of sense to any plant yet this certainly seemeth to haue feeling For if you lay your finger or a sticke vpon the leaues of it not onely that very piece which you touched but that that is neere to it will contract it selfe and run together as if it were presently dead and withered nor onely the leaues but the very sprigs being touched will so disdainfully withdraw themselues as if they would slip themselues rather then be touched in which state both leafe and sprig will continue a good while before it returne to the former greene and flourishing forme And they say that so long as the partie which touched it standeth by it it will not open but after his departure it will this last I did not my selfe obserue and if it be so it must be more then sense whence such a sullennesse can proceed but for the former I haue my selfe beene often an eye-witnesse to my great wonder for it groweth in very many places in the little Iland His Lordship made some of it bee put in pots with earth and yet it liueth and how farre it will so continue is vncertaine There hath beene Cinamon and something else giuen me as fruits of the Ilands but I doe thinke they are but rarities at the most and therefore they shall not come in my bill But now to returne to the slow steps we made towards the Ilands of the Açores §. V. Accidents by Sea in their way to the Azores and there ON Saint B 〈…〉 es eue wee had store of lightning and thunder which besides the obseruation put vs more out of doubt of our neerer approach to the Bermuda The next day about noone wee began to steere East North-east and better Vpon Friday the fiue and twentieth wee were melted with a greater and more smothering calme then any time before and yet which made it strangest wee had out of the North-west higher Seas then before that time I had euer seene in the greatest windes that we had had The hugenesse of this Sea was perceiued not onely by the view of our sight but rather by the extraordinarie heeling of our ship certainly as much or more impatient of a high Sea in a calme as of any other weather This calme was so extremely hot that wee were in hope it would bee like other extreames of no long continuance but behold it lasted obstinately thirteene dayes sauing that sometimes there would be some shew of a gale but it would so instantly and frowardly leaue vs as if it had beene come onely to let vs see wee needed not to despaire There had beene often spench of a Current that wee were to haue and some thought that they had found it the most durst not be â—pprehensiue But vpon Wednesday the thiâ—tieth it began to be cleere for though the winde was not worthy to be called so nor scarce by the name of a breath and besides so narrow that we stood vpon abowling yet we were found in that last passed artificiall day to haue run aboue fiftie leagues at the least For whereas vpon Tuesday wee were by obseruation found to bee almost precisely in thirtie two vpon Wednesday at noone wee had the Sunne in thirtie three and two terces and eight minutes So that in foure and twentie houres we had raysed one degree and fortie eight minutes which if we had run due North or South had risen to about foure or fiue and thirtie leagues But seeing our course was three parts of the time at East North-east and East and by North the ship could not bee allowed lesse way then fiâ—tie leagues at the least and this being without winde argueth a violent Current and the rather because for the time we had a hard Sea This was made yet more certaine by obseruation of the Pole-star vpon Thursday at night This opinion for a Current was vpon Saturday Sept. 2. made vndoubted for the substance of the thing I meane that there was a Current but the circumstance seemed â—o varie somthing For the Current was then iudged to set rather to the East by South though this would fill the former obseruations with greater difficulties This was perceiued by many drags which howsoeuer the ship scaped yet they still runne or were carried to the East Southerly And then many other things purposely cast into the Sea to make further triall all went the same way and that a good pace though directly ahead the ship And yet farther if there were any breath at all it was at South-east so that they went against the winde that was And now I come to that the remembrance whereof rather then present apprehension yet maketh me quake like the man that dyed vpon the fearfull knowledge of how great danger he had passed at Rochester bridge It was a fearfull storme which I truly not knowing how dangerfull it was feared not much while we were in it but since hearing old Sea-men and of long experience speake of it I perceiue it is good to be ignorant sometime Vpon Thursday the seuenth of September the gale began to be very fresh and to keepe the sailes stiffe from the Masts and so continued all that day Vpon Friday it began to speake yet lowder and to whistle a good in the shrowdes insomuch that our Master made the Drablers bee taken off and before night it had blowne the fore-top-saile in pieces by the board this was taken for the beginning of a storme and the storme it selfe was looked for which came indeed about the shutting in of the day with such furie
to traffick with them entreating vs to goe to then Towne the which we did where wee were receiued with dancing and singing of great and small and in euery house I was receiued with great ceremonies and long speeches of the chiefest that were in the Towne The next day I began to traffiâ—k with them for slaues and I bought ninetie all which I brought to Martin de Saa who remayned at Ilha Grande till I returned â—gaine Assoone as I came vnto him I deliuered all vnto him desiring him to stand my friend and to giue mee leaue to taâ—rie among the Canibals till such time as hee had spoken with his fatâ—er in my behalfe Laughing hee answered that I neede to feare to goe home for the man was recouered and gone to the Râ—uer of Plate and that his father was very sorry thinking I had beene eaten by some Serpent Leopard or Lion When I came before the Gouernour he blessed himselfe to see mee meruailing where I had beene so long and sent me againe to his Sugar mill where I continued a twelue-moneth and I had the charge to châ—stall the Sugar in which time I got two hundred crownes I determined to goe to Angola in Aethiopia and the Gouernour gaue me his word that I shoulâ— and that what fauour he could-shew me I should bee sure to haue but when the ship was readie to depart the Gouernour sent mee out of Towne on a sleeuelesse errand and I remayned ashoare and lost all that I had scraped together for my voyage A monetâ— or two after this it happened that the Wayanasses were set on by a kind of Canibals called Taymayas the Wayanasses haue traffâ—ck and friendship with the Portugals and the most mortall enemies that the Portugals haue in all America are the Taymayas The Wayanasses hauing lost a great many men in a battell not being able to make any head againe of themselues craued succour againe of the Portugals My Master being Gouernour of the Towne sent his sonne Martin de Saa with seuen hundred Portugals and two thousand Indians The Wayanasses certified vnto vs that the most that wee should bee before wee come to the Taymayas would bee a moneth Thus the fourteenth day of October 1597. we departed on our way with sixe Canoas by Sea some thirtie miles from the Riuer of Ianuarie for a Port called Paratee The first day that we departed we had a great storme where we thought we should all haue beene drowned but it was the will of God to saue our liues with the generall losse of all we had the Canoas turned vpside downe with the storme wee holding fast on the bottom of them were driuen on shoare with great hazard of our liues From the place where we droue on shoare to the Riuer of Wareteena it was three miles which we went by land and sent the Canoas to the Riuer of Ianuarie for victuals We tarried two dayes at Wareteena till the aforesaid Canoas returned the third day wee went to a place of Great Iland called Ippoa where there dwelt two or three Portugals Here we had great store of Poâ—atoâ—s Plantons to eat At this place we remayned fiue dayes for fiue hundred Canibals that were to come from an Iland called Iawaripipo When these Indians were come we depâ—rted in our Canoas for our desired Port called Paratee As we went in the night wee cut a great Bay of the Sea where a Whale did ouerturne one of our Canoas notwithstanding wee tooke the men that were in the Sea and went on for the Harbour aforesaid The next day the Captaine commanded all the Canoas to be pulled out of the water and to couer them well with boughes determining immediately to depart by land That night that we came to Paratee there came a Caniball to vs called Alecio from a Towne called Iequerequere this Town lyeth by the Sea-side right ouer against the Iland of San Sebastian This Inâ—ian brought eightie Bow-men with him offering himselfe with all his companie to goe with our Captaine The next day we departed on our voyage through the Mountaines at night the Captaine seeing Alecio the Caniball lying on the ground tooke away the Net that I had to sleepe in and gaue it to the Caniball I being faine to lie vpon the earth I complayned to some of the Portugals of the wrong that the Captaine did vse vnto mee they answered that his father sent me in that voyage onely to be made away I replyed Gods will be done After wee had gone on our iourney three dayes we came to the bottom of a great Mountaine called by the Indians Paranapeacano that is in our language The sight of the Sea this Mountaine is so high that wee were three dayes going vp and three dayes also going downe Two dayes after wee were descended we came into a faire champaine Countrie like meadow ground with long grasse and great store of Pine trees where we lodged that night in a bottom in which we killed aboue sixe hundred Snakes it was the will of God that one Indian called Ieronimo was bit by them and not any more This Indian presently swelled and his bloud sprung out of his eyes and his nailes and so he died After that we came to trauell againe through the Mountaynes some forty dayes then wee came to a great Riuer called Paracuona which Riuer wee passed with things made of Canes tyed together with withes which the Portugals call Iangathas We were foure dayes before we passed ouer this Riuer it was so great and ranne so swift After that wee trâ—uelled againe some 20. dayes till we came to a great Mountayne called Panaç◠yâ—awâ—â—paconâ— we were foure dayes going vp this Mountayne by reason of the great showres of raine that we had besides wee were very weake and all our victuals were done But hoping to find our enemies very soone we did our best â—o hold out comming vp this hill from sixe of the clocke in the morning till it was two of the clocke in the afternoone on a rainie day the Captaine commanded euery man to make his abode for that night whereupon I set downe my burthen and went into the Mountaynes to cut some boughes of a Tree called Saâ—â—ambaya to couer vs from the raine the weather was so cold and I hauing trauelled all day without meate was so feeble that going to cut a bough my sword fell out of my hand and I sate vnder a Tree where I had made mine end if it had not bin for my deere friend Henry Barrawell who seeing that I tarried long came to seeke me and found me in such case that I was not able neither to speake nor stand After he had brought me to the Campe he layed me by the fire I recouered and was very well After we had passed this Mountayne of Pareena wee trauelled in a kind of low wash ground there were great store of Canibals called Pories Vpon
would giue vs his word and oath as the Generall of the King and some pledge for confirmation to receiue vs a buena querra and to giue vs our liues and liberty and present passage into our owne Countrey that wee would surrender our selues and Ship into his hands Otherwise that he should neuer enioy of vs nor ours any thing but a resolution euery man to dye fighting With this Message I dispatched him and called vnto me all my Company and encouraged them to sacrifice their liues fighting and killing the enemy if hee gaue but a fillip to any of our companions The Spaniards willed vs to hoise out our boate which was shot all to peeces and so was theirs Seeing that he called to vs to amaine our sailes which wee could not well doe for that they were slung and we had not men enough to hand them In this parley the Vice-admirall comming vpon our quarter not knowing of what had past discharged her two chase peeces at vs and hurt our Captaine very sore in the thigh and maimed one of our Masters Mates called Hugh Maires in one of his Armes but after knowing vs to be rendred he secured vs And we satisfied them that we could not hoise out our boate nor strike our sayles the Admirall laid vs abourd but before any man entred Iohn Gomes went vnto the Generall who receiued him with great curtesie and asked him what we required whereunto hee made answere that my demand was that in the Kings name he should giue vs his faith and promise to giue vs our liues to keepe the Lawes of faire warres and quarter and to send vs presently into our Countrey and in confirmation hereof that I required some pledge whereunto the Generall made answere that in the Kings Maiesties name his Master he receiued vs a buena querra and swore by God Almighty and by the habit of Alcautara whereof he had receiued Knight hood and in token whereof he wore in his breast a greene crosse which is the ensigne of that Order that hee would giue vs our liues with good entreatie and send vs as speedily as he could into our owne Countrey In confirmation whereof he tooke off his gloue and sent it to me as a pledge With this message Iohn Gomes returned and the Spaniards entred and tooke possession of our Ship euery one crying buena querra buena querra â—y por immaniana por ti with which our Company began to secure themselues The Generall was a principall Gentleman of the ancient Nobilitie of Spaine and brother to the Conde de Lemos whose intention no doubt was according to his promise and therefore considering that some bad intreaty and insolency might be offered vnto me in my Ship by the common Souldiers who seldome haue respect to any person in such occasions especially in the case I was whereof he had enformed himselfe for preuention he sent a principall Captain brought vp long time in Flanders called Pedro Alueres de Pulgar to take care of me and whilest the Ship were one abourd the other to bring me into his Ship which he accomplished with great humanity and courtesie despising the barres of Gold which were shared before his face which hee might alone haue enioyed if he would And truely he was as after I found by triall a true Captaine a man worthy of any charge and of the noblest condition that I haue knowne any Spaniard The Generall receiued me with great courtesie and compassion euen with teares in his eyes and words of great consolation and commanded mee to bee accommodated in his owne Cabbine where hee sought to cure and comfort mee the best hee could the like hee vsed with all our hurt men sixe and thirtie at least And doubtlesse as true courage valour and resolution it requisite in a Generall in the time of battell So humanitie mildnesse and courtesie after victorie Whilest the ships were together the Maine-mast of the Daintie fell by the boord and the people being occupied in ransacking and seeking for spoile and pillage neglected the principall whereof ensued that within a short space the Daintie grew so deepe with water which increased for want of preuention that all who were in her desired to forsake her and weaued and cried for succour to be saued being out of hope of her recouerie Whereupon the Generall calling together the best experimented men hee had and consulting with them what was best to bee done it was resolued that Generall Michael Angel should goe aboord the Daintie and with him threescore Mariners as many Souldiers and with them the English men who were able to labour to free her from water and to put her in order if it were possible and then to recouer Perico the Port of Panama for that of those to wind-wards it was impossible to turne vp to any of them and neerer then to â—eward was not any that could supply our necessities and wants which lay from vs East North-east aboue two hundred leagues Michael Angel being a man of experience and care accomplished that hee tooke in hand although in cleering and bayling the water in placing a pumpe and in fitting and mending her Fore-saile he spent aboue six and thirtie houres During which time the Ships lay all a hull but this worke ended they set saile and directed their course for the Iles of Pearles And for that the Daintie sailed badly what for want of her Maine-saile and with the aduantage which all the South Sea ships haue of all those built in our North Sea The Admirall gaue her a taw which notwithstanding the wind calming with vs as wee approached neerer to the Land twelue daies were spent before wee could fetch sight of the Ilands which lie alongst the Coast beginning some eight leagues West South-west from Panama and run to the Southwards neere thirtie leagues They are many and most inhabited and those which haue people haue some Negros slaues vnto the Spaniards which occupie themselues in labour of the Land or in fishing for Pearles In times past many enriched themselues with that trade but now it is growne to decay The manner of fishing for Pearles is with certaine long Pinnasses or small Barkes in which there goe foure fiue six or eight Negros expert swimmers and great dieuers whom the Spaniards call Busos with tract of time vse and continuall practise hauing learned to hold their breath long vnder water for the better atchieuing their worke These throwing themselues into the Sea with certaine instruments of their Art goe to the bottome and seeke the Bankes of the Oysters in which the Pearles are ingendred and with their force and Art remoue from their foundation in which they spend more or lesse time according to the resistance the firmnesse of the ground affordeth Once losed they put them into a bag vnder their armes and after bring them vp into their Boats hauing loaden it they goe to the shoare there they open
more then Rockie Spaniards which massacred him and all his companie This butcherie was reuenged in a fourth Floridan Voyage made from France by Captaine Gaurgues Anna 1567. who borrowed and sold to set forth three ships and entring the Riuer Tacaâ—acourn which the French called Seine he made league with eight Sauage Kings which had beene much dispighted by the Spaniards and were growne as dispightfull to them The Spaniards were accounted foure hundred strong and had diuided themselues into three Forts vpon the Riuer of May the greatest begun by the French two smaller neerer the Riuers mouth to fortifie each thereof with twelue hundred Souldiers in them well prouided for Munition In Aprill 1568. he tooke these two Forts and slue all the Spaniards the vindicatiue Sauages giuing him vehement and eager assistance especially Olotocara Nephew to Saturioua As they went to the Fort he said that he should die there and therefore desired Gourgues to giue that to his wife which he would haue giuen himselfe that it might bee buried with him for his better welcome to the Village of the Soules departed This Fort was taken the Spaniards some slaine others taken and hanged on the same trees on which the French hung fiue of which on of these Spaniards confessed he had hanged and now acknowledged the Diuine Iustice. In steed of the Writings which Melendes had hanged ouer them I doe not this as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans Gourgues set vp another I doe not this as to Spaniards or Mariners but as to Traitors Robbers and Murtherers The Forts he razed not hauing men to keepe them and in Iune following arriued in Rochel Comming to the King with expectation of reward the Spanish King had so possessed him that he was faine to hide himselfe This Dominicke de Gourgues had beene an old Souldier once imprisoned and of a Captaine made a Gally-slaue by the Spaniards and grew for his seruice in reputation with the Queene of England he died Anno 1582. And thus much of the French Voyages in Florida for Virginias sake worthy to be knowne of the English Now for their more Northerne Voyages and Plantations Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of Iaques Cartier who in Aprill 1534. departed from Saint Malo with two ships and in May arriued at Newfoundland On the one and twentieth of May they came to the Iland of Birds a league about so full of Birds as if they were sowed there and a hundred times as many houering about it some as bigge as Iayes blacke and white with beakes like Crowes lying alway on the Sea their wings not bigger then halfe ones hand which makes that they cannot flie high In lesse then halfe an houre they filled two Boat with them These they named Aporatz another lesse Port which put themselues vnder the wings of others greater they called Godetz a third bigger and white byting like Dogges they called Margaulx Though the Iland be fourteene leagues from the Continent Beares come thither to feed on those Birds One white one as bigge as a Kow they killed in her swimming and found her good meate Three such Bird Ilands they also discouered the fiue and twentieth of Iune which they called the Ilands of Margaulx There also they found Morses Beares and Wolues But these Northerne Coasts are better knowne to our Countrymen then that I should mention his French names which from Cabots time almost forty yeeres before had beene knowne to the English The next yeere Cartier set forth with three ships to Saint Lawrence his Bay and so to the Riuer of Hochelaga They went to Canada and to the Towne of Hochelaga They saw the great and swift fall of the Riuer and were told of three more therein The Scorbute that Winter killed fiue and twentie of their men in their Fort the rest recouered by the vse the sap and leaues of a tree called Hameda which was thought to be Sassafras These reports of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga caused King Francis to send him againe Anno 1540. purposing also to send Iohn Francis de la Roche Lord of Robewall to be his Lieutenant in the Countries of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga Hee went Anno 1542. his chiefe Pilot was Iohn Alphouso of Xantoigne whose Notes as also the Relation of that Voyage with three shippes and two hundred persons men women and children Master Hakluyt hath recorded He built a Fort and wintered there and then returned These were the French beginnings who haue continued their Trading in those parts by yeerly Voyages to that Coast to these times for fishing and sometimes for Beauers skinnes and other Commodities One Saualet is said to haue made two and forty Voyages to those parts Marke Lescarbot hath published a large Booke called Noua Francia and additions thereto part of which we haue here for better intelligence of those parts added with Champleins Discoueries CHAP. VI. The Voyage of SAMVEL CHAMPLAINE of Brouage made vnto Canada in the yeere 1603. dedicated to CHARLES de Montmorencie c. High Admirall of France WE departed from Houfleur the fifteenth day of March 1603. This day we put into the Roade of New Hauen because the winde was contrary The Sunday following being the sixteenth of the said moneth we set saile to proceed on our Voyage The seuenteenth day following we had sight of Iersey and Yarnsey which are Iles betweene the Coast of Normandie and England The eighteenth of the said moneth wee discryed the Coast of Britaine The nineteenth at seuen of the clocke at night we made account that we were thwart of Ushent The one and twentieth at seuen of clocke in the morning we met with seuen ships of Hollanders which to our iudgement came from the Indies On Easter day the thirtieth of the said moneth wee were encountred with a great storme which seemed rather to be thunder then winde which lasted the space of seuenteene dayes but not so great as it was the two first dayes and during the said time we rather lost way then gained The sixteenth day of Aprill the storme began to cease and the Sea became more calme then before to the contentment of all the Company in such sort as continuing our said course vntill the eighteenth of the said moneth we met with a very high Mountaine of Ice The morrow after we discried a banke of Ice which continued aboue eight leagues in length with an infinite number of other smaller peeces of Ice which hindred our passage And by the iudgement of our Pilot the said flakes or Ice were one hundred or one hundred twenty leagues from the Country of Canada and we were in 45. degrees and two third parts we found passage in 44. deg The second of May at eleuen of clocke of the day we came vpon The Banke in 44. degrees one third part The sixt of the said moneth we came so neere the land that we heard the Sea beate against the shore
but we could not descrie the same through the thicknesse of the fogge whereunto these coasts are subiect which was the cause that we put farther certaine leagues into the Sea vntill the next day in the morning when we descried land the weather being very cleere which was the Cape of Saint Marie The twelfth day following we were ouertaken with a great flaw of winde which lasted two dayes The fifteenth of the said moneth wee descried the Isles of Saint Peter The seuenteenth following we met with a banke of Ice neere Cape de Raie sixe leagues in length which caused vs to strike saile all the night to auoide the danger we might incurre The next day we set saile and descried Cape de Raie and the Isles of Saint Paul and Cape de Saint Laurence which is on the South side And from the said Cape of Saint Laurence vnto Cape de Raie is eighteene leagues which is the breadth of the entrance of the great Gulfe of Canada The same day about ten of the clocke in the morning we met with another Iland of Ice which was aboue eight leagues long The twentieth of the said moneth we discried an Isle which containeth some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues in length which is called the Isle of Assumption which is the entrance of the Riuer of Canada The next day we descried Gachepe which is a very high land and began to enter into the said Riuer of Canuda ranging the South coast vnto the Riuer of Mantanne which is from the said Gachepe sixtie fiue leagues from the said Riuer of Mantanne we sailed as farre as the Pike which is twenty leagues which is on the South side also from the said Pike we sailed ouer the Riuer vnto the port of Tadousac which is fifteene leagues All these Countries are very high and barren yeelding no commoditie The foure and twentieth of the said moneth we cast anker before Tadousac and the six and twentieth we entred into the said Port which is made like to a creeke in the entrance of the Riuer of Saguenay where there is a very strange currant and tide for the swiftnesse and depth thereof where sometimes strong windes do blow because of the cold which they bring with them it is thought that the said Riuer is fiue and forty or fiftie leagues vnto the first fall and it commeth from the North North-west The said Port of Tadousac is little wherein there cannot ride aboue ten or twelue Ships but there is water enough toward the East toward the opening of the said Riuer of Sagenay along by a little hill which is almost cut off from the maine by the Sea The rest of the Countrie are very high Mountaines whereon there is little mould but rockes and sands full of woods of Pines Cypresses Fir-trees Burch and some other sorts of trees of small price There is a little Poole neere vnto the said Port enclosed with Mountaines couered with woods At the entrance of the said Port there are two points the one on the West side running a league into the Sea which is called Saint Matthewes point and the other on the South-east side containing a quarter of a league which is called the point of all the Diuels The South and South South-east and South South-west windes doe strike into the said hauen But from Saint Matthewes Point to the said Point of all the Diuels is very neere a league Both these Points are dry at a low water THe seuen and twentieth day we sought the Sauages at the Point of Saint Matthew which is a league from Tadousac with the two Sauages whom Monsieur du Pout brought with him to make report of that which they had seene in France and of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them As soone as we were landed we went to the Caban of their great Sagamo which is called Anadabijou where we found him with some eightie or a hundred of his companions which were making Tabagie that is to say a Feast Hee receiued vs very well according to the custome of the Countrey and made vs sit downe by him and all the Sauages sat along one by another on both sides of the said Cabine One of the Sauages which we had brought with vs began to make his Oration of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them and of the good vsage that they had receiued in France and that they might assure themselues that his said Maiestie wished them well and desired to people their Countrey and to make peace with their enemies which are the Irocois or to send them forces to vanquish them He also reckoned vp the faire Castels Palaces Houses and people which they had seene and our manner of liuing He was heard with so great silence as more cannot be vttered Now when he had ended his Oration the said grand Sagamo Anadabijon hauing heard him attentiuely began to take Tobacco and gaue to the said Monsieur du Pont Grane of Saint Malo and to mee and to certaine other Sagamos which were by him after he had taken store of Tobacco he began to make his Oration to all speaking distinctly resting sometimes a little and then speaking againe saying that doubtlesse they ought to be very glad to haue his Maiestie for their great friend they answered all with one voyce ho ho ho which is to say yea yea yea He proceeding forward in his speech said That he was very well content that his said Maiestie should people their Countrey and make warre against their enemies and that there was no Nation in the world to which they wished more good then to the French In fine hee gaue them all to vnderstand what good and prefit they might receiue of his said Maiestie When hee had ended his speech we went out of his Cabine and they began to make their Tabagie or Feast which they make with the flesh of Orignac which is like an Oxe of Beares of Seales and Beuers which are the most ordinary victuals which they haue with great store of wilde Fowle They had eight or ten Kettels full of meate in the middest of the said Cabine and they were set one from another some six paces and each one vpon a seuerall fire The men sat on both sides the house as I said before with his dish made of the barke of a tree and when the meate is sodden there is one which deuideth to euery man his part in the same dishes wherein they feede very filthily for when their hands be fattie they rub them on their haire or else on the haire of their dogs whereof they haue store to hunt with Before their meate was sodden one of them rose vp and took a dog danced about the said Kettels from the one end of the Cabin to theother when he came before the great Sagamo he cast his dog perforce vpon the ground and then all of them with one voice cried ho ho ho
Pinnasse All this Riuer is some three hundred or foure hundred paces broad and very wholsome Wee saw fiue Ilands in it distant one from the other a quarter or halfe a league or a league at the most one of which is a league long which is the neerest to the mouth and the others are very small All these Countries are couered with Trees and low Lands like those which I had seene before but here are more Firres and Cypresses then in other places Neuerthelesse the soile is good although it bee somewhat sandy This Riuer runneth in a manner South-west The Sauages say that some fifteene leagues from the place where we were vp the Riuer there is a Sault which falleth downe from a very steepe place where they carry their Canowes to passe the same some quarter of a league and come into a Lake at the mouth whereof are three Ilands and being within the same they meete with more Iles This Lake may containe some fortie or fiftie leagues in 〈…〉 gth and some fiue and twentie leagues in breadth into which many Riuers fall to the number of ten which carrie Canowes very far vp When they are come to the end of this Lake there is another fall and they enter againe into another Lake which is as great as the former at the head whereof the Irocois are lodged They say moreouer that there is a Riuer which runneth vnto the Coast of Florida whether it is from the said last Lake some hundred or an hundred and fortie leagues All the Countrey of the Irocois is somewhat Mountaynous yet notwithstanding exceeding good temperate without much Winter which is very short there AFter our departure from the Riuer of the Irocois wee anchored three leagues beyond the same on the North side All this Countrie is a lowe Land replenished with all sorts of trees which I haue spoken of before The first day of Iuly we coasted the North side where the wood is very thinne and more thinne then wee had seene in any place before and all good land for tillage I went in a Canoa to the South shoare where I saw a number of Iles which haue many fruitfull trees as Vines Wal-nuts Hasel-nuts and a kinde of fruit like Chest-nuts Cheries Oskes Aspe Hoppes Ashe Beech Cypresses very few Pines and Firre-trees There are also other trees which I knew not which are very pleasant Wee found there store of Strawberries Rasp-berries Goos-berries red greene and blue with many small fruits which growe there among great abundance of grasse There are also many wilde beasts as Orignas Stagges Does Buckes Beares Porkepickes Conies Foxes Beauers Otters Muske-rats and certaine other kindes of beasts which I doe not knowe which are good to eate and whereof the Sauages liue Wee passed by an I le which is very pleasant and containeth some foure leagues in length and halfe a league in breadth I saw toward the South two high Mountaines which shewed some twentie leagues within the Land The Sauages told mee that here beganne the first fall of the foresaid Riuer of the Irocois The Wednesday following wee departed from this place and sayled some fiue or sixe leagues Wee saw many Ilands the Land is there very lowe and these Iles are couered with trees as those of the Riuer of the Irocais were The day following being the third of Iuly we ranne certaine leagues and passed likewise by many other Ilands which are excellent good and pleasant through the great store of Medowes which are thereabout as well on the shoare of the maine Land as of the other Ilands and all the Woods are of very small growth in comparison of those which wee had passed At length we came this very day to the entrance of the Sault or Fall of the great Riuer of Canada with fauourable wind and wee met with an I le which is almost in the middest of the said entrance which is a quarter of a league long and passed on the South side of the said I le where there was not past three foure or fiue foot water and sometimes a fathome or two and straight on the sudden wee found againe not past three or foure foot There are many Rockes and small Ilands whereon there is no wood and they are euen with the water From the beginning of the foresaid I le which is in the middest of the said entrance the water beginneth to runne with a great force Although we had the wind very good yet wee could not with all our might make any great way neuerthelesse wee passed the said Ile which is at the entrance of the Sault or Fall When wee perceiued that wee could goe no further wee came to an anchor on the North shoare ouer against a small Iland which aboundeth for the most part with those kinde of fruits which I haue spoken of before Without all delay wee made ready our skiffe which wee had made of purpose to passe the said Sault whereinto the said Monsieur de Pont and my selfe entred with certaine Sauages which we had brought with vs to shew vs the way Departing from our Pinnace we were scarse gone three hundred paces but we were forced to come out and cause certain Mariners to goe into the water to free our Skiffe The Canoa of the Sauages passed easily Wee met with an infinite number of small Rockes which were euen with the water on which wee touched oftentimes There he two great Ilands one on the North side which containeth some fifteene leagues in length and almost as much in breadth beginning some twelue leagues vp within the Riuer of Canada going toward the Riuer of the Irocois and endeth beyond the Sault The Iland which is on the South side is some foure leagues long and some halfe league broad There is also another Iland which is neere to that on the North side which may bee some halfe league long and some quarter broad and another small Iland which is betweene that on the North side and another neerer to the South shoare whereby wee passed the entrance of the Sault This entrance being passed there is a kinde of Lake wherein all these Ilands are some fiue leagues long and almost as broad wherein are many small Ilands which are Rockes There is a Mountaine neere the said Sault which discouereth farre into the Countrie and a little Riuer which falleth from the said Mountaine into the Lake On the South side are some three or foure Mountaines which seeme to be about fifteene or sixteene leagues within the Land There are also two Riuers one which goeth to the first Lake of the Riuer of the Irocois by which sometimes the Algoumequins inuade them and another which is neere vnto the Sault which runneth not farre into the Countrey At our comming neere to the said Sault with our Skiffe and Canoa I assure you I neuer saw any streame of water to fall downe with such force as this doth although it
Salt Sea which may be the South Sea the Sunne setting where they say it doth On Friday the tenth of the said moneth we returned to Tadousac where our ship lay ASsoone as wee were come to Tadousac wee embarqued our selues againe to goe to Gachepay which is distant from the said Tadousac about some hundred leagues The thirteenth day of the said moneth we met with a companie of Sauages which were lodged on the South side almost in the mid-way betweene Tadousac and Gachepay Their Sagamo or Captaine which led them is called Armouchides which is held to be one of the wâ—sest and most hardy among all the Sauages Hee was going to Tadousac to exchange Arrowes and the flesh of Orignars which they haue for Beauers and Marterns of the other Sauages the Mountainers Estechemaâ—ns and Algoumequins The fifteenth day of the said moneth we came to Gachepay which is in a Bay about a league and a halfe on the North side The said Bay containeth some seuen or eight leagues in length and at the mouth thereof foure leagues in breadth There is a Riuer which runneth some thirty leagues vp into the Countrie Then we saw another Bay which is called the Bay des Mollues or the Bay of Cods which may be some three leagues long and as much in bredth at the mouth From thence we come to the I le Percee which is like a Rocke very steepe rising on both sides wherein there is a hole through which Shalops and Boats may passe at an high water and at a lowe water one may goe from the maine Land to the said Ile which is not past foure or fiue hundred paces off Moreouer there is another Iland in a manner South-east from the I le Percee about a league which is called the Ile de Bonne-aduenture and it may bee some halfe a league long All these places of Gachepay the Bay of Cods and the I le Percee are places where they make dry and greene Fish When you are passed the I le Percee there is a Bay which is called they Bay of Heate which runneth as it were West South-west some foure and twenty leagues into the land containing some fifteene leagues in breadth at the mouth thereof The Sauages of Canada say that vp the great Riuer of Canada about some sixtie leagues ranging the South coast there is a small Riuer called Mautanne which runneth some eighteene leagues vp into the Countreys and being at the head thereof they carrie their Canowes about a league by land and they come into the said Bay of Heate by which they goe sometimes to the Isle Percee Also they goe from the said Bay to Tregate and Misamichy Running along the said coast we passe by many Riuers and come to a place where there is a Riuer which is called Souricoua where Monsieur Preuert was to discouer a Mine of Copper They goe with their Conowes vp this Riuer three or foure dayes then they passe three or foure leagues by land to the said Mine which is hard vpon the Sea shoare on the South side At the mouth of the said Riuer there is an Iland lying a league into the Sea from the said Island vnto the Isle Perçee is some sixtie or seuentie leagues Still following the said coast which trendeth toward the East you meete with a Strait which is two leagues broad and fiue and twenty leagues long On the East side is an Isle which is called the Isle of Saint Laurence where Cape Breton is and in this place a Nation of Sauages called the Souricois doe winter Passing the Strait of the Iles of Saint Lawrence and ranging the South-west Coast you come to a Bay which ioyneth hard vpon the Myne of Copper Passing farther there is a Riuer which runneth threescore or fourescore leagues into the Countrey which reacheth neere to the Lake of the Irocois whereby the said Sauages of the South-west Coast make warre vpon them I would be an exceeding great benefit if there might be found a passage on the Coâ—â—â— of Florida neere to the said great Lake where the winter is salt aswell for the Naâ—igation of ships which should not bee subiect to so many perâ—ls as they are in Canada as for the shortning of the way about three hundred leagues And at is most certaine that there are Riuers on the Goaâ—â— of Florida which are not yet discouered which â—â—erce vp into the Countries where the soile is exceeding good and fertile and very good Hauens The Countrey and Coast of Florida may haue another temperature of the season and may be 〈◊〉 more fertile in abundance of fruites and other things then that which I haue seene But it cannot haue more euen not better sayles then those which we haue seene The Sauages say that in the foresaid great Bay of Hete there is a Riuer which runneth vp vp some twentie leagues into the Countrey at the head whereof there is a Lake which may be about twentie leagues in compasse wherein is little store of water and the Summer it is dried vp wherein they find about a foot or a foot and an halfe vnder the ground a kind of Metall like to â—â—luer which I shewed them and that in another place neere the said Lake there is a Myne of Copper And this is that which I learned of the foresand Sauages WE departed from the I le 〈◊〉 the ninteenth day of the said moneth to returne to Tadousâ—c When we wâ—â—e within three leagues of Cape le Vesque or the Bishops Cape we were encountred with a storme which lasted two dayes which forced vs to put roomer with a great creake and to stay for faire weather The day following we departed and were encountred with another storme Being loth to pâ—â— roome and thinking to gaine way wee touched on the North shore the eight and twentieth day of Iuly 〈◊〉 creeke which is very bad because of the edges of Rockes which lie there This creeke is in 〈◊〉 degrees and certaine minutes The next day we anchored neere a Riuer which is called Saint Margarites Riuer where at a full Sea is some three fathomes water and a fathome and an halfe at a low water this Riuer goeth farre vp into the Land As farre as I could see within the Land on â—he East shoare there is a fall of water which entreth into the said Riuer and falleth some fiftie or sixtie â—athomes downe from whence commeth the greatest part of the water which descendeth downe At the mouth thereof there is a banke of Sand whereon at the ebbe is but halfe a faâ—home water All the Coast toward the East is mouing Sande there is a point some halfe league from the said Riuer which stretcheth halfe a league into the Sea and toward the West there is a small Iland this place is in fiftie degrees All these Countries are exceeding bad full of Firre-trees The Land here is somewhat high but not so high as that on the Southside
Iland we saw a Whale chased by a Thresher and a Sword-fish they fought for the space of two houres we might see the Thresher with his flayle layon the monstrous blowes which was strange to behold in the end these two fishes brought the Whale to her end The sixe and twentieth day we had sight of Marâ—galanta and the next day wee sailed with a slacke saile alongst the I le of Guadalupa where we went ashore and found a Bath which was so hot that no man was able to stand long by it our Admirall Captaine Newport caused a piece of Porke to be put in it which boyled it so in the space of halfe an houre as no fire could mend it Then we went aboord and sailed by many Ilands as Mounserot and an Iland called Saint Christopher both vnhabited about about two a clocke in the afternoone wee anchored at the I le of Meuis There the Captaine landed all his men being well fitted with Muskets and other conuenient Armes marched a mile into the Woods being commanded to stand vpon their guard fearing the treacherie of the Indians which is an ordinary vse amongst them and all other Sauages on this I le we came to a Bath standing in a Valley betwixt two Hils where wee bathed our selues and found it to be of the nature of the Bathes in England some places hot and some colder and men may refresh themselues as they please finding this place to be so conuenient for our men to auoid diseases which will breed in so long a Voyage wee incamped our selues on this Ile sixe dayes and spent none of our ships victuall by reason our men some went a hunting some a fouling and some a fishing where we got great store of Conies sundry kinds of fowles and great plentie of fish We kept Centinels and Courts de gard at euery Captaines quarter fearing wee should be assaulted by the Indians that were on the other side of the Iland wee saw none nor were molested by any but some few we saw as we were a hunting on the Iland They would not come to vs by any meanes but ranne swiftly through the Woods to the Mountaine tops so we lost the sight of them whereupon we made all the haste wee could to our quarter thinking there had beene a great ambush of Indians there abouts We past into the thickest of the Woods where we had almost lost our selues we had not gone aboue halfe a mile amongst the thicke but we came into a most pleasant Garden being a hundred paces square on euery side hauing many Cotton-trees growing in it with abundance of Cotton-wooll and many Guiacum trees wee saw the goodliest tall trees growing so thicke about the Garden as though they had beene set by Art which made vs maruell very much to see it The third day wee set saile from Meuis the fourth day we sailed along by Castutia and by Saba This day we anchored at the I le of Virgines in an excellent Bay able to harbour a hundred Ships if this Bay stood in England it would be a great profit and commoditie to the Land On this Iland wee caught great store of Fresh-fish and abundance of Sea Tortoises which serued all our Fleet three daies which were in number eight score persons We also killed great store of wilde Fowle wee cut the Barkes of certaine Trees which tasted much like Cinnamon and very hot in the mouth This Iland in some places hath very good gâ—â—â—nd straight and tall Timber But the greatest discommoditie that wee haue seene on this Isand is that it hath no Fresh-water which makes the place void of any Inhabitants Vpon the sixt day we set saile and passed by Becam and by Saint Iohn deportorico The seuenth day we arriued at Mona where wee watered which we stood in great need of seeing that our water did smell so vildly that none of our men was able to indure it Whilst some of the Saylers were a filling the Caskes with water the Captaine and the rest of the Gentlemen and other Soldiers marched vp in the I le sixe myles thinking to find some other prouision to maintaine our victualling as wee marched we killed two wild Bores and saw a huge wild Bull his hornes was an ell betweene the two tops Wee also killed Guanas in fashion of a Serpent and specklâ—d like a Toade vnder the belly These wayes that wee went being so trouble some and vilde going vpon the sharpe Rockes that many of our men fainted in the march but by good fortune wee lost none but one Edward Brookes Gentleman whose fat melted within him by the great heate and drought of the Countrey we were not able to relieue him nor our selues so he died in that great extreamitie The ninth day in the afternoone we went off with our Boat to the I le of Moneta some three leagues from Mona where we had a terrible landing and a troublesome getting vp to the top of the Mountaine or I le being a high firme Rocke step with many terrible sharpe stones After wee got to the top of the I le we found it to bee a fertill and a plaine ground full of goodly grasse and abundance of Fowles of all kindes they flew ouer our heads as thicke as drops of Hale besides they made such a noise that wee were not able to heare one another speake Furthermore wee were not able to set our feet on the ground but either on Fowles or Egges which lay so thicke in the grasse Wee laded two Boats full in the space of three houres to our great refreshing The tenth day we set saile and disimboged out of the West Indies and bare our course Northerly The fourteenth day we passed the Tropicke of Cancer The one and twentieth day about fiue a clocke at night there began a vehement tempest which lasted all the night with winds raine and thunders in a terrible manner Wee were forced to lie at Hull that night because we thought wee had beene neerer land then wee were The next morning being the two and twentieth day wee sounded and the three and twentieth and foure and twenteth day but we could find no ground The fiue and twentieth day we sounded and had no ground at an hundred fathom The six and twentieth day of Aprill about foure a clocke in the morning wee descried the Land of Virginia the same day wee entred into the Bay of Chesupioc directly without any let or hinderance there wee landed and discouered a little way but wee could find nothing worth the speaking of but faire meddowes and goodly tall Trees with such Fresh-waters running through the woods as I was almost rauished at the first sight thereof At night when wee were going aboard there came the Sauages creeping vpon all foure from the Hills like Beares with their Bowes in their mouthes charged vs very desperately in the faces hurt Captaine Gabrill Archer in both his hands
anouched that there are incredible varietie of sweet woods especially of the Balfamum tree which distilleth a precious Gumme that there are innumerable white Mulberry trees which in so warme a climate may cherish and feede millions of Silke-wormes and returne vs in a very short time as great a plenty of Silke as is vented into the whole world from all the parts of Italy that there are diuers sorts of Minerals especially of Iron oare lying vpon the ground for ten Miles circuite of which wee haue made a triall at home that it maketh as good Iron as any is in Europe that a kinde of Hempe or Flaxe and Silke Grasse doe grow there naturally which will affoord stuffe for all manner of excellent Cordage That the Riuer swarmeth with all manner of Sturgeon the Land aboundeth with Vines the Woods doe harbour exceeding store of Beauers Foxes and Squirrels the Waters doe nourish a great encrease of Otters all which are couered with precious Furres that there are in present discouered Dyes and Drugges of sundry qualities that the Orenges which haue beene planted did prosper in the winter which is an infallible argument that Lemmons Sugar Canes Almonds Rice Aâ—niseede and all other commodities which wee haue from the Straights may be supplied to vs in our owne Countrey and by our owne industry that the Corne yeeldeth a terrible encrease more then ours and lastly that it is one of the goodliest Countries vnder the S 〈…〉 e enterueined with fiue maine Riuers and promising as rich entrals as any Kingdome of the earth to w 〈…〉 the Sunne is no neerer a neighbour CHAP. VII The Voyage of Captaine SAMVEL ARGAL from Iames Towne in Virginia to seeke the I le of Bermuda and missing the same his putting ouer toward Sagadahoc and Cape Cod and so backe againe to Iames Towne began the nineteenth of Iune 1610. SIr George Summers being bound for the I le of Bermuda with two Pinnaces the one called the Patience wherein he sailed himselfe set saile from Iames Towne in Uirginia the ninteenth of Iune 1610. The two and twentieth at noone we came to an anchor at Cape Henry to take more balast The weather proued very wet so wee road vnder the Cape till two of the clocke the three and twentieth in the morning Then we weighed and stood off to Sea the wind at South-west And till eight of the clocke at night it was all Southerly and then that shifted to South-west The Cape then bearing West about eight leagues off Then wee stirred away South-east The foure and twentieth at noone I obserued the Sunne and found my selfe to bee in thirtie sixe degrees fortie seuen minutes about twentie leagues off from the Land From the foure and twentieth at noone to the fiue and twentieth at noone sixe leagues East the wind Southerly but for the most part it was calme From the fiue and twentieth at noone to the sixe and twentieth about sixe of the clocke in the morning the winde was all Southerly and but little And then it beganne to blow a fresh gale at West South-west So by noone I had sailed fourteene leagues East South-east pricked From the sixe and twentieth at noone to the seuen and twentieth at noone twentie leagues East South-east The wind shifting from the West South-west Southerly and so to the East and the weather faire but close From the seuen and twentieth at noone to the eight and twentieth at noone sixe and twentie leagues East South-east the wind shifting backe againe from the East to the West Then by mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees fiftie foure minutes From the eight and twentieth at noone to the nine and twentieth at noone thirtie sixe leagues East by South the wind at West North-west Then by my obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees thirtie minutes pricked From the nine and twentieth at noone to the thirtieth at noone thirtie fiue leagues East South-east The winde shifting betweene West North-west and West South-west blowing a good fresh gale Then by my obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie foure degrees fortie nine minutes pricked From the thirtieth of Iune at noone to the first of Iuly at noone thirtie leagues South-east by East the winde at west then I found the ship in thirtie foure degrees pricked From the first of Iuly at noone to the second at noon twentie leagues East South-east southerly the wind West then I found the ship to bee in thirtie three degrees thirtie minutes pricked the weather very faire From the second at noone to the third at foure of the clocke in the afternoone it was calme then it beganne to blow a resonable fresh gale at South-east so I made account that the ship had driuen about sixe leagues in that time East The Sea did set all about the West From that time to the fourth at noone seuenteene leagues East by North the wind shifting betweene South-east and South South-west then I found the ship to bee in thirtie three degrees fortie minutes the weather continued very faire From the fourth at noone to the fifth at noone ten leagues South-east the wind and weather as before then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees seuenteene minutes pricked From the fixt at noone to the sixt at noone eight leagues South-west then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees fiftie seuen minutes pricked the wind and weather continued as before only we had a small showre or two of raine From the sixt at noone to the seuenth at noone seuenteene leagues East by North then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees the wind and weather as bâ—fore From the seuenth at noon to the eight at noone fourteene leagues North-east then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees thirtie two minutes the wind and weather continued as before From the eâ—ght at noon to the ninth at noone fiue leagues South-east there I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees twentie one minutes the wind at South-west the weather very faire From the ninth at noone to the tenth at noone fiue leagues South the wind westerly but for the most part it was calme and the weather very faire From the tenth at noone to the eleuenth at noone it was calme and so continued vntill nine of the clocke the same night then it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale at South-east and continued all that night betweene South-east and South and vntill the twelfth day at noone by which time I had sailed fifteene leagues West southerly then I found the ship in thirtie three degrees thirtie minutes From that time to foure of the clock the twelfth day in the morning twelue leagues West by North the wind all southerly and then it shifted betweene South and South-west then wee tacked about and stood South-east and South-east by South so by noone I had sayled fiue leagues South-east by East
did thinke that we did heare a Peece of Ordnance to windward which made me suppose our Admirall had set saile and that it was a warning piece from him So I set sayle and stood close by the wind and kept an hollowing and a noise to try whether I could find him againe the wind was at South-west and I stood away West North-west From the sixe and twentieth at two of the clocke in the afternoone to eight of the clocke at night I had sayled nine leagues North-west The seuen and twentieth at noone I heaued the Lead in one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I stirred away North-west till foure of the clocke at night then I heaued the Lead againe one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I tooke all my sailes and lay at Hull and I had sayled seuen leagues North-west The eight and twentieth at seuen of the clocke in the morning I did sound in one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I set sayle againe and steered away North and North by West At noone I heaued in one hundred and twenty fathoms againe and had no ground So I steered on my course still the wind shifted betweene South and South-west and the fog continued At foure of the clocke in the afternoone I heaued one hundred twenty fathoms againe and had no ground so I stood on vntill eight of the clocke by which time I had sailed twelue leagues then I heaued the Lead againe and had blacke Oâ—e and one hundred thirty fiue fathoms water Then I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull vntill the nine and twentieth at fiue of the clocke in the morning Then I set saile againe and steered away North and North by West At eight of the clocke I heaued the Lead againe and had blacke Ose in one hundred and thirty fathoms water Betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke it began to thunder but the fogge continued not still About two of the clocke in the afternoone I went out with my Boat my selfe and heaued the Lead and had blacke Ose in ninety fathoms water by which time I had sailed six leagues North by West more Then I tooke in all my sayles sauing my Fore-course and Bonnet and stood in with those sailes onely About sixe of the clocke I founded againe and then I had sixty fiue fathoms water Assoone as I came aboord it cleered vp and then I saw a small 〈◊〉 which bare North about two leagues off whereupon I stood in vntill eight of the clocke And then I stood off againe vntill two of the clocke in the morning the thirtieth day Then I stood in againe and aboue eight of the clocke I was faire aboord the Iland Then I manned my Boat and went on shoare where I found great store of Seales And I killed three Seales with my hanger This Iland is not halfe a mile about and nothing but a Rocke which seemed to be very rich Marble stone And a South South-west Moon maketh a full Sea About ten of the clocke I came aboord againe with some Wood tha I had found vpon the Iland for there had beene some folkes that had made fiers there Then I stood ouer to another Iland that did beare North off me about three leagues this small rockie Iland lyeth in forty foure degrees About seuen of the clocke that night I came to an anchor among many Ilands in eight fathoms water and vpon one of these Ilands I fitted my selfe with Wood and Water and Balast The third day of August being fitted to put to Set againe I caused the Master of the ship to open the boxe wherein my Commission was to see what directions I had and for what place I was bound to shape my course Then I tried whether there were any fis 〈…〉 herâ— or not and I found reasonable good store there so I stayed there fishing till the twelfth of August and then finding that the fishing did faile I thought good to returne to the Iland where I had killed the Seales to see whether I could get any store of them or not for I did find that they were very nourishing meate and a great reliefe to my men and that they would be very well saued with â—alâ— to keepe a long time But when I came thither I could not by any meanes catch any The fourteenth day at noone I obserued the Sun and found the Iland to lie in forty three degrees forty minutes Then I shaped my course for Cape Cod to see whether I could get any fish there or not â—so by the fifteenth that noone I had sailed thirty two leagues South-west the wind for the most part was betweene North-west and North. From the fifteenth at noone to the sixteenth at noone I ran twenty leagues South the wind shifting betweene West and South-west And then I sounded and had ground in eighteene fathoms water full of shels and peble stâ—â—es of diuers colours some greene and some blewish some like diamants and some speckled Theâ— I 〈…〉 oke in all my sayles and set all my company to fishing and fished till eight of the clocke â—hat â—â—ght and finding but little fish there I set sayle againe and by the 〈◊〉 that noone I had sâ—yâ—ed ten leagues West by North the wind shifting betweene South and South-west From noone till sixe of the clocke at night foure leagues North-west the wind shifting betweene West and South-west Then it did blow so hard that I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull all that night vntill fiue of the clock the eighteenth day in the morning and then I set saile againe and by noone I had sailed foure leagues North-west the wind betweene West and South-west From the eighteenth at noone to the nineteenth at noone ten leagues West by West the wind shifting betweene South and South-west and the weather very thick and foggy About seuen of the clocke at night the fogge began to breake away and the wind did shift westerly and by midnight it was shifted to the North and there it did blow very hard vntill the twenty at noone but the weather was very cleere and then by my obseruation I found the ship to bee in the latitude of forty one degrees forty foure minutes and I had sailed twenty leagues South-west by West From the nineteenth at noone to the twentieth at noone about two of the clocke in the afternoone I did see an Hed-Ta 〈…〉 d which did beare off me South-west about foure leagues so I steered with it taking it to bee Cape Cod and by foure of the clocke I was fallen among so many shoales that it was fiue of the clocke the next day in the morning before I could get cleere of them it is a â—â—ry dangerous place to fall withall to the 〈◊〉 â—â—e at the least-ten leagues off from the Land and I had vpon one of them but one â—ath 〈◊〉 and an
Beds The Houses were double matted for as they were matted without so were they within with newer and fairer Mats In the Houses wee found Woodden Bowleâ— Trayes and Dishes Earthen Pots Hand-baskets made of Crab-shells wrought together also an English Paylâ—or Bucket it wanted a Baile but it had two Iron Eares there was alâ—o Baskets of sundry sorts bigger and some lesser finer and some courfer some were curiously wrought wiâ—h Blacke and White in prettie workes and sundry other of their houshold stuffe wee found also two or three Dâ—eres Heads one whereof had been newly killed for it was still fresh there was also a company of Deeres Feete stucke vp in the Houses Harts Hornes and Eagles Clawes and sundry such like things there was also two or three Baskets full of parched Acornes pieces of Fish and a piece of a broyled Herring We found also a little Silke Grasse and a little Tobacco Seed with some other Seeds which wee knew not without was sundry bundles of Flags and Sedge Bull-rushes and other stuffe to make Mats there was thrust into an hollow Tree two or three pieces of Venison but wee thought it fitter for the Dogges then for vs some of the best things wee tooke away with vs and left the houses standing still as they were Much disputation fell out about the place where wee should abide and a Company was chosen to goe out vpon a third Discouery whilest some were imployed in this Discouery ' it pleased God that Mistris White was brought a bed of a Sonne which was called Peregrine Wednesday the sixt of December we set out being very cold and hard weather we were a long while after wee lanched from the Ship before wee could get cleere of a Sandy Point which lay within lesse then a furlong of the same In which time two were very sicke and Edward Tilley had like to haue souâ—ded with cold the Gunner was also sicke vnto Death but hope of trucking made him to goe and so remained all that day and the next night at length wee got cleare of the Sandy Point and got vp our Sayles and within an houre or two wee got vnder the weather shoare and tâ—en had smoother water and better sayling but it was very cold for the water froze on our clothes and made them many times like coats of Iron wee sayled sixe or seuen leagues by the shoare but saw neither Riuer nor Creeke at length wee met with a tongue of Land being flat off from the shoare with a Sandy point wee bore vp to gaine the Point and found there a faire Income or Rode of a Bay being a league ouer at the narrowest and some two or three in length but wee made right ouer to the Land before vs and left the discouerie of this Income till the next day as wee drew neere to the shoare wee espied some ten or twelue Indians very busie about a blacke thing what it was wee could not tell till afterwards they saw vs and ran to and fro as if they had beene carrying something away wee landed a league or two from them and had much adoe to put a shoare any where it lay so full of flat Sands when wee came to shoare we made vs a Baricado and got fire Wood and set out our Sentinells and betooke vs to our lodging such as it was wee saw the smoake of the fire which the Sauages made that night about foure or fiue miles from vs in the morning wee diuided our Company some eight in the Shallop and the rest on the shoare went to discouer this place but we found it onely to be a Bay without either Riuer or Creeke comming into it This place the most were minded wee should call the Grampus Bay because wee found many of them there we followed the tract of the Indians bare feet a good way on the Sands at length we saw here they strucke into the Woods by the side of a Pond as we went to view the place one said he thought he saw an Indian-house among the Trees so went vp to see and here we and the Shallop lost sight one of another till night it being now about nine or ten a clocke so we lite on a path but saw no house and followed a great way into the Woods at length we found where Corne had been set but not that yeere a non we found a great burying place one part whereof was incompassed with a large Palizado like a Church-yard with young spires foure or fiue yards long set as close one by another as they could two or three foot in the ground within it was full of Graues some bigger and some lesse some were also paled about and others had like an Indian-house made ouer them but not matted those Graues were more sumptuous then those at Corne-hill yet we digged none of them vp only viewed them and went our way without the Palizado were Graues also but not so costly We went ranging vp and downe till the Sunne began to draw low and then we hasted out of the Woods that we might come to our Shallop By that time we had done and our Shallop come to vs it was within night and we fed vpon such victualls as we had and betooke vs to our rest after we had set out our watch About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry and our Sentinell called Arme Arme. So we bestirred our selues and shot off a couple of Muskets and noise ceased we concluded that it was a company of Wolues Foxes for one told vs he had heard such a noise in New-found-land About fiue a clocke in the morning we began to be stirring vpon a sudden wee heard a great strange cry which we knew to be the same voices though they varied their notes one of the company being abroad came running in and cried They are men Indians Indians and withall their Arrowes came flying amongst vs our men ran out with all speed to recouer their Armes The cry of our enemies was dreadfull especially when our men ran out to recouer their Armes their note was after this manner Woath woach ha ha hach woach our men were no sooner come to their Armes but the enemy was readie to assault them There was a lustie man and no whit lesse valiant who was thought to be their Captain stood behind a Tree within halfe a Musket shot of vs and there let his Arrowes flie at vs hee stood three shots off a Musket at length one tooke as he said full ayme at him after which he gaue an extraordinarie cry and away they went all wee followed them about a quarter of a mile but wee left sixe to keepe our Shallop for wee were carefull of our businesse Wee tooke vp eighteene of their Arrowes which wee had sent to England by Master Iones some whereof were headed with brasse others with Harts horne and others with Eagles clawes many more no doubt were shot for these wee found were
next day eight Englishmen prisoners stole from Tercera in a small Boate hauing no other yard for their maine saile then two Pipe staues These told his Lordship that the Carrackes were departed a weeke before which moued him to returne for Fyall with purpose to take that Towne He arriued September the tenth landing his men the Platforme shot at them in their march but they comming vp found it and the Towne ahandoned and tooke thereof possession This Towne containeth 500. housholds well and strongly built of Lime and Stone well stored with fresh water delicate Fruites and Grapes of diuers sorts He set a guard to preserue the Churches and Religious Houses and staid there foure dayes till the ransome was brought him which was 2000 Duckets most of Church Plate He shipped from the Platforme eight and fiftie Peeces of Iron Ordnance The Gouernour of Graciosa sent his Lordship sixtie Butts of Wine but excused his want of fresh water A Ship of Weymoâ—â—h came thither with a Spanish prize worth sixteene thousand pounds and brought newes of the West Indie Fleete shortly to come which after three or foure dayes playing to and fro in rough weather I let passe a Shippe of Saint Malo which he took laden with New-found-land Fish he espied going into the hauen at Angra in Tercera to the number of fifteene saile being too farre to Leeward to come neere them and they being strong and fortified with the Castle and Fort he was forced to giue ouer And although he leâ—t a Pinnace for aduice intending to waite for them at Sea yet she returned with newes that they had taken off their sailes and downe their topmasts with resolution of longer stay Wherefore he sailed to Saint Michaels and being there repelled from watering went to Saint Maries where they found two Brasil Ships laden with Sugar which the Ilanders fought to bring a ground but Captaine Lyster hastning the attempt in the face of the enemie and danger of continuall shoare-shot borded the vttermost cut asunder her Cables and Hawsers and towed her away whiles Captaine Dauies entred the other then a ground and abandoned and was forced to forsake her Two men were slaine and sixteene hurt But a greater losse followed whiles the Earle in person sought to get the other ship Captaine Lyster rashly disvaluing the enemies force the Barre also detayning them on ground in the midst of danger from the enemie to the losse and hurt of eightie men His Lordship receiued three shot vpon his Target and a fourth on the side not deepe his head also broken with stones that the bloud couered his face both it and his legs likewise burned with fire-balls The Meg being leakie was sent with the prize into England and his Lordship held his course for Spaine By the way he tooke a Portugal ship laden from Brasil and after that another which was one of the fifteene which had before entred Angra being a ship of 400. Tunnes laden from Mexico and Saint Iohn de Vlhua with seuen hundred hides sixe chists of Cochenele certaine chists of Sugar and some Siluer The Captaine was an Italian and had in her fiue and twentie thousand Duckets aduenture Thus full of ioy they resolued homewards but Sea-fortunes are variable hauing two inconstant Parents Aire and Water His Lordship sent Captaine Lyster in the Mexican prize for Portsmouth which at Helclâ—ffe in Cornwall was wracked the Captaine and all his companie drowned except fiue or sixe Scarsitie of drinke caused by contrarie windes caused his Lordship to seeke to recouer some part of Ireland for reliefe but wayting for entrance was put off againe their Beere and Water being all spent Three spoonfuls of vineger were allowed to each man at a meale with some small reliefe squeezed out of the lâ—es of their wine vessels which continued fourteene dayes without other supply then the drops of Haile and Raine carefully saued with Sheets and Napkins Some dranke vp the soyled running water at the Scupper-holes others saued by deuise the runnings downe the Masts and â—arred Ropes and many licked the moist Boards Railes and Masts with their tongues like Dogs Yet was that Raine so intermingled with the sprie of the foaming Seas in that extreme storme that it could not be healthfull yea some in their extremitie of thirst dranke themselues to death with their Cannes of salt-water in their hands Notwithstanding this extreme scarsitie his noble charitie caused equall distribution of the small store they had aswell to all his prisoners as to his owne people By this time the lamentable cryes of the sicke and hurt men for drinke was heard in euery corner of the ship for want whereof many perished ten or twelue euery night more then otherwise had miscarried in the whole Voyage The storme continuing added to their misery tearing the ship in such sort as his Lordships Cabbin the dining roome and halfe Decke became all one and he was forced to seeke a new lodging in the hold His minde was yet vndaunted and present his bodily presence and preuentions readie The last of Nouember hee spake with an English ship which promised him the next morning two or three tunnes of Wine but soone after vnfortunately came on ground The next day hee had some supply of Beere but not sufficient to enable him to vndertake for England Hee therefore the winde seruing put into Ventre Hauen in the Westermost part of Ireland where hauing well refreshed the twentieth of December he set sayle for England His Lordship in this Voyage tooke thirteene Prizes but that which was worth more then all the rest was lost yet the profit redoubled his aduentures At his arriuall in London hee met with the vnfortunate newes of the death of his eldest Sonne Francis Lord Clifford which died the twelfth of December 1589. yet was comforted with the birth of the Ladie Anne Clifford borne the last of Ianuary following his Daughter and by the death of Robert Lord Clifford who dyed the fourteenth of May 1591. his heire now the vertuous wife of the Right Honourable Richard Earle of Dorset THis Honourable Sparke was further kindled and enflamed by former disasters and obtayning of her Majestie a new ship called the Garland a ship of sixe hundred tunnes added the Samson Vice-admirall a ship of his Lordships of two hundred and sixtie tunnes the Golden Noble Reare-admirall and to them the Allagarta and a small Pinnasse called the Discouerie With these he set forth 1591. at his owne charge to the Coast of Spaine where hee tooke good purchase a ship laden at Saint Thomas with Sugars which he was forced to cast off by an irrecouerable leake another also which after long contrary winds in her course for England was driuen to put into a Spanish Harbour for want of victuals But in two other hee was more vnfortunate For Captayne Munson being sent to dispatch the goods and the Golden Noble to accompany them
as all the Countrie is of a sandie earth it did but crumble into dust The Canoneers therefore were appointed in the morning to beate the other Point neerer the Sea For that so flanked the Gate and the breach alreadie made that without great danger there could not any approch be made and his Lordship was growne exceeding niggardly of the expence of any one mans life This wrought so with them in the Fort that about one a clocke they sent forth a Drum to demand parley His motion was that two of their Captaines might be suffered to speake with two of the English It was granted and they met in a place of the greatest indifferency that could be found so that neither partie should discouer others strength The demands were deliuered in Paper written in Spanish the summe whereof was for themselues they desired that with Colours flying match in their cocks and bullets in their mouth be set beyond the Point at the Bridge to goe whither they would Further they demanded all the prisoners to bee deliuered without ransome and that no mans Negroes and Slaues should be detayned from them His Lordship vtterly refused any such composition but told them because hee tooke no pleasure in sâ—edding Christian bloud hee would deliuer them some Articles which if they liked hee would without more adoe receiue them to mercy Which Articles were these deliuered vnder his Lordships owne hand to the Gouernour A resolution which you may trust to I Am content to giue your selfe and all your people their liues your selfe with your Captaines and Officers to passe with your Armes all the rest of your Souldiers with their Rapiers and Daggers onely You shall all stay here with me till I giue you passage from the Iland which shall bee within thirtie dayes Any one of you which I shall choose shall goe with me into England but shall not stay longer there then one moneth but being well fitted for the purpose shall bee safely sent home into Spaine without ransome It was doubted whether there were any in the Fort that spake English and therefore some were wishing the Articles were translated into Spanish But his Lordship peremptorâ—ly refused to seeke their language but would haue them to finde out his but because it was now growne late he gaue them respite to thinke what they would answere till eight a clocke the next day and promise was giuen on either side that neither should practise to put things out of the state they now were in The next morning rather before then after the time appointed there returned to his Lordship besides the two former Captaines both hee that now was and hee that had beene last Gouernour and withall they brought with them one of good place in his Lordships seruice whom they had taken prisoner while he was viewing a peece of Ordnance that lay neere the Fort. These also required as Captaine Lansois and the Sergeant Major before priuate audience who without much difficultie yeelded vpon the foresaid conditions and farther desired they might haue two Colours left them in lieu hereof they made promise that nothing should be spoyled in the Fort. That day the Gouernour and his Companie dined with his Lordship and after dinner the Gouernour went and brought out his Companies out of the Fort which of all sorts were neere foure hundred and deliuered the keyes to his Lordship who immediately brought in his owne Colours and Sir Iohn Barkleys and placed them vpon the two Points of the Fort. The Spaniards without being pillaged for beside all promises his Lordship suffered them to carry their stuffe away conueyed safely into a strong Castle in the Towne called Fortileza This Fort was taken in vpon Wednesday being the one and twentieth of Iune and vpon Thursday our fleet was commanded to come into the Harbour for all this while it had rid without This Fort is to the Sea-ward very strong and fitted with goodly Ordnance and bestowed for the most aduantage to annoy an enemie that possibly could bee deuised It is held absolutely impossible that any shippe should passe that Point without sinking instantly if the Fort doe not graunt her passage And the riding without the Harbour is very dangerous as wee found by the losse of many Anchors and Cables to the extreme danger of many of the Ships and the finall casting away of one of them The Fort to the landward is not altogether so strong as towards the Sea but yet being victualled able to abide a long siege The Towne consisteth of many large streets the houses are built after the Spanish manner of two stories height onely but very strongly and the roomes are goodly and large with great doores in stead of windowes for receit of aire which for the most part of the day wanteth neuer For about eight in the morning there riseth ordinarily a fresh breese as they call it and bloweth till foure or fiue in the afternoone so that their houses all that while are very coole of all the artificiall day the space from three in the morning till sixe is the most temperate so that then a man may well indure some light clothes vpon him from fixe till the breese rise is very soultering from fiue in the afternoone hottest of all the rest till midnight which timâ— also is held dangerous to be abroad by reason of the Screnaes they call them which are raynie dewes And indeed in the nights the Souldiers which were forced to lie abroad in the fields when they awaked found as much of their bodies as lay vpwards to bee very wet The Towne in circuit is not so bigge as Oxford but very much bigger then all Portesmouth within the fortifications and in sight much fayrer In all this space there is very little lost ground for they haue beene still building insomuch as that within these three yeeres it is augmented one fourth part The Cathedrall Church is not so goodly as any of the Cathedrall Churches in England and yet it is faire and handsome two rowes of proportionable pillars make two allies besides the middle walke and this all along vp to the high Altar It is darker then commonly Countrie Churches in England For the windowes are few and little and those indeed without glasse whereof there is none to be found in all the Towne but couered with Canuas so that the most of the light is receiued by the doores the greatest whereof is iust in the West end to the Seaward so that out of it a man walking in the Church may behold the ships riding in a very faire Harbour The other two doores besides that which is priuate from the Bishops house are on either side a little aboue their Quire For that of all other things is the most singular and differing from the fashion in England that their Quire is in the very lowest and Westermost part of their Church wherein is the Bishops
aide 5000. foote and 1000. horse at her owne charge to be by them after repayed the first yeares charges in the first yeare of peace the rest in the foure following Flushing and the Ramekins and Brill to remaine â—ers in caution c. Her Maiestie set forth a Booke also for her iustification by the ancient leagues with the Belgian Prouinces for mutuall defence the Spanish crueltie on the poore Belgians and their nefarious deuises against her neither had she any intent in administring these aides but that the Low-Countries might enioy their ancient liberty she and her subiects their securitie and both Nations peaceable commerce And to the end that warre might not first be brought home to her owne doores she set forth a Fleete to finde the Spaniard worke abroad Hereupon Anâ—o 1585. Sir Francis Drake with a Fleete of fiue and twenty saile and 2300. Souldiers and Sailers was set forth from Plimmouth Sep. 12. Christopher Carlile his Lieutenent Generall Anthonie Powell Sergeant Maior Captaine Matthew Morgan and Iohn Samson Corporall of the field Land Captaines Anthonie Plat Edward Winter Iohn Goring Robert Pen George Barton Iohn Merchant William Ceuill Walter Bigs Iohn Haman Richard Stanton Captaine Martin Frobisher Viceadmirall in the Primrose Captaine Francis Knolles Rereadmirall in the Gallion Leicester Captaine Thomas Vennâ—r in the Eliz. Bonaduenture vnder the Generall Captaine Edward Winter in the Aide Christopher Carlile in the Tigre Henry White Captain of the Sea Dragon Thomas Drake Captaine of the Thomas Thomas Seely Captaine of the Minion Captaine Bayly of the Barke Talbot Robert Crosse of the Barke Bond George Fortescue of the Barke Boner Edward Carelesse of the Hope Iames Erizo of the White Lyon Thomas Moone of the Fancis Iohn Riuers of the Vantage Iohn Vaughan of the Drake Iohn Varney of the George Iohn Martin of the Beniamin Richard Gilman of the Scout Richard Hawkins of the Ducke Captaine Bitfield of the Swallow They tooke a Shippe of Saint Sebastians laden with fish entred the Iles of Bayon and sent to the Citie to know whether there were warres betwixt England and Spaine and why the English Merchants and their goods in Spaine were embarged or arrested The Gouernour professed his ignorance in both and that this later was the Kings pleasure After some spoiles done about Vigo they fell with Hierro but the Iland being poore departed without harme Thence they went to the Iles of Cape Verde and at Saint Iago entred betwixt the Towne called Playa or Praya and Saint Iago landed 1000. men and the men being fled entred the Towne and shot off all their Ordnance being 50. peeces answered from the Ships to honour the Queenes day the 17. of Nouember No Treasure was found but Wine Oyle Meale c. They possessed it foureteene dayes Nouember the foure and twentieth they marched to Saint Domingo twelue miles within land and found the people fled After foureteene dayes they departed hauing burned the Towne of Playa none of the inhabitants hauing offered to intercede which seemed to happen from their guiltinesse towards old Master William Hawkins whose men perfidiously they had murthered foure or fiue yeares before against their promise putting off to the West Indies they could not put off the effects of the aire of that Iland which by a Calentura killed two or three hundred of their men The first Iland which they fell with was Dominica the next Saint Christophers and hauing there spent their Christmas they resolued for Hispaniola and hauing receiued intelligence by a Frigot which they tooke in the way they landed nine or ten miles to the Westward of Saint Domingo on New yeares day About noone they approached the Towne vnder the conduct of Master Carlile and 150. horsemen presenting themselues from the Citie being retired they diuided their forces to assault both the Westerne gates at once The Ordnance being discharged on them they ran in to preuent a second charge and entred with them pell mell into the Gates the enemy altering their fight into flight which they made by the North gate Both troopes met in the Market-place and there barricadoed themselues The Castle was abandoned the next night They held the Towne a whole moneth They burned many houses before they could bring the Spaniards to a price for the ransome of the rest for which at last they paid after much spoile 25000. Duckets The pray was not much In the Towne-house were the Kings armes and in the lower part of the scutchion was painted a globe of the Sea and Land a horse standing thereon with his hinder legges the forepart without the globe with this motto ascribed to his mouth Non sufficit Orbis From Saint Domingo they set saile for Carthagena on the Continent landing some Companies with Captaine Carlile fiue miles of which were led on by night the Generall with this Fleete presenting themselues before the chained Port and hauing gotten the Citie held the same six weekes They tooke Alonso Brauo the Gouernour After many houses burned 11000. Duckets were paid for ransome of the rest from burning The Calentura continued killing some being a pestilent spotted Feuer and spoyling others of their strength and memory for a long time The Serena or Euening ayre is said to cause it to them which are then abroad if not of that Countrey so that by holding their watch the English were thus infected This forced them to giue ouer their intended voyage to Nombre de Dios and Panama sailing therefore alongst the coast of Florida they tooke and fired two garrison Townes of the Spaniards Saint Anthonie and Saint Helena and the Fort of Saint Iohn Then passing alongst the Virginian shore they tooke home the English Colonie there remaining with Master Lane their Gouernour sent by Sir Walter Raleigh These are said by Master Camden to haue beene the first bringers in of the vse of Tobacco since so frequently abused by our Nation They arriued at Portsmouth the 28. of Iuly 1586. They got Ordnance of Brasse aboue 200. peeces and about 40. of Iron They prey was valued at 60000. li. English There dyed most of the Calentura 700. persons The industry of the Generall in all places is remakeable whose vigilance and bodily presence and labour in all businesse was much that had he beene in the meanest he had merited the highest place To this is fittest in next place to adde his Cadiz exploit Anno 1587. and the taking of the rich Caracke called Saint Philip. HEr Maiestie being informed of that inuincible Armadas preparing in Spaine which did come and was ouercome the yeare after sent a fleete of 30. saile vnder the command of Sir Francis Drake the Bonaduenture the Lyon the Dread-naught and the Rainbow were out of her Nauy Royall chosen to this seruice The 16. of Aprill two Shippes of Midleborough which came from Cadiz with whom we met in 40. degrees gaue him to vnderstand that there was great
many sorts of Rootes and diuers Land-beasts as Armadillos which afterward I found to be very good meate Of all these at the first I onely tooke one Fowle and a couple of fishes and bestowed the rest among their children which procured me no small good will among them Here I stared among them being well entertained for certaine moneths vâ—â—ill I had learned most part of their language in which meane space I noted their manners which were as followeth They went out to the warres armed at my first comming onely with Bowes and Arrowes some three or foure hundred at a time and when they had the victory of their enemies they tied one of their Captiues to one of their company with Cotten cords fast arme to arme and bringing them home within two or three daies after they would tie them to a poast and with a madie club of red wood one of the strongest of the company after they haue drunke a certaine strong drinke with dancing round about him at one blow slits his head a sunder this drinke is made by their women of a certaine roote called I. P. which first they seeth and afterward chew in their mouthes and then spit it out againe into a long trough and mingle it with water and there let it worke two or three daies and gatâ—â—â— yeest vpon it like to our Ale which done they take the liquor and put it into broad mouth Iarres of earth and of this both their men and women doe drinke at their feasts till they be as drunke as Apes I could obserue no Religion amongst them but onely that they reuerence and worshippe the Moone especially the new Moone whereat they doe reioyce in leaping dancing and clapping their hands The Merchantable commodities of this Countrie are Brasill-wood Tobacco red Pepper and Cotten Wooll They haue also great store of Apes Monkies Armadillos Hogges without tailes as bigge as ours their Birds are Parrats Parraketos blacke Fowles as bigge as Doues and Ostriches as high as a man After I had liued about halfe a yeare among stithem and learned their language the King requested me to goe to the warres with him against his enemies the Tapwâ—es which I granted but before we set out I shewed them a way for making of certaine Targets of the barke of a Tree some three quarters of a yard long for defence against Arrowes whereof we made some hundred and withall I wished them to make some two hundred of Clubs Which being done we marched forward some 700. in number which by mine aduice were all marked with a red kinde of Balsome from the knee downeward vpon one legge to be known from our enemies by the way it is to be noted that there are three sorts of Balsamum in that Countrie to wit White Red and Blacke very odoriferous and excellent good for a greene wound and the White I esteeme to be best In three dayes march we came to another Towne built foure square as before I haue declared but much lesser we set vpon the Towne about foure of the clocke in the morning the enemy standing vpon defence of their Arrowes were much deceiued by reason of our Targets which being seconded by our Clubbes wee immediately knocked downe to the number of two hundred the rest except some twenty prisoners escaped into the woods Here the King staied one day and caused many of thir carkases to be broyled vpon the coales and eaten The chiefest riches which we found here was their drinke which they vsed to make themselues drunke withall their Cotten Beddes and their Tobacco As for Gold and Siluer they neither seeke nor make any accompt thereof This is to be noted that how many men these Sauages doe kill so many holes they will haue in their visage beginning first in their nether lippe then in their cheekes thirdly in both their eye-browes and lastly in their eares Those twenty prisoners which we brought home were afterward killed rosted and eaten While I remayned here amongst these people certayn Portugals accompanied with certayn Negrâ—s and Brasilians came within some ten leagues of our town to see whether they could surprise any of our Sauages and to harken what was become of me for that they had heard by this time that some of Sir Francis Drakes company were east ashoare amongst the Sauage people but there comming was not so secret but that two of the Portugals and certayne Negros were taken and after their confession of the intent of their comming thither they were brained with clubs broyled and eaten These things thus passing I became sutor to the King to giue mee leaue to depart his Countrey and to goe to some Riuer of Brasill not planted by the Portugals to see if I could spy out any English or French ship to passe me into my Countrey which hee in the end fauourably granted and sent foure of his people with me to furnish me with victuals which they did very plentifully of Birds Fish and Roots for the space of nine or ten weeks all which time they did accompany me and I desiring to goe toward the Line they brought me into the towne of Bahia Detodos los Sanctes But about foure or fiue miles before we came to the towne I yeelded my selfe to a Portugall called Michael Ionas declaring vnto him that I was an Englishman and enquired whether there were any Englishmen dwelling in the towne hee told me that there was one Antonio de Paua in the towne which could speake good English and was a louer of our Nation and brought mee directly vnto his house This Antonio de Paua pittying my case and aduising mee not to bee knowne that I vnderstood the Portugall Tongue brought mee to the Gouernour whose name was Diego Uas this Gouernour told me by Antonio de Paua which became my Interpreter that seeing I was found in the Inland of their Countrey Westward being a stranger contrary to their Lawes he could doe no lesse then commit me to Prison and send me into Portugall to be committed to the Gallies for tearme of life to this I answered by the aduice of my good friend Autouio de Paua that I came not willingly into those Dominions but beeing by casualtie once come there I was not taken Prisoner but sought them out and came and yeelded my selfe into their hands laying downe my weapons at one of his Nations feet Neuerthelesse he sent me to Prison whereby the meanes of Antonio de Paua and other of his friends I was sufficiently relieued and within one fortnight after brought againe publikely to the barre in the Towne-house to mine answere There I answered the second time by Autouio de Paua my Interpreter that I thought it sufficient that when I might haue kept our yet of mine owne free will I had made a long journey with great hazard of my life through the Countries of Sauages being Man-eaters which fauoured me
they willingly would not indanger themselues They went to a Sugar mill hard by mee where I rode for that was my speciall charge that they should neuer goe a mile from the ship where they got some victuall and came aboard againe very well The next day in the morning betimes an Indian came vnto me with Captaine Barker which Indian ran away from his Master at my last being there this Sauage knew all the Countrie He came vnto me and said that beyond a Point not a Culuering shot off there was a very rich farme-house and desired ten or twelue men to goe thither Captaine Barker being one whom I most trusted in the conduction of men and who euer was the most carefull in such matters of seruice I appointed to goe and to take some twentie or thirtie men with him and willed him as he had any respect or regard of my commandement not to stay but to come presently away finding any thing or nothing He forth with tooke fiue and twentie men of the most principall men in the ship and then your cousin Stafford would by no meanes bee left behinde They departed by foure of the clocke in the morning so as I did not see their companie But what should I write more then this vnto you they were all such as neither respected me nor any thing that I commanded Away they went and by one of the clocke they sent my Boat againe with Ginny wheat and sixe Hennes and a small Hogge I seeing no returne againe of the companie for they had sent away the Boat onely with men to row her aboard was very much grieued and presently returned the Boat againe with message That I much maruailed they would tarry at a place so long with so few men and further that it was not a Hogge and sixe Hennes could releeue vs and seeing there was no other reliefe to bee had I charged them straightly to come aboard presently Thus hauing dispatched away my Boat for them I still expected their present comming aboard all that night I heard nothing of them the next morning I shot Ordnance yet I saw no Boat come Then I waighed anchor and made aboard into the Bay yet for all this I heard nothing of them then I doubted with my selfe very greatly knowing there were no meanes left to make any manifester signes to them to hasten away All that day I heard nothing of them in the euening I set sailes againe and ran into the shoare all that night I heard no newes of them The next morning I saw an Indian come downe to the Sea-side and weaued vnto the ship we being desirous to heare some newes caused a raft to be made for Boat wee had none and sent it ashoare and set the Indian aboard When we saw him we found him to bee our owne Indian which had escaped away being soare hurt in three places who told vs that all the rest of our men were slaine with three hundred Indians and eightie Portugals which in the euening set vpon them suddenly Then I demanded why they came not aboard the Indian answered mee that some were vnwilling to come and the rest did nothing but eate Hennes and Hogs which they had there in abundance and that they minded nothing to come aboard I leaue you to iudge in what griefe I was to see fiue and twentie of my principall men thus basely and wilfully cast away but I leaue you to inquire of others the practises of these men lest in writing vnto you it should be thought I did it of malice which I protest is farre from me they being now dead and my selfe looking imminently to follow them Thus I was left destitute of my principall men and a Boat and had I not by great hap the day before taken an old Boat from the Portugals I had beene vtterly vndone This Boat I sent to an Iland fifteene leagues off to see if they could heare any newes of the rest of my ships shee returned within eight dayes all which time I remayned without a Boat Thus I was sixe dayes before I heard newes of any of my consorts The seuenteenth day came in the Roe-bucke hauing spent all her Masts but their Mison their Sailes blowne cleane away and in the most miserable case that euer ship was in all which misse-haps falling vpon me and then missing my small ships wherein vpon that Coast consisted all my strength hauing no Pinnaces nor great Boats left to land my men in for they were all cast away going to the Strait I notwithstanding the want of Boats and Pinnaces determined rather then not to bee reuenged of so base Dogs to venture the ships to goe downe the Riuer afore their Towne and to haue beaten it to the ground which forthwith I put in execution And hauing gotten downe halfe the way wee found the Riuer so narrow by reason of a shoald as all the companie affirmed plainly it was both desperate and most dangerous For the Riuer is all Ose and if a ship come aground it is vnpossible euer to get off for there riseth not aboue a foot water and no anchors will hold to hale off any my ships in so narrow a place as we were almost aground in wending Seeing this apparant danger I forthwith bare vp out of the Riuer where we escaped no small danger to get well out for we had not little more water then we drew and if shee had come aground it had beene vnpossible euer to haue gotten her off By these meanes of not passing the Riuer we were constrayned to let our reuenge passe for our Boats were so bad and small as wee durst put no men in them Notwithstanding wee landed and did them much spoile vpon their Farme-houses and got some quantitie of fresh victuals This place being not for vs considering our ships were not able to passe to their Towne and further our great wants did constraine vs to seeke some course of reliefe which being not to bee had there both for that wee had spoyled it a little before and also for that we could not conueniently come to doe them any preiudice without most losse to our selues I determined to part from thence and to goe to a small Iland some twentie leagues off and there to haue fitted all my necessaries and to haue cast off the Roe-bucke for that by no meanes her wants could by mee bee furnished and so at a seasonable time to haue gone for the Straits of Magellan againe Which intention I must confesse I kept most secret for feare of some mutinie but shewed the whole Companie that I would goe for Saint Helena where wee should meet with the Carracks which course I well knew did not much please them for they desired nothing more then returning home into England and if I had but named the Straits they would forthwith haue fallen into a most extreme mutinie for such were the miseries and torments they had indured as all
short Bill but I striuing cryed out in Portugall That if they would saue mee I would tell them newes with that a Portugall passed by an I caught hold of him so well as I could I told him a Tale which saued my life at that time this Portugall gaue me againe to a Sauage I cryed to him that I would go whersoeuer he went then he bid me not fear for that Sauage was his slaue and that he would carrie me to the Captayn so I was content perforce to goe I knew not whether this Caniball carried me along the ashore and when wee came where any Rockes reached into the Sea hee would take mee on his backe and swimme with mee round about the Rockes till wee were free from the Rockes thus we went almost all night til at length we came by a great Cliffe that stood by the shore Then the Sauage whistled and another Sauage answered him from the Cliffe wherupon fiue or six Portugals came forth and amongst them came the Captaine with a piece of bread and Marmallet in his hand and as soone as he saw me he asked me what newes I answered that I was very hungry and desired him that hee would giue mee some meate and then I would tell him all the newes that I could with that all the Portugals brake out in a laughter and gaue me bread and fish to eate after I had eaten that which they had giuen me I told them the truth of all that they asked me heere they killed eight and twentie of our men and saued only my selfe and Henrie Barrawell who was saued by my meanes §. II. ANTHONY KNIVET his comming to the R of Ianero and vsage amongst the Portugals and Indians his diuers trauels thorow diuers Regions of thâ—se parts THe next day our ship weighed Anchor and whether shee went I knew not wee were carried by the Portugals to the Riuer of Ianero I went with a Mestizo which is halfe a Portugall and halfe a Sauage that saued my life in the night wâ—en I was taken When we came to the Citie of San Sebastian in the Riuer of Ianero the Portugals in the Canoas made such a noyse with Pipes and Drummes that all the people of the Citie came to shoare to see vs with that the Canoas going round as if they were in fight two Portugals tooke mee and cast me towards the shoare saying here is our prize the tyde being strong carried mee to the mayne where I had beene drowned had it not beene for a woman who seeing the tyde carry me away sent two or three slaues and they saued mee When I came ashoare all the Portugals were at the Church of our Lady and I would haue gone into the Church but the Portugals would not let me saying that I was not a Christian. Then I was brought before the Gouernour and he gaue me to the man that had saued mee and I was very well contented for hee vsed mee very kindly as I came with him from the Iland of San Sebastian For the space of three moneths that I was with this man I kept a house and went to the Sea-side with his Hogs and there I euery day brought him home a basket of great Crabs that lie in the holes of the mud as deepe as you can thrust in your arme This wâ—s a good life my Master called me sonne and I dined and supped with him also I had a hanging Net to lie in and lay in the same roome which hee lay in It happened one day being by the Sea-side washing of little Dogs there came a Canoa full of Portugals and they tooke me to the Towne with them but as soone as I landed I remembred my Masters house and ran to it As I went I met with Henrie Barway the next day the Gouernour sent for mee and examined me what I was I told him that I was a poore ship boy with that Henrie Barway reproued me asking what I meant to say so to the Gouernour I replyed that I was no other but what I had told him then the Gouernour commanded mee to bee carried to the Sugar mill where I was three moneths till all the clothes that I had were torne in peeces with working in a Barke going day and night vp and downe for Sugar canes and wood for the Mill the miserable life that I was in made me carelesse what I did I had neither meat nor clothes but blowes as many as Gally slaues Then I determined to run away into the Wildernesse for I was ashamed to be seene naked of the Portugals I made me a Cottage in a great Caue in the Wildernesse where I was seuen moneths In the day I fished for to liue and in the night I came to some Indians houses and for fish they gaue me Cassauie meale and many kindes of Rootes that serued me for bread In the end the Gouernour caused me to be sought out and gaue mee a sute of blue clothes and commanded me to worke in a Garden where I carried earth and digged the ground to plant Cabidges and Turneps After that I was commanded againe to take charge of the Sugar boat where I was worse vsed then euer I was before for the Factor was a man that hated English men and would vse me more like a Dogge then a Man When I had continued foure moneths in the Barke it happened that one of the Gouernours sonnes called Martin de Saa came from Spirito Santo This man pittying my poore and miserable life desired his father that he would giue mee vnto him which his father granted and I was very well vsed of my new Master two yeeres after I had serued him It happened that hee and his Mother in law fell out whereupon the Gouernour his father sent him to a Towne called Wyanasses which were in peace with the Portugals and for Kniues and Hatchets they sell their Wiues and Children This iourney I went with him and we came to a Towne called Iawarapipo that is to say Is this the Dogge He seeing me forward to doe him seruice sent me from this Towne with eight of his slaues laden with Hatchets and Kniues to another kinde of Canibals called Pories which had beene likewise friends with the Portugals but it was long before any Portugall had beene there I came to the Towne of Pories where I was saluted in this sort As soone as I came into a great house which I thought was their Kings which they call Morouichaua presently they had hanged vp a faire Net betweene two postes in the which I was commanded to sit downe and as soone as I was set there came at the least twentie women and some laying their heads on my shoulders and others on my knees they began to crie out making such a pitious noise that I was amazed yet I determined to sit still till they had done As soone as the women were gone an old man came
should ouercome vs at the landing so we returned home againe from the Riuer called Morgege where we remayned still in peace for the space of eight moneths till we remoued our selues At this place I went all naked with out any thing onely a few leaues I tied before mee for shame One day going all alone a fishing for pleasures sake I sat downe remembring my selfe in what state I was and thinking what I had beene I began to curse the time that euer I heard the name of the Sea and grieued to thinke how fond I was to forsake my naturall Countrey where I wanted nothing then was I out of all hope either to see Countrey or Christian againe sitting by the Riuer in these passionate thoughts there came on old Indian one of the chiefest of them and beganne to talke with me saying It was a good time with them when they dwelt at Cape Frio for then they had trade with the Frenchmen and wanted nothing but now they had neyther Kniues nor Hatchets nor nothing else but liued in great necessitie with that I answered I did heartily wish that he and his company would goe and dwell by the Sea-coast without danger of Portugals whereupon hee and I went home together and the Indian reported in the Towne what I had said vnto him the next morning there came at the least twenty of the chiefest of them into the house where I lay and asked me if I knew my Place certaine where they might finde any French Ships I told them that I was sure betwixt the Riuer of Plate and a Riuer called by the Portugals Dos Patos we should finde French men and if we did not that here the Portugals could not hurt vs. Moreouer it were better to dwell by the Sea side where we should haue plenty of al things then where we did where we had nothing to liue vpon but roots These old men went and told the people which all desired to see the coast so they resolued and making prouision we departed from our abode being thirty thousand of vs. After we had passed many a Hill all Wildernesse and Riuers where wee found many precious stones we came to a faire sandie Countrie through which we trauelled some twentie dayes and we went Northward for feare of comming into the Countrie where there are great store of Spaniards and this Countrie is it selfe very populous and are friends with the Spaniards Therefore we changed our course and trauelled all Northward till we came into the Countrie of the Amasons which the Indians call Mandiocusyanas then we tooke our course Southward againe I would haue perswaded the Tamoyes to haue warred against the Amasons but they durst not for they said we know that their Countrie is very populous and we shall be all killed After wee came to the head of the Riuer called Patos there we found Canoas of barkes of trees that came downe the Riuer some eight dayes then wee found the Riuer very broad and many trees cut by the Riuers side whereby we suspected that we were neere the Sea side or some Town of the Waanasses for the Waanasses neuer inhabit far from the coast When the Indians saw these tokens of abidance they asked me what I thought was best to doe I answerd I thought it best to hide our selues and to send some nine or ten yong men to see if they could spie any Towne so we to circle them in their houses in the night to that they all agreed and ten of them were sent they returned again at night without sight of any Towne but they said there went a great path by the Riuer side and brought peeces of Cords that they found in the way with them Hence we iudged that we should finde some Towne by the Riuer side and determined to goe downe the Riuer in the night with our Canoas to see if we could finde the Towne About foure of the clocke we came to a faire Bay and saw the Sea and doubling a point of the shoare we espied a Towne then as fast as we could we landed our men and the day began to be cleare and one of the Town comming out to the Sea side espied vs whereupon all the Town rose vp in armes and we had a great skirmish We were many more in number and had farre better order so we put them to flight killing a great many of them wee tooke three hundred prisoners men and women which the Tamoyes killed and did eate afterwards These Indians are called Carijos After we had put them to flight they went to Saint Vincents by land and craued succour of the Portugals At this Towne of the Carijos we found great store of prouision Cassaui Ginnie Wheate Potatoes Plantons Pumpions and all other such like that the Countrie yeeldeth and in great plenty there likewise we found great store of Ryals of eight for there had beene a Caruell cast away in that place not long before and the Spaniards were gone before by land to Bonas Ayres in the Riuer of Plate with these Indians the Portugals had peace but now they are in warre with them againe Some of the Carijos went to the Riuer of Plate to craue succour others as I said before came to the Town of Saint Vincents from Saint Uincents newes was sent to the Riuer of Ianero from thence the Portugals made a Nauie of Canoas and Caruels of the which the Gouernours sonne Marten de Sasa which was come home from the Riuer of Iauary where I departed from him was come againe as Captaine of all the Portugals and comming vpon vs in the night they seized our Towne about three of the clocks an Indian that came with the Portugals beganne to speake very loud to the men of the Towne that they should not stirre for if they stirred they should be all put to the sword When the Tamoyes heard the Indian speake they began to russell with their Bowes and Arrowes making a great noise with that the Portugals shot of a Peece then they all lay downe in their beds like men without liues or soules when the day was cleare and my Masters Sonne saw me aliue he blest himselfe and asked me what was become of my companions I told him that the Indians had killed them and eaten them After that about ten of the clocke all the Indians were brought out of their houses and being examined some of them said that I bid them kill them if many of them had not been I had died for it but it was Gods will to discouer the truth by their own mouthes then the Portugals killed all the old men and women and all those that had beene particuler actors of the Portugals deaths which were in all 10000. and 20000. were parted amongst them for their slaues I came againe to my old Master and was sent with the Tamoyes to a Sugar Mill that my Master had newly made There I went still to
many small peeces of Gold that we found in many places where the water washed away the Earth the Gouernour Generall tooke it paying vs for it more then it was worth and sent it to the King with a Sey for to consider whether it should be wrought or not the Gouernor Generall sent likewise 40000. pounds worth of Plate that he had wrought out of the Myne of Saint Paul which is twelue leagues from San Vincents In the time that I went to Etapusicke my Master was gone home then I serued as a Souldier for the space of three moneths that shipping went to the Riuer of Ienero then the Gouernour Generall requited my paines very honourably and sent me backe againe to my Master After that my Master sent to a place called the Organs which Hill is to bee seene from the Riuer of Ienero where we found a little Myne of Gold and many good stones There came a Hulke out of Spaine that brought a Bishop and a Spanish Gouernor to goe from thence in small shipping to the Riuer of Plate and from thence to Somma A little after that this Hulke arriued at the Riuer of Ienero where fell a disease in the Countrey like the meazels but as bad as the plague for in three moneths their dyed in the Riuer of Ienero aboue three thousand Indians and Portugals this disease was generally in all parts of the Countrey At this time going vp and downe from the Sugar-mill to the ship in the night with a Barke lading of Brasill for the Hulke with the Ayre one of my legges swelled that I could not stirre it is common and very dangerous in those Countries when a man is hot to come in the Ayre especially in the night for being a hot Countrey it hath a piercing ayre and suddenly striketh in any part of the bodie I was very ill for the space of a moneth The fourteenth of August 1601. Saluador Corea de Sasa Gouernour of the Riuer of Ianuary embarked himselfe in the aforesaid Hulke with his Wife Donenes de Soso determining to make his Voyage to Fernambuquo we sayled East to Seaward The fifteenth day wee kept still Eastward to the Sea The sixteenth day we kept North-east and about tenne of the clocke we had sight of the Cape The seuenteenth eighteenth and nineteenth hauing the wind North-west we kept stil Eastward for feare of the sands and cliffes called Aborollas they lye betweene the Cape and Spirito Santo The twentieth day hauing the winde South wee sayled our course North-east This course we kept till the fiue and twentieth of the moneth then the winde turned Northward we made East to Sea this course we were faine to keepe till the last day of the moneth the first of February the winde being at South-west wee sayled North-east along the Coast till the seuenth day of the moneth The eight day the Master and the Pilot tooke the height of the Sun and were ten degrees and an halfe Southward of the Line As the Master and the Pilot were talking together concerning the Voyage there came a Sea-foule and sitting vpon the backe stay cast out two or three little fishes with that a Spaniard called Iasper Conquero who had some experience of the Coast said to the Master take heed for I am afraid you are neerer the shoate then you take your selfe to bee for you know not how the current driueth you Westward vpon the Coast the Flemmings bade him meddle with his owne businesse and that they knew what to do without his counsell the Pilot made himselfe forty leagues from the shore directed his course North. The ninth day at midnight wee descried Land the Pilot presently cast his Lead and found but eight fathomes water then he commanded the Saylers to cast about the which they did the wind being at North-east and wee being neere the shore could not beare vp to Sea for wee saw Clifts both on the starboord and larboord side of vs and before wee could get out our Anchor we were driuen so neere the Clifts on the lee side of vs that wee had no other remedie but to runne vpon the Rockes where we had beene all cast away but that it was the pleasure of God to deliuer vs for wee lay with the Prow of our ship vpon one of the Rockes for the space of halfe an houre and we were faine to cut off both our Masts and to cast many chists ouer-boord thinking it had beene impossible to saue any thing but it was the will of God when wee least thought of it that a great Sea brake ouer the Rocke and put vs into eight fathomes water betweene the Rockes and the Cliffes so by the prouidence of God wee were deliuered out of the aforesaid danger The next day we saw Canibals along the shore then the Gouernour commanded mee to be set on shore to talke with the wilde people and to know of them vpon what Coast wee were or if we might goe to Fernambuquo by land the Captaine commanded a Mamaluke called Antonio Fernandes to goe with me ashore but when we came to land this Mamaluke durst not goe on shore for feare of the wilde Canibals so I went alone and saluted them according to the fashion of the Countrey then I enquired of them how they called the place where they were they told me that it was called Cororeyespe which is the Riuer of Toades likewise they said that we were very neere the Riuer of Saint Francis and Northward we had the Riuer called Saint Michell and that they were slaues to the Portugals of Fernambucke hauing driuen cattle to Baya and now they returned home againe One of these bond-slaues went aboord the shippe with mee and talked with the Gouernour the next day the Gouernours Wife entreated her husband that hee would leaue the Hulke and goe by land the which he did at his wifes request so commanding all his Treasure to be set on shore we left our ship the Gouernour commanded the Master to take Fernambuquo if it were possible if not that he should goe to Baya and from thence into Portugall with any ships that should depart from thence this Hulke had nine tunnes of Siluer in her the which incharged to Diego de Guadro by the Gouernour Generall Don Francisco de Sasa and at Fernambuquo the charge of it was giuen to my Master Saluador Corea de Sasa from the place where we were driuen on shore to Fernambucke is fortie leagues In this iourney from the Riuer of Toades or from the Clifts called Bayshas Deamrobrio did I and Domingos Gomes alway carrie a Boxe of pure Gold of my Masters some twelue leagues from the aforesaid Riuer of Toades to a place called by the Indians Vpauasou are three leagues this Vpauasou is a very singular good place to take flesh water from Vpauasou to another Riuer called Casuays is one league from the Casuayes to the Riuer of Saint Michell are foure leagues at
Crocodile hath great scales and long clawes very vgly to be seene The Portugals when they know where any of these great ones are doe fish for them with a câ—aine and a great Iron hooke and for bait they tie a Cock or a Hen to the hooke they take this paines to take him because his Cods are very great and better then any muske At this place the Mountaines are so full of Crab-lice that wee knew not what to doe they would stick in our skins that we could not get them off but were faine to take drie straw and singe our selues as you would singe Hogs and so rid our selues of them Here also wee had great store of wilde Hogs and a kinde of wilde Fowle as bigge as Turkies called Mutas Abausanga is the name of a valiant Caniball that is adioyning hard by the Wataquazes these Canibals are a kinde of the Tamoyes Some twentie yeeres agone there was a Gouernour among them called Mendesaa in the Riuer of Ianuarie who made warre against the Tamoyes and in the end ouer run all their Countrie or Prouince onely this Abausanga remayned hidden in Dungeons and grâ—at Holes with some fortie or fiftie of his Couâ—trimen It was our chance going to warre with the Wataquazes to come through this Towne and there we had newes by Abausangas people that he was at warre against the Wataquazes whereupon we made Spies to see if we could take him before that we would set vpon the Wataquazes One euening we heard a great noise of Canibals then the Captaine sending out some Spies my selfe being one wee saw that it was Abausanga and his companie that had taken fiue Wataquazes and with great stirre were killing of them to eate Assoone as we had espyed all that we could wee returned againe to the Captaine and told him what we had seene and that night cirâ—led Abausanga and tooke him priâ—oner with sixtie young men of his companie wee asked of him our best course to warre against the Wataquazes he told vs that he was rather to take our aduice then we to aske his that he vsed no policie but to fight in open field and if we would we should see how he made warre agâ—iâ—st his enemies the nexâ— day we being hard by the Inhabitants of the Wataquazes Abausanga came forth and ioyned all his companie together with leaue of our Captaine and assoone as they were all readie vvith their bowes and arrowes hee ran into the thickest of his enemies with all his companie where eighteene of his companie were presently killed and most of them sore hurt he himselfe being shot in one and twentie parts In our sight he killed three Wataquazes before hee fell the Portugals kept still by the woods side and with their peeces killed one hundred and thirtie Wataquazes the wilde people were so amazed when they heard our peeces goe off that they thought the Deuill had beene amongst them and euery one began to flie as fast as he could the Portugals following them found Abausanga in the field hurt as you haue heard This Abausanga assoone as he perceiued the Portugals to stand amazed at him desired them to tell him somewhat of God for he said that Frenchmen had told him that there was a God and that he which beleeued in him should be saued The Portugals telling him of their faith hee said that hee beleeued in that God and desired to bee baptised and had his name giuen him Iohn For the space of two houres that this Indian liued hee did nothing but call vpon God and so ended his life being one hundred and twentie yeeres of age as he shewed vs by signes The Wayanasses inhabite eighteene leagues Southward of the Riuer of Ianuarie at a place called by the Portugals Ilha Grande that is to say The great Iland These Canibals are of low stature great bellies and broad feet very Cowards of a reasonable good complexion They doe not carue their bodies neitheâ—r doe they glorie so much to eate mans flesh as the Tamoyes the Tomymenos and other Canibals doe The Women are bigge in the body and very vgly but they haue very good faces The Women of this Countrie doe paint their bodies and faces with a thing called in their language Urucu it groweth in a round Cod like a beane and that maketh a red inke like Oker which maketh them seeme most vgly The haire both of men and women groweth long by the sides and on the crowne all shauen like Franciscan Friars These Canibals lye in Nets made of barkes of trees and likewise when they trauell through the Wildernesse such prouision as they haue they carrie in little Nets at their backs they are neuer without Tabacco they esteeme it more then any thing that they haue in their Countrie and with it do heale their wounds when they are hurt When the Portugals doe stand in need of slaues they doe come to Ilha Grande and there they shall be sure to meet with some of the Wayanasses a fishing then they shew them Kniues Beades and Glasses telling them what they would haue for merchandise and presently they will goe to a place called in their language Iawarapipo which is their chiefest Towne and from thence bring all such as they meane to sell to the Sea side and as good cheape as you can you may buy of them The Topinaques inhabite at Saint Vincents they are men of good stature and of reasonable good complexion their women are all painted with diuers colouâ—s and on their heads they weare a thin barke of a tree like a Ribband the Canibals eate mans flesh as other Canibals doe they adore no Idoll neither haue they any kinde of Religion onely when they kill any man they all paint their bodies with a kinde of fruit called Ianipauo and all their heads are set with feathers and great stones in their vnder-lips with Rattles in their hands and thus they will dance for three dayes together I was amased to see how they would drinke a filthy drinke without breaking of their bellies and asked them how they were able to stand so long and drinke so much of that filthy drinke they answered me that Tabacco did make them as fresh as if they had done nothing Among these Canibals there is great store of gold in many Hills hard by the Sea side and now the Portugals haue some of those places I would wee had the rest Here I end to discourse any farther of the Canibals that dwell by the Sea side till I haue told you of such Nations as I met withall when I went through the Countrie and how I came againe to the Sea I haue told you in the first booke of my trauell how that fiue or sixe yeeres after I had beene taken by the Portugals I went to warre against the Canibals with the Portugals Now by the grace of God as neere as I can I haue told you of all the Nations that I
saw and conuerst with in nine moneths that I trauelled through the Wildernesse with the Portugals and a yeere and eleuen moneths that I passed with the Canibals themselues THe Canibals called Pories inhabite at the least one hundred miles within the land they are most like vnto the Wayanasses men of low stature they liue onely on Pine nuts and small Cocos that are as bigge as Apples but they haue shâ—lls like Wall-nuts somewhat harder the Indians call them Eyrires They are of good complexion and esteeme very much of clothes if they can get them the women are all painted with diuers colours as red blue and yellow they are in peace with the Portugals and warre with no Nation neither will they eate mans flesh if they haue any other meate they lie in little Nets made of barkes of trees they haue no houses but two or three boughs tyed together couered with Palme leaues if it happeâ— to raine In this part of the Countrie I saw great store of Leopards and Lions the Indians call the Leopard Iawaryle and the Lions Iawarosou and many great Cats of mountaine which the Indians call Marcayahite here you may haue of the Indians for a Knife or a Combe fiue or sixe Gallons of Balsome oile After you haue passed the famous Riuer of Paraeyua you shall come into a Countrie of Canibals called Molopaques they are much like vnto Dutchmen in bignesse very faire of complexion they haue all beards like other men so hath not any other kinde of Canibals except it bee here and there one Most of them doe couer their priuie parts they are very ciuill in their behauiour their Townes are very strong all circled with walls made of earth and great logs they haue houses seuerall euery man with his familie They haue one amongst them whom they call Morouishaua which is their King but we saw no difference betweene him and the rest but only the name and he had as I remember thirteene wiues and no other had so many Amongst these Canibals we found good store of gold the which they doe not esteeme neither doe they vse it for any thing but to tie on their fishing lines when they goe a fishing in the Riuer of Para where they take great store of good fish Para is beyond Paraeyua eightie leagues these Indians doe not worke in the mynes for gold as the Spaniards doe but onely take such peeces as they finde when the raine hath washt away the earth for where the mynes of gold are there are no trees but are drie Mountaines of black earth which the Indians call Taiuquara and the Mountaine where the Molopaques doe finde this great store of gold is called Eâ—epararange if these Canibals had the knowleâ—ge of God I might bolâ—ly say that there are not any in the world like them The women are goodly of person faire of complexion as our English women are they are very modest and ciuill in their behauiour you shall neuer see them laugh they are people very capable to conceiue any thing they haue their haire so long that they tie it about their middles with the barke of a tree wherewithall they couer their nakednesse they esteeme very much of it Their haire is of colours like our English women some yellow some white some browne the women that haue not long haire to couer their nakednesse doe weare a kinde of Furre which they call Sawyathwasoâ— These Canibals doe eate mans flesh I was not past nine or ten dayes among them therefore I cannot resolue you further of their customes In that time I was with them I saw no manner of Religion among them they doe keepe very good order obseruing times to eate their meate at noone and at night and that doth not any other Nation amongst them they are very cleanly in whatsoeuer they doe Then wee came to a faire champaine Countrie where wee found a kinde of Canibals called Motayas Assoone as these Canibals heard of our being in their Countrie they all left their houses and came to meet vs dancing and singing telling vs that they were very glad of our comming into their Countrie they brought Ginny Wheat Pepper and diuers kinde of rootes to present vs and craued our friendship desiring vs that we would aide them against the Tamoyes We desiring nothing more told them that to that purpose we were come Assoone as wee came to the houses of these Canâ—bals all the women would sit about vs and laying their hands on our bodies they would weepe most bitterly After that euery one of them would bring such victuals as they had some brought boyled Frogs others brought Serpents and Snakes which wee found very good other some brought Munkeis and a kind of wilde Dogge that they kill in the Mountaines The men brought vs mans flesh rosted drie as black as a coale and told vs that it was of a Tamoya that they had killed and desired vs that we would eate of it thinking they had presented vs a great and daintie dish When they saw that wee refused to eate mans flesh they fell a laughing and some of them said that we knew not what was good meat These Canibals are men of small stature browne of complexion they goe all naked they weare their haire as now we doe in England below their eares and so doe the women As their haire gâ—oweth long they burne it with fire making it equall so artificially that you cannot perceiue but that it was cut with Sizors They will not haue any haire grow on their eye-browes nor on their chin but still as it groweth they pull it away with a shell their food is Ginny wheat and Roots Frogs Snakes Serpents Crocodiles Monkeâ—s Dogs that they kill in the Wildernesse Leopards and Cats of Mountaine all this â—s good meat amongst them and we found them very good and were very glad when we could get them to eate Then we came to a kinde of Caniball called Lopos the Portugals call them Bilreros these Canibals are alwayes in the Mountaines of Pine trees and haue not any other thing to liue on I neuer saw any houses that they dwell in but bougâ—s tyed together with rines of trees these Canibals would come to vs and tell vs of many things and would goe with vs two or three dayes and then would run away from vs and many times when they did meet with any of our Indians or our Portugals they would take away such things as they had about them and send them away without any hurt to their persons As wee went through this Countrie we found many mynes of gold and amongst these Indians our Captaine got good store of it and many good stones In all America there is not a richer part then this but it is so farre within the Land and that Countrie is so populous that as yet neither Portugall nor Spaniard can inhabite there They are men of small stature
and seuen English men set on land out of a Ship of Sir Oliph Leagh bound for Guiana in Santa Lucia an Iland of the West Indie the three and twentieth of August written by IOHN NICOL SIr Oliph Leagh a worshipfull Knight of Kent sending a supply of good numbers of men in a Ship called the Oliph blossome to his brother Master Charles Leigh which was planted in the Riuer of Wiapogo within three degrees and an halfe Northward of the Equinoctiall line in the West Indies which departed from Wolwich the foureteenth of Aprill 1605. vnder the conduct of Captaine Cataline and Captaine Nicholas Sainct Iohn I being desirous to see the world consorted my selfe with that coâ—pany But by contrary windes and vnknowne currents of the Sea and the vnskilfulnesse of our Master Richard Chambers wee were put to leeward of our port without any hope of recouering the same in any due time And being not victualled as it seemed for aboue foure or fiue moneths after consultation had we were faine to touch first at the Isle of Barbudos and then at Santa Luzia in the West Indies Where fearing to perish at Sea for hunger before we should be able being so many aboord to reach England Captaine Nicolas Saint Iohn with the rest of the passengers which purposed to haue staied with Master Charles Leagh at Wiopogo in Guiana resolued to stay and take their fortune in the aforesaid fruitfull Iland Thus sixtie seuen of vs at our owne seeking were left on shore in the aforesaid Iland of Santa Luzia the three and twentieth of August 1605. with our Swords Muskets and Powder and one Falcon and one barill of Biscuit onely for all our food The next day our Ship departed from vs with some discontentment because we had seased vpon her Boate to serue our turnes After our Shippe was departed from vs we liued very peaceably daily trading with the Indians for victuals which were Cassaui Potatos Plantans Pinas Popayes Pompions Calabassus Tobacco Pappies Mammeyes all very pleasant to eate Also they brought vnto vs Hens and Guls and some Pelicanes Woodcocks and Snipes we our selues did kill with our Peeces many of them likewise And euery night we sent out sixe vpon the sands to seeke for Tortoyses whereof we neuer missed night without one or two and many times three which was the greatest sustenance we found for they are very large and great I haue often taken out of one of them to the number of seuen hundred egges Also the Indians had great store of Roan linnen cloathes Serges and other Stuffes and Spanish wollen cloath and iarres of Oyle which they tooke and saued at Sea with their Periagnas For three Spanish Shippes had beene there cast away a little before our arriuall if we had had a Pinnesse there we could haue laden her with many good commodities which they had hid in their houses in the woods All which we could haue bought for Hatchets Kniues Beades Thimbles Fishhookes and other such trifles Thus for the space of fiue or sixe weekes wee went not much abroad till our Captaine seeing certaine foure square Plates which the Indians ware on the small of their armes asked Browne a Gold finer his opinion what he thought of them who told him that three parts thereof was Gold And asking the Indians where they got them they pointed vnto an high Mountaine on the North-west part of the Iland This caused Captaine Nicholas Saint Iohn and Iohn Rogers who was our interpreter for the Spanish tongue with as many of our chiefe men as could well goe in the Boate vpon a Munday to goe thither promising his Brother Alexander Sainct Iohn Master Garret and Master Tench whom he left to gouerne the rest at home to returne the next Saturday The Indians for three dayes after did not come vnto vs with victuals for they perceiued when the Boate went and as we thinke they were then at the slaughter of our men at the Mountayne Vpon Thursday morning we killed two Tortoyses on the sands where wee found a great company of the Indians gathered together for what purpose we knew not And lest wee should suspect them of any bad intent towards vs they willingly offered themselues to bring home our Tortoyses which they tooke into their Periaguas and brought them to our Houses All that forenoone wee kept good watch for there were very many that came both by Sea and Land to the number of two or three hundred and diuers of them were very merrie with vs drinking of Tabacco and Aquauitae vntill ten of the clocke and then they departed all saue one which was a Captaine of the I le of Saint Vincent called Augramert and an old man which was his Father who promised vs if wee would goe to their houses that wee should haue any thing that they had For the day before I had beene at their houses with other two of my fellowes to haue bought victuals yet they would not part with any no not for any commoditie that wee had and yet they had more store of victuals then euer I saw them haue before But wee perceiued afterwad that it was prouided for them that came to take their parts against vs whom they kept secret in the Woods So we three returned and trauelled farre into the Iland and passed through sixe or seuen Gardens very full of Cassabe Potatoes and many other rootes and fruits and by the way saw many tall trees of so huge bignesse that wee three could not at twice fathome one of them about and they were so hard that wee could not cut them with our Kniues and the Barke of them was white like Ash. Then we returned to our Sconce againe Vpon Thursday after dinner Master Alexander Saint Iohns Master Francis Kettleby the elder Master William Tench my selfe and diuers others to the number of eighteene went with Augramert and his father hauing neither Bowe nor Arrow onely his father had a Brasill sword They went thus meanly armed lest wee should suspect them Augramert also promised Master Alexander Saint Iohn that he should see his wife and we should haue Hamaccos which are Indian beds of net-worke made of cotton yarne to lye in So we trauelled along the Sands very securely young Saint Iohn going a little space before playing and jesting with the Indian Captain till they came within sight of their houses where in the woods they had placed an ambush of three hundred Caribes when suddenly Augramert tooke hold of his Rapier with the one hand and of his Poniard with the other and the old man his father with his Brasill sword strooke him downe to the ground Then out of the woods came the Arrowes so thicke about our eares that wee had not the time to put our matches in our cocks And many of our companie had their match to light which gaue a great encouragement vnto the enemie insomuch that we discharged not sixe peeces against
of them in a Pinnasse that was built by one named Howard the Keele whereof hee made of a Canoa which prooued a very fitting Pinnasse for those parts and Riuers This Pinnasse after our Generals death the Indians did breake a pieces because they thought wee would haue stolne away from them in her vnto the Spaniards And the rest of our company were placed in their Canoas all of vs furnished with our Caleeuers and so wee departed on our Iourney and Voyage on the sixe and twentieth of February on which day at night wee came to a place which wee named Mount Huntly where wee lodged in the Woods that night our Generall commanding vs to keepe a good watch which wee need not to haue done for the Indians themselues were very watchfull and wonderfull carefull of our Caleeuers and for to keepe our Powder drie after we had beene acquainted with them and very diligent for to please vs. The next day at night we came to a place called the Cou and there wee lodged and the next day following we came into the Riuer of Wia and there we found two or three of the Caribes Canoas but all their men were runne vp into the Woodes and from thence our Generall went vp farther into the Riuer where wee burned certaine of their houses not finding any people in them From whence our Generall purposed to haue gone farther into the Riuer of Caliane But the Indians did aduertize him that there was an English ship there whom the Generall knew to bee one Iohnson of Plimmouth that had beene some fourteene dayes before at Wiapoco and came thither in the way of Trade But our Generall would not suffer him so to doe for that he would not hinder himselfe and his company which our Generall at that time called to minde and therefore thought it not good to proceed in the Riuer because hee doubted that there would haue risen contention betwixt his company and Iohnsons and for that hee also misdoubted wee should haue wanted Bread and Drinke if hee should haue proceeded in his iourney and therefore returned to Wiapoco where we arriued all except one Canoa About the fourteenth day of March. Our Generall sent with foure of our Nation named Blake Owen Goldwell William Crandall and Henry Powell with commodities vp into the Countrey some thirtie leagues to a place called Urake to the Inhabitants there named Arwakes to trade with them And after our iourney by reason of such Raine and foule weather as wee had in the same most of our company fell sicke and for that they had no comfortable drinkes nor any comforts thaâ— sicke persons doe want diuers of them died of the Fluxe which the Indians as also the Disease called the Calenture know right well for to cure yet concealed it from our Generall But vnto vs after his death they did reueale which sicknesse amongst the company caused no small griefe vnto our Generall and chiefly to see such wants amongst them wherefore hee resolued with himselfe to goe for England which hee acquainted the company with promising them to returne as speedily as hee could with prouision Presently after he had shipped his prouision and such Commodities as hee had gathered together in the Countrey and was in a readinesse to depart for England he sickned of the Fluxe and died aboord his ship and was by Captaine Huntly secretly buried on the Land the twentieth of March whose death was so secretly kept by the Captaine and the Master of the ship that most of the company knew not thereof The reason was because there was prouision too little for them which were shipped and others of the company if they had knowne thereof would haue pressed to haue come with them Wherefore Captaine Huntly with Master Tederington our Preacher and others set saile from Wiapoco towards England on the second of Aprill 1605. promising a ship to returne vnto vs within seuen moneths God not hindering their intents which had happened for Sir Olaue Leigh to his great charge had prouided a great Fly-boat of the burthen of one hundred and seuenty tunnes furnished for to haue come for Wiapoco as I haue heard since my being here in London before Captaine Huntly his arriuall in England but it pleased God that she neuer came to Wiapoco so that we had no comfort of her being in number left at Captaine Huntlies departure out of the Countrey thirtie fiue persons of whom one named Richard Sacksie was by Captaine Leigh in his life time appointed to bee chiefe amongst vs who shipped himselfe into a ship of Middleborough who came into the Riuer about the first of May 1605. and fourteene more of our company with him and more that Zelander would haue carried if Sacksie would haue suffered him such was his kindnesse towards our Nation Hee gaue vnto vs such wine and other comforts as he had vnto our great reliefes His comming vnto vs to Wiapoco was to haue sold vnto our Generall Negroes whose kindnesse we did requite in helping him to such commodities as wee had and did get the Indians to prouide Cassaui and Guinea Wheate for bread with Potato Roots for his Negroes to eat who departed on the one and twentieth of May after he had bin some three weekes in the Riuer of Wiapoco for Point de Ray where he shipped of our company into his Countrimens ships some in one ship and some into others for Holland of which ships we heard that some of them were taken by the Spaniards and they were cast ouer-boord with the Hollanders The same day the Hollander departed which was the one and twentieth of May came vnto vs a French ship of Saint Mallors who dealt very kindly with vs wherefore wee did suffer him to trade with the Indians who did remayne there some two moneths vnto whom many strange Indians did bring their commodities and at his departure hee shipped ten of our men hee tooke Powder and other commodities of vs which we had for their passage into France leauing tenne of vs behind him of which two died before the ship was out of ken of vs Nicholas Wilkins and Andrew Vnderhill But within some fourteene dayes after two of those foure which our Generall had sent to trade vnto Urake came vnto vs not expecting euer to haue seene them the other two were drowned by the way These two named Owen Goldwell and William Candall which came to vs reported they had beene some fortie miles vp into the Land in a very plaine pleasant Countrey and brought commodities hereafter written of About the middle of Iuly our number of ten were all in good health spending our time in planting of Carow called Flaxe whereof we planted about twentie English Acres of Land and some Tabacco obseruing the manners and conditions of the people the nature of the Land and what commodities it yeeldeth and what commodities of ours are in most request with them
About the third of October the Indians did request vs for to accompany them in their warres against the Caribes whereunto wee willingly did agree They prouided seuen Canoas furnishing them with men and bread and drinke and their victuals for the most part Crabs and fish of diuers sorts which they take euery day fresh and fresh as they trauell in the Riuers We went into the Riuer of Caliane which is some thirtie leagues from Wiapoco where wee rowed vp and downe but we could not find any of the Caribes in the Riuer we perswaded them to land which they did and marched vp some two miles vnto the Caribes houses as wee marched to their houses the Caribes came to the water side where our Canoas did lye but finding my selfe therewith my Caliuer they had no great desire to come very neere vnto vs and so after wee had burned some of their houses and killed diuers of them our company returned to our Canoas hauing lost one of the Indian Captaines named Macato others of the Indians were shot with three of our company whom they healed as they did themselues with a leafe very speedily They are armed in their warres with naked skins and their Artillery are Bowes and Arrowes their Weapons woodden Swords and Bucklers They choose their Captaines at their drunken Feasts he is placed in the middest of the whole company holding his hands on his head After they haue made an Oration vnto him to be valiant and not to be treacherous vnto them with such like speeches they whip him with a Whip which maketh the bloud spring out of his bodie at euery stroke and he neuer once mooueth thereat By these meanes they try his patience and courage After we had shipped our selues into our Canoas wee rowed vp and downe the riuer of Caliane some eight or ten dayes which wee noted for to be a very faire Riuer and nauigable It runneth diuers wayes from the mayne Land and great store of such commodities hereafter specified which the Countrey yeeldeth is to be had in the said Riuer We returned vnto our houses at Wiapoco about the first of Nouember In this Iourney we were kindly vsed of our consorts our Indians and highly respected of them for our seruice which we did After a few dayes rest at Wiapoco the Indians aduertised vs of three Ships which were in the Riuer of Amasons and that one of them would come vnto vs to the Riuer of Wiapoco some two moneths after which proued to be true but by what meanes they knew it I could not imagine except it were by their diuels meanes which they call their Peyar with whom the men haue often conference and it will answere them but the women neuer that I could perceiue when the men will conferre with their Peyar they suffer not a childe to be in the house and when any of them are sicke they know by him whether they shall liue or dye if he saith they shall dye they will giue the sicke person no physicke but if he say that he shall liue then they will giue him any thing they haue for his comfort After our company was aduertised of a Shippes comming vnto vs we went with the Indians in their Canoas some into the Riuer of Wiapoco and some into the Riuer of Arocow to make away such commodities as we had left which were not many reseruing some of them to giue to our Indians for our victuals although their kindenesse towards vs was such that if we had not had any commodities they would not haue suffered vs to haue wanted In which our iourney we noted the Riuer of Aracow to be a very pleasant Riuer and yeeldeth such commodities as other Riuers doe also the Riuer of Wiapoco is a very faire Riuer and nauigable which entreth the maine more then fortie miles And at the end thereof there is a very great fall of water which commeth ouer great hils and mountaines some of our company were on the tops of them for some moneths in the yeare the Mountaines are drie and we were informed that on the other side of those great hils there is a Riuer which is inhabited with many Indians and hath the like commodities that Wiapoco hath and that there is Gold in that place which the Indians calleth Carocorâ—e but we neuer went to see the same Riuer by reason we had very small store of commodities At our returne to Wyapoco we gaue to the Indians for their paines and prouiding of vs victuals in our iourney an Axe for which they would haue trauelled with vs two or three moneths time if occasion had required And for an Axe they found vs victuals two moneths time at our houses as Bread and Drinke and Crabbes and Fish and all such kinde of flesh as they killed for themselues for the same price but if we desired any Hennes or Cockes of them then we were to haue giuen them some small trifles as Beades so likewise if they brought vs in our trauell to any of their friend Indians houses we must doe the like as at our departure to giue them some trifles as Kniues and Beades So that we liued very good cheape There are of the Indians three sorts which inhabit at Wyapoco with whom wee were whose houses be scituated as neere the Riuers mouth as they well may be they are named the Yayes the Arwalkes and the Suppayes The Yayes are a people very proud and vse much flouting and mocking of others much giuen vnto dansing and are full of merriment very ingenious and very kinde of nature The Arwackes are a people of better carriage and did vse our company with better respect then the Yayes These two kindes of Indians come out of the West wherefore they doe know all those Coasts and they hate the Spaniards as deadly as they doe the Caribes The Suppayes are a people more craftie in their dealings for they will not part with any thing but will haue commodities for commodities They are not many of them and wee could not learne from whence they are come The men and women goe all naked without any couerture at all they are very well limmed and proportioned of body They neuer company together all the day time but as the women doe bring them their victuals they doe eate vsually euery day they haue doores at each end of their houses the men remaine at the one end of the house the women at the other The women are very neate in making of their Bread which they call Aripo and their drinke Passhe they make their Bread and Drinke of a roote which they call Cassaui which maketh good Bread and very strong drink very pleasant to drinke after one is vsed to it Their houses are built after the manner of our barnes in England but much longer for we haue measured some of them which were one hundred and fiftie paces long and some twenty
where the Spaniards entertained him and his companie very kindely for they gaue them Tobacco for all such commodities as they had and suffered them to lade Pitch which goeth out of the ground there for that our Master durst not goe to Point de Ree to lade Sault there as he determined because hee heard that the Spaniard did lye there with their men of warre and had taken certaine Holland Shippes and had flung ouer boord all the men that were in them our Master tooke his course from Trinidado to Amsterdam where he arriued on the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and were in number of vs eight besides my selfe named Owen Goâ—ldwell Robert Gardner William Crandall Robert Becke Richard Pren William Frier Gilbert Browne and Richard Bonocke Since my being here I vnderstand that one of our company which we left at Vlishinge named William Crandall is gone in a Shippe of Holland for Wyapoco which voyage they would haue hired my selfe and others to haue gone with them by reason we haue the Indians languages such is the diligence of that Nation vnto whom I wish well for the great kindenesse they shewed my selfe and others of our Nation CHAP. XV. Part of a Treatise written by Master WILLIAM TVRNER Sonne to Doctor TVRNER of London a Phisitian touching the former Voyage THe foureteenth of August about two in the afternoone we had sight of the Barbados which bore of vs South South-west The Land hath two points bearing East and West one from another and from the middle of it it riseth like Tenerife and is tenne leagues broad and is barbarous without any inhabitants hauing great store of Hogges Piggeons and Parrats We bore for the Westermost part of this Iland and so wee steered away West North-west and North-west and by West amongst for Saint Lucia The fifteenth day being thursday we had sight of Saint Lucia bearing West North-west of vs. This Iland of Saint Lucia is a very fertile I le bearing many sorts of fruites as Plantons Potatoes Pinos Guanos Pompins Cassado and many other fruites It hath also great store of Cotten wooll and Tobacco but their Tobacco is not very good It hath also many wilde Beasts in it as Tygars Guanes Alagartos and other Beasts which time would not permit vs to see It hath also great store of Pigeons Parrats Pellicans Cats and Dogges The people goe naked hauing very long haire and are very honest kinde hearted people In this Iland wee set our passengers ashoare and furnished them with all things necessary that our distressed Shippe could afford them But they like treacherous idle disposed people not regarding our kindenesse nor pittying our necessitie betraied our Boate from vs one morning as wee went ashoare my selfe and three or foure other Gentlemen being in her and then they detained three Saylers which were drawing in the Boate keeping them for their owne vse and afterward sent vs aboord in a Canoa which we were faine to buy of them for Kniues The Master and the Captaine seeing this their treacherous dealing and being out of all hope to get their Boate againe about thursday in the euening being the three and twentieth of August gaue them a Peece of Ordnance with intent to beate downe their houses We had no sooner let flye at them but presently they shot at vs againe the bullet whereof came betweene our maine Mast and our Poope but it hurt no body So that night we waied and went to a Baye some two leagues to leeward of this roade where we first ankored In this Bay there are halfe a dosen of Indian houses very pleasantly scituated vpon the top of a hill with a fresh water Riuer at the foote of the same hill and in this Baye we had very good trafficke of linnen cloath and many pleasant fruites for our Hatchets and Kniues After we had roade here some sixe houres we might plainly discerne our Boate vndersaile whereupon we presently fitted our small shot hoping that their intent was to come aboord and betray our Shippe but they tacked in and rowed alongst the shoare till they came to the very Bay where we roade and there they stopped and we were in good hope to recouer our Boate againe but they tarried there trading for their commodities in the face of our Ordnance whereupon we seeing their daring boldnesse to be so great that they presumed to trafficke in our owne Boate before our noses and to goe about as it were to stop vs from trafficke we let flye at them sixe peeces of Ordnance and a vallie of small shot but what harme we did amongst them we know not for they rowed away and got out of sight of vs. We tearmed the Baye where we put these men a shoare Rogues Baye the Cape we called Cape Knaue and the Riuer Riuer of Rascols This very same day being the foure and twentieth of August we waied anchor and steered away South South-east and South-east and by South amongst for Saint Uincents And vpon Saturday the fiue and twentieth day in the afternoone we arriued at the Iland of Saint Vincents where we came within a Ships length very nigh the shoare which put vs all in great feare for if God had not sent vs a gale from the shoare we had runne a ground and we had had all our throates cut by the Indians of that Iland So that night we tried it off at Sea with our fore-top-saile and fore-saile intending next day being Sunday to stand it in againe for the shoare because we had good hope of good trafficke there But the current had driuen vs so farre off at Sea by the next morning and the winde blew so vehemently from the shoare that we could by no meanes fetch the land whereupon being foure leaues from the shoare of Saint Vincents we steered away South South-west and South-west and by South amongst for the Testigoes And the next morning being monday we had sight of the Granados bearing of vs South-east but we could not fetch the Testigos The nine and twentieth being Wednesday morning we had sight of fiue small Rocks which bore of vs West and by North some fiue leagues off wee had also sight of the Iland of Blanco whereby wee found that the Current had set vs and doth set to the North-east and therefore your best course to goe from the Granados to the Testigos is to steere away South-west The first of September being Friday morning wee had sight of Margarita and at night wee cast anchor at the Westermost Point of this Iland called Point Macanao The second day the next morning wee went ashoare with our Canoa to see if wee could meete with any Spaniards with whom wee might bargaine for some Beeues But wee could neither see Spaniards Beeues nor fresh-water onely we found the dung of Beeues In this Iland of Margarita also there are great store of Pelicans This morning wee weighed and as soone as wee had doubled
too great for so few shâ—ps of no greater burden was in all fourscore and seuenteene whereof threescore were Land-men Being thus imbarked wee set saile from the Rainge at Dartmouth the said three and twentieth of March but the winde altering vpon a sudden put vs backe againe that euening and about two of the clocke the next morning it comming better for vs we weighed anchor and put to Sea the euening following we lost sight of the Lizzard and steered away for the Canaries The seuenth day of Aprill we fell with Alegranza and Lancerote two Ilands of the Canaries we stood in with Alegranza and came to anchor on the South-west side thereof that euening and the next day I landed my companie to exercise their limmes on shoare in this Iland wee found no Inhabitants nor fresh water neither fruitfull Tree Plant Herbe Grasse nor any thing growing that was good onely an abundance of vnwholsome Sea-fowle which after one meale were vnsauourie and distastefull and a few wilde Capritos or wilde Goats which the craggy Rocks defended from our hands and hungrie mouthes The eighth of Aprill we departed from Alegranza and directed our course for Tenerife another of the Ilands The eleuenth day I sent the Pinnasse and the Shallop to water at the Calmes and there to attend my comming but with my ship I held my course for Orotauo a Towne on the other side of the Iland in hope to get some wine amongst the Merchants there but not being able by reason of a contrarie winde to double Punta de Nega wee altered our course from Wine to Water And the twelfth day wee passed by Santa Cruz and watered that euening at the Calmes This watering place is very conuenient for all such as passe by those Ilands and is thus to bee found there is a woodden Crosse neere vnto it the high Pike of Tenerife beareth due North from it There is also a ledge of Rocks to the Eastward of the landing place which is a short Sandie Bay When you are landed you shall finde the place about fortie or fiftie yards from the Sea side Then we stood on our course for the Riuer of Wiapoco in Guiana hauing a prosperous winde faire weather and a smooth Sea The ninth day of May wee fell into the Current of the great and famous Riuer of Amazones which putteth out into the Sea such a violent and mightie streame of fresh water that being thirtie leagues from land we drunke thereof and found it as fresh and good as in a Spring or Poole This Riuer for the great and wonderfull breadth contayning at the mouth neere sixtie leagues is rightly termed by Iosephus Acosta the Empresse and Queene of all Flouds and by Hiâ—ronymus Giraua Tarraconensis it is said to bee the greatest not onely of all India but also of the whole world and for the greatnesse is called of many the Sweet Sea It riseth and floweth from the Mountaines of Peru and draweth out her streames in many windings and turnings vnder the Equinoctiall for the space of one thousand and fiue hundred leagues and more although from her Fountaines and Springs vnto the Sea it is but sixe hundred When we entred into the aforesaid Current we sounded and had fortie foure fathome water sandie sounding The tenth day the colour of the water changed and became muddie whitish and thicke then we sounded againe at noone and had thirtie fathome and seuenteene at foure in the afternoone The eleuenth day at eight of the clocke in the morning wee made land the vttermost Point thereof bearing West from vs and came to anchor in fiue fathom water At night the Patience putting in to neere the shoare came to anchor in two fathome and a halfe water vpon the floud which fell from her vpon the ebbe and left her drie vpon the Oaze and the next floud comming in did so shake and beate her against the ground that before shee could get off her rudder was beaten away and her ribs so rent and crased that if Almightie God had not preserued her shee had beene wrackt but God be thanked with much adoe shee came off into deeper water and mended her Rudder as well as the time and place would afford means Then we followed on our course coasting along to the North North-west the Land so trending It is very shoale all along this Coast the ground soft oaze but no danger to be feared keeping our ship in fiue fathom water When we came to the latitude of two degrees and a halfe wee anchored in a goodly Bay by certaine Ilands called Carripapoory I did at that time forbeare to make particular discouerie of this Coast intending if God spare me life to make a perfect discouerie of the famous Riuer of Amazones and of her seuerall branches and Countries bordering vpon it and of all this tract of land from the Amazones vnto the Riuer of Wiapoco which contayneth many goodly Prouinces and Signiories which are in this discourse but briefly mentioned For at this time I purposed onely to prosecute my first proiect which hastened me vnto another place From hence I stood along the Coast and the seuenteenth of May I came to anchor in the Bay of Wiopoco where the Indians came off vnto vs in two or three Canoes as well to learne of what Nation we were as also to trade with vs who vnderstanding that we were English men boldly came aboard vs one of them could speake our language well and was knowne to some of my companie to be an Indian that sometime had beene in England and serued Sir Iohn Gilbert many yeeres they brought with them such dainties as their Countrie yeeldeth as Hens Fish Pinas Platanaes Potatoes bread of Cassaui and such like cates which were heartily welcome to my hungrie companie In recompence whereof I gaue them Kniues Beades Iewes trumps and such toyes which well contented them But when I had awhile entertayned them and made known vnto them the rerurne of the Indian Martin their Countriman whom I brought with mee out of England they seemed exceeding ioyfull supposing that he had beene dead being aboue foure yeeres since he departed from them The Indian before mentioned to haue serued Sir Iohn Gilbert whose name was Iohn whilest he liued for he is now dead and dyed a Christian was a great helpe vnto vs because hee spake our language much better then either of those that I brought with mee and was euer firme and faithfull to vs vntill his death By him I vnderstood that their Towne was situate vpon the East side of the Hill in the mouth of Wiapoco and was called Caripo that the Indian Martin was Lord thereof and that in his absence his brother was chiefe Moreouer hee certified mee that the principall Indian of that Riuer was called Carasana who by good fortune was then at Caripo and so hauing spent some time in other conference and friendly entertainment they tooke their
hereafter For where the Topas is found on the Mountaines of Tenaseren in the East Indies the greatest store of Diamonds are also found When my kinsman returned Daptaine Leonard came with him to Wiapoco being aboue an hundred miles from his owne Country onely to visite me and my company for the great loue he did beare to Sir Walter Raleigh and our Nation I much maruelled to see him for assuredly he is the brauest Indian of all those parts After he had beene with me a day or two he earnestly requested me to send some of my company into his Countrey which he greatly commended for the wholesome ayre and plenty of victuals alleading that the place where then wee liued by his owne experience was very vnhealthfull that our men would there be subiect to sickenesse and die and for an instance he named Captaine Lee and his company who formerly were planted there and almost all dyed by sicknesse in the same place But he assured me that his own Country Cooshebery was of a good ayre pleasant and healthfull that there they might haue roome sufficient to build English houses in for those were the words hee vsed that thither they should be welcome and should want nothing Much he perswaded to draw me to his desire which by his importunity I granted and accordingly performed it finding his Country answerable to his report being for the most part champian ground naturally intermixt of plaine fields fruitefull meadowes and goodly woods in such admirable order as if they had beene planted artificially by handy labour The fields appearing aboue the meadowes in pleasant and delightfull manner presenting here and there vnto the eye from stately Mounts most beautifull and liuely prospects the meadowes bordering on euery side betweene the fields and woods the woods growing in the lowest valleys betwixt the meadowes and commonly are â—watered with sweete and pleasant fresh streames running through them which strange and rare mixture of Mounts Valleyes Meadowes Fields and Woods afford as excellent and healthfull habitations as can be wished or desired but is not greatly peopled From the Riuer of Cassipurogh N. Westward to the Riuer of Arracow and vp further into the Land towards the West and South-west as farre as the Riuer of Arwy which falleth into Wiapoco aboue the ouerfalles extend the Prouinces of Arracoory and Morownia which also to the landward by the relation of my Brother Captaine Michael Harcourt and Captaine Haruey who haue trauelled and discouered those parts are pleasant and delightfull plaine Countries like vnto Cooshebery The Arracoory Countrie is well pleopled and their chiefe Captaine is called Ipero Betwixt the Wiapocoories and Arracoories there is no hearty loue and friendship yet in outward shew they hold good quarter In Morrownia there is also store of people which are friendly Indians In that Prouince there is a very high Hill called Callipuny fashioned like a Sugerloafe or a Pyramis which oueruieweth and discouereth all the Territories adioyning aboue an hundred miles Beyond the Country of Morrowni to the Southward bordering the Riuer of Arwy is the Prouince of Norrak the people thereof are Charibes and enemies both to the Morrowinnes the inhabitants of Morrownia and to the Wiapopoories who are also vnder the subiection of Anaky-v-ry the principall and greatest Lord or Cassique of all the Yaios in those Prouinces bordering vpon the Sea betwixt the Amazones South-eastward and Dessequebe North-westward From the Riuer of Amazones to the Bay of Wiapoco there fall into the Sea these Riuers following Arrapoco a branch of Amazones Arrawary Micary Conawini and Cassipuroph In the Bay of Wiapooco to the East of the said Riuer there falleth into the Sea the Riuer of Arracow and into Arracow falleth the Riuer of VVatts To the North of VViapoco there is a small creeke called Wianary which letteth into the Sea a dayes iourney Westward vp into the land some take this creeke to be a Riuer but they doe erre in that opinion it hauing neither Spring nor Fountaine from whence it falleth To the North and North-west of the said creeke there is a ridge of high Mountaines running towards the Riuer of Apurwaca the soile whereof is excellent and fertile for Tobacco and beareth the best of all those parts so are the Sugar-canes there growing the best and fairest that are found vpon the Coast and all the tract of Land betwixt the Riuer of VViapoco and Apurwaca is accounted the Prouince of VViapocoory containing the Signiories of VViapoco and VVianary Beneath the ouerfals in VViapoco which are forty miles distant from the Sea there is much people both of Yaios and Arwaccas of the Yaios in this Riuer Carasana is chiefe Of the Arwaccas Arriquona is principall In Wianary there are few Indians and Casurino is their chiefetaine To the North-west of the Bay of Wiapoco there fall into the Sea the Riuer of Apurwaca Cowo Wio and Caiane Apurwaca is a goodly Riuer and well inhabited Cowo is voide of inhabitants Wio is a faire Riuer and leadeth many dayes iourney into the high land â—and discouereth a fertile and hopefull Countrey At Caiane there is an excellent harbour for shipping of any burden which heretofore by Captaine Lawrence Keymis was called Port Howard On the Starbood side as you enter this harbour there is an Iland of low land called Muccumbro scituate betwixt the Riuer of Caiane and Meccoria containing in circuit about sixteene leaues In this Iland there are two hils the one called Muccumbro whereof the Iland taketh the name the other called Cillicedemo from these hils the greatest part of the Iland may be oueruiewed which containeth many goodly Pastures and Meadowes intermixt with some Woods and is full of Deere both red and fallow On the Larboord side as you enter Caiane there is another Iland of high Land called Mattoory in quantitie much like vnto the first this Iland for the commodious scituation is of great effâ—ct for the defence of the harbour affording naturally two such notable conuenient places for the planting of Ordnance for that purpose as no industry of art could deuise better or more auaileable The Inhabitants of this Prouince of Caiane are Charibes their principall commander is called Arrawicary who dwelleth at Cillicedemo before mentioned we haue found him trusty and faithfull to our Nation but to our friend Leonard of Cooshebery he is a mortall enemy At this mans house I left foure or fiue of my company thereby to hold amity and friendship with the Charibes to learne their language and to keepe peace betweene them and the Yaios Arwaccas and other Narions their allies To the South-westward of these Prouinces aboue mentioned towards the high land there be many others which hereafter shall be more exactly described by a second discouery These Prouinces Signiories to the landward are not plentifully inhabited the greatest numbers of people are seated neare vnto the Riuers trauell from place to place in
their eares I forbeare to mention vntill by experience wee shall discouer the truth thereof Moreouer hee learned that there fall into Marrawini diuers great Riuers called Arrenne Topannawin Errewin Cowomma Poorakette Arroua Arretowenne Waoune Anape Aunime and Carapio whereof some he hath seene himselfe That it was twentie dayes iourney from Taupuramune to the head of Marrawini which is inhabited by Arwaccas Sappaios Paragotos and some Yaios and that a dayes iourney from thence to the Land-ward the Countrey is plaine and Champian ground with long grasse Hee passed in this iourney aboue eightie ouerfals of water and many of them very dangerous of some of them I had experience the yeere before He proceeded no further at that present being vnprouided for so long a iourney supposing that it had beene neerer then he found it to the head of the Riuer by a fortnights trauell and so returned backe in sixe dayes space intending better preparation for a second iourney but his purpose was preuented by an vntimely death for shortly after hee was drowned by misfortune whereby we see that man determineth but God disposeth THe tenth day of September being Sunday I left the maine of Guiana and in my ship-boat stood off into the Sea to seeke my ships which were forced to ride foure leagues from shore by reason of the shoales but as we passed ouer them we were in danger to bee cast away by the breach of a Sea which verily had sunke our Boat if with great celeritie wee had not lightned her by heauing ouer-boord many baskets of bread of Cassain Maix Pinas Platanas Potatoes and such like prouision wherewith our Boat was loden by which means it pleased God to deliuer vs from present destruction and to bring vs safe vnto our ships When I came aboord we weighed anchor and steered away from the Iland of Trinidado and vpon the eighteenth day in the morning we arriued at Punta de Galea where wee found three English ships at anchor which was no small comfort vnto vs considering our great defects and wants One of these shippes was called the Diana belonging to Master Lâ—l a Dutch Merchant dwelling in London The other two the Penelope and the Indeuour belonging to Master Hall a Merchant also of London We stayed at this place sixe daies to mend our bad Caske and to take fresh water during which time I was kindly intreated and feasted by the Merchants and had supply of all such things as I stood in neede of which courtesie I requited in the best manner I could for the present Vpon Sunday the twentie foure of September we weighed anchor so likewise did the Diana the other two shippes beeing gone two or three daies before vs but the winde shifting to the North-east inforced vs backe againe almost to the same place from whence wee departed The twentie fiue we weighed againe and plied along the shoare towards Cape Brea about three leagues This Cape is so called of the Pitch which is there gotten in the earth whereof there is such abundance that all places on this side of the World may bee stored there with It is a most excellent Pitch for trimming of shippes that passe into these Regions and hot Countries for it melteth not with the Sunne as other Pitch doth The twentie sixe day we stood along againe the winde being still contrarie and variable intermixt with many calmes and so continued vntill the second of October when we arriued at Port de Hispania Within two daies after our arriuall there Don Sanches de Mendosa the Teniente for that yeere with certaine other Spaniards came aboord vs wee gaue them the best entertainment that our meanes the time and place would affoord and had much friendly conference together They told me that they lately had a conflict with the Charibes where in they had lost seuen or eight of their men and had many others hurt and wounded whereof some came to my Chirurgion to haue their wounds dressed during our abode there And they plainly confessed that they are very much molested by the Charibes and knew not how by any meanes to suppresse them We staied at Porte de Hispania vntill the seuenth day in hope to get some good Tobacco amongst the Spaniards who daily fed vs with delaies and faire words but in truth they had none good at that present for vs which we perceiuing departed thence vpon the seuenth day about one of the clocke in the morning leauing the other ships to attend their trade and stood away for the passages called Les sciot boccas de Drago and disembogued about eight of the clocke the same morning Then wee steered away for an Iland called Meues and leauing the Ilands of Granado Saint Vincent Guadalupa and Monserate in our starboord side wee arriued there the twelfth day where we stopped to take in ballast and more water for our ships were very light In this Iland there is an hot Bath which as well for the reports that I haue heard as also for that I haue seene and found by experience I doe hold for one of the best and most souereigne in the World I haue heard that diuers of our Nation haue there beene cured of the Leprosie and that one of the same persons now or lately dwelt at Woolwich neere the Riuer of Thames by whom the truth may be knowne if any man desire to bee further satisfied therein As for my owne experience although it was not much yet the effects that I found it worke both in my selfe and others of my company in two daies space doe cause mee to conceiue the best of it For at my comming thither I was grieuously vexed with an extreame cough which I much feared would turne me to great harme but by bathing in the Bath and drinking of the water I was speedily cured and euer since that time I haue found the state of my body I giue God thankes for it farre exceeding what it was before in strength and health Moreouer one of my company named Iohn Huntbatch seruant to my brother as he was making a fire burned his hand with Gunpowder and was in doubt thereby to loose the vse of one or two of his fingers which were shrunke vp with the fire but he went presently to the Bath and washed and bathed his hand a good space therein which soopled his fingers in such manner that with great ease he could stir and stretch them out and the fire was so washed out of his hand that within the space of twenty foure houres by twice or thrice washing and bathing it the sorenesse thereof was cured onely the eye-sore for the time remained Furthermore two or three other of my company hauing swellings in their legs were by the Bath cured in a day Hence we departed the sixteenth day of October in the afternoone and leauing the Ilands of Saint Christopher Saint Martin and Anguilla on the
and carrie them to their plowings and to all kind of labours on their backes through cold and heate and they carrie them like the Gâ—pâ—ies stradling about their hips they giue them no manner of correction that their children may not crie They haue manie Southsayings for they put Cotton-clothes vpon their head birds teathers and stickes they lay them one the palmes of their hands and rocke them by them that they may grow They esteeme more to doe good to their children then to themselues and now they esteeme and loue the Fathers verie much because they bring them vp they teach them to reade write and cipher and singing and to play on an Instrument a thing which they doe much esteeme When any guest doth come to the house the honour and entertainment they make him is to bewaile him Now the guest being come into the house they set him in the Net after he is set without speaking any word to him the wife and the daughters and the other friends do sit them downe round about him with their haire loose touching with the hand the partie they all beginne to weepe with a high voice and great abundance of teares and there they tell in a versified prose all things that haue happened since they saw one another to that houre and manie other which they inuent and the troubles that the guest hath suffered in his journie and all things else that may prouoke pitie and teares The guest all this time speaketh not one word but after they haue bewailed him a good while thy wipe the teares and remaine so quiet so modest so pleasant and merrie that it seemeth they neuer wept and then they salute one another and giue their Ereiupe or welcome and they bring him meate c. And after these Ceremonies ended the guest telleth wherefore he commeth The men likewise bewaile one another but it is in some weightie matters as deaths misfortunes in wars c. They hold it for a great courtesie to entertaine all men and to giue them all things necessarie for their sustenance and some gifts as Bowes Arrowes Birds Feathers and other things according to their pouertie without any kind of reward These Gentiles doe accustome to drinke the smoake of Petigma by another name the holy herbe this they drie and make of a Palme-tree leafe a Coffin like the joint of a Cane and filled with this herbe they fire it at the small end putting the biggest in their mouth and so they sucke or drinke that smoake and they hold it for a great daintie and fauour and lying in their Nets they spend part of the daies and of the nights to some it doth much hurt and maketh them dizzie and drunke to others it doth much good and maketh them voide a great deale of fiegme at the mouth The women also doe drinke it but they are such as are old and sickly for it is verie medicinable vnto them especially for the cough the head-ache and the Disease of the stomacke and hence come a great manie of the Portugals to drinke it and haue taken it for a vice or for idlenesse imitating the Indians to spend daies and nights about it This Nation hath no monie where with to satisfie the seruices that are done to them but they liue with bartering one thing for another and principally in change of wine they doe all that they will and so when they haue any businesse they make wines and aduising the Neighbours and assembling all the Towne they desire them to helpe them in their Husbandrie which they doe with a good will and labouring till tenne of the clocke they returne home againe to drinke their wines and if that day their tillage be not ended they make other wines and so goe another day till ten of the clocke to make an end of their businesse And in this sort doe the wise White men or Portugals vse that know the vse and fashions of the Indians and how much they do for wine they make wines for them and call them to their Husbandries and to their Sugar-canes and with this they pay them They vse also ordinarily to change some things for white beades which are made of Wilkes and in change of some Nosegaies they giue euen their wiues and this is the ransome wherewith they vse ordinarily that is the White men for to buy of them the slaues as well men as women that they haue for to eate These Indians vse ordinarily chiefly in their Feasts Collars which they make of Wilkes Diademes of Feathers and certaine Brooches that is stones which they put in their lower lip some greene white some blue and verie fine and are like Emeralds or Christall they are round and some of them so long that they reach to their breasts and it is ordinarily among the great and principall men to haue them of a span or more in lenght They vse also white Bracelets of the same Wilkes and they put in their eares certain white stones of a span long and more and these and other like are the ornaments wherewith they adorne themselues in their Feasts whether they be of slaughters of the enemies or of wines and these are the Riches that they esteeme aboue all that they possesse These Indians doe vse to intreate their Wiues well they neuer strike them neither quarrell with them except in the time of their drinkings for then ordinarily they reuenge themselues of them giuing for an excuse afterward it was the wine they had drunke and then they are friends as before and the hatreds betweene them last not long They goe alwaies together and when they goe abroad the woman commeth behind and the man before that if any ambush bee laid the wife may not fall into it and may haue time to flie while the Husband fighteth with his aduersarie c. But at their returning home from their fields or from any other place the wife commeth before and the Husband behinde that if any mischance shall happen the wife may flie home and the Husband fight with the enemies or any other thing But in a safe Countrie and within the Townes the wife alwaies goeth before and the Husband behind for they are verie jealous and will haue alwaies their wife in sight Though they be melancholike they haue their Games especially the children verie diuers and pleasant in the which they counterfeit manie kinds of Birds and with so great feast and order as may be And the children are joyfull and giuen to play and they play with such quietnesse and friendship that among them is no bad name heard or any scurrilitie or calling any nickname one to anothers Father or Mother and seldome doe they disagree when they play nor disorder themselues for any thing and verie seldome doe they strike or fight one with another The Fathers doe teach them from their cradles to dance and sing and their dancings are not sundrie changes but
secure and quiet in minde but presently thirtie paces distant almost from vs on the right hand wee saw a Lizard on an hill bigger then the body of a man and fiue or sixe foot long Hee being spread all ouer with white and rough scales like Oyster-shells holding vp one of his fore-feet with his head aloft and shining eyes began to behold vs. Wherefore being astonished for none of vs as it then fell out carried a Hand-gunne but had onely our Swords at our sides and Bowes and Arrowes which weapons could not greatly hurt that Monster armed with such hard scales Neuerthelesse fearing left if wee shifted for our selues by flight being swifter then wee he would dispatch vs altogether when the one fearefully beheld the other we stood still in the same place But after that prodigious and fearefull Lizard had beheld vs a quarter of an houre with an open mouth and because it was exceeding hot weather for it was a cleere day almost at noone fetching a deepe groane that wee might easily heare it vpon a sodaine he went vnto the top of a Mountaine with so great noise of the crashing and breaking of twigs and boughs as a Deere running through a Wood would scarce haue made Wee therefore who then were much affrighted not being very carefull to pursue him gaue thankes vnto God who had deliuered vs and proceeded againe on our intended Iourney And embracing their opinion who affirme that the Lizard is delighted with the sight of a man it seemed to me that the beholding of vs pleased that Monster as much as we were â—ormented through his presence There is also a wilde beast bred with them that liueth vpon the prey which they call Ian-ouare This beast hath legs almost as long as an hunting Dog and matcheth him almost in swiftnesse but about the chinne hath long shagged haire with a spotted skinne and faire like vnto a Lynx and also very like in the rest The Barbarians not without iust cause greatly feare that wilde beast For seeing shee is accustomed to the prey as also the Lion if shee catch any of them she teareth him in pieces and deuoureth him But as they are desirous of reuenge and suffer not any of those things vnreuenged which are troublesome vnto them if they take any in hollow trenches which they make for that cause or with any other kinde of Traps or Gins they put her to a lingring death shooting her through with many Arrowes that shee might the longer languish and that it may the better appeare how euilly that wilde beast dealeth with the Barbarians when sometimes fiue or sixe Frenchmen of the companie passed by this way the Americans aduised vs to beware of the Ian-ouare because that very selfe-same weeke shee had cruelly deuoured three men in a certaine Village of theirs I thought good to adde to this Edition that the Americans before the Voyage of Uillagagno had neuer seene Dogs and therefore when they beheld a Dog of the kinde of Hounds which with certaine whelpes we brought thither and that he fauned on vs they were astonished and fled away from him because as I mentioned before hee came neere vnto the shape of the Ian-ouare For that cause also Gomard in-his Generall Indian Historie testifieth that in the yeere 1509. when Christopherus Columbus first arriued at the Iland Beringua called also by the name of Saint Iohn the Indians of this Countrie who made warre with the Spaniards greatly feared a red Dog and that he stood them in as good stead almost as two Harquebussers because he did not onely fiercely assaile the Barbarians but also discerning his companions from the Enemies although being prouoked he was not offensiue vnto them but also taking notice of the Caribas the worst and most detestable nation of all those Countries pursued them fleeing into the middest of the Armie of the Enemies and being so much prouoked tooke no rest vntill he had torne the Enemie in pieces on whom he seized fighting so fortunately for the Spaniards that being accompanied with him they fought so cheerfully against the Indians as if they had had three horsemen in their companie Yet this Dog while hee swam after I know not what Cariba being shot with a poisoned Arrow died and made his Master very sorrowfull and the Indians ioyfull and glad So Uallouas also the most valiant Captaine of the Spaniards when he first discouered the South Sea letting slip the Dogs which hee had against the Indians who withstood him from entring on the Land the Barbarians were stricken with so great a feare that they were compelled to prouide for themselues by flight and the Dogs of Vallouas preuailed as much as the best Souldiers of them all Moreouer many Monkeyes are found on the Brasilian coast little and blacke which they call Cay which I cease to describe because they are very well knowne vnto vs. I will onely declare this one thing that seeing they continually liue in the tops of trees bearing fruits in cods like vnto our Beanes wherewith they are nourished and meete together there in companies especially when the smoaking showres fall it is a pleasant thing to heare them crying and making a noise But seeing at one birth they onely bring forth one young one the Monkey as soone as he commeth into the world is indued with that naturall industrie that he firmely hangeth about the necke of the Syre or the Damme therefore if Hunters come suddenly vpon them the Syre or Dammes leaping through the boughs he also taketh his flight together with them For which cause the Barbarians cannot easily catch Monkeyes of any age whatsoeuer yet they cast them downe from trees wounded with Arrowes and afterward hauing healed them and made them tame a little while at home they exchange and barter them for Merchandises But at the first they are so fierce that they wound the fingers of them that handle them with their teeth so that being bitten they are very often compelled through paine to kill them with strokes There is also another kinde of Monkey among the Americans which they call Sagouin of the bignesse of a Squirrell and of a red haire but as touching the shape in the snout breast necke and almost all the other parts being very like vnto a Lion and also hardie it giueth place in beautie to none of the little beasts which surely I saw there And if it were as easily brought ouer the Sea as the rest it would be of farre greater price and estimation But seeing it is of so weake a little bodie that it cannot indure the working of the ship for it is of that haughtinesse of spirit that if it be offended neuer so little it would die through discontentment yet some are here to be found But that I may freely confesse the matter as it is although I haue beene curious I was not so diligent in obseruing all the liuing creatures of America as I desired neuerthelesse
West Indies for they are of a russet or gray colour and great speakers §. II. Considerations of Currents the Scorbute fire in Ships Fishes which attend them Sea-hawking and hunting their comming to Brasil and obseruations thereof WIth a faire and large winde we continued our course till we came within fiue degrees of the Equinoctiall line where the winde tooke vs contrary by the South-west about the twentieth of Iuly but a faire gale of winde and a smooth Sea so that wee might beare all a tawt and to aduantage our selues what we might we stood to the Eastwards being able to lye South-east and by South The next day about nine of the clock my company being gathered together to serue God which we accustomed to doe euery morning and euening it seemed vnto me that the colour of the Sea was different to that of the daies past and which is ordinarily where is deepe water and so called the Captaine and Master of my Ship I told them that to my seeming the water was become very whitish and that it made shew of Sholde water Whereunto they made answere that all the lines in our Ships could not fetch ground for we could not be lesse then threescore and ten leagues off the Coast which all that kept reckoning in the Ship agreed vpon and my selfe was of the same opinion And so we applied our selues to serue God but all the time that the seruice endured my heart could not be at rest and still me thought the water began to waxe whiter and whiter Our prayers ended I commanded a leade and a line to be brought and hauing the lead in foureteene fathoms wee had ground which put vs all into a maze and sending men into the top presently discouered the land of Guynne some fiue leagues from vs very low Land I commanded a Peece to be shot and lay by the lee till my other Ships came vp Which hailing vs we demanded of them how farre they found themselues off the land who answered some threescore and ten or fourescore leagues when we told them we had sounded and found but foureteene fathoms and that we were in sight of Land they began to wonder But hauing consulted what was best to be done I caused my Shallop to be manned which I towed at the Sterne of my Shippe continually and sent her and my Pinnace a head to sound and followed them with an easie sayle till we came in seuen and six fathome water and some two leagues from the shore anchored in hope by the Sea or by the Land to finde some refreshing The Sea wee found to be barren of fish and my Boates could not discouer any landing place though a whole day they had rowed alongst the coast with great desire to set foote on shore for that the sedge was exceeding great and dangerous Which experienced we set saile notwithstanding the contrariety of the winde sometimes standing to the West-wards sometimes to the East-wards according to the shifting of the winde Here is to be noted that the errour which we fell into in our accompts was such as all men fall into where are currants that set East or West and are not known for that there is no certain rule yet practised for triall of the longitude as there is of the latitude though some curious and experimented of our Nation with whom I haue had conference about this point haue shewed me two or three manner of wayes how to know it This some yeares before was the losse of the Edward Cotton bound for the coast of Brasil which taken with the winde contrarie neere the line standing to the East-wards and making accompt to be fiftie or sixtie leagues off the coast with all her sailes standing came suddenly a ground vpon the sholes of Madrebomba and so was cast away This currant from the line Equinoctiall to twentie degrees Northerly hath great force and setteth next of any thing East directly vpon the shore which we found by this meanes Standing to the Westwards the winde Southerly when we lay with our Ships head West and by South we gained in our height more then if we had made our way good West South-west for that the currant tooke vs vnder the bow but lying west or West by North we lost more in twelue houres then the other way we could get in foure and twentie By which plainly we saw that the currant did set East next of any thing Whether this currant runneth euer one way or doth alter and how we could by no meanes vnderstand but tract of time and obseruation will discouer this as it hath done of many others in sundry Seas The currant that setteth betwixt New-fonnd-land and Spaine runneth also East and West and long time deceiued many and made some to count the way longer and others shorter according as the passage was speedie or slow not knowing that the furtherance or hinderance of the currant was cause of the speeding or slowing of the way And in Sea Cards I haue seene difference of aboue thirtie leagues betwixt the Iland Tercera and the Maine And others haue recounted vnto me that comming from the Indies and looking out for the Ilands of Azores they haue had sight of Spaine And some haue looked out for Spaine and haue discouered the Ilands The selfe same currant is in the Leuant Sea but runneth trade betwixt the Maines and changeable sometimes to the Eastwards sometimes to the West-wards In Brasil and the South Sea the currant likewise is changeable but it runneth euer alongst the Coast accompanying the winde and it is an infallible rule that twelue or twentie foure houres before the winde alters the currant begins to change In the West Indies onely the currant runneth continually one way and setteth alongst the coast from the Equinoctiall line towards the North. No man hath yet found that these currants keepe any certaine time or runne so many dayes or moneths one way as another as doth the course of ebbing and flowing well knowne in all Seas onely neere the shoare they haue small force partly because of the reflux which the coast causeth and partly for the ebbing and flowing which more or lesse is generall in most Seas When the currant runneth North or South it is easily discouered by augmenting or diminishing the height but how to know the setting of the currant from East to West in the maine Seas is difficult and as yet I haue not knowne any man or read any Author that hath prescribed any certaine meane or way to discouer it But experience teacheth that in the maine Sea for the most part it is variable and therefore best and safest rule to preuent the danger which the vncertaintie and ignorance hereof may cause is carefull and continuall watch by day and night and vpon the East and West course euer to be before the Ship and to vse the meanes possible to know the errour by the rules which
Iames his Ilands and others Saint Annes They lye in two and twentie degrees and a halfe to the Southwards of the line and towards the euening being the fift of Nouember we anchored betwixt them and the maine in six fathome water where we found our other Ships All which being well Moored we presently began to set vp Tents Booths for our sick men to carry them ashore and to vse our best diligence to cure them For which intent our three Surgeans with their seruants and adherents had two Boates to waite continually vpon them to fetch whatsoeuer was needefull from the Ships to procure refreshing and to Fish either with Nets or Hooks and Lines Of these implements we had in abundance and it yeelded vs some refreshing For the first daies the most of those which had health occupied themselues in romeging our Ship in bringing ashore of emptie Caske in filling of them and in felling and cutting of wood which being many workes and few hands went slowly forwards Neere these Ilands are two great Rocks or small Ilands adioyning In them wee found great store of yong Gannets in their nests which we reserued for the sick and being boyled with pickled Porke well watered and mingled with Oatmeale made reasonable Pottage was good refreshing and sustenance for them This prouision failed vs not till our departure from them Vpon one of these Rocks also we found great store of the hearbe Purslane which boyled and made into Sallets with oyle and vineger refreshed the sicke stomackes and gaue appetite With the ayre of the shore and good cherishing many recouered speedily some died away quickly and others continued at a stand We found here some store of Fruits a kinde of Cherry that groweth vpon a tree like a Plum-tree red of colour with a stone in it but different in making to ours fot it is not altogether round and dented about they haue a pleasing taste In one of the Ilands we found Palmito trees great and high and in the top a certaine fruite like Cocos but no bigger then a Wal-nut We found also a fruit growing vpon trees in cods like Beanes both in the cod and the fruite Some of my Company proued of them and they caused vomits and purging One other fruit we found very pleasant in taste in fashion of an Artechoque but lesse on the outside of colour red within white and compassed about with prickles our people called them Prick-peares no Conserue is better They grow vpon the leaues of a certaine roote that is like vnto that which we call semper viua and many are wont to hang them vp in their houses but their leaues are longer and narrower and full of prickes on either side The Fruite groweth vpon the side of the leafe and is one of the best fruites that I haue eaten in the Indies In ripening presently the Birds or Vermine are feeding on them a generall rule to know what fruite is wholesome and good in the Indies and other parts Finding them to be eaten of the Beasts or Fowles a man may boldly eate of them The water of these Ilands is not good the one for being a standing water and full of venemous wormes and Serpents which is neere a Butt-shot from the Sea-shore where wee found a great Tree fallen and in the roote of it the names of sundry Portugals French-men and others and amongst them Abraham Cockes with the time of their being in this Island The other though a running water yet passing by the rootes of certaine trees which haue a smell as that of Garlique taketh a certaine contagious sent of them Here two of our men died with swelling of their bellies the accident we could not attribute to any other cause then to this suspicious water It is little and falleth into the sand and soketh through it into the Sea and therefore we made a well of a Pipe and placed it vnder the rocke from which it falleth and out of it filled our Caske but we could not fill aboue two tuns in a night and a day After our people began to gather their strength we manned our Boates and went ouer to the Maine where presently we found a great Riuer of fresh and sweete water and a mightie Marish Country which in the winter seemeth to be continually ouer-flowne with this Riuer and others which fall from the mountainous Country adiacent We rowed some leagues vp the Riuer and found that the further vp we went the deeper was the Riuer but no fruit more then the sweate of our bodies for the labour of our hands At our returne we loaded our Boate with water and afterwards from hence we made our Store The sicknesse hauing wasted more then the one halfe of my people we determined to take out the victuals of the Hawke and to burne her which we put in execution And being occupied in this worke we saw a Ship turning to windwards to succour her selfe of the Ilands but hauing descried vs put off to Sea-wards Two daies after the winde changing we saw her againe running alongst the coast and the Daintie not being in case to goe after her for many reasons wee manned the Fancie and sent her after her who about setting of the Sunne fetched her vp and spake with her when finding her to be a great Fly-boate of at least three or foure hundreth tuns with eighteene Peeces of Artillery would haue returned but the winde freshing in put her to Leewards and standing in to succour her selfe of the land had sight of another small Bark which after a short chase she tooke but had nothing of moment in her for that she had bin vpon the great Sholes of Abreoios in 18. degrees and there throwne all they had by the boord to saue their liues This and the other chase were the cause that the Fancie could not beate it vp in many dayes but before wee had put all in a readinesse the winde changing shee came vnto vs and made Relation of that which had past and how they had giuen the small Barke to the Portugals and brought with them onely her Pilot and a Merchant called Pedro de escalante of Potosi In this Coast the Portugals by industry of the Indians haue wrought many feates At Cape Frio they tooke a great French Shippe in the night the most of her company being on the shore with Canoas which they haue in this Coast so great that they carrie seuentie and eightie men in one of them And in Isla Grand I saw one that was aboue threescore foote long of one tree as are all I haue seene in Brasil with prouisions in them for twenty or thirty daies At the Iland of San-sebastian neere Saint Vincent the Indians killed about eightie of Master Candish his men and tooke his Boate which was the ouerthrow of his Voyage There commeth not any Ship vpon this Coast whereof these Canoas giue not notice presently
build their principall shipping from this Riuer Lima and all the valleyes are furnished with Timber for they haue none but that which is brought from hence or from the Kingdome of Chile By this Riuer passeth the principall trade of the Kingdome of Quito it is Nauigable some leagues into the Land and hath great abundance of Timber Those of the Peru vse to ground and trim their Shippes in Puma or in Panama and in all other parts they are forced to carene their Shippes In Puma it higheth and falleth fifteene or sixteene foote water and from this Iland till a man come to Panama in all the coast it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse keeping the ordinary course which the Tides doe in all Seas The water of this Riuer by experience is medicinable for all aches of the bones for the stone and strangurie the reason which is giuen is because all the bankes and low land adioyning to this Riuer are replenished with Salsaperillia which lying for the most part soaking in the water it participateth of this vertue and giueth it this force In this Riuer and all the Riuers of this coast are great abundance of Alagartoes and it is said that this exceedeth the rest for persons of credit haue certified me that as small fishes in other Riuers abound in scoales so the Alagartoes in this they doe much hurt to the Indians and Spaniards and are dreadfull to all whom they catch within their clutches Some fiue or six leagues to the North-wards of Puma is la Punta de Santa Elena vnder which is good anchoring cleane ground and reasonable succour Being thwart of this point wee had sight of a Shippe which wee chased but being of better saile then wee and the night comming on we lost sight of her and so anchored vnder the Isla de Plata to recouer our Pinnace and Boate which had gone about the other point of the Iland which lyeth in two degrees and fortie minutes The next day we past in sight of Puerto Vicjo in two degrees ten minutes which lying without shipping we directed our course for Cape Passaos It lyeth directly vnder the Equinoctiall line some fourescore leagues to the West-wards of this Cape lyeth a heape of Ilands the Spaniards call Illas de los Galapagos they are desert and beare no fruite from Cape Passaos we directed our course to Cape Saint Francisco which lyeth in one degree to the North-wards of the line and being thwart of it we descried a small Shippe which we chased all that day and night and the next morning our Pinnace came to bourd her but being a Ship of aduise and full of passengers and our Ship not able to fetch her vp they entreated our people badly and freed themselues though the feare they conceiued caused them to cast all the dispatches of the King as also of particulars into the Sea with a great part of their loading to be lighter and better of saile for the Ships of the South Sea loade themselues like lighters or sand barges presuming vpon the securitie from stormes Being out of hope to fetch vp this Shippe we stood in with the Cape where the Land beginneth to trend about to the East-wards The Cape is high land and all couered ouer with trees and so is the land ouer the Cape and all the coast from this Cape to Panama is full of wood from the Straits of Magelan to this Cape of San Francisco In all the coast from head-land to head-land the courses lye betwixt the North and North and by West and sometimes more Westerly and that but seldome It is a bold coast and subiect to little foule weather or alteration of windes for the Brese which is the Southerly winde bloweth continually from Balparizo to Cape San Francisco except it be a great chance Trending about the Cape wee haled in East North-east to fetch the Bay of Atacames which lyeth some seuen leagues from the Cape In the mid way some three leagues from the shore lyeth a banke of sand whereof a man must haue a care for in some parts of it there is but little water The tenth of Iune we came to an anchor in the Bay of Atacames which on the Wester part hath a round hammock It seemeth an Iland in high Springs I iudge that the Sea goeth round about it To the Eastwards it hath a high sandie Cliffe and in the middest of the Bay a faire birth from the shoare lieth a bigge blacke Rocke aboue water from this Rocke to the sandy Cliffe is a drowned Marsh ground caused by his lownesse And a great Riuer which is broad but of no depth Manning our Boate and running to the shoare wee found presently in the Westerne bight of the Bay a deepe Riuer whose Indraught was so great that we could not benefit our selues of it being brackish except at a low water which hindred our dispatch yet in fiue dayes wee filled all our emptie Caske supplied ouâ— want of wood and grounded and put in order our Pinnasse Here for that our Indians serued vs to no other vse but to consume our victuals we eased our selues of them gaue them Hookes and Lines which they craued and some bread for a few dayes and replanted them in a rarre better Countrey then their owne which fell out luckily for the Spaniards of the Shippe which wee chased thwart of Cape San Francisco for victuals growing short with her hauing many mouthes shee was forced to put ashoare fifty of her passengers neere the Cape whereof more then the one halfe died with famine and continuall wading through Riuers and waters the rest by chance meeting with the Indians which we had put ashore with their fishing guide and industry were refreshed sustained and brought to habitation Our necessary businesse being ended we purposed the fifteenth day of May in the morning to setsaile but the foureteenth in the euâ—ning we had sight of a Shippe some three leagues to Sea-wards and through the importunitie of my Captaine and Companie I condiscended that our Pinnace should giue her chase which I should not haue done for it was our destruction I gaue them precise order that if they stood not in againe at night they should seeke me at Cape San Francisco for the next morning I purposed to set sayle without delay and so seeing that our Pinnace slowed her comming at nine of the clocke in the morning we waied our Anchors and stood for the Cape where we beate off and on two dayes and our Pinnace not appearing wee stood againe into the Bay where we descried heâ— turning in without a maine Mast which standing off to the Sea close by with much winde and a ch 〈…〉 ng Seâ— bearing a taut-sayle where a little was too much being to small purpose sodainely tâ—ey bare it by the bourd and standing in with the shore the winde or rather God blinding thâ—m for our punishment they knew not the
the Citie of Mexico by reason of their shipping although not in so great quantitie as they carry for Lisbone not for that they of Mexico either want shipping or abilitie but because the Spaniards would conquer it with the Sword as he hath done other Lands and not by the way of Traffique as the Portugall doth the principall Port from whence this Merchandize doth come is called Aguatorke in the Coast of China on the North side After the Conquest of this Kingdome of Mexico the order how the Spaniard did diuide this Land was this The principall Cities they refined to the King of Spaine and to the Generall of this Conquest who was renowmed Ferdinando Curtis they assigned vnto him a great Valley or as we call it a low Land betweene two Mountaines which was called Cornouake by which Valley he had the name of Marquesse of the Ualley where there were great Townes in which some affirme to be about 400000. fire houses whereby the rent was to him better worth then three hundred thousand Duckets by the yeere These Rents were confirmed to him and his for euer The other part of the Land that remayned was parted among the rest of the Captaines and Souldiers which were at this Conquest some had a hundred thousand Duckets by yeare and other fortie thousand Duckets and some fiftie thousand Duckets and hee that had least had ten thousand Duckets by the yeare so that now there are very few which haue this Rent for that they are most of them dead so that great part of the said Rents are fallen into the Kings hand wherefore there are many insurrections against the King which cost many a mans life And now to proceed farther along the Coast which is a Land full of great Mountains and very hot with much raine for which cause it is a very vnholsome Countrey where breedeth all noisome wormes and beasts therefore there are very few Indians dwelling there and no Spaniards so that the Countrey is almost desolate The first Land that is inhabited by the Spaniards along the Coast is called Veragua this is the most richest Land of Gold then all the rest of the Indies therefore it is inhabited with Spaniards In this place the people are alwayes sicke and it raineth continually and the Land yeeldeth no fruit so that all their sustenance commeth from other places all which necessities the Spaniards suffer with great patience for the couetousnesse of the Gold the which Gold they get out of the Riuers with the helpe of a number of Negroes I doe verily beleeue that if this Land were now the ancient Romanes or else the Egyptians they would surely make a channell from the end of this Riuer de Carinas which issueth from the Lake of Nicaragua to the South Sea for that there is no more but foure leagues betweene the Sea and the Riuer so that there they might Trade to the Moluccas and to the Coast of China so would it be sooner and easier done then the long and troublesome Voyages of the Portugals and sooner made then to goe through the Straits of Magellan which is almost vnpossible to passe thorow From this Land of Veragua vnto the Iland of Margereta the Coast along is called the firme Land not for that the other places are not of the firme Land but because it was the first firme Land that the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Ilands This Land is very hot and hath much raine and for this cause is very vnhealthfull and the most vilest place of all the rest is called Nombre de Dios which is the first place inhabited after you haue passed Veragua There may be in Nombre de Dios about foure hundred houses and hath a very good Port for shipping The cause why the Spaniards inhabited here in this place was for that it should bee the way by Land to the South Sea and for the Trade of Peru that is from hence vnto the Citie of Panama eighteene leagues And Panama standeth on the Coast of the South Sea To this Towne of Nombre de Dios doth come all Spanish shipping and there discharge them then put they the goods into small Barkes that goe vp a Riuer to a house which is called The house of Crosses where the small Barkes doe discharge the goods againe And then they put it on Mules so to carrie it to Panama which is seuen leagues from This house of Crosses all which they doe with much labour and great charge because the Land hath great store of raine and full of Mountaines and very vnhealthfull therefore they often want victuals for the victuals they haue come from Peru and Noua Hispania This Towne of Nombre de dios since they haue had the traffike out of Spaine are growne maruellous rich and very well inhabited but in short time the people left the Towne sauing onely the Merchants because of the vnhealthfulnesse thereof The King of Spaine hearing of the affaires of Drake and Oxenham sent out of Spaine three hundred Souldiers which should make warre against those Negros that had aided the Englishmen which were slaues vnto the Spaniards but runne away from their Masters and ioyned with the Englishmen thinking that way to be reuenged of the Spaniards crueltie But when these three hundred Souldiers were arriued in the Countrie at their first comming they tooke many of the Negros and did on them great iustice according to their faults committed but afterwards the Souldiers were a long time before they could get one Negro Which newes being sent vnto the King by his Captaines as also how the Countrie was full of Mountaines and Riuers and very vnhealthfull insomuch that his Souldiers died he did write to his Captaines to make agreement with those Negros to the end the Countrie might bee in quiet And the Negros inhabited two places where the Spaniards willed them so was the Kings pardon proclaimed to all those Negros from the time that they fled from their Masters into the Mountaines vnto that present day on condition that all those Negros that did runne from their Masters that day forward they should be bound to bring them dead or aliue but if they brought them not that then they should pay for them and to make all quiet in the Mountaines and on these conditions all things were concluded and agreed vpon So the Negros dwell in great Townes where they haue Spaniards for their Teachers and a Spaniard for their Iudge and with this they hold themselues very well contented and are obedient vnto their Rulers The King of Spaine hearing that Englishmen as well as Frenchmen haue vsed that Coast hee caused two Gallies to be made and well appointed to keepe the Coast the first yeere that they were made they tooke sixe or seuen French shippes and after this was knowne there vsed few Englishmen or French men of warre to come on the Coast vntill this yeere 1586. that the
haue done their vttermost yet can they not bring that People wholly in subiection And although the Spaniards haue in this Prouince eleuen Townes and two Bishoprikes yet haue they little enough to maintayne themselues by reason of the Warres for they spend all the Gold that the Land yeeldeth in the maintenance of their Souldiers which would not bee so if they had peace for then they might worke in all their Mines Thus hauing spoken somwhat of the situation of Chili and of the troublesome conquest thereof I will returne to my former discourse where I left Baldiuia therefore being of 150. houses hath twice beene burnt and spoyled by the Indians so that now it is waxen poore but before the Indians sacked it it was very rich and it standeth vp a Riuer foure leagues from the Sea Passing from hence you come to the plaine Countrie of Arauco being situate ouer against the Iland La Mocha on which Iland the Indians that inhabite belong to the maine Land Hauing passed this Plaine of Arauco the next Towne of the Spaniards that you come vnto is La Concepcion which hath beene the greatest and the richest Towne in all Chili but by reason that the Indians haue burned the same foure times it is now growne very poore and hath small store of people it containeth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the Plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this Towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a Fort built hard by it and here are fiue hundred Souldiers continually in Garrison Betweene this place and Ualparizo the Indians call the Coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing fiue and twentie leagues vp into the Countrie is the principall Towne of all Chili and the seat of the Gouernour it consisteth of about eight hundred houses The Port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next Towne neere the Sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the Land and containeth about two hundred houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a Port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a Gentleman which is Gouernour of the Towne hath an Ingenio for Sugar at this place endeth the whole Prouince of Chili Here also the Mountaines ioyning hard vpon the Sea are the cause why all the Land betweene Capiapo and Peru contayning one hundred and sixtie leagues lieth desolate The first Towne on the Coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any further I will here also declare vnto you the first Discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the Sea-coast againe and to the end you may vnderstand me the better I will beginne with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this mayne Land passing ouer the Mountains they discouered the South Sea where because they found Indian people with Gold and Pearles they built a Towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the Sea side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the Coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by Sea to the Coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly windes blowing on this Coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to ships sayling that way and by Land the passage was impossible in regard of Mountaines and Riuers Yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Iland of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Pizarro borne in the Citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a companie vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the Coast of Peru and hauing obtayned licence of the Gouernour of that place Francisco Pizarro set forth with the two foresaid Carauels and an hundred men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him Victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Pizarro sayling along the Coast met with contrary windes and raine which put him to great trouble and hee began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sayling of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery Riuer and Bay that hee saw along the Coast which was the chiefe cause that he stayed so long on his Voyage also thirtie of his companie died by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last he came to an Iland called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine Land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supplie of victuals and of men which ship being departed fortie of his men that remayned behinde made a mutinie and passed vp into the Countrie meaning to returne by Land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Pizarro was left vpon the said Iland onely with thirteene men who although hee had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would hee rather die then goe backe and his thirteene men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine Land in the night season Thus hee continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with fortie men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecuted his Voyage till hee came to the first plaine Countrie of Peru called Tumbez where hee found a Fort made by the King of Peru against the Indians of the Mountaines Wherefore Pizarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a People of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in Gold and Siluer and well apparelled At this Port of Tumbez hee tooke thirtie thousand Pezos of Gold in trucke of Merchandise and hauing two few men to proceed any further he carried two Indians with him to learne the Language and returned backe for Panama Vpon this Discouerie Francisco Pizarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to craue of the King the Conquest of this Land Whither being come the King granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a Fleet of shippes and brought also along with him foure of his Brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his Voyage for Peru being accompanied with his Partner Diego de Almagro They sayled first to the Iland called
fauour to seeke and discouer new Countries But the greatest and most notable discouery that hath beene from those parts now of late was that of the Isles of Salomon which were found in manner following The Licenciate Castro being gouernour of Peru sent forth a Fleete of Ships to discouer certaine Islands in the South Sea vpon the coast of Peru appointing as Generall of the same Fleete a kinsman of his called Aluares de Mendanio and Pedro Sarmiento as Lieutenant and in the Viceadmirall went Pedro de Ortega This Fleete departing forth of the hauen of Lima and sailing 800. leagues Westward off the coast of Peru found certaine Islands in eleuen degrees to the South of the Equinoctiall inhabited with a kinde of people of a yellowish complexion and all naked whose weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Darts The Beasts that they saw here were Hogs and little Dogs and they found some Hens Here also they found a muster of Cloues Ginger and Sinamon although the Sinamon were not of the best and here appeared vnto them likewise some shew of Gold The first Island that the Spaniards discouered they named Santa Izabella and here they built a small Pinnace with the which and with their Ships Boate they found out betweene nine and fifteene degrees of Southerly latitude eleuen great Islands being one with another of eightie leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sailed 150. leagues before they could know whether it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that continent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellan for they coasted it to eighteene degrees and could not finde the end thereof The Gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of Gold hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the Countrey and also for that the Indians were very stout men and fought continually against them they could neuer learne from whence that Gold came nor yet what store was in the Land These Indians vse to goe to Sea in great Canoas that will carrie one hundred men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small Pinnace and two Falcons a few may ouercome one hundred of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whom on the sodaine certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the Ships Boate and slew all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too warie in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their Pinnace and burnt the Towne and in this towne they found the small graines of Gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the end of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the winde continuing still in one place might be an occasion of longer tarrying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-boord and to lye nine moneths beating it vp and downe in the Sea before they could get into any harbour of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernment and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other Ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Straits of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needes runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as Hogs Hennes excellent Almonds Potatos Sugar-canes with diuers other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of Gold which the Indians will giue you in trucke for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of Gold brought home notwithstanding 40000. pezos with them besides great store of Cloues and Ginger and some Sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Salomon fetched Gold to adorne the Temple at Ierusalem might be the more desirous to goe and inhabit the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Islands Captaine Drake entered the South Sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the end that such Englishmen and of other Nations as passed the Straits of Magellan to goe to the Malucos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people CHAP. XII Briefe extracts translated out of IEROM BENZOS three Bookes of the New World touching the Spaniards cruell handling of the Indians and the effects thereof ANno 1641. Ierom Benzo went from Millaine to Siuill in Spaine and thence to the New World where he was entertained of the Spaniards and practised with them the huntings of the Indians which they did by lurking in couerts till some of the Natiues came within their reach by bribing the Cacikes with trifles to procure captiues and other meanes Peter Chalice came while we were there to Amaracan with aboue 4000. slaues and had brought many more but with labour wearinesse hunger and griefe for losse of their Countrie and friends many had perished in the way Many also not able to follow in the Spaniards swift march were by them killed to preuent their taking armes A miserable spectacle to see those troopes of slaues naked with their bodies rent maimed starued the mothers dragging or carrying on their shoulders their children howling the neckes of all armes and hands chained not any growne Maide amongst them which the spoilers had not rauished with so profuse lust that thence grew contagion and pernicious diseases The Spanish horsemen in those warres vsed quilted Iackes with Launces and Swords the footemen Sword Shield and Crosse-bow with lighter Iackes The moisture and great dewes made Peeces vnseruiceable in those parts The Islanders in Hispaniola seeing no hope of better or place for worse killed their children and then hanged themselues The women
him and twelue other with the horse Two dayes after the Gouernour came vnto vs wee imbarked our selues and were in the whole foure hundred men and fourescore horses in foure Ships and one Brigantine The Pilot which we had newly taken brought the Ships through the quicke sands which they call Canerreo so that the day following we found our selues on dry land and so remained fiue dayes the keele of the Ships oftentimes striking vpon the ground At the end of those fiue dayes a storme from the South brought so much water vpon the sands that wee might come out although not without much danger Departing thence we arriued at Guanignanico where another tempest assailed vs so fiercely that we stood in great danger to be lost at the head of the currents we had another where we staid three dayes And these being ouerpassed we went about the Cape of Saint Anthony and with a contrary winde we went till wee came within twelue leagues of the Hauana and standing the day following to put in there a Southerne gale of winde tooke vs which droue vs farre from the land so that wee crossed ouer by the coast of Florida and arriued the twelfth of Aprill at the land of Martes so coasting the way of Florida vpon holy Thursday in the same coast we ancored in the mouth of an open roade at the head whereof we saw certaine houses and habitations of the Indians The same day Alonso Euriquez the Auditor went out of the Ship and landed vpon an Iland which is in the same open roade and called to those Indians who came and abode with vs a good space and by way of ransome gaue him fish and certaine peeces of Deeres flesh The day following which was good Friday the Gouernour imbarked himselfe with as many men as the Boates could carry and we went to the Villages or houses of the Indians which wee had seene which we found all emptie and desolate because that night the people were gone in their Canoes One of those houses was very great and able to containe more then three hundred persons the other were much lesser and there we found a little Bell of Gold within the Nets The next day the Gouernour aduanced the Ensigne for your Maiesty and tooke possession of the Village in your royall name and presented the Commissions and was receiued and obayed as Gouernour according to your Maiesties appointment And so in like manner we presented our other prouisoes vnto him which he accepted and obeyed according to the contents thereof and presently caused the rest of the men to be shipped and the horses which were not aboue two and fortie because the other through the many tempests and beating of the Sea and length of time were dead And these few that remained were so weake and wearied as at that time we could doe little seruice The day following the Indians of those places came vnto vs and although they spoke vnto vs yet notwithstanding we vnderstood them not The Gouernour commanded that the Brigantine should goe coasting the way of Florida and search for the hauen which the Pilot Miruelo said he knew but was now astonished and knew not in what part we were nor where the hauen was and the Brigantine was appointed that if they found not the hauen to crosse ouer to the Hauana and finde the Ship wherein Aluaro della Querda was and hauing taken in some victuall to returne to finde it The Brigantine being deing departed we returned to enter into the Village of the same people where we had bin before with some other more and we coasted the gulfe which wee had found and hauing gone about foure leagues we tooke foure Indians and shewed them Maiz because vntill that day wee had not yet seene any token thereof they said they would bring vs where it grew and so they brought vs to their Village which was not farre from thence at the head of the gulfe and there they shewed vs a little Maiz which was not yet ripe to be gathered There wee found many chests of the Merchants of Castile and in euery one of them was the body of a dead man all which were couered with Deeres skins painted The Commissary thought that it was a kinde of Idolatry so he burned the chests with all the bodies We also found peeces of webs of cloath and Pennacchi which they had gotten out of Noua Hispaniola and certaine mosters of Gold Whereupon we demanded of those Indians by signes from whence they had such things They by signes shewed vs that very farre from thence there was a Prouince called Apalachen wherein there was great quantity of Gold Departing from thence wee went further carrying for guides those foure Indians which we had first taken and so ten or twelue leagues off from that place wee found another people of fifteene houses where was a goodly Plaine sowed with Maiz which now was ready to be gathered and we found some also dry There we abode two dayes and after returned May the first the Gouernour caused two pound of Biscuit and halfe a pound of Porke to be giuen to euery one of them who were to goe with vs and so we departed to enter within the land The summe of all them who went was three hundred men in all among whom was the Commissary Frier Iohn Sciuarez and another Frier called Frier Iohn de Palis and three Clarkes and the Officers Forty of vs were on horsebacke and so with that prouision which wee had brought wee went fifteene dayes without finding any other things to eate except Dates like those of Andaluzia In all this time we found not any Indian nor saw any house nor place inhabited and in the end we found a Riuer which wee passed with much danger and trouble by swimming and vpon rafts and staied a day to passe ouer it because it ranne with much fury Hauing passed to the other side of the Riuer two hundred Indians came against vs and the Gouernour went before and after he had spoken to them by signes they made much signes againe vnto vs that we should ioyne our selues with them taking fiue or sixe who brought vs vnto their houses which were about halfe a league off and there wee found great quantity of Maiz which staod now ready to be gathered After some search of the Countrey to the Sea wee departed from that place alwayes as we went inquiring for that Prouince which the Indians said was called Apalachen and brought for guides them that we had taken and so went forward vntill the seuenteenth of Iune and found no Indians that durst abide our comming There a y Cacique came vnto vs whom an Indian carried vpon his necke and hee was couered with a Deeres skinne painted and brought with him many people who went before him playing vpon certaine Flutes made of canes and so came vnto the Gouernour and abode with him an houre and we gaue him to vnderstand by
before me Al these fears which they haue of vs they yet put into the heads of those who came lately to know vs because they should giue vs whatsoeuer they haue for they know that we tooke nothing for our selues but gaue euerie thing to them This was the most obedient people and best conditioned that we found in all that Countrie and commonly they are well disposed Those that were sicke being recouered and restored vnto health and wee hauing continued there three daies the women that we had sent came vnto vs and said that they had found verie few people because they were gone to the kine which was now their time Then we commanded them that were weake to remaine behinde and those that were well to come with vs and that two daies iourney from thence those two women should goe with two of our men to cause the people to come forth to the highwaies to receiue vs. And so the morning following all those that were the lustiest departed with vs and after three daies iourney wee setled our selues and the day following Alonso del Castiglio and Esteuanicco the Negro together with those two women for their guides and that who was their prisoner brought them vnto a Riuer which ranne within a mountaine where a people abode among whom their father was and these were the first houses that wee saw which had the forme and manner of true houses There Castiglio and Esteuanicco arriued and after they had spoken with those Indians at the end of three dayes Castiglio returned to the place where they left vs and brought fiue or sixe of those Indians and said That hee had found houses of people and of artificiall building and that the people eate pulse and gourds and that hee had seene Maiz there There wee abode one day and the next wee departed they bringing vs with them to other built houses where wee did eate of the same food that they eate And after from thenceforth there was another custome that they who knew of our comming came not forth into the high-way to meete vs as the other did but wee found them in their houses and they did nothing else for vs. And they were all sitting and all held their faces towards the wall hanging downe their heads with their haire ouer their eyes and all their clothes were hanged vp aloft in the middle of the house and from thence forward they began to giue vs many mantles of hides and they had not any thing which they gaue vs not It is a Nation of the best and goodliest proportion of bodie that euer wee saw there and of a more liuely spirit and agilitie and that vnderstood vs better and answered vs to whatsoeuer wee demanded them and wee call them The people of the Kine because the greater part of the Kine which dye in those Countries is neere thereabouts and vp that Riuer more then fiftie leagues they goe killing many These people goe all naked after the manner of those whom wee found first The women goe couered with certaine Deere skinnes and so doe some few men also and particularly the aged who are not seruiceable for the warres It is a verie populous Countrey and being demanded why it did not sowe Maiz they said They did it because they would not leese that which they should sowe for two yeeres since their water failed and the seasons was so dry that they all lost the Maiz that they had sowed and that they could not by any meanes be assured to sowe vnlesse first it had rained very much and they prayed vs to speake vnto the Heauens that they might send downe raine they boyle pulse in this manner They fill a great pot halfe full with water and put many of those stones in the fire which will quickely burne and when they seeth them on fire they take them vp with certaine tongs of Wood and cast them into that water in the gourd vntill they make it boyle with that fire of those stones and when they perceiue that the water boyleth they put in that which they haue to boyle and all this time they doe nothing else but take out one stone and put in another fired redde hot to make the water boyle §. IIII. They come to the South Sea and trauell through a plentifull Countrey till they meet with Spaniards whose crueltie and manner of conuerting Sauages is related WE went Westward on our iourny crossed ouer all the land vntil we came forth at the South Sea and the feare wherein they had put vs of the great famine which we were to passe as surely we passed it for seuenteen daies together as they had told vs was not able to diuert vs from our intended purpose Throughout all that Countrey vp the Riuer they gaue vs many Mantles of the hides of Kine and wee did not eate of those their fruites but our sustenance was euery day a piece of the fat of Deere of the bignesse of a mans hand which for this necessitie wee prouided alwaies to haue in a readinesse and so wee passed all those seuenteene daies iourney and at the end of them wee crossed ouer the Riuer and trauelled other seuenteene daies more to the West through certaine plaines and verie great mountaines which are found there and there wee met with a people who the third part of the yeere eate no other thing saue the powder of straw and because wee passed that way at that season of the yeere wee also were constrained to eate it vntill hauing finished those daies iourney wee found setled houses where there was great quantitie of Maiz and of that and Meale they gaue vs enough and Gourds and Pulse and Mantles of Bombasin Cotton withall which we laded them whom wee had hyred there who returned the most contented men in the world Wee yeelded many thankes vnto God who had brought vs thither where we found such plentie of sustenance Among these houses they had some that were of earth and all the rest were of mats and from thence wee passed more then an hundred leagues into the Countrey and alwaies found setled houses and much sustenance of Maiz and Pulse and they gaue vs many Deeres skinnes and Mantles of Bombasin Cotten better then those of New Spaine and gaue vs also many Garlands and certaine Corall which grow in the South Sea and many Turkie stones which come from toward the North. And finally they gaue vs whatsoeuer they had and vnto Dorante they gaue Emeralds made into Arrow heads and with those Arrowes they make their sports and festiuall iollitie seeming to mee very good I demanded of them whence they had them who told me that they brought them from certaine very high mountaines which lye towards the North and that they got them by exchange and barter for quills and Parrats feathers and there were many people there and very great houses Among them wee saw the women more honourably
seeing how he was setting his men in order concluded with the Cacique that hee should goe his way saying vnto him as after it was knowne by certaine women that were taken there that he was but one man and could fight but for one man and that they had there among them many principall Indians very valiant and expert in feates of Armes that any one of them was able to order the people there The Gouernour was informed how there went men out of the Towne and he commanded the Horsemen to beset it and sent in euery squadron of Footmen one Souldier with a fire-brand to set fire on the houses that the Indians might haue no defense all his men being set in order he commanded an Harquebuse to be shot off The signe being giuen the foure squadrons euery one by it selfe with great fury gaue the onset and with great hurt on both sides they entred the Towne The Frier and the Priest and those that were with them in the house were saued which cost the liues of two men of account and valiant which came thither to succour them The Indians fought with such courage that many times they draue our men out of the Towne The fight lasted so long that for wearinesse and great thirst many of the Christians went to a Poole that was neere the wall to drinke which was all stained with the bloud of the dead and then came againe to fight The Gouernour seeing this entred among the Footmen into the Towne on horsebake with certaine that accompanied him and was a meane that the Christians came to set fire on the houses and brake and ouercame the Indians who running out of the Towne from the Footmen the Horsemen without draue in at the gates againe where being without all hope of life they fought valiantly and after the Christians came among them to handy blowes seeing themselues in great distresse without any succour many of them fled into the burning houses where one vpon another they were smothered and burnt in the fire The whole number of the Indians that died in this Towne were two thousand and fiue hundred little more or lesse Of the Christians there died eighteene of which one was Don Carlos brother in law to the Gouernour and a Nephew of his and one Iohn de Gamez and Men Rodriguez Portugals and Iohn Vazquez de Villanoua de Barca Rota all men of honour and of much valour the rest were Footmen Besides those that were slaine there were an hundred and fiftie wounded with seuen hundred wounds of their Arrowes and it pleased God that of very dangerous wounds they were quickly healed Moreouer there were twelue Horses slaine and seuenty hurt All the Clothes which the Christians carried with them to clothe themselues withall and the ornaments to say Masse and the Pearles were all burnt there and the Christians did set them on fire themselues because they held for a greater inconuenience the hurt which the Indians might doe them from those houses where they had gathered all those goods together then the losse of them Here the Gouernour vnderstood that Francisco Maldonado waited for him at the Port of Ochuse and that it was sixe dayes iourney from thence and he dealt with Iohn Ortiz to keepe it secret because hee had not accomplished that which hee determined to doe and because the Pearles were burnt there which he meant to haue sent to Cuba for a shew that the people hearing the newes might be desirous to come to that Countrie From the time that the Gouernour entred into Florida vntill his departure from Mauilla there died an hundred and two Christians some of sicknesse and others which the Indians slue He stayed in Mauilla because of the wounded men eight and twentie dayes all which time he lay in the field It was a well inhabited and a fat Countrie there were some great and walled Townes and many houses scattered all about the fields to wit a Cros-bow shot or two the one from the other Vpon Sunday the eighteenth of Nouember when the hurt men were knowne to be healed the Gouernour departed from Mauilla Euery one furnished himselfe with Maiz for two dayes and they trauelled fiue dayes through a Desart they came to a Prouince called Pafallaya vnto a Towne named Taliepataua and from thence they went to another called Cabusto neere vnto it ranne a great Riuer The Indians on the other side cried out threatning the Christians to kill them if they sought to passe it The Gouernour commanded his men to make a Barge within the Towne because the Indians should not perceiue it it was finished in foure dayes and being ended hee commanded it to bee carried one night vpon sleds halfe a league vp the Riuer In the morning there entred into it thirtie men well armed The Indians perceiued what was attempted and those which were neerest came to defend the passage They resisted what they could till the Christians came neere them and seeing that the Barge came to the shoare they fled away into the Groues of Canes The Christians mounted on Horsebacke and went vp the Riuer to make good the passage whereby the Gouernour and his companie passed the Riuer There were along the Riuer some Townes well stored with Maiz and French Beâ—nes From thence to Chicaça the Gouernour trauelled fiue dayes through a Desart He came to a Riuer where on the other side were Indians to defend the passage He made another Barge in two dayes and when it was finished the Gouernour sent an Indian to request the Cacique to accept of his friendship and peaceably to expect his comming whom the Indians that were on the other side the Riuer slue before his face and presently making a great shout went their way Hauing passed the Riuer the next day being the seuenteenth of December the Gouernour came to Chicaça a small Towne of twentie houses And after they were come to Chicaça they were much troubled with cold because it was now Winter and it snowed while most of them were lodged in the field before they had time to make themselues houses This Countrie was very well peopled and the houses scattered like those of Mauilla fat and plentifull of Maiz and the most part of it was fielding they gathered as much as sufficed to passe the Winter Some Indians were taken among which was one whom the Cacique esteemed greatly The Gouernour sent an Indian to signifie to the Cacique that hee desired to see him and to haue his friendship The Cacique came vnto him to offer him his person Countrie and Subiects and told him that he would cause two other Caciques to come to him in peace who within few dayes after came with him and with their Indians The one was called Alimamu the other Nicala They gaue a present vnto the Gouernour of an hundred and fiftie Conies and of the Countrie garments to wit of Mantles of skinnes The Cacique of Chicaça
the American parcels the particular relations of which you haue had already and yeeld you the totall summe for a conclusion to our Spanish-Indian Peregrinations §. III. Extracts out of certaine Letters of Father MARTIN PERâ—Z of the Societie of Iesus from the new Mission of the Prouince of Cinoloa to the Fathers of Mexico dated in the moneth of December 1591. With a Letter added written 1605. of later Discoueries SInce my last Letters dated the sixth of Iuly among the Tantecoe on which day wee came into this Prouince of Cinoloa being guided by the Gouernour Roderigo del Rio we passed and trauelled through diuers Castles Countrie Villages Mines of Metall Shepheards houses Townes of Spaniards and certaine Signiories helping our neighbours by our accustomed duties so that wee were alwaies full of businesse Wee passed ouer in eight dayes the rough and hard and painefull Mountaine Tepesnan seeing no liuing creature saue certaine Fowles The cause whereof is the force of certaine Muskitos which trouble Horses whereof is exceeding abundance in all the Mountaine which were most noisome to our Horses There met vs certaine Cuimecht which are warlike Indians which offered vs bountifully such as they had without doing vs any harme There are almost an infinite number of these which wander dispersed vp and downe doing nothing else but hunt and seeke their food And it was told vs that three thousand of them were assembled in a part of the hill which besought the Gouernour that he would cause them to be taught and instructed in the Christian Faith Their Minister which was but onely one came to visite vs. There met vs also a certaine Spanish Captaine which had the gouernment of six Castles or Countrie Villages in a part of the Mountaine who knowing well enough what the societie ment by these missions wrote vnto the father Visitor requesting him to grant him one of the Fathers by whose trauell twenty thousand soules might be instructed which he would recommend vnto him These and other Villages we passed by not without griefe because it was resolued already among vs that we should stay in no other place but in this Prouince A few dayes before our comming thither we wrote to six or seuen Spaniards which dwell there without any Priest and heard Masse onely once a yeare to wit when any Priest dwelling thirtie or forty leagues off came vnto them to confesse and absolue them being penitent who being accompanied with most of the chiefe Indians met vs with exceeding great ioy and gladnesse aboue twenty leagues distant from their dwellings and accompanied vs vnto the second Riuer of this Prouince wherein the towne of Saint Philip and Iacob standeth This Prouince is from Mexico aboue three hundred leagues and is extended towards the North. On the right hand it hath the Mountaines of the Tepesuanes on the left hand the Mediterrane Sea or the Gulfe of California on another part it stretcheth euen to Cibola and California which are Prouinces toward the West very great and well inhabited On one side which regardeth the North new Mexico is but two dayes iourney distant from the vttermost Riuer of this Prouince as we were enformed by the Gouernour which is so famous and renowned and so full of Pagan superstition whereof diuers haue often written They measure and diuide the Prouince of Cinaloa with eight great Riuers which runne through the same The reason of that diuision is this because all the Castels and Villages of the inhabitants are setled neere the bankes and brinkes of the Riuers which are replenished with fish and which in short space doe fall into the Mediterranâ— Sea or Gulfe of California The soyle is apt for tillage and fruitfull and bringeth forth such things as are sowne in it The ayre is cleere and wholesome The Pesants and husband men reape twice a yeare and among other things store of Beanes Gourds Maiz and such kinde of Pulfe whereof wee and they eate so plentifully that there is no speech of the rising of the price of things or of Famine nay rather a great part of the old crop perisheth oftentimes and they cast away their old Maiz to make roome for the new They haue great store of Cotten Wooll whereof they make excellent cloathes wherewith they are apparelled Their apparell is a peece of cloath tyed vpon their shoulders wherewith as with a cloak they couer their whole body after the manner of the Mexicans True it is that though they be all workemen yet for the most part of the yeare they are not couered but goe naked yet all of them weare a broad girdle of the said Cotten cloath cunningly and artificially wrought with figures of diuers colours in the same which the shels of Cockles and Oysters ioyned artificially with bones doe make Moreouer they thrust many threds through their eares whereon they hang earerings for which purpose they bore the eares of their children as soone as they be borne in many places and hang eare-rings round Stones and Corall in them so that each eare is laden with fiftie of these Ornaments at least for which cause they alwayes sleepe not lying on their sides but with their face vpward The women are decently couered from their waste downeward being all the rest naked The men as well as the women weare long haire the women haue it hanging downe their shoulders the men often bound vp and tyed in diuers knots they thrust Corals in it adorned with diuers feathers and cockle shels which adde a certaine beautie and ornament to the head They weare many round Beades of diuers colours about their neckes They are of great stature and higher then the Spaniards by a handfull so that as wee sate vpright vpon our horses without standing on tiptoe they easily could embrace vs. They are valiant and strong which the warres which they had with the Spaniards doe easily shew wherein though they sustained no small damages yet were they not vnreuenged nor without the bloud of their aduersaries When they would fight resolutely for their vttermost libertie they denounced and appointed the day of battell Their weapons are Bowes and poysoned Arrowes and a kinde of clubbe of hard wood wherewith they neede not to strike twice to braine a man They vse also â—ertaine short iauelins made of red wood so hard and sharpe that they are not inferiour to our armed speares And as fearefull and terrible as they be to their enemies so quiet and peaceable are they among themselues and their neighbours and you shall seldome finde a quarrellour or contentious person The Spaniards after certaine conflicts at length made friendship with them leauing their Countrie to them but those eight Spaniards whom I mentioned before liue quietly among them and though they be called Lords yet are they contented with such things as the Indians giue them offering no violence nor molestation to any man Vpon our comming into these Countries the
care which they should haue for the conuersion and saluation came to that passe as to command orders to bee set downe vnto the Indians to receiue the faith and render themselues vnto the obedience of the King of Castile or otherwise to bid them battle with fire and Sword and to slay them or make them slaues he commanded or peraduenture the theeues whom he dispatched to doe the execution did it of their heads when they were purposed to goe a rouing and robbing of any place where they knew that there was any gold the Indians being in their Townes and dwelling houses without mistrusting any thing the wicked Spaniards would goe after the guize of Theeues vnto within halfe a league neere some Towne Borough or Village and there by themselues alone and by night make a reading publication or Proclamation of the said Ordinances saying thus Oyes Caciques and Indians of this firme Land of such a place Be it knowne vnto you that there is one God one Pope one King of Castile which is Lord of these Lands make your appearance all delay set aside hereto doe him homage c. Which if you shall not accomplish Be it knowne vnto you that we will make warre vpon you and we will kill you and make you slaues Hereupon at the fourth watch in the morning the poore Innocents sleeping yet with their wiues and children these Tyrants set vpon the place casting fire on the houses which commonly were thatched and so burne vp all quicke men women and children more suddenly then that they could of a great many be perceiued They massacred at the instant those that seemed them good and those whom they tooke prisoners they caused them cruelly to die vpon the Racke to make them to tell in what places there were any more Gold then they found with them and others which remained aliue they made them slaues marking them with a hot Iron so after the fire being out and quenched they goe seeke the gold in their houses This is then the deportment in these affaires of this person with all the bond of his vngodly Christians which he trained from the fourteenth yeere vnto the one and twentie or two and twentieth yeere sending in these Exploits sixe or moe of his Seruants or Souldiers by whom he receiued as many shares ouer and besides his Captaines Generals part which hee leuied of all the Gold of all the Pearles and of all the Iewels which they tooke of those whom they made their slaues The selfe-same did the Kings Officers euerie one sending forth as many seruants as he could The Bishop also which was the chiefe in the Realme he sent his seruants to haue his share in the bootie They spoiled more gold within the time and in this Realme as farre forth as I am able to reckon then would amount to a Million of Ducates yea I beleeue that I make my reckoning with the least Yet will it be found that of all this great theeuing they neuer sent to the King ought saue three thousand Castillans hauing thereabout killed and destroyed aboue eight hundred thousand soules The other Tyrant Gouernours which succeeded after vnto the yeere thirtie and three slue or at least wise consented for all those which remained to slay them in that tyrannicall slauerie Amongst an infinite sort of mischiefes which this Gouernour did nor consented vnto the doing during the time of his gouernment this was one To wit that a Cacike or Lord giuing him either of his good will or which is rather to be thought for feare the weight of nine thousand Ducates the Spaniards not content withall tooke the said Lord and tied him to a stake setting him on the earth his feet stretched vp against the which they set fire to cause him to giue them some more gold The Lord sent to his house whence there were brought yet moreouer three thousand Castillans They goe afresh to giue him new torments And when the Lord gaue them no more either because he had it not or because he would giue them no more they bent his feet against the fire vntill that the verie marrow sprang out and trilled downe the soles of his feete so as hee therewith died They haue oftentimes exercised these kinde of torments towards the Lords to make them giue them gold wherewith they haue also slaine them Another time a certaine companie of Spaniards vsing their thefts and robberies came to a Mountaine where were assembled and hid a number of people hauing shunned those men so pernicious and horrible whom incontinent entring vpon they tooke about three or fourescore as well women as maids hauing killed as many as they could kill The morrow after there assembled a great companie of Indians to pursue the Spaniards warring against them for the great desire they had to recouer their wiues and daughters The Spaniards perceiuing the Indians to approach so neere vpon them would not so forgoe their prey but stabd their Swords thorow the bellies of the wiues and wenches leauing but one alone aliue of all the fourescore The Indians felt their hearts to burst for sorrow and griefe which they suffered yelling out in cries and speaking such words O wicked men O yee the cruell Spaniards doe yee kill Las Iras They terme Iras in that Countrie the women as if they would say to kill women those be acts of abominable men and cruell as beasts There was about ten or fifteene leagues from Ioanama a great Lord named Paris which was very rich of gold The Spaniards went thither whom this Lord receiued as if they had beene his owne brethren and made a Present vnto the Captaine of fiftie thousand Castillans of his owne voluntarie accord It seemed vnto the Captaine and the other Spaniards that he which gaue such a great summe of his owne will should haue a great treasure which should be the end and easing of their trauels They pretend in words to depart but they returne at the fourth watch of the morning setting vpon the Towne which mistrusted nothing set it on fire whereby was burnt and slaine a great number of people and by this meanes they brought away in the spoile fiftie or threescore thousand Castillansmoe The Cacike or Lord escaped without being slaine or taken and leuied incontinent as many of his as he could And at the end of three or foure daies ouertaketh the Spaniards which had taken from him an hundred and thirtie or fortie thousand Castillans and set vpon them valianâ—ly killing fiftie Spaniards and recouering all the gold which they had taken from him The others saued themselues by running away being well charged with blowes and wounded Not long after diuers of the Spanish returne against the said Cacike and discomfite him with an infinite number of his people Those which were not slaine they put them to the ordinarie bondage in such sort as that there is not at this day neither tracke nor token that there hath beene liuing there either people
yea fauouring and supporting all the matter as likewise they haue had their eyes blinded at all the other tyrannies and ransackings infinite which haue beene done in all this coast of the Firme land which are about foure hundred leagues the which haue beene and now are vnder their iurisdiction like vnto Venesuela and Saint Martha all which the said Court might very well haue empeached and remedied Of the Prouinces of the firme land or quarter that is called Florida INto these Prouinces went three tyrants at three diuers times since the yeere 1510. or 1511. there to put in vre the acts which others and two of them from among themselues haue committed in other quarters of the Indians to the end to aspire to high degrees in no respect conuenient to their persons higher then their merits in the Common-wealth could conceiue with the bloud and destruction of their neighbours and they are dead all three of an euill death and their houses likewise haue beene destroyed with them the which they had builded in times past with the bloud of mankind as I can be a sufficient witnesse of all three and their memory is now abolished from of the face of the earth as if they had neuer beene in this world The fourth tyrant that came last in the yeere 1538. cunningly aduised and being fully furnished it is three yeeres since there is no tidings concerning him Sure he is one of the notoriousest and best experimented amongst them that haue done the most hurts mischieues and destructions in my Realmes with their consorts wherefore I beleeue that God hath giuen him like end vnto the others Of the Riuer of La Plata that is to say Of Siluer SIthence the yeere one thousand fiue hundred and two or three and twenty certaine Captaines made three or foure Voyages vp the Riuer of Plata where there are great Prouinces and Realmes and Nations well ordered and endued with vnderstanding In generall wee vnderstood that they haue made there great butcheries and inuasions but like as this Countey is farre discoasted from the Indies most famous so we are not able to quote the notablest points in particular Of the mighty Realmes and large Prouinces of Peru. IN the yeere 1531. went another great tyrant with certaine other consorts to the Realmes of Peru where entring with the same title and intention and with the same proceedings as all the rest before gone forasmuch as he was one of them which had of long time beene exercised in all kindes of cruelties and murders which had beene wrought in the firme land â—ithence the yeere 1510. hee tooke encouragement to accrue in cruelties murders and robberies being a man without loyaltie and truth laying waste Cities and Countries bringing them to nought and vtterly vndoing them by slaying the Inhabitants and being the cause of all the euils which ensued in that Countrie He slue and laid waste at his first arriuall with a mischiefe certaine boroughes from whom he pillaged a great quantitie of Gold In an Iland neere to the same Prouinces named Pagna well peopled and pleasant the Lord thereof with his people receiued them as it had beene Angels from heauen and six moneths after when as the Spanish had eaten vp all their prouision They discouered also vnto them the corne which they kept vnder ground for themselues their wiues and their children against a dry time and barren making them offer of all with trees plentifull to spend and eate at their pleasure The recompence in the end which they made them was to put to the edge of the Sword and Lance a great quantitie of those people And those whom they could take aliue they made slâ—ues with other cruelties great and notable which they committed dispeopled as it were all that I le From thence they make to the Prouince of Tumbala which is in the firme land where they slay and destroy as many as they could come by And because all the people were fled as affrighted by their horrible acts they said that they made an insurrection and rebelled against the King of Spaine This tyrant had this policie and kept this order of proceeding that vnto all those whom he tooke or vnto others which presented him with Gold and Siluer or other things which they had he commanded them to bring more vntill such time as he perceiued that either they had no more or that they brought him no more And then he would say that he accepted them for the vassals and lieges of the King of Spaine and made much of them and would cause it to be proclaimed at sound of two Trumpets that from thenceforth they would take them no more and that they would doe them no manner harme at all setting it downe for good ando lawfull all whatsoeuer he had robbed from them A few dayes after the King and Emperour of those Realmes named Atabaliba came accompanied with a number of naked people bearing their ridiculous armour not knowing neither how Swords did carue nor Speares did pierce nor Horses did run nor who or what were the Spaniards Hee commeth to the place where they were saying Where are these Spaniards Let them come I will not stirre a foote till they satisfie me for my Subiects whom they haue slaine and my boroughs which they haue dispeopled and for my wealth which they haue bereaued me The Spaniards set against him and slew an infinite sort of his people they tooke him also in person who came carried in a Litter borne vpon mens shoulders They treate with him to the end that he should ransome himselfe The King offereth to performe foure millions of Castillans and performeth fifteene they promise to release him notwithstanding in the end keeping nor faith nor truth as they neuer kept any in the Iudies vnto the Indians they laid to his charge altogether vntruely that by his commandement the people assembled The King answered that in all the Countrie there moued not a leafe of a tree without his good will that if there assembled any people they were to beleeue that it was by his commandement and as touching himselfe that he was prisoner and they might slay him All this notwithstanding they condemned him to be burnt aliue but at the request of some certaine the Captaine caused him to be strangled and being strangled hee was burned This King vnderstanding his sentence said Wherefore will you burne me What trespasse haue I done yee Did not you promise me to set me at libertie if I gaue you the Gold And haue I not performed more then I promised Seeing you needes will haue it so send me to your King of Spaine speaking other things to the great confusion and detestation of the great wrongfulnesse that the Spaniards vsed whom in the end they burned Here let be considered the right and title of this warfare the imprisonment of this Prince the sentence and the execution of his death and the conscience whereby they possesse great treasures as
Marriners Hap-foyes that is to say Liuer-catchers because of their greedinesse to deuoure to liuers of the Cod-fishes that are cast into the Sea after their bellies be opened whereof they are so couetous that though they see a great Powle ouer their heads ready to strike them downe yet they aduenture themselues to come neere to the Ship to catch some of them at what price soeuer And they which were not occupied in fishing did passe their time in that sport And so did they by their diligence that we tooke some thirty of them In this fishing we sometimes did take Sea-dogs whose skins our Ioyners did keepe carefully to smooth their worke withall Item fishes called by Frenchmen Merlus which be better then Cod and sometimes another kinde of fish called Bars which diuersity did augment our delight They which were not busie in taking neither Fishes nor Birds did passe their time in gathering the hearts guts and other inward parts most delicate of the Cod-fish which they did mince with lard and spices and with those things did make as good Bolonia Sausiges as any can be made in Paris and we did eate of them with a very good stomacke From the eighteenth of Iune vntill we did arriue at Port Royal we haue found the weather quite otherwise to that we had before For as we haue already said we had cold mists or fogs before our comming to the Banke where we came in faire sunshine but the next day we fell to the fogs againe which a farre off we might perceiue to come and wrap vs about holding vs continually prisoners three whole dayes for two dayes of faire weather that they permitted vs which was alwayes accompanied with cold by reason of the Summers absence Yea euen diuers we haue seene our selues a whole sennight continually in thicke fogges twice without any shew of Sunne but very little as I will recite hereafter And I will bring forth a reason for such effects which seemeth vnto me probable As wee see the fire to draw the moistnesse of a wet cloth opposite vnto it likewise the Sunne draweth moistnesse and vapours both from the Sea and from the land But for the dissoluing of them there is here one vertue and beyond those parts another according to the accidents and circumstances that are found In these our Countries it raiseth vp vapours onely from the ground and from our Riuers which earthly vapours grosse and waighty and participating lesse of the moist ellement doe cause vs a hot aire and the earth discharged of those vapours becomes thereby more hot and parching From thence it commeth that the said vapours hauing the earth on the one pâ—rt and the Sunne on the other which heateth them they are easily dissolued not remaining long in the ayre vnlesse it be in winter when the earth is waxen cold and the Sunne beyond the Equinoctiall line farre off from vâ— From the same reason proceedeth the cause why Mists and Fogs be not so frequent nor so long in the French Seas as the New-found-land because that the Sunne passing from his rising aboue the grounds this Sea at the comming thereof receiueth almost but earthly vapours and by a long space retaineth this vertue to dissolue very soone the exhalation it draweth to it selfe But when it commeth to the middest of the Ocean and to the said New-found-land hauing eleuated and assumed in so long a course a great abundance of vapours from this moist wide Ocean it doth not so easily dissolue them as well because those vapours be cold of themselues and of their nature as because the element which is neerest vnder them doth simpathize with them and preserueth them and the Sunne beames being not holpen in the dissoluing of them as they are vpon the earth Which is euen seene in the land of that Countrie which although it hath but small heate by reason of the abundance of woods notwithstanding it helpeth to disperse the Mists and Fogges which be ordinarily there in the morning during Summer but not as at Sea for about eight a clocke in the morning they begin to vanish away and serue as a dew to the ground The eight and twentieth day of Iune we found our selues vpon a small banke other then the great Banke whereof we haue spoken at forty fathams From that time forward we began to descry land-markes it was New-found-land by hearbes mosses flowers and peeces of wood that we alwaies met abounding the more by so much wee drew neere to it The fourth day of Iuly our sailers which were appointed for the last quarter watch descried in the morning very early euery one being yet in bed the Iles of Saint Peter And the Friday the seuenth of the said Moneth we discouered on the Larboord a Coast of land high raised vp Euen our Dogs did â—hrust their noses out of the Ship better to draw and smell the sweet ayre of the land not being able to containe themselues from witnessing by their gestures the ioy they had of it We dre 〈…〉 within a league neere vnto it and the sailes being let downe we fell a fishing of Cod the fi 〈…〉 g of the Banke beginning to faile They which had before vs made voyages in those parts did â—udge vs to be at Cape Breton The night drawing on we stood off to the Sea-ward the next day following being the eight of the said moneth of Iuly as we drew neere to the Bay of Campseau came about the euening mists which did continue eight whole dayes during the which we kept vs at Sea hulling still not being able to goe forward being resisted by West and South-west windes During these eight dayes which were from one Saturday to another God who hath alwayes guided these voyages in the which not one man hath been lost by Sea shewed vs his speciall fauour in sending vnto vs among the thicke fogges a clearing of the Sunne which continued but halfe an houre And then had we sight of the firme land and knew that we were ready to be cast away vpon the rockes if wee had not speedily stood off to Sea-ward Finally vpon Saturday the fifteenth of Iuly about two a clocke in the afterdoone the skie began to salute vs as it were with Cannon shots shedding teares as being sorry to haue kept vs so long in paine So that faire weather being come againe we saw comming straight to vs we being foure leagues off from the land two Shallops with open sailes in a Sea yet wrathed This thing gaue vs much concent But whilst we followed on our course there came from the land odâ—rs vncomparable for sweetnesse brought with a warme winde so abundantly that all the Orient parts could not procure greater abundance We did stretch out our hands as it were to take them so palpable were they which I haue admired a thousand times since Then the two Shallops did approach the one manned with Sauages who had a
dayes with great Cod Hadocke and some Thornbacke Towards night we drew with a small Same of 20. fathom iust by the shoare where we got about 30. very good Lobsters many Rockfish some Plaise and other small fishes very good and fishes called Lumpes very pleasant to taste And this wee generally obserued that all the fish of what kind soeuer we tooke were well fed fat and in tast very sweet Wednesday the two and twentieth of May our Captaine went ashoare with our men where wee felled and cut wood for our ships vse cleansed and scoured our Wells Wee likewise digged a small plot of ground wherein among some Garden seeds which most the birds destroyed we set Pease and Barley which in sixteene dayes grew eight inches and so continued euery day growing more than halfe an inch although this was but the crust of the ground and farre inferiour to the mould we after found in the Maine All the next day we labored hard to make vp our wood because our Captaine intended not to spare or spend any more time in that of our Voyage This day our Boat fished againe as before because wee still were much refreshed with the fresh fish Friday the foure and twentieth of May after we had made an end of cutting wood and carrying some water aboord our ship Our Captaine with fourteene shot and Pike marched about and thorow part of two of the Ilands one of which we ghessed to be foure or fiue miles in compasse and a mile broad Along the shoare and some space within where the wood hindereth not growe plentifully Rashberries Gooseberries Strawberries Corant trees Rose bushes wilde Vines Angelica a soueraine herbe many other fruits wee knew not All within the Ilands growe wood of sundry sorts some very great and generally all tall Beech Birch Ash Maple Spruce Cherrie tree Ewe Oake great and firme with so fine graine and colour as our Captaine and men of best experience had neuer seene the like But the Firre trees great and small are most abundant which I name last as not the least of excellent profit for from it issueth Turpentine in maruellous plenty and so sweet as our Chirurgeon and others affirmed they neuer saw so good in England Wee pulled off much Gumme congealed on the outside of the Barke which gaue an odour like Frankincense This would be a very great benefit for making Tarre and Pitch We staied the longer in this place not onely because of our good Harbour which is an excellent comfort but also because euery day we found the Iland more and more to discouer vnto vs his pleasant fruitfulnesse insomuch as many of our company wished themselues settled here Also our men found abundance of great Mussels among the Rockes and in some of them many small Pearles In one Mussell which we drew vp in our Same was found foureteene Pearles whereof one was of pretty bignesse and orient in another aboue fifty small Pearles and if one had had a Dragge no doubt we had found some of great value seeing these did certainely shew that here they were bred the shels within all glistering with mother of Pearle Thursday the thirtieth of May the Captaine with thirteene departed in the Shallop leauing the Ship in a good harbour Diuers Canoas of Sauages came to vs. The shape of their body is very proportionable and well countenanced not very tall nor bigge but in stature like to vs they paint their bodies with blacke their faces some with red some with blacke and some with blew Their cloathing is Beuer skins and Deere skins hanging downe to their knees before and behinde made fast together vpon the shoulder with a leather string some of them weare sleeues some buskins of leather tewed very thin and soft Some weare the haire of their skins outward some inward they haue besides a peece of skin which they binde about their waste and betweene their legges to couer their priuities They suffer no haire to grow vpon their faces but vpon their head very long and very blacke which behinde they binde vp with a string on a long round knot some of them haue haire all curled naturally They seemed all very ciuill and very merry shewing tokens of much thankfulnesse for those things we gaue them which they expresse in their language by these words oh ho often repeated We found them then as after a people of very good inuention quicke vnderstanding and ready capacity Their Canoas are made of the barke of Beech strengthned within with ribbes and hoopes of wood in so good fashion and with such excellent ingenious art as our men that had beene often in the Indies said they farre exceeded any that euer they had seene The chiefe of them told me by signes that they would goe fetch Furres and Skins and pointed to be with vs againe by that time the Sunne should come somewhat beyond the midst of the firmament About ten a clocke this day we descried our Pinnace returning towards vs. Our Captaine had in this small time discouered vp a great Riuer trending all almost into the Maine Vntill his returne our Captaine left on shoare where they landed in a path which seemed to be frequented a Pipe a Brooch and a Knife thereby to know if the Sauages had recourse that way because they could at that time see none of them onely a Beast a farre of which they thought to be a Deere The next day being Saturday and the first of Iune wee traded with the Sauages all the forenoone vpon the Shoare where were eight and twenty Sauages and because our Ship rode nigh we were but fiue or sixe where for Kniues and other trifles to the value of foure or fiue shillings we had forty good Skins Beuers Otter and other which we knew not what to call them Our trade being ended many of them came aboord vs and eate by our fire and would be very merry and bold in regard of our kinde vsage of them Our Captaine shewed them a strange thing which they wondered His Sword and mine hauing beene touched with the Loadstone tooke vp their Knife and held it fast when they plucked it away and made their Knife turne being laid on a blocke and giuing their Knife a touch with his Sword made that take vp a Needle which they much marueiled at This we did to cause them to imagine some great power in vs and for that to loue and feare vs. When we went a Shoare to trade with them in one of their Canoas I saw their Bowes and Arrowes which in their sight I tooke vp and drew an Arrow in one of them which I found to be of a reasonable strength able to carry an Arrow fiue or six score strongly and one of them tooke it and brew as we draw our Bowes not like the Indians Their Bowe is made of Beech in fashion of our Bowes but they want nocks onely
and a sayler in two places of the body very dangerous After they had spent their Arrowes and felt the sharpnesse of our shot they retired into the Woods with a great noise and so left vs. The seuen and twentieth day we began to build vp our Shallop the Gentlemen and Souldiers marched eight miles vp into the Land we could not see a Sauage in all that march we came to a place where they had made a great fire and had beene newly a rosting Oysters when they perceiued our comming they fled away to the Mountaines and left many of the Oysters in the fire we eat some of the Oysters which were very large and delicate in taste The eighteenth day we lanched our Shallop the Captaine and some Gentlemen went in her and discouered vp the Bay we found a Riuer on the Southside running into the Maine we entered it and found it very shoald water not for any Boats to swim Wee went further into the Bay and saw a plaine plot of ground where we went on Land and found the place fiue mile in compasse without either Bush or Tree we saw nothing there but a Cannow which was made out of the whole tree which was fiue and fortie foot long by the Rule Vpon this plot of ground we got good store of Mussels and Oysters which lay on the ground as thicke as stones wee opened some and found in many of them Pearles Wee marched some three or foure miles further into the Woods where we saw great smoakes of fire Wee marched to those smoakes and found that the Sauages had beene there burning downe the grasse as wee thought either to make their plantation there or else to giue signes to bring their forces together and so to giue vs battell We past through excellent ground full of Flowers of diuers kinds and colours and as goodly trees as I haue seene as Cedar Cipresse and other kindes going a little further we came into a little plat of ground full of fine and beautifull Strawberries foure times bigger and better then ours in England All this march we could neither see Sauage nor Towne When it grew to be towards night we stood backe to our Ships we sounded and found it shallow water for a great way which put vs out of all hopes for getting any higher with our Ships which road at the mouth of the Riuer Wee rowed ouer to a point of Land where wee found a channell and sounded six eight ten or twelue fathom which put vs in good comfort Therefore wee named that point of Land Cape Comfort The nine and twentieth day we set vp a Crosse at Chesupioc Bay and named that place Cape Henry Thirtieth day we came with our ships to Cape Comfort where wee saw fiue Sauages running on the shoare presently the Captaine caused the shallop to be manned so rowing to the shoare the Captaine called to them in signe of friendship but they were at first very timersome vntil they saw the Captain lay his hand on his heart vpon that they laid down their Bowes and Arrowes and came very boldly to vs making signes to come a shoare to their Towne which is called by the Sauages Kecoughtan Wee coasted to their Towne rowing ouer a Riuer running into the Maine where these Sauages swam ouer with their Bowes and Arrowes in their mo 〈…〉 When we came ouer to the other side there was a many of other Sauages which directed vs to their Towne where we were entertained by them very kindly When we came first a Land they made a dolefull noise laying their faces to the ground scratching the earth with their nailes We did thinke that they had beene at their Idolatry When they had ended their Ceremonies they went into their houses and brought out mats and laid vpon the ground the chiefest of thē sate all in a rank the meanest sort brought vs such dainties as they had of their bread which they make of their Maiz or Gennea wheat they would not suffer vs to eat vnlesse we sate down which we did on a Mat right against them After we were well satisfied they gaue vs of their Tabacco which they tooke in a pipe made artificially of earth as ours are but far bigger with the bowle fashioned together with a piece of fine copper After they had feasted vs they shewed vs in welcome their manner of dancing which was in this fashion one of the Sauages standing in the midst singing beating one hand against another all the rest dancing about him shouting howling and stamping against the ground with many Anticke tricks and faces making noise like so many Wolues or Deuils One thing of them I obserued when they were in their dance they kept stroke with their feet iust one with another but with their hands heads faces and bodies euery one of them had a seuerall gesture so they continued for the space of halfe an houre When they had ended their dance the Captaine gaue them Beades and other trifling Iewells They hang through their eares Fowles legs they shaue the right side of their heads with a shell the left side they weare of an ell long tied vp with an artificiall knot with a many of Foules feathers sticking in it They goe altogether naked but their priuities are couered with Beasts skinnes beset commonly with little bones or beasts teeth some paint their bodies balcke some red with artificiall knots of sundry liuely colours very beautifull and pleasing to the eye in a brauer fashion then they in the West Indies The fourth day of May we came to the King or Werowance of Paspihe where they entertained vs with much welcome an old Sauage made a long Oration making a foule noise vttering his speech with a vehement action but we knew little what they meant Whilst we were in company with the Paspihes the Werowance of Rapahanna came from the other side of the Riuer in his Cannoa he seemed to take displeasure of our being with the Paspihes he would faine haue had vs come to his Towne the Captaine was vnwilling seeing that the day was so far spent he returned backe to his ships for that night The next day being the fift of May the Werowance of Rapahanna sent a Messenger to haue vs come to him We entertained the said Messenger and gaue him trifles which pleased him Wee manned our shallop with Muskets and Targatiers sufficiently this said Messenger guided vs where our determination was to goe When wee landed the Werowance of Rapahanna came downe to the water side with all his traine as goodly men as any I haue seene of Sauages or Christians the Werowance comming before them playing on a Flute made of a Reed with a Crown of Deares haire colloured red in fashion of a Rose fastened about his knot of haire and a great Plate of Copper on the other side of his head with two long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Hornes placed in the midst
Captaine Gosnols death the Councell could hardly agree by the dissention of Captaine Kendall which afterward was committed about hainous matters which was proued against him The foure and twentieth day died Edward Harington and George Walker and were buried the same day The sixe and twentieth day died Kenelme Throgmortine The seuen and twentieth day died William Roods The eight and twentieth day died Thomas Stoodie Cape Merchant The fourth day of September died Thomas Iacob Sergeant The fift day there died Beniamin Beast Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases as Swellings Flixes Burning Feuers and by warres and some departed suddenly but for the most part they died of meere famine There were neuer Englishmen left in a forreigne Countrey in such miserie as wee were in this new discouered Virginia Wee watched euery three nights lying on the bare cold ground what weather soeuer came warded all the next day which brought our men to bee most feeble wretches our food was but a small Can of Barlie sod in water to fiue men a day our drinke cold water taken out of the Riuer which was at a floud verie salt at a low tide full of slime and filth which was the destruction of many of our men Thus we liued for the space of fiue moneths in this miserable distresse not hauing fiue able men to man our Bulwarkes vpon any occasion If it had not pleased God to haue put a terrour in the Sauages hearts we had all perished by those vild and cruell Pagans being in that weake estate as we were our men night and day groaning in euery corner of the Fort most pittifull to heare if there were any conscience in men it would make their harts to bleed to heare the pittiful murmurings out-cries of our sick men without reliefe euery night and day for the space of sixe weekes some departing out of the World many times three or foure in a night in the morning their bodies trailed out of their Cabines like Dogges to be buried in this sort did I see the mortalitie of diuers of our people It pleased God after a while to send those people which were our mortall enemies to releeue vs with victuals as Bread Corne Fish and Flesh in great plentie which was the setting vp of our feeble men otherwise wee had all perished Also we were frequented by diuers Kings in the Countrie bringing vs store of prouision to our great comfort The eleuenth day there was certaine Articles laid against Master Wing fiield which was then President thereupon he was not only displaced out of his President ship but also from being of the Councell Afterwards Captaine Iohn Ratcliffe was chosen President The eighteenth day died oue Ellis Kinistone which was starued to death with cold The same day at night died one Richard Simmons The nineteenth day there died one Thomas Mouton William White hauing liued with the Natiues reported to vs of their customes in the morning by breake of day before they eate or drinke both men women and children that be aboue tenne yeeres of age runnes into the water there washes themselues a good while till the Sunne riseth then offer Sacrifice to it strewing Tobacco on the water or Land honouring the Sunne as their God likewise they doe at the setting of the Sunne CHAP. III. The description of Virginia by Captaine IOHN SMITH inlarged out of his written Notes VIrginia is a Countrie in America that lieth betweene the degrees of 34. and 44. of the North Latitude The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean On the South lieth Florida on the North Noua Francia As for the West thereof the limits are vnknowne Of all this Countrie we purpose not to speake but only of that part which was planted by the Englishmen in the yeere of our Lord 1606. And this is vnder the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this Countrie doth agree wel with English constitutions being once seasoned to the Countrie Which appeared by this that though by many occasions our people fell sicke yet did they recouer by verie small meanes and continued in health though there were other great causes not only to haue made them sicke but euen to end their dayes c. The Summer is hot as in Spaine the Winter cold as in France or England The heate of Summer is in Iune Iuly and August but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie of the heate The chiefe of Winter is halfe December Ianuary February and halfe March The cold is extreme sharpe but heere the Prouerbe is true That no extreme continueth long In the yeere 1607. was an extraordinary Frost in most of Europe and this Frost was found as extreme in Uirginia But the next yeere for eight or ten daies of ill weather other fourteene daies would be as Summer The winds here are variable but the like Thunder and Lightning to purifie the Aire I haue seldome either seene or heard in Europe From the South-west came the greatest gusts with Thunder and heate The North-west winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it From the North is the greatest cold and from the East and South-east as from the Barmadas fogges and raines Sometimes there are great droughts other times much raine yet great necessitie of neither by reason we see not but that all the varietie of needfull Fruits in Europe may bee there in great plentie by the industry of men as appeareth by those we there planted There is but one entrance by Sea into this Countrey and that is at the mouth of a verie goodly Bay the widenesse whereof is neere eighteene or twenâ—ie miles The Cape on the South side is called Cape Henrie in honour of our most Noble Prince The shew of the Land there is a white Hilly Sand like vnto the Downes and along the shoares great plentie of Pines and Firres The North Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke Thelles before it are named Smiths Iles because he first of ours set foot on them Within is a Countrey that may haue the prerogatiue ouer the most pleasant places of Europe Asia Africa or America for large and pleasant nauigable Riuers Heauen and Earth neuer agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation being of our constitutions were it fully mannured and inhabited by industrious people Here are Mountaynes Hils Plaines Vallies Riuers and Brookes all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but for the mouth with fruitful delightsome Land In the Bay and Riuers are many Iles both great and small some woodie some plaine most of them low and not inhabited This Bay lieth North an South in which the water floweth neere two hundred miles and hath a Channell for one hundred and fortie miles of depth betwixt seuen and fifteene fadome holding in breadth for the most part ten or fourteene miles From the head of the Bay at
man and he sometimes my Master One hundred and twentie were landed in the last supply Thomas Studly Anas Todkill THe prodigalitie of the Presidents state went so deepe in the store that Smith and Scriuener had a while tyed both Martin and him to the Rules of Proportion but now Smith being to depart the Presidents authority so ouerswayed Master Scriueners discretion as our store our time our strength and labours were idlely consumed to fulfill his phantasies The second of Iune 1608. Smith left the Fort to performe his Discouery with this company Walter Russell Doctor of Physicke Ralph Morton Thomas Momford William Cantrill Richard Fetherstone Iames Bourne Michael Sicklemore Anas Todkill Robert Small Iames Watkins Iohn Powell Iames Read black Smith Richard Keale Fishmonger Ionas Profit fisher These being in an open Barge of two tunnes burthen leauing the Phoenix at Cape Henrie we crossed the Bay to the Easterne shoare and fell with the Iles called Smiths Iles the first people we saw there were two grimme and stout Sauages vpon Cape Charles with long Poles like Iauelings headed with bone they boldly demanded what we were and what we would but after many circumstances they in time seemed very kind and directed vs to Acawmacke the habitation of the Weroans where we were kindly intreated this King was the comeliest proper ciuill Sauage we incountred his Country is a pleasant fertile clay soyle He told vs of a strange accident lately happened him and it was Two dead children by the extreme passions of their Parents or some dreaming Visions Phantasie or affection mooued them againe to reuisit their dead carkasses whose benummed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders such pleasant delightfull countenances as though they had regained their vitall spirts This is a Miracle drew many to behold them all which being a great part of his people not long after died and not any one escaped They spake the Language of Powhatan wherein they made such descriptions of the Bay Iles and Riuers that often did vs exceeding pleasure Passing alongst the Coast searching euery Inlet and Bay fit for Harbours and Habitations seeing many Iles in the midst of the Bay we bore vp for them but ere we could attaine them such an extreame gust of Winde Raine Thunder and Lightning happened that with great danger wee escaped the vnmercifull raging of that Ocean-like water The next day searching those inhabitable Iles which wee called Russells Iles to prouide fresh water the defect whereof forced vs to follow the next Easterne Channell which brought vs to the Riuer Wighcocomoco the people at first with great furie seemed to assault vs yet at last with Songs Dances and much mâ—rth became very tractable but searching their habitations for water we could fill but three and that such puddle that neuer till then we knew the want of good water We digged and searched many places but ere the end of two dayes wee would haue refused two Barricoes of Gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco Being past these Iles falling with a high Land vpon the Mayne we found a great pond of fresh water but so exceeding hot that we supposed it some Bath that place we called Point-ployer in honour of that Honourable House of Mousaye that in an extreame extremitie once robbed our Captaine Beeing thus refreshed in crossing ouer from the Mayne to other Iles the winde and waters so much increased with Thunder Lightning and Raine that our fore-mast blew ouer-boord and such mightie waues ouer-wrought vs in that small Barge that with great labour wee kept her from siâ—king by freeing out the water two dayes wee were inforced to inhabit these vninhabited Iles which for the extremitie of Gusts Thunder Raine Stormes and ill weather we called Limbo Repairing our fore-sayle with our shirts we set sayle for the Mayne and fell with a faire Riuer on the East called Kuskaranaocke The people ran as amazed in troupes from place to place and diuers got into the tops of Trees they were not sparing of their Arrowes nor the greatest passion they could expresse of anger long they shot we still riding at an Anchor out of their reach making all the signes of friendship wee could The next day they came vnarmed with euery one a Bisket dancing in a ring to draw vs on shore but seeing there was nothing in them but villanie we discharged a volley of Muskets charged with Pestoll shot whereat they all lay tumbling on the ground creeping some on way some another into a great cluster of Reeds hard by where there companions lay in Ambuscado Towards the Euening wee weighed and approached the shore discharging fiue or sixe shot amongst the Reeds we landed where they laid a many of baskets but saw not a Sauage a smoke appearing on the other side the Riuer we went thither where wee found two or three little Houses in each a fire there we left some pieces of Copper Beads Bels and Looking-glasses and then went into the Bay When it was darke we came to an Anchor againe Earely in the morning foure Sauages came to vs in their Canoa whom we vsed with such courtesie nor knew what we were nor had done hauing beene in the Bay a fishing â—ad vs stay and ere long they would returne which they did and some twentie more with them with whom after a little conference two or three hundred men women and children came clustering about vs euery one presenting vs somewhat which a little Bead would so well requite we became such friends they would contend who should fetch vs water stay with vs for hostage conduct our men any whether and giue vs the best content By it inhabit the people of Soraphanigh Nause Arsek and Nautaquake that much extolled a great Nation called Massawomekes in search of whom wee returned by Limbo but finding this Easterne shore shallow broken Iles and the Mayne for most part without fresh water we passed by the Straits of Limbo for the Westerne shore So broad is the Bay here that we could scarce perceiue the great high Cliffes on the other side by them wee anchored that night and called them Richards Cliffes Thirtie leagues we sayled more Northwards not finding any Inhabitants yet the Coast well watered the Mountaines very barren the Valleyes very fertile but the Woods extreme thicke full of Wolues Beares Deere and other wild Beasts The first Inlet we found we called Bolus for that the clay in many places was like if not Bole-Armoniacke when we first set saile some of our Gallants doubted nothing but that our Captaine would make too much hast home but hauing lien not aboue twelue dayes in this small Barge oft tyred at their Oares their Bread spoyled with wet so much that it was rotten yet so good were their stomackes that they could digest it did it with continuall complaints so importune him now to returne as caused him be speake them in this manner Gentlemen if
Beame sixe foote floore her Rake forward was fourteene foot her Rake aft from the top of her Post which was twelue foot long was three foot shee was eight foot deepe vnder her Beame betweene her Deckes she was foure foot and an halfe with a rising of halfe a foot more vnder her fore Castle of purpose to scowre the Decke with small shot if at any time wee should bee borded by the Enemie Shee had a fall of eighteene inches aft to make her sterage and her great Cabbin the more large her sterage was fiue foote long and sixe foote high with a close Gallerie right aft with a window on each side and two right aft The most part of her timber was Cedar which we found to be bad for shipping for that it is wonderous false inward and besides iâ— is so spault or brickle that it will make no good plankes her Beames were all Oke of our ruine ship and some plankes in her Bow of Oke and all the rest as is aforesaid When shee began to swimme vpon her launching our Gouernour called her The Deliuerance and shee might be some eighty tunnes of burthen Before we quitted our old quarter and dislodged to the fresh water with our Pinnasse our Gouernour set vp in Sir George Summers Garden a faire Muemosynon in figure of a Crosse made of some of the timber of our ruined shippe which was serued in with strong and great trunnels to a mightie Cedar which grew in the middest of the said Garden and whose top and vpper branches he caused to be lopped that the violence of the winde and weather might haue the lesse power ouer her In the middest of the Crosse our Gouernour fastened the Picture of his Maiestie in a piece of Siluer of twelue pence and on each side of the Crosse hee set an Inscription grauen in Copper in the Latine and English to this purpose In memory of our great Deliuerance both from a mightie storme and leake wee haue set vp this to the honour of God It is the spoyle of an English ship of three hundred tunne called the Sea Venture bound with seuen ships more from which the storme diuided vs to Virginia or Noua Britania in America In it were two Knights Sir Thomas Gates Knight Gouernour of the English Forces and Colonie there and Sir George Summers Knight Admirall of the Seas Her Captaine was Christopher Newport Passengers and Mariners shee had beside which came all safe to Land one hundred and fiftie We were forced to runne her ashore by reason of her leake vnder a Point that bore Southeast from the Northerne Point of the Iland which wee discouered first the eight and twentieth of Iuly 1609. About the last of Aprill Sir George Summers launched his Pinnasse and brought her from his building Bay in the Mayne Iland into the Chanuell where ours did ride and shee was by the Keele nine and twentie foot at the Beame fifteene foot and an halfe at the Loofe fourteene at the Trausam nine and she was eight foot deepe and drew sixe foote water and hee called heâ— the Patience §. III. Their departure from Bermuda and arriuall in Virginia miseries there departure and returne vpon the Lord LA WARRES arriuing IAMES Towne described FRom this time we only awaited a fauourable Westerly wind to carrie vs forth which longer then vsuall now kept at the East and South-east the way which wee were to goe The tenth of May early Sir George Summers and Captaine Newport went off with their long Boates and with two Canoaes boyed the Channell which wee were to leade it out in and which was no broader from Shoales on the one side and Rockes on the other then about three times the length of our Pinnasse About ten of the clocke that day being Thursday we set sayle an easie gale the wind at South and by reason no more winde blew we were faine to towe her with our long Boate yet neither with the helpe of that were we able to fit our Bowyes but euen when we came iust vpon them we strucke a Rocke on the starboord side ouer which the Bowye rid and had it not beene a soft Rocke by which meanes she bore it before her and crushed it to pieces God knowes we might haue beene like enough to haue returned anew and dwelt there after tenne monethes of carefulnesse and great labour a longer time but God was more mercifull vnto vs. When shee strucke vpon the Rocke the Cock-â—wayne one Walsingham beeing in the Boate with a quicke spirit when wee were all amazed and our hearts failed and so by Gods goodnesse wee led it out at three fadome and three fadome and an halfe water The wind serued vs easily all that day and the next when God be euer praysed for it to the no little ioy of vs all we got cleere of the Ilands After which holding a Southerly course for seuen dayes wee had the winde sometimes faire and sometimes scarce and contrarie in whâ—ch time we lost Sir George Summers twice albeit we still spared him our mayne top-sayle and sometimes our fore course too The seuenteenth of May we saw change of water and had much Rubbish swimme by our ship side whereby wee knew wee were not farre from Land The eighteenth â—bout midnight wee founded with the Dipsing Lead and found thirtie seuen fadome The nineteenth in the morning we sounded and â—ad nineteene and an halfe fadome stonie and sandie ground The twentieth about midnight we had a maruellous sweet smell from the shoare as from the Coast of Spaine short of the Straits strong and pleasant which did not a little glad vs. In the morning by day breake so soone as one might well see from the fore-top one of the Saylers descryed Land about an houre after I went vp and might discouer two Hummockes to the Southward from which Northward all along lay the Land which wee were to Coast to Cape Henrie About seuen of the clocke we cast forth an Anchor because the tyde by reason of the Freshet that set into the Bay make a strong Ebbe there and the winde was but easie so as not beeing able to stemme the Tyde we purposed to lye at an Anchor vntill the next flood but the wind comming South-west a loome gale about eleuen we set sayle againe and hauing got ouer the Barre bore in for the Cape This is the famous Chesipiacke Bay which wee haue called in honour of our young Prince Cape Henrie ouer against which within the Bay lyeth another Head-land which wee called in honour of our Princely Duke of Yorke Cape Charles and these lye North-east and by East and South-west and by West and they may bee distant each from the other in breadth seuen leagues betweene which the Sea runnes in as broad as betweene Queeneburrough and Lee. Indeed it is a goodly Bay and a fairer not easily to be found The one and twentieth beeing Munday in the morning wee came vp within
stored with abundance and plentie in England continuall wasting no Husbandry the old store still spent on no order for new prouisions what better could befall vnto the Inhabitants Land-lords and Tenants of that corner then necessarily following cleannesse of teeth famine and death Is it not the sentence and doome of the Wiseman Yet a little sleepe a little slumber and a little folding of the hands to sleepe so thy pouerty commeth as one that trauelleth by the way and thy necessitie like an armed man And with this Idlenesse when some thing was in store all wastfull courses exercised to the heigth and the headlesse multitude some neither of qualitie nor Religion not imployed to the end for which they were sent hither no not compelled since in themselues vnwilling to sowe Corne for their owne bellies nor to put a Roote Herbe c. for their owne particular good in their Gardens or elsewhere I say in this neglect and sensuall Surfet all things suffered to runne on to lie sicke and languish must it be expected that health plentie and all the goodnesse of a well ordered State of necessitie for all this to flow in this Countrey You haue a right and noble heart worthy Lady bee iudge of the truth herein Then suffer it not bee concluded vnto you nor beleeue I beseech you that the wants and wretchednesse which they haue indured ascend out of the pouertie and vilenesse of the Countrey whether bee respected the Land or Riuers the one and the other hauing not only promised but powred enough in their veines to conuince them in such calumnies and to quit those common calamities which as the shadow accompanies the body the precedent neglects touched at if truely followed and wrought vpon What England may boast of hauing the faire hand of husbandry to manure and dresse it God and Nature haue fauourably bestowed vpon this Country and as it hath giuen vnto it both by situation height and soyle all those past hopes assurances which follow our well planted natiue Countrie and others lying vnder the same influence if as ours the Countrey and soyle might be improued and drawne forth so hath it indowed it as is most certaine with many more which England fetcheth farre vnto her from elsewhere For first wee haue experience and euen our eyes witnesse how yong so euer wee are to the Countrie that no Countrey yeeldeth goodlier Corne nor more manifold increase large Fields wee haue as prospects of the same and not farre from our Pallisado Besides wee haue thousands of goodly Vines in euery hedge and Boske running along the ground which yeelde a plentifull Grape in their kinde Let mee appeale then to knowledge if these naturall Vines were planted dressed and ordered by skilfull Vinearoones whether wee might not make a perfect Grape and fruitefull vintage in short time And we haue made triall of our owne English seedes kitchen 〈◊〉 and Rootes and finde them to prosper as speedily as in England Onely let me truely acknowledge they are not an hundreâ— or two of deboist hands dropt forth by yeare after yeare with penury and leisure ill prouâ—ed for before they come and worse to be gouerned when they are here men of such distempeâ—â—d bodies and infected mindes whom no examples daily before their eyes either of goodnesse 〈◊〉 punishment can deterre from their habituall impieties or terrifie from a shamefull death â—hat must be the Carpenters and workemen in this so glorious a building Then let no rumour of the pouerty of the Couâ—â—ry as if in the wombe thereof there lay not those elementall seedes which could produce 〈◊〉 many faire births of plenty and increase and better hopes then any land vnder the heaueâ— to which the Sunne is no neerer a neighbour I say let no imposture rumour nor any fame of â—ome one or a few more changeable actions interposing by the way or at home waue any â—â—ns faire purposes hitherward or wrest them to a declining and falling off from the businesse I will acknowledge deere Lady I haue seene much propensnesse already towards the vnity and generall endeauours how câ—â—tentedly doe such as labour with vs goe forth when men of ranke and quality assist anâ—â—et on their labours I haue seene it and I protest it I haue heard the inferiour people with alacrity of spirit professe that they should neuer refuse to doe their best in the prâ—â—tise of their sciences and knowledges when such worthy and Noble Gentlemen goe â—n and out before them and not onely so but as the occasion shall be offered no â—â—â—e helpe them with their hand then defend them with their Sword And it is to be vnderstood that such as labour are not yet so taxed but that easily they performe the same and e 〈…〉 by tenne of the clocke haue done their Mornings worke at what time they haue theâ— allowances set out ready for them and vntill it be three of the clocke againe they take their owne pleasure and afterwards with the Sunne set their dayes labour is finished In all which courses if the businesse be continued I doubt nothing with Gods fauour towards vs but to see it in time a Countrie an Hauen and a Staple fitted for such a trade as shall aduance assureder increase both to the Aduenturers and free Burgers thereof then any Trade in Christendome or then that euen in her earely dayes when Michael Cauacco the Greeke did first discouer it to our English Factor in Poland which extenus it selfe now from Calpe and Abila to the bottome of Sidon and so wide as Alexandria and all the Ports and Hauens North and South through the Arches to Cio Smyrna Troy the Hellespont and vp to Pompeys Pillar which as a Pharos or watch Tower stands vpon the wondrous opening into the Euxine Sea From the three and twentieth of May vnto the seuenth of Iune our Gouernour attempted and made triall of all the wayes that both his owne iudgement could prompe him in and the aduise of Captaine George Percy and those Gentlemen whom hee found of the Counsell when hee came in as of others whom hee caused to deliuer their knowledges concerning the State and Condition of the Countrey but after much debating it could not appeare how possibly they might preserue themselues reseruing that little which wee brought from the Bermudas in our Shippes and was vpon all occasions to stand good by vs tenne dayes from staruing For besides that the Indians were of themselues poore they were forbidden likewise by their subtile King Powhatan at all to trade with vs and not onely so but to indanger and assault any Boate vpon the Riuer or stragler out of the Fort by Land by which not long before our arriuall our people had a large Boate cut off and diuers of our men killed euen within command of our Blocke-house as likewise they shot two of our people to death after we had bin foure and fiue dayes come in and yet would
then I found the ship in thirtie three degrees ten minutes From the thirteenth at noone to the fourteenth at noone twenty leagues South-east by East the wind shifting betweene the South-west and West South-west then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees thirtie fiue minutes From the fourteenth at noone to the fifteenth at noone twentie leagues South-east then I found the ship to be in thirty two degrees the wind as before then we tacked about and lay North-west by West From the fifteenth at noone to the sixteenth at noone twelue leagues North by West the wind shifting betweene South-west and West and the weather very stormy with many sudden gusts of wind and rayne And about sixe of the clocke in the afternoone being to windward of our Admirall I bare vp vnder his lee who when I hayled him told me that he would tack it vp no longer because hee was not able to keepe the sea any longer for lacke of a road and water but that hee would presently steere away North North-west to see if he could fetch Cape Cod. Which without delay he put in execution His directions I followed so from the sixteenth day at noone to the seuenteenth at noone I had sailed thirtie eight leagues North North-west then I found my ship to be in thirtie foure degrees ten minutes The seuenteenth and eighteenth dayes were very wet and stormy and the winds shifting all points of the Compasse The nineteenth day abâ—ut foure of the clocke in the morning it began to cleere vp and then we had a very stiffe gale betweene East and North-east From the seuenteenth at noone to the nineteenth at noone I had sayled fiftie fiue leagues North North-west then I found the ship to be thirtie sixe degrees thirty minutes From the nineteenth at noone to the twentieth at noone thirty fiue leagues North-west then I was in thirty seuen degrees fifty two minutes the weather now was fairer and the wind all easterly From the twentieth at noone to the twentie one at noone we sayled twenty leagues North by West the wind betweene East and South-east and the weather very faire At the sunne setting I obserued and found thirteene degrees and an halfe of westerly variation and vntill midnight we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly and then it fell c 〈…〉 e a 〈…〉 a 〈…〉 d and â—o continued very little wind vntill the two and twentieth at no 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 g a 〈…〉 p 〈…〉 t s of the Compasse yet by mine obseruation that I maâ—e then I 〈…〉 leagues North for I found her to be in forty degrees one m 〈…〉 there was some tide or current that did set Northward Again◠〈…〉 did say That in their watch they did see a race and that ship did 〈…〉 when she had not a breath of wind From the two and twentieth at noone vntill ten of the clocke at night we had a fresh gale of wind betweene East and South-east and then it shifted all westerly and so continued vntill two of the clocke the twenty three in the morning and then it began to be very foggy and but little wind yet shifting all the points of the Compasse and so continued vntill ten of the clocke and then it began to cleere vp At twelue of the clocke I obserued and then I found the ship to be in fortie degrees fiftie minutes so from the twenty two at noone to the twenty three at noone I had sayled twenty leagues Northward From the twenty three at noone to the twenty foure at three of the clocke in the morning it was calme and then we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly and so it continued vntill noon southerly in which time I had sailed twelue leagues North. And about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we had forty seuen fathoms of water which water we did find to be changed into a grasse green in the morning yet we would not heaue a lead because our Admirall was so farre on head of vs who about three of the clocke in the afternoone lay by the lee and fished till I came vp to him and then I fitted my selfe and my boat and fished vntill sixe of the clocke And then the Admirall fitted his sailes and stirred away North whom I followed with all the speed I could But before seuen of the clocke there fell such a myst that I was faine to shoot off a Peece which he answered with a Cornet that he had aboord So with hallowing and making a noyse one to another all the night we kept company About two of the clocke the twenty fiue day in the morning we tooke in all our sailes and lay at Hull vntill fiue of the clocke and then finding but small store of fish we set faile and stirred away North-west to fetch the mayne land to relieue our selues with wood and water which we stood in great need of About two of the clocke in the afternoone we tooke in all our sailes and lay at Hull aâ— which time I heaued the lead three times together and had three sundry kindes of soundings The first a blacke peppery sand full of peble stones The second blacke peppery and no stones The third blacke peppery and two or three stones From the fourth at noone to the twentie fiue at two of the clocke in the afternoone I sayled thirteene leagues West North-west and the weather continuing very foggy thicke and rainy about fiue of the clocke it began to cease and then we began to fish and so continued vntill seuen of the clocke in betweene thirty and forty fathoms and then we could fish no longer So hauing gotten betweene twentie and thirty Cods we left for that night and at fiue of the clocke the twenty sixe in the morning we began to fish againe and so continued vntill ten of the clocke and then it would fish no longer in which time we had taken neere one hundred Cods and a couple of Hollybuts All this while wee had betweene thirty and forty fathoms water before one of the clocke in the afternoone we found the ship driuen into one hundred and twenty fathoms and soft blacke Ose. Then Sir George Somers sent me word that he would set faile and stand in for the Riuer of Sagadahoc whose directions I followed Before two of the clocke we set saile and stirred away North-west by North the wind South South-west and the weather continued very foggy About eight of the clocke wee tooke in all our sailes and lay at Hull at that night The seuen and twentieth about seuen of the clocke in the morning we heaued the lead and had no ground in one hundred and twentie fathoms Then I shot off a Peece but could not heare none answere from our Admirall and the weather was so thicke that we could not see a Cables length from our ship Betweene nine and ten of the clock we
cut o 〈…〉 r from Riuer to Riuer guarded likewise with seuerall Commanders with great quantitie of Corne ground impaled sufficient if there were no more in the Colony secured to maintaine with but easie manuring and husbandry more men then I suppose will be addressed thither the more is the pittie these three yeeres For the further enlargement yet of this Towne on the other side of the Riuer by impaling likewise for we make no other fence is secured to our vse especially for our hogges to feed in about twelue English miles of ground by name Hope in Faith Coxen-Dale secured by fiue Forts called Charity Fort Mount Malado a Retreat or Guest-house for sicke people a high seate and wholsome ayre Elizabeth Fort and Fort Patience and here hath Master Whitacres chosen his Parsonage or Church-land some hundred Acres impaled and a faire framed Parsonage house built thereupon called Rocke Hall Of this Towne and all the Forts thereunto belonging hath Captaine Iames Dauis the principall Command and Gouernment I proceed to our next and most hopefull habitation whether wee respect commoditie or securitie which we principally ay me at against forraine designes and inuasion I meane the Bermuda Citie begun about Christmasse last which because it is the neerest adioyning to Henrico though the last vndertaken I hold it pertinent to handle in the next place This Towne or Plantation is seated by Land some fiue miles from Henricâ— by water fourteene being the yeere before the habitation of the Appamatucks to reuenge the treacherous iniurie of those people done vnto vs taken from them besides all their Corne the former before without the losse of any saue onely some few of those Indians pretending our hurt at what time Sir Thomas Dale being himselfe vpon that seruice and duely considering how commodious a habitation and seate it might be for vs tooke resolution to possesse and plant it and at that very instant gaue it the name of the new Bermudas whereunto he hath laid out and annexed to bee belonging to the Freedome and Corporation for euer many miles of Champion and Wood-land in seuerall Hundreds as the vpper and nether Hundreds Roch-dale Hundred Wests Sherly Hundred and Digges his Hundred Captaine Argalls Northward discoueries towardes Sacadehoc and beyond to Port Royall Sancta Crux and thereabout may not bee concealed In which his aduentures if he had brought home no commoditie to the Colony which yet he did very much both of apparell victualls and many other necessaries the honour which he hath done vnto our Nation by displanting the French there beginning to seat and fortifie within our limits and taking of their Ship Pinnace which he brought to Iames Towne would haue been reward enough for his paines and will euer speake loud his honour and approued valour CHAP. XI A Letter of Sir THOMAS DALE and another of Master WHITAKERS from Iames Towne in Virginia Iune 18. 1614. And a piece of a Tractate written by the said Master WHITAKERS from Virginia the yeere before To the R. and my most esteemed friend M. D. M. at his house at F. Ch. in London RIght Reuerend Sir by Sir Thomas Gates I wrote vnto you of such occasions as then presented themselues and now againe by this worthy Gentleman Captaine Argall I salute you for such is the reuerend regard I haue of you as I cannot omit any occasion to expresse the sincere affection I beare you You haue euer giuen mee encouragements to perseuere in this Religious Warfare vntill your last Letters not for that you are now lesse well affected thereunto but because you see the Action to be in danger of their non-performances who vndertooke the businesse I haue vndertaken and haue as faithfully and with all my might indeauoured the prosecution with all alacritie as God that knoweth the heart can beare me record what recompence or what rewards by whom or when I know not where to expect but from him in whose Vineward I labour whose Church with greedy appetite I desire to erect My glorious Master is gone that would haue ennamelled with his fauours the labors I vndertake for Gods cause and his immortall honour Hee was the Great Captaine of our Israel the hope to haue builded vp this heauenly new Ierufalem he interred I thinke the whole frame of this businesse fell into his graue for most mens forward at least seeming so desires are quenched and Virginia stands in desperate hazard You there doo your duties I will no way omit mine the time I promised to labour is expired it is not a yoke of Oxen hath drawne mee from this feast it is not the marriage of a wife makes me hast home though that sallat giue mee an appetite to cause me returne But I haue more care of the Stock then to set vpon a Dye and rather put my 〈…〉 fe to the curtesie of noble and worthy censures then ruine this Worke and haue a Iury nay a million of foule mâ—utbed detractors scan vpon my endeauours the ends whereof they cannot diue into You shall briefly vnderstand what hath betide since my last and how we now stand and are likely to grow to perfection if wee be not altogether neglected my stay grounded vpon such reason as had I now returned it would haue hazarded the ruine of all Sir Thomas Gates hauing imbarked himselfe for England I put my selfe into Captaine Argalls ship with a hundred and fiftie men in my frigot and other boats went vnto Pamaunkie Riuer where Powhatan hath his residence and can in two or three dayes draw a thousand men together with me I carried his daughter who had beene long prisoner with vs it was a day or two before wee heard of them At length they demanded why wee came I gaue for answere that I came to bring him his daughter conditionally he would as hath beene agreed vpon for her ransome render all the Armes Tooles Swords and men that had run away and to giue me a ship full of Corne for the wrong hee had done vnto vs if they would doe this wee would be friends if not burne all They demanded time to send to their King I assented I taking they receiuing two pledges to carry my message to Powhatan All night my two men lay not farre from the water side about noone the next day they told them the great King was three daies iourney off that Opochankano was hard by to whom they would haue had them deliuer their message saying That what hee agreed vpon and did the great King would confirme This Opocankano is brother to Powhatan and is his and their chiefe Captaine and one that can as soone if not sooner as Powhatan command the men But my men refused to doe my message vnto any saue Powhatan so they were brought backe and I sent theirs to them they told me that they would fetch Simons to me who had thrice plaid the runnagate whose lyes and villany much hindred our trade for Corne
in houses sequestred from the common course of men neither may any man be suffered to come into their house or to speake with them but when this Priest doth call him He taketh no care for his victuals for all such kinde of things both Bread and Water c. are brought vnto a place neere vnto his cottage and there are left which hee fetcheth for 〈◊〉 proper neede If they would haue raine or haue lost any thing they haue their recourse to him who coniureth for them and many times preuaileth If they be sicke he is their Physician if they be wounded he sucketh them At his command they make warre and peace neither doe they any thing of moment without him I will not be tedious in these strange Narrations when I haue more perfectly entered into their secrets you shall know all Finally there is a ciuill gouernment amongst them which they strictly obserue and shew thereby that the law of Nature dwellâ—th in them for they haue a rude kinde of Common-wealth and rough gouernment wherein they both honour and obey their Kings Parents and Gouernours both greater and lesse they obserue the limits of their owne possessions Murther is scarsly heard of Adultery and other offences seuerely punished The whole Continent of Uirginia situate within the degrees of 34. and 47. is a place beautified by God with all the ornaments of nature and enriched with his earthly treasures that part of it which we already possesse beginning at the Bay of Chaesapheac and stretching it selfe in Northerly latitude to the degrees of 39. and 40. is interlined with seuen most goodly Riuers the least whereof is equall to our Riuer of Thames and all these Riuers are so neerely ioyned as that there is not very much distance of dry ground betweene either of them and those seuâ—rall maine lands are euery where watered with many veines or creekes of water which sundry waies doe ouerthwart the land and make it almost nauigable from one Riuer to the other The commodity whereof to those that shall inhabite this land is infinite in respect of the speedy and easie transportance of goods from one Riuer to the other I cannot better manifest it vnto you but in aduising you to consider whether the water or land hath beene more beneficiall to the Low-Countries To the Riuer which we inhabit commonly called Powhatans Riuer ebbeth and floweth one hundred and forty miles into the maine at the mouth whereof are the two Forts of Henrico and Charles two and forty miles vpward is the first and Mother-Christian Towne seated called Iames-Towne and seuenty miles beyond that vpward is the new Towne of Henricâ— built and so named in the memory of Noble Prince Henry of lasting and blessed memory tenne miles beyond this is a place called the Fals because the Riuer hath there a great descent falling downe between many minerall Rockes which be there twelue miles farther beyond this place is there a Christall Rocke wherewith the Indians doe head many of their Arrowes three dayes iourney from thence is there a Rock or stony hill found which is in the top couered all ouer with a perfect and most rich Siluer oare Our men that went to discouer those parts had but two Iron Pickaxes with them and those so ill tempered that the points of them turned againe and bowed at euery stroake so that we could not search the entrailes of the place yet some triall was made of that oare with good successe and argument of much hope Six dayes iourney beyond this Mine a great ridge of high hils doe runne along the maine land not farre from whom the Indians report a great Sea doth runne which we commonly call a South Sea but in respect of our habitation is a West Sea for there the Sun setteth from vs. The higher ground is much like vnto the molde of France clay and sand being proportionably mixed together at the top but if we digge any depth as we haue done for out Bricks we finde it to be red clay full of glistering spangles There be many rockie places in all quarters more then probable likelihoods of rich Mines of all sorts though I knew all yet it were not conuenient at this time that I should vtter all neither haue wee had meanes to search for any thing as we ought thorough present want of men and former wants of prouision for the belly As for Iron Steele Antimonium and Terra sigillata they haue rather offered themselues to our eyes and hands then bin sought for of vs. The Ayre of the Countrey especially about Henrico and vpward is very temperate and agreeth well with our bodies The extremity of Summer is not so hot as Spaine nor the cold of Winter so sharpe as the frosts of England The Spring and Haruest are the two longest seasons and most pleasant the Summer and Winter are both but short The Winter is for the most part dry and faire but the Summer watered often with many great and sodaine showers of raine whereby the cold of Winter is warmed and the heate of Summer cooled Many haue died with vs heretofore thorough their owne filthinesse and want of bodily comforts for sicke men but now very few are sicke among vs not aboue three persons amongst all the inhabitants of Henrico I would to God our soules were no sicker then our bodies The naturall people of the Land are generally such as you heard of before A people to be feared of those that come vpon them without defensiue Armor but otherwise faint-hearted if they see their Arrowes cannot pierce and easie to be subdued Shirts of Male or quilted cotten coates are the best defence against them There is but one or two of their petty Kings that for feare of vs haue desired our friendship and those keepe good quarter with vs being very pleasant amongst vs and if occasion be seruiceable vnto vs. Our eldest friends be Pipisco and Choapoke who are our ouerthwart neighbours at Iames-Towne and haue beene friendly to vs in our great want The other is the Werowance of Chescheak who but lately traded with vs peaceably If we were once the masters of their Country and they stood in feare of vs which might with few hands imployed about nothing else be in short time brought to passe it were an easie matter to make them willingly to forsake the Diuell to embrace the faith of Iesus Christ and to be baptized Besides you cannot easily iudge how much they would be auaileable to vs in our Discoueries of the Countrey in our Buildings and Plantings and quiet prouision for our selues when we may peaceably passe from place to place without neede of Armes or Guard The meanes for our people to liue and subsist here of themselues are many and most certaine both for Beasts Birds and Hearbes The Beasts of the Countrey are for the most part wilde as Lyons Beares Wolues and Deere Foxes blacke and red Rakowns Beuers Possowns
boord two houres and a halfe good Lord what haste she made and how quickly were we diuided both great and small shot playing on both sides which lasted vntill the remotenesse was aboue a Caliuer shot and we discouered the vice-Admirall comming to her assistance who began a farre off to ply vs with great shot and put vs in minde we had another worke in hand Whereupon wee manned our Ship a new separating the dead and hurt bodies by themselues from vs and were so encouraged that we waued her and in a manner made toward her to fight a fresh For when we perceiued that the Admirall made not a shot more at vs we verily imagined that either she was preparing her selfe with a new supply or wanted men to make her seruiceable or resolued to goe away from vs considering shee had lost her Captaine yet loth to bee secure and imagining the Vice-admirall might come and boord vs finding vs play till the Admirall did make her selfe better readie we prepared our selues wondring yet that shee came no neerer vs then Falcon shot wherewith she plyed vs still on the Lee side vntill at last she receiued another payment from our Demie-culuering which shot her through and made her beare with the shore into smooth water where shee remayned till two of the clocke after midnight and so wee had time to reforme our disorders and make our selues better readie for the next dayes varietie By breake of day she came vp againe with the Admirall with her as if they determined indeed to deuoure vs at once but as it seemed it was but a Brauado though for the time they forsooke not our quarter within Musket shot for all that night and morning they were quiet Neighbours and kept vs company without any great annoyance with their Top-sayles downe not knowing as it should seeme what to doe with vs or else suspecting their owne hurts and Leakes they durst not trust themselues too farre from Land nor to the furie of another encounter All that night we had time and leisure to ouer-looke our losses and prepare for them the Admirall made shew of an encounter and we after Prayers were ended prouided to fight with them but suddenly wee perceiued the Vice-Admirall hang a sterne cutting her mayne sayle to come vp and stirring very ill At length the Admirall shooke in the wind and by apparant signes gaue vs notice of slacking her course whereby we might runne a head and follow the Seas at her pleasure so wee perceiued the Vice-Admirall with all her Sayles to make towardes an Iland called Sana which the Admirall either tooke notice of as knowing the danger she wasin or gaue directions accordingly considering there was no good to bee done with vs for presently she tacked about and lost vs bearing toward that Iland also Wee lost Doctor Bohune and seuen other were slaine out-right two died shortly after of their wounds and sixteene were shot through in some part or other of the bodie whose wounds Gods be thanked were recured and without mayme or further impeachment of health are now recouered and settled in Virginia according to our first entended purpose and Commission I reckon not such as are hurt with Pikes and other offensiue Weapons because there was no danger in their cures and the skilfull Surgeon shewed his art and good speed with facilitie How many they lost wee cannot tell nor what men of name were entertayned amongst them onely I am sure we saw many lie slaine on the Decke and more cast ouer-boord in the fight besides the Scuppers ran with bloud and the very Sea in their quarter was coloured with a Scarlet hue and looked fearfully vpon vs all The burthen of their Admirall was three hundred tunnes hauing two and twentie Peeces of Brasse and all prouision of a man of Warre indeed their Vice-Admirall three hundred tuns and sixteene cast Peeces nor much inferiour to her for trimming and correspondent Equipage and both to outward shew ouer-masterfull and daring for one poore Merchant and Passenger being but a hundred and sixtie tunnes hauing eight Iron Peeces and one Falcon ouer-loaden with Stuffe and Wares encombred with Passengers toyled with a storme tyred with a long Voyage affrighted with wants and euery way insufficient to answere any such enemie but as it in the Scripture it is all one to thee O God whether there be few or many and Gedeons three hundred shall slay many thousands of the Midianites as for deliuerances the people of Israell shall passe through the Red Sea dry foot Ionas shall bee cast safe on shoare out of the Whales belly and Paul shall escape shipwracke sauing his life with all his Passengers in the Iland of Malta For to conclude with the purpose in hand there is one thing most remarkable as an inducement to this our deliuerance that Captaine Chester embraced Doctor Bohune beeing mortally wounded and thus recomforted him saying O Doctor Bohune what a disaster is this the Noble Doctor no whit exanimated replyed Fight it out braue man the cause is good and Lord receiue my soule A Sea Fight Slaine out right Doctor Bohune Thomas Demeter Gentleman Th. Read William Garret Th. Vernam Gabriel Peses Dauid Bathering Raph. c. Died after Francis Annis Gentleman Ed. Nerobery Sayler Wounded yet cured William Bird Gentleman Alexander Bouâ—ntine William Bannington Gentleman William Ioyce Quarter Master Iohn Wakings Iohn Wilson Sayler George Tayler Sayler William Lucas Sayler Iohn Robbins Steward Phillip Durâ—ine Three Frenchmen Robert Lector Anthony Browne Gentleman CHAP. XV. Virginian affaires since the yeere 1620. till this present 1624. §. I. A note of the shipping men and prouisions sent and prouided for Virginia by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of South-hampton and the Company and other priuate Aduenturers in the yeere 1621. c. with other Occurrents then published by the Company SHIPS AND PEOPLE 1 THe Elianor 30. tun in May 1621. with 10. persons 2 The George 180. tun in Iuly 120. 3 The Charles 120. tunne in Iuly 80. 4 The Marmaduke 100. tun in Iuly 80. 5 The Temperance 80. tun in Iuly 50. 6 The Warwicke 160. tun in August 100. 7 The Tigre 40. tun in August 40. 8 The Sea-flowre 140. tun in August 120. 9 The Flying Hart 200. tun in August 60. Men and 40. Cattell 10 The Discouerie 60. tun in Nouember 20. 11 The Bona Noua 200. tun in Noumber 50. 12 The Hope-well 60. tun in Nouember 20. 13 The God-speed 150. tun in Aprill â—1622 100. 14 The Gift of God 140. tun in Aprill 100. 15 The Prime-Rose 80. tun in Aprill 60. 16 The Charitie 80. tun in Aprill 30. 17 The Bonauenture 50. tun in Aprill 10. 18 The White Lion 180. tun in May 40 Men 40. Cattell 19 The Furtherance 180. tun in May 80. men 20 The Maâ—â—â—ret and Iohn 160. tun in May 80. 21 The Iames 120. tun in May 80. Summe of the persons 1300. Cattell 80. Sent also
vniforme agreement as was meete both shewed his gracious bountie in the gift of diuers Armes out of the Towre with further promises of his assistance and appointed Commissioners to examine the Causes of Virginias not answering to the care and cost in so long time bestowed on her I am no fit Relater of things ensuing and farre-vnfitter Vmpire in such differences I will now speake to God rather then men Quid enim nisi vota supersunt My Prayers shall be to the Almightie for Virginias prosperitie whose Dwarfish growth after so many yeeres convulsions by dissentions there and heere lamentations in the complaints of both sides a Plurisie Stich in her sides continuing after so much bloud taken from her weaknesse Sinne armes after such successions of armes and forces Tantalean staruings amidst both Magazines and fertilitie subuersions here and selfe-euersions there peruersnesse I mention not rather then conuersions of Sauages after so many learned and holy Dinines sent thither pouertie sicknesse deaths in so rich a Soyle and healthfull a Climate what should I say I can deplore I doe not much admire that we haue had so much in Virginia and haue so little the promises as probable as large and yet the premisses yeelding in the conclusion this Virginian sterilitie and meagrenesse rather then the multiplied issue and thrift of a worthy Matron and Mother of a Family answerable to her great Inheritance there and Iointer from hence But what doe I in plaints where some perhaps will complaine of my complayning I will expect better from God and his Maiestie and while my selfe meane-while in the better thriuing of the English Colonie in Bermudas or Summer Ilands CHAP. XVI English Voyges to the Summer Ilands HENRY MAYS shipwracke there 1593. The first Colonie sent 1612. IT is now time to leaue the Continent and visit Bermudas of Sir George Summers called Summer Ilands The occasion you had before related by Master Strachie and that some of their Company tooke vp their abode there This was not the first time that English eyes had seene those Ilands For in the yeere 1593. Henry May had beene there one of Captaine Lancasters Company which had beene in the East Indies and in returning had put ouer to Trinidad and thence to Puerto Rico and Hispaniola for refreshing where Captaine Lancaster desired a Frenchman Monsieur de Barbotiere to giue this Henry May passage home with him They departed from Laguna the last of Nouember and December the seuenteenth were wracked on the North-west part of Bermuda about midnight The Pilots making themselues at noone to be twelue leagues to the Southwards of the Iland certified the Captaine that they were from all danger and demanded their wine of height which they had thought they had beene cast away by the shore but were seuen leagues off by the helpe of their Boat and a Raft sixe and twentie of aboue fiftie were saued I saith May durst not presse in but stayed in the ship almost full of water till the Captaine being entred the Boat called me to him and I entred leauing the better halfe of our company to the mercie of the Sea We rowed all day till an houre or two before night yer we could come on Land towing the Raft with the Boat Hauing beene all day without drinke wee sought long and at last one digging among weeds found fresh water being only raine water which was all we found It pleased God that we had saued our Carpenters tooles and going roundly to worke we built a Barke of some eighteene tun for the most part with trunnels and a few nailes For tacklings we made a Voyage to our ship and cut downe her shrouds in stead of Pitch wee made Lime and mixed it with the Oyle of Tortoises assoone as the Carpenters had calked spreading it on with a sticke which was soone dried by the heat being in Aprill wee hasted away for feare of water failing vs. We made two great chists and calked them and stowed them on each side our maine Mast and so put in our prouisions of raine water and thirteene liuing Tortoyses for our food The Hogs were leane and there was store of Fowle Fish and Tortoyses There is also good fishing for Pearles The eleuenth of May we were cleere of the Land for our Voyage to New-found-land and on the twentieth fell with the Land neere to Cape Briton and thence to the Banke of New-found-land where a Barke of Falmouth tooke vs in wherein I had passage home and arriued at Falmouth in August 1594. Thus much for May. Let vs now heare the Relation sent from an English Colonie planted there vnder the gouernment of Master Richard Moore This following Discourse hath beene printed and was added to a Tractate of Master Siluester Iordan touching the wracke of Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summers on the Bermudas which beeing deliuered more fully by Master Strachie sup cap. 6. I haue here omitted and proceed to the English proceedings in those Ilands Being bound for the Sommer Ilands in the Ship called the Plough wee imbarked the eight and twentieth of Aprill 1612. So passing downe to Grauesend wee anchored at Tilbery-hope vntill the fifth of May. The wind comming taire wee put forth and came to the Downes the sixth of May where we staied till the ninth And then setting forward wee had a faire and comfortable passage and by Gods blessing found so direct a course that on the eleuenth of Iuly in the morning betwixt nine and ten of the clocke wee descried our hoped and desired Ilands and in the afternoone of the same day about three a clocke wee arriued in a verie safe harbour neere S. Georges Iland there wee landed all our men and women and had beene at anchor aboue an houre before wee could heare of our three men which had beene left there As soone as wee had landed all our company we went all to praier and gaue thankes vnto the Lord for our safe arriuall and whilest wee were at praier wee saw our three men come rowing downe to vs the sight of whom did much reioyce vs so they welcomming vs and wee the like to them againe we sung a Psalme and praised the Lord for our safe meeting and went to supper The next day being the Sabbath day which wee dedicated to God in the best manner wee could wee abode still in the foresaid Iland with all the rest of our company till Munday morning being the thirteenth of Iuly Then we went vp with our Ship and company higher into the harbour to the place where these three men had planted themselues They had planted Corne great store of Wheat Beanes Tobacco and Mellons with many other good things for the vse of man Besides they had wrought vpon Timber in squaring and sawing of Cedar Trees for they intended to build a small Pinnace to carrie them into Virginia being almost out of hope and comfort of our comming because Cap. Dauies time was to haue beene with
as the safest refuge though that would proue an intollerable cold lodging They stood at the Trees root that when the Lions came they might take their opportunitie of climbing vp the Bitch they were faine to hold by the necke for shee would haue beene gone to the Lion but it pleased God so to dispose that the wild Beasts came not so they walked vp and downe vnder the Tree all night it was an extreame cold night so soone as it was light they trauelled againe passing by many Lakes and Brookes and Woods and in one place where the Sauages had burnt the space of fiue miles in length which is a fine Champion Countrey and euen In the afternoon it pleased God from an high Hill they discouered the two Iles in the Bay and so that night got to the Plantation being ready to faint with trauell and want of victualls and almost famished with cold Iohn Goodman was faine to haue his shooes cut off his feet they were so swelled with cold and it was a long while after ere hee was able to goe The house was fired occasionally by a sparke that flew into the thatch which instantly burnt it all vp but the roofe stood and little hurt the most losse was Master Caruers and William Bradfords who then lay sicke in bed and if they had not risen with good speed had beene blowne vp with powder but through Gods mercy they had no harme the house was as full of beds as they could lie one by another and their Muskets charged but blessed be God there was no harme done Munday the fifteenth day it rained much all day that they on ship-boord could not goe on shoare nor they on shoare doe any labour but were all wet Tuesday Wednesday Thursday were very faire Sun-shiny daies as if it had beene in April and our people so many as were in health wrought chearefully The ninteenth day wee resolued to make a Shed to put our common prouision in of which some were already set on shoare but at noone it rained that wee could not worke This day in the euening Iohn Goodman went abroad to vse his lame feet that were pittyfully ill with the cold hee had got hauing a little Spannell with him a little way from the Plantation two great Wolues ran after the Dog the Dog ran to him and betwixt his legs for succour he had nothing in his hand but tooke vp a sticke and threw at one of them and hit him and they presently ran both away but came againe he got a Paile boord in his hand and they sate both on their tailes grinning at him a good while and went their way and left him Saturday the seuenteenth day in the morning we called a meeting for the establishing of Military Orders amongst our selues and we chose Miles Standish our Captaine and gaue him authoritie of command in affayres Saturday the third of March the wind was South the morning mystie but towards noone warme and faire weather the Birds sang in the Woods most pleasantly at one of the clocke it thundred which was the first we heard in that Countrey it was strong and great claps but short but after an houre it rayned very sadly till midnight Wednesday the seuenth of March the wind was full East cold but faire Friday the sixteenth there presented himselfe a Sauage which caused an Alarum he very boldly came all alone and along the houses straight to the Randeuous where we intercepted him not suffering him to goe in as vndoubtedly he would out of his boldnesse hee saluted vs in English and bad vs welcome for he had learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon and knew by name the most of the Captaines Commanders and Masters that vsually come he was a man free in speech so farre as he could expresse his minde and of a seemly carriage we questioned him of many things he was the first Sauage we could meet withall hee said he was not of those parts but of Morattiggon and one of the Sagamores or Lords thereof had beene eight moneths in these parts it lying hence a daies saile with a great wind and fiue dayes by Land he discoursed of the whole Countrey and of euery Prouince and of their Sagamores and their number of men and strength The wind beginning to rise a little wee cast a Horsemans Coat about him for he was starke naked only a leather about his wast with a fringe about a span long or little more he had a Bow and two Arrowes the one headed and the other vnheaded he was a tall straight man the haire of his head blacke long behind only short before none on his face at all he aâ—ked some Beere but we gaue him Strong-water and Bisket and Butter and Cheese and Pudding and a piece of a Mallerd all which he liked wel and had bin acquainted with such amongst the English he told vs the place where we now liue is called Patuxet and that about foure yeeres agoe all the Inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague and there is neither man woman nor child remaining as indeed we haue round none so as there is none to hinder our possession or to lay claime vnto it All the afternoone we spent in communication with him we would gladly haue been rid of him at night but he was not willing to goe this night then we thought to carry him on ship-boord wherwith hee was wel content and went into the Shallop but the wind was high and water scant that it could not returne backe We lodged that night at Steuen Hopkins house and watched him the next day he went away back to the Masasoyts from whence he said he came who are our next bordering neighbours they are sixtie strong as he saith The Nausites are as neere South-east of them and are a hundred strong and those were they of whom our people were encountered as we before related They are much incensed and prouoked against the English and about eight moneths agoe slew three Englishmen and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon they were Sir Ferdinando Gorge his men as this Sauage told vs as he did likewise of the Huggery that is Fight that our discouerers had with the Nausites and of our Tooles they were taken out of the Woods which we willed him should be brought againe otherwise we would right our selues These people are ill affected towards the English by reason of one Hunt a Master of a Ship who deceiued the people and got them vnder colour of trucking with them twentie out of this very place where we inhabite and seuen men from the Nausites and carried them away and sold them for Slaues like a wretched man for twentie pound a man that care not what mischiefe he doth for his profit Saturday in the morning we dismissed the Sauage and gaue him a Knife a Bracelet and a Ring he promised within a night or two
Beades about his neck at it behind his neck hangs a little bag of Tobacco which he drank and gaue vs to drinke his face was painted with a sad Red like Murry and oyled both head and face that hee looked greasily All his followers likewise were in their faces in part or in whole painted some Blacke some Red some Yellow and some White some with Crosses and other Antick workes some had Skins on them and some naked all strong tall men in appearance The King had his bosome hanging in a string a great long Knife he maruelled much at our Trumpet and some of his men would sound it as well as they could Samoset and Squanto stayed all night with vs and the King and all his men lay all night in the Wood not aboue halfe an English mile from vs and all their wiues and women with them they said that within eight or nine daies they would come and set Corne on the other side of the Brooke and dwell there all Summer which is hard by vs. That night wee kept good watch but there was no appearance of danger the next morning diuers of our people came ouer to vs hoping to get some victualls as wee imagined some of them told vs the King would haue some of vs come see him Captaine Standish and Isaac Alderton went venterously who were welcommed of him after their manner he gaue them three or foure ground Nuts and some Tobacco Wee cannot yet conceiue but that hee is willing to haue peace with vs for they haue seene our people sometimes alone two or three in the Woods at worke and Fowling when as they offered them no harme as they might easily haue done and especially because hee hath a potent Aduersarie the Narowhiganseis that are at warre with him against whom hee thinkes wee may bee some strength to him for our Peeces are terrible vnto them This morning they staâ—ed till ten or eleuen of the clocke and our Gouernour bid them send the Kings Kettle and filled it full of Pease which pleased them well and so they went their way Friday was a very faire day Samoset and Squanto stil remained with vs Squanto went at noon to fish for Eeles at night he came home with as many as hee could well lift in one hand which our people were glad of they were fat and sweete hee trod them out with his feete and so caught them with his hands without any other Instrument This day we proceeded on with our common businesse from which we had bin so often hindred by the Sauages comming and concluded both of Militarie Orders and of some Lawes and Orders as we thought behoouefull for our present estate and condition and likewise chuse our Gouernour for this yeere which was Master Iohn Carver a man well approued amongst vs. IT seemed good to the Company for many considerations to send some amongst them to Massasoyt the greatest Commander amongst the Sauages bordering about vs partly to know where to find them if occasion serued as also to see their strength discouer the Countrey preuent abuses in their disorderly comming vnto vs make satisfaction for some conceiued iniuries to be done on our parts and to continue the league of Peace and Friendship betweene them and vs. For these and the like ends it pleased the Gouernour to make choice of Steven Hopkins and Edward Winsloe to goe vnto him and hauing a fit opportunitie by reason of a Sauage called Tisquantum that could speake English comming vnto vs with all expedition prouided a Horsemans Coat of Red Cotton and laced with a slight Lace for a Present that both they and their message might bee the more acceptable amongs them Wee set forward the tenth of Iune about nine a clock in the morning our guide resoluing that night to rest at Namaschet a Towne vnder Massasoyt and conceiued by vs to be very neere because the Inhabitants flocked so thicke vpon euery slight occasion amongst vs but wee found it to bee some fifteene English miles On the way wee found some ten or twelue men women and children which had pestered vs till wee were wearie of them perceiuing that as the manner of them all is where victuall is easiliest to be got there they liue especially in the Summer by reason whereof our Bay affording many Lobsters they resort euery Spring Tide thither and now returned with vs to Namaschet Thither we came about three a clocke after noone the Inhabitants entertaining vs with ioy in the best manner they could giuing vs a kind of bread called by them Maizium and the spawne of Shads which then they got in abundance in so much as they gaue vs spoones to eate them with these they boyled mustie Acornes but of the Shads wee eate heartily After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a Crow complaining what damage they sustained in their Corne by them who shooting some fourescore off and killing they much admired it as other shots on other occasions After this Tisquantum told vs wee should hardly in one day reach Pakanokick mouing vs to go some eight miles further where we should find more store and better victuals then there Being willing to hasten our iourney we went and came thither at Sunne setting where we found many of the Namascheucks they so calling the men of Namaschet fishing vpon a Waâ—e which they had made on a Riuer which belonged to them where they caught abundance of Basse. These welcommed vs also gaue vs of their fish and we them of our victualls not doubting but we should haue enough where ere we came There we lodged in the open fields for houses they had none though they spent the most of the Summer there The head of this Riuer is reported to bee not farre from the place of our abode vpon it are and haue beene many Townes it being a good length The ground is very good on both sides it being for the most part cleered Thousands of men haue liued there which died in a great plague not long since and pittie it was and is to see so many goodly fields and so well seated without men to dresse and manure the same Vpon this Riuer dwelleth Massasoyt The next morning wee brake our fast tooke our leaue and departed being then accompanied with some sixe Sauages hauing gone about sixe miles by the Riuer side at a knowne shoale place it being low water they spake to vs to put off our breeches for wee must wade thorow Here let me not forget the valour and courage of some of the Sauages on the opposite side of the Riuer for there were remaining aliue onely two men both aged especially the one being aboue threescore These two espying a company of men entring the Riuer ran very swiftly and low in the grasse to meet vs at the Banke where with shrill voyces and great courage standing charged vpon vs with their Bowes they demanded what wee were supposing vs to
be enemies and thinking to take aduantage on vs in the water but seeing wee were friends they welcommed vs with such food as they had and we bestowed a small bracelet of Beads on them Thus farre we are sure the Tide ebbes and flowes Hauing here againe refreshed our selues we proceeded in our Iourney the weather being verie hot for trauell yet the Countrey so well watered that a man could scarce be drie but hee should haue a Spring at hand to cloole his thirst beside small Riuers in abundance But the Sauages will not willingly drinke but at a Spring head When we came to any small Brooke where no Bridge was two of them desired to carry vs through of their owne accords also fearing wee were or would bee wearie offered to carrie our Peeces also if wee would lay off any of our clothes wee should haue them carried and as the one of them had found more speciall kindnesse from one of the Messengers and the other Sauage from the other so they shewed their thankfulnesse accordingly in affording vs all helpe and furtherance in the Iourney As we passed along we obserued that there were few places by the Riuer but had beene inhabited by reason whereof much ground was cleere saue of weeds which grew higher then our heads There is much good Timber both Oake Walnut-tree Firre Beech and exceeding great Chesnut-trees After we came to a Towne of Massasoyts where we eat Oysters and other Fish From thence we went to Packanokick but Massasoyt was not at home there we staied he being sent for when newes was brought of his comming our guide Tisquantum requested that at our meeting wee would discharge our Peeces but one of vs going about to charge his Peece the women and children through feare to see them take vp his Peece ran away and could not be pacified till he laid it downe againe who afterward were better informed by our Interpreter Massasoyt being come wee discharged our Peeces and saluted him who after their manner kindly welcommed vs and tooke vs into his house and set vs downe by him where hauing deliuered our Message and Presents and hauing put the Coat on his backe and the Chaine about his necke hee was not a little proud to behold himselfe and his men also to see their King so brauely attired For answer to our Message he told vs we were welcome and he would gladly continue that Peace and Friendship which was betweene him and vs and for his men they should no more pester vs as they had done Also that hee would send to Paomet and would helpe vs with Corne for Seed according to our request This being done his men gathered neere vnto him to whom hee turned himselfe and made a great Speech they sometime interposing and as it were confirming and applauding him in that he said The meaning whereof was as farre as wee could learne thus Was not bee Massasoyt Commander of the Countrey about them Was not such a Towne his and the people of it and should they not bring their skins vnto vs. After this manner he named at least thirtie places and their answere was as aforesaid to euery one so that as it was delightfull it was tedious vnto vs. This being ended he lighted Tobacco for vs and fell to discoursing of England and of the Kings Maiestie maruelling that hee would liue without a Wife Also hee talked of the Frenchmen bidding vs not to suffer them to come to Narohiganset for it was King IAMES his Countrey and he also was King IAMES his man Late it grew but victualls he offered none for indeed he had not any being he came so newly home So we desired to goe to rest hee laid vs on the bed with himselfe and his wife they at the one end and wee at the other it being onely plankes laid a foot from the ground and a thinne Mat vpon them Two more of his chiefe men for want of roome pressed by and vpon vs so that wee were worse wearie of our lodging then of our iourney The next day being Thursday many of their Sachmis or pettie Gouernours came to see vs and many of their men also There they went to their manner of Games for Skins and Kniues There we challenged them to shoot with them for Skins but they durst not onely they desired to see one of vs shoot at a marke who shooting with Haile-shot they wondred to see the marke so full of holes About one a clocke Massasoyt brought two Fishes that he had shot they were like Breame but three times so bigge and better meat These being boyled there were at least fortie looked for share in them the most eate of them This meale onely we had in two nights and a day and had not one of vs bought a Partridge we had taken our Iourney fasting Very importunate hee was to haue vs stay with them longer But wee desired to keepe the Sabbath at home and feared wee should either bee light-headed for want of sleepe for what with bad lodging the Sauages barbarous singing for they vse to sing themselues asleepe Lice and Fleas within doores and Muskeetoes without wee could hardly sleepe all the time of our being there we much fearing that if we should stay any longer we should not bee able to recouer home for want of strength So that on the Friday morning before Sun-rising wee tooke our leaue and departed Massasoyt being both grieued and ashamed that he could not better entertaine vs and retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure trucke for vs and appointing another called Tokamahamon in his place whom we had to and faithfull before and after vpon all occasions THe eleuenth of Iune we set forth toward Nauset the weather being very faire but ere we had bin long at Sea there arose a storme of winde and raine with much lightning and thunder in so much that a spout arose not farre from vs but God be praised it dured not long and we put in that night for Harbour at a place called Cummaquid where we had some hope to finde the Boy Two Sâ—uages were in the Boat with vs the one was Tisquantum our Interpreter the oother Tokamahamon a speciall friend It being night before we came in wee Anchored in the middest of the Bay where we were dry at a low water In the morning we espied Sauages seeking Lobsters and sent our two Interpreters to speake with them the channell being betweene them where they told them what we were and for what we were come willing them not at all to feare vs for we would not hurt them Their answere was that the Boy was well but he was at Nauset yet since wee were there they desired vs to come ashoare and eate with them which as soone as our Boate floated we did and went sixe ashoare hauing foure pledges for them in the Boate. They brought vs to their Sachim or Gouernour whom they call Iyanough a man
haue some conference with the Dutch not knowing when we should haue so fit an opportunity To that end my selfe hauing formerly beene there and vnderstanding in some measure the Dutch tongue the Gouernour againe laid this seruice vpon my selfe and fitted me with some cordials to administer to him hauing one Master Iohn Hamden a Gentleman of London who then wintered with vs and desired much to see the Country for my Consort and Hobbamocke for our guide So we set forward and lodged the first night at Namasket where we had friendly entertainment The next day about one of the clock we came to a ferrie in Conbatants Country where vpon discharge of my Peece diuers Indians came to vs from a house not far off There they told vs that Massassowat was dead and that day buried and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither hauing houe off their Ship already This newes strucke vs blanke but especially Hobbamocke who desired we might returne with all speede I told him I would first thinke of it considering now that he being dead Combatant was the most like to succeede him and that we were not aboue three miles from Mattapuyst his dwelling place although he were but a hollow-hearted friend towards vs I thought no time so fit as this to enter into more friendly tearmes with him and the rest of the Sachims thereabout hoping through the blessing of God it would be a meanes in that vnsetled state to settle their affections towards vs and though it were somewhat dangerous in respect of our personall safety because my selfe and Hobbamocke had beene imployed vpon a seruice against him which he might now fitly reuenge yet esteeming it the best means leauing the euent to God in his mercy I resouled to put it in practise if Master Hamden and Hobbamock durst attempt it with me whom I found willing to that or any other course might tend to the generall good So we went towards Mattapuyst In the way Hobbamocke manifesting a troubled spirit brake forth into these speeches Neen womasu Sagimus neen womasu Sagimus c. My louing Sachim my louing Sachim Many haue I knowne but neuer any like thee And turning him to me said Whilest I liued I should neuer see his like amongst the Indians saying he was no lyer he was not bloudy and cruell like other Indians In anger and passion he was soone reclaimed easie to be reconciled towards such as had offended him ruled by reason in such measure as he would not scorne the aduice of meane men and that he gouerned his men better with few stroakes then others did with many truely louing where he loued yea he feared we had not a faithfull friend left among the Indians shewing how he oft-times restrained their malice c. continuing a long speech with such signes of lamentation and vnfeined sorrow as it would haue made the hardest heart relent At length we came to Mattapuyst and went to the Sachimo Comaco for so they called the Sachims place though they call an ordinary house Witeo but Combatant the Sachim was not at home but at Puckanokick which was some fiue or six miles off the Squa-sachim for so they call Sachims wife gaue vs friendly entertainment Here we enquired againe concerning Massassowat they thought him dead but knew no certainty wherupon I hired one to goe with all expedition to Puckanokick that we might know the certainty thereof and withall to acquaint Combatant with our there being About halfe an houre before Sun-setting the messenger returned and told vs that he was not yet dead though there was no hope we should finde him liuing Vpon this we were much reuiued and set forward with all speede though it was late within night ere we got thither About two of the clock that afternoone the Dutchmen departed so that in that respect our iournie was frustrate When we came thither we found the house so full of men as we could scarce get in though they vsed their best diligence to make way for vs. There were they in the middest of their charmes for him making such a hellish noise as it distempered vs that were well and therefore vnlike to ease him that was sicke About him were six or eight women who chafed his armes legs and thighes to keep heat in him when they had made an end of their charming one told him that his friends the English were come to see him hauing vnderstanding left but his sight was wholly gone he asked who was come they told him Winsnow for they cannot pronounce the letterâ— but ordinarily n in the place thereof he desired to speake with me when I came to him they told him of it he put forth his hand to me which I took then he said twice though very inwardly keen Winsnow which is to say art thou Winslow I answered aâ—â—e that is yes then he doubled these words Matta neen wonckanet namen Winsnow that is to say O Winslow I shall neuer see thee again Then I called Hobbamock and desired him to tell Massassowat that the Gouernor hearing of his sicknes was sorry for the same though by reason of many businesses he could not come himselfe yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely to doe him good in this extremity and whereof if he pleased to take I would presently giue him which he desired and hauing a confection of many comfortable Conserues on the point of my Knife I gaue him some which I could scarce get thorow his teeth when it was dissolued in his mouth he swallowed the iuice of it whereat those that were about him much reioyced saying he had not swallowed any thing in two daies before Then I desired to see his mouth which was exceedingly furred and his tongue swelled in such manner as it was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had his passage being stopt vp Then I washed his mouth and scraped his tongue got abundance of corruption out of the same After which I gaue him more of the confection which he swallowed with more readines then he desired to drinke I dissolued some of it in water and gaue him thereof within halfe an houre this wrought a great alteration in him in the eies of all that beheld him presently after his sight began to come to him In the meane time I inquired how he slept and when he went to stoole They said he slept not in two daies before had not had a stoole in fiue then I gaue him more and told him of a mishap we had by the way in breaking a bottle of drink which the Gouernour also sent him saying if he would send any of his men to Patuxet I would send for more of the same also for Chickens to make him broth for other things which I knew were good for him and would stay the returne of the Messenger if he desired This he tooke maruellous
kindly and appointed some who were ready to go by two of the clock in the morning against which time I made ready a Letter declaring therein our good successe the state of his body c. desiring to send such things as I sent for and such physicke as the Surgion durst administer to him He requested me that the day following I would take my Peece and kill him some Fowle and make him some English pottage such as he had eaten at Plimoth which I promised after his stomacke comming to him I must needes make him some without Fowle before I went abroad which somewhat troubled me but being I must doe somewhat I caused a woman to bruise some Corne and take the flower from it and set ouer the gâ—ut or broken Corne in a Pipkin for they haue earthen Pots of all sizes When the day broke we went out it being now March to seeke hearbes but could not finde any but Strawberrie leaues of which I gathered a handful put into the same and because I had nothing to relish it I went forth againe and pulled vp a Saxafras root and sliced a peece thereof and boiled it till it had a good relish and then tooke it out againe The broth being boiled I strained it thorow my handkerchiffe and gaue him at least a pinte which he dranke and liked it very well After this his sight mended more and more also he had three moderate stooles and tooke some rest Insomuch as we with admiration blessed God for giuing his blessing to such raw and ignorant meanes making no doubt of his recouery himselfe and all of them acknowledging vs the instruments of his preseruation That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to another amongst those that were sicke in the Town requesting me to wash their mouthes also and giue to each of them some of the same I gaue him saying they were good folke This paines I tooke with willingnesse though it were much offensiue to me not being accustomed with such poisonous sauours The Messengers were now returned but finding his stomacke come to him he would not haue the Chickens killed but kept them for breede Neither durst we giue him any physicke which was then sent because his body was so much altered since our instructions neither saw we any neede not doubting now of his recouery if he were carefull Many whilest we were there came to see him some by their report from a place not lesse then an hundred miles Vpon this his recouery he brake forth into these speeches Now I see the English are my friends and loue me and whilest I liue I will neuer forget this kindenesse they haue shewed me Whilest wee were there our entertainment exceeded all other strangers At our comming away he called Hobbamocke to him and priuately none hearing saue two or three other of his Pueeses who are of his Counsell reuealed the plot of the Massachenseucks before spoken of against Master Westons Colony and so against vs saying that the people of Nauset Paomet Succouet Mattachiest Manomet Agowaywam and the I le of Capawack were ioyned with them himselfe also in his sickenesse was earnestly sollicited but he would neither ioyne therein nor giue way to any of his Therefore as we respected the liues of our Countrimen and our owne after-safety he aduised vs to kill the men of Massachuset who were the authors of this intended mischiefe And whereas we were wont to say we would not strike a stroke till they first began if said he vpon this intelligence they make that answer tell them when their Countrimen at Wichaguscusset are killed they being not able to defend themselues that then it will be too late to recouer their liues nay through the multitude of aduersaries they shall with great difficultie preserue their own therefore he counselled without delay to take away the principals and then the plot would cease With this hee charged him thorowly to acquaint me by the way that I might informe the Gouernour thereof at my first comming home Being fitted for our returne we tooke our leaue of him who returned many thankes to out Gouernour and also to our selues for our labour and loue the like did all that were about him So we departed That night thorow the earnest request of Combatant who till now remained at Sawaams or Puckanukick we lodged with him at Mattapuyst By the way I had much conference with him so like wise at his house he being a notable politician yet full of merry iests and squibs and neuer better pleased then when the like are returned againe vpon him Amongst other things he asked me If in case he were thus dangerously sicke as Massassowat had beene and should send word thereof to Patuxet for Maskiet that is Physicke whether then Master Gouernour would send it and if he would whether I would come therewith to him To both which I answered yea whereat he gaue me many ioyfull thankes After that being at his house he demanded further how we durst being but two come so farre into the Country I answered where was true loue there was no feare and my heart was so vpright towards them that for mine owne part I was fearelesse to come amongst them But said he if your loue be such and it bring forth such fruits how commeth it to passe that when we come to Patuxet you stand vpon your guard with the mouthes of your Peeces presented towards vs Whereupon I answered it was the most honorable and respectiue entertainment we could giue them it being an order amongst vs so to receiue our best respected friends and as it was vsed on the Land so the Ships obserued it also at Sea which Hobbamock knew and had seene obserued But shaking the head he answered that he liked not such salutations Further obseruing vs to craue a blessing on our meate before we did eate and after to giue thankes for the same he asked vs what was the meaning of that ordinary custome Hereupon I tooke occasion to tell them of Gods workes of Creation and Preseruation of the Lawes and Ordinances especially of the ten Commandements all which they hearkned vnto with great attention and liked well of onely the seuenth Commandement they excepted against thinking there were many inconueniences in it that a man should be tied to one woman about which we reasoned a good time Also I told them that whatsoeuer good things we had we receiued from God as the Author and giuer thereof and therefore craued his blessing vpon that we had and were about to eate that it might nourish and strengthen our bodies and hauing eaten sufficient being satisfied there with we againe returned thankes to the same our God for that our refreshing c. This all of them concluded to be very well and said they beleeued almost all the same things and that the same power that we called God they called Kietitan Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby which would be too
loosed from thence and the seuen and twentieth thereof they arriued at Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-land and from thence sailed alongst the Bay of Conception where they left the Ship and dispatched themselues home in seuerall Ships that belonged to the West part of England and doe intend this next Spring to set forth a Colony to plant there The description of the Countrey of Mawooshen discouered by the English in the yeere 1602. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. and 9. MAwooshen is a Countrey lying to the North and by East of Uirginia betweene the degrees of 43. and 45. It is fortie leagues broad and fiftie in length lying in breadth East and West and in length North and South It is bordered on the East side with a Countrey the people whereof they call Tarrantines on the West with Epistoman on the North with a great Wood called Senaglecoune and on the South with the mayne Ocean Sea and many Ilands In Mawooshen it seemeth there are nine Riuers whereof the first to the East is called Quibiquesson on which there is one Towne wherein dwell two Sagamos or Lords the one called Asticon the other Abermot In this Towne are fiftie houses and 150. men The name of which Towne is Precante this Riuer runneth farre vp into the Mayne at the head thereof there is a Lake of a great length and breadth it is at the fall into the Sea tenne fathoms deepe and halfe a mile ouer The next is Pemaquid a goodly Riuer and very commodious all things considered it is ten fathoms water at the entrance and fortie miles vp there are two fathoms and a halfe at low water it is halfe a mile broad and runneth into the Land North many daies iourney where is a great Lake of 18. leagues long and foure broad In this Lake are seuen great Ilands toward the farthest end there falleeh in a Riuer which they call Acaconstomed where they passe with their Boates thirtie daies iourney vp and from thence they goe ouer Land twentie daies iourney more and then come to another Riuer where they haue a trade with Anadabis or Anadabijon with whom the Frenchmen haue had commerce for a long time Neere to the North of this Riuer of Pemaquid are three Townes the first is Upsegon where Bashabes their chiefe Lord doth dwell And in this Towne are sixtie houses and 250. men it is three daies iourney within the Land The second is Caiocame the third Shasheekeing These two last Townes are opposite one to the other the Riuer diuiding them both and they are two daies iourney from the Towne of Bashabes In Caioc 〈…〉 dwelleth Maiesquis and in Shasheokeing Bowant two Sagamos subiects to Bashabes Vpon both sides of this Riuer vp to the very Lake for a good distance the ground is plaine without Trees or Bushes but full of long Grasse like vnto a pleasant meadow which the Inhabitants doe burne once a yeere to haue fresh feed for their Deere Beyond this Meadow are great Woods whereof more shall bee spoken hereafter The Riuer of Pemaquid is foure dayes iourney from the mouth of Quibiquesson The third Riuer is called Ramassoc and is distant from the mouth of Pemaquid foure daies iourney it is twentie fathoms at the entrance and hath a mile ouer it runneth into the Land three daies iourney and within lesse then a daies iourney of the dwelling of Bashabes vpon this Riuer there is a Towne named Panobscot the Lord whereof is called Sibatahood who hath in his Town fiftie houses and eightie men The fourth Riuer Apanawapeske lying West and by South of Ramassoc at the entrance whereof there is twentie fathoms water and it is a mile broad it runneth vp into the Countrey fiue daies iourney and within three daies of the mouth are two Townes the one called Meecombe where dwelleth Aramasoga who hath in his Towne fiftie houses and eightie men The other is Chebegnadose whose Lord is Skanke and hath thirtie houses and ninetie men The mouth of Apanawapeske is distant from Ramassoc three daies iourney To the South-west foure daies iourney there is another excellent Riuer in the entranc◠whereof is twentie fathoms water and it is a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two daies iourney and then there is a great fall at the head wherof there is a Lake of a daies iourney long and as much in breadth On the side of this Lake there is a Strait and at the end of that Strait there is another Lake of foure daies iourney long and two daies iourney broad wherin there are two Ilands one at the one end and another at the other end I should haue told you that both these Lakes as also the rest formerly spoken of doe infinitely abound with fresh water fish of all sorts◠as also with diuers sorts of Creatures as Otters Beeues sweete Rats and such like The sixt Riuer is called Apponick on which there are three Townes the first is called Appisham where dwelleth Abochigishic The second is Mesaqueegamic where dwelleth Amniquin in which there is seuentie houses and eightie men the third is Matammiscowte in which are eightie houses and ninetie men and there dwelleth Narracommique To the Westward of this there is another Riuer called Aponeg it hath at the entrance ten fathoms water and is a mile broad it runneth vp into a great Sound of fresh water Vpon the East side of this Riuer there are two Townes the one called Nebamocago the other called Ashawe In the first dwelleth Mentavrmet and hath in his Towne 160. housholds and some 300. men In the second dwelleth Hamerhaw and hath in his Towne eightie housholds and seuentie men On the West side there is another Towne called Neredoshan where are 120. housholds and 100. men There is a Sagamo or Lord called Sabenaw Three daies iourney from Aponeg to the Westward there is a goodly Riuer called Sagadohoc the entrance whereof is a mile and an halfe ouer holding that breadth a daies iourney and then it maketh a great Sound of three daies iourney broad in which Sound are six Ilands foure great and full of Woods and two lesse without Woods The greater are called Sowaghcoc Neguiwo Neiwoc And in the verie entrance of this Riuer there is another small Iland from the West of which Iland to the Maine there is a Sand that maketh as it were a bar so that that way is not passable for shipping but to the Eastward there is two fathoms water This Sound diuideth it selfe into two branches or armes the one running North-east twentie foure daies iourney the other North-west thirtie daies iourney into the Maine At the heads whereof there are two Lakes the Westermost being eight daies iourney long and foure daies iourney broad and the Eastermost foure daies iourney long and two daies broad The Riuer of Aponeg runneth vp into this Sound and so maketh as it were a great Iland
between Sagadahoc and it From the Iland vpward the water is fresh abounding in Salmons and other fresh-water fish Some thirteene or fourteen daies iourney from the entrance in the North-east branch there is a little arme of a Riuer that runneth East some daies iourney which hath at the entrance foure fathoms water Vpon this arme there is one ouer fail which standeth halfe a daies iourney aboue this braneh vpon this arme there are foure Townes The first is called Kenebeke which hath eightie houses and one hundred men The Lord whereof is Apombamen The second is Ketangheanycke and the Sagamos name is Octoworthe who hath in his Towne ninetie housholds and three hundred and thirtie men This Towne is foure dayes iourney from Kenebeke and eight dayes iourney from To the Northward is the third Towne which they call Naragooc where there are fiftie housholds and one hundred and fiftie men The chiefe Sagamo of that place is Cocockohamas And on the small branch that runneth East standeth the fourth Towne named by Mâ—ssakiga where there are but eight housholds and fortie men Vpon the Northwest branch of this Sound stand two Townes more The first is called Amereangan and is distant from Kenebeke sixe dayes iourney In this place are ninetie housholdes and two hundred and sixtie men with two Sagamoes the one called Sasuâ—a the other Scawas Seuen daies iourney hence there is another Sagamo whose name is Octoworâ—kin and his Townes name Namercante wherein are fortie housholds and one hundred and twentie men A dayes iourney aboue Namercante there is a downefall where they cannot passe with their Cannoes but are inforced to carrie them by Land for the space of a quarter of a mile and then they put them into the Riuer againe And twelue dayes iourney aboue this Downfall there is another where they carrie their Boates as at the first and sixe dayes iourney more to the North is the head of this Riuer where is the Lake that is of eight dayes iourney long and foure dayes broad before mentioned In this Lake there is one Iland and three dayes iourney from this Lake there is a Towne which is called Buccawganecants wherein are threescore housholds and foure hundred men And the Sagamo thereof is called Baccatusshe This man and his people are subiects to the Bashabez of Mawooshen and in his Countrey is the farthest limit of his Dominion where he hath any that doe him homage To the Westward of Sagadahoc foure dayes iourney there is another Riuer called Ashamabaga which hath at the entrance sixe fathoms water and is halfe a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two dayes iourney and on the East side there is one Towne called Agnagebcoc wherein are seuentie houses and two hundred and fortie men with two Sagames the one called Maurmet the other Casherokenit Seuen dayes iourney to the South-west of Ashamabaga there is another Riuer that is sixe fathoms to the entrance This Riuer is named Shawakotoc and is halfe a myle broad it runneth into the Land fiftie dayes iourney but foure dayes from the entrance it is so narrow that the Trees growing on each side doe so crosse with their boughes and bodies on the other as it permitteth not any meanes to passe with Boates that way for which cause the Inhabitants that on any occasion are to trauell to the head are forced to goe by Land taking their way vpon the West side At the end of this Riuer there is a Lake of foure dayes iourney long and two dayes broad wherein are two Ilands To the North-West foure daies iourney from this Lake at the head of this Riuer Shawakatoc there is a small Prouince which they call Crokemago wherein is one Towne This is the Westermost Riuer of the Dominions of Bashabez and Quibiquisson the Westermost To the Reader I Haue thought good to adde to the English Plantations in New England those in the neighbour Countrey of New-found-land This was first discouered Ann. 1497. by S. Sebastian Cabot set forth by King Henry the seuenth the Voyages followed of M. Rut Albert de Prato M. Hore and others Ann. 1583. actuall and formall possession was taken in the right of Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory and her Successours by that memorable Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert see sup lib. 4. ca. 13. And in the yeere 1609. M. Iohn Guy of Bristoll did write a Treatise to animate the English to plant there a written Copy whereof I haue A. 1610. It pleased his most excellent Maiestie to grant a Patent for a Plantation part whereof the whole might seeme too long for our purpose we haue inserted CHAP. VII The beginning of the Patent for New-found-land and the Plantation there made by the English 1610. deliuered in a Letter dated thence from M. GVY to M. SLANY Also of the weather the three first Winters and of Captaine WESTON with other remarkable Occurrents IAMES by the Grace of GOD of Great Brittaine France and Ireland King Defendour of the Faith c. To all people to whom these Presents shall come greeting Know yee whereas diuers Our louing and well disposed Subiects are desirous to make Plantation to inhabite and to establish a Colony or Colonies in the Southerne and Easterne parts of the Countrey and I le or Ilands commonly called New-found-land vnto the Coast and Harbour whereof the Subiects of this our Realme of England haue for the space of fiftie yeeres and vpwards yeerely vsed to resort in no small numbers to fish intending by such Plantation and inhabiting both to secure and make safe the said Trade of Fishing to Our Subiects for euer And also to make some commendable benefit for the vse of mankind by the lands and profits thereof which hitherto from the beginning as it seemeth manifest hath remained vnprofitable And for better performance of such their purpose and intentions haue humbly besought Our Regall Authoritie and assistance Wee being well assured that the same Land or Countrey adioyning to the foresaid Coasts where Our Subiects vse to fish remaineth so destitute and desolate of inhabitance that scarce any one Sauage person hath in many yeeres beene seene in the most parts thereof And well knowing that the same lying and being so vacant is as well for the reasons aforesaid as for many other reasons very commodious for Vt and Our Dominions And that by the Law of Nature and Nations We may of Our Royall Authoritie possesse our selues and make graunt thereof without doing wrong to any other Prince or State considering they cannot iustly pretend any Soueraigntie or Right thereunto in respect that the same remaineth so vacant and not actually possessed and inhabited by any Christian or other whomsoeuer And therefore thinking it a matter and action well beseeming a Christian King to make true vse of that which God from the beginning created for mankind And therefore intending not onely to worke and procure the benefit and good of many of Our Subiects
of the afore said two moneths being both warmer and drier then in England In December we had sometimes faire weather sometimes frost and snow and sometime open weather and raine for in the latter end it was rainie and was open weather All these three moneths the winde was so variable as it would euery fortnight visite all the points of the Compasse The most part of Ianuary and February vnto the middle of March the frost continued the winde being for the most part Westerly and now and then Northerly notwithstanding three or foure times when the winde was at South it began to thaw and did raine That which fell in this season was for the most part Snow which with the heate of the Sunne would be consumed in the open places within a few dayes That which abode longest was in February During this time many dayes the Sun shone warme and bright from morning to night notwithstanding the length of this frosty weather small brookes that did run almost in leuell with a slow course were not the whole winter three nights ouer frozen so thicke as that the Ice could beare a Dogge to goe ouer it which I found by good proofe for euery morning I went to the brooke which runneth by our house to wash The Snow was neuer aboue eighteene inches thicke generally out of the drift so that the feare of wanting wood or water neuer tooke hold of vs for albeit we made no prouision for them yet at a minute of an houres warning we were furnished where there were Lakes of fresh water that stood still and did not run there is remained frozen able to beare a man almost three moneths and was not dissolued vntill the middle of Aprill But where the ayre had entrance and issue cut of them there was no frost When the winde in the winter time in England is at the North-east one moneth together the frost is greater and the cold more sharpe then it is here at all There was no moneth in all the winter that some of our company did not trauell in either by land or by water and lie abroad and drinke water in places distant two three foure and fiue leagues from our habitation and sometimes lay in the woods without fire and receiued no harme When Aprill came our Spring began and the first that did bud was the small Resen or the Corinth tree Our Company was not letted in working abroad in the woods and open ayre fifteene dayes the wholewinter We neuer wanted the company of Rauens and small Birds So that the doubt that haue bin made of the extremity of the winter season in these parts of New-found-land are found by our experience causelesse and that not onely men may safety inhabit here without any neede of Stoue but Nauigation may be made to and fro from England to these parts at any time of the yeare Concerning the healthfulnesse of these Countries we hauing bin now more then ten moneths vpon this Voyage of nine and thirty persons which was all our number which wintered here there are wanting onely foure whereof one Thomas Percy Sawyer died the eleuenth of December of thought hauing slaine a man in Rochester which was the cause being vnknowne vnto mee vntill a day before he died that he came this Voyage And one other called Iohn Morris Tyler miscarried the first of February by reason of a bruse The third called Marmaduke Whittington was neuer perfectly well after he had the small Poxe which he brought out of Bristoll with him who died the fifteenth of February And the fourth called William Stone hauing at the first onely a stiffenesse in one of his knees kept his bed ten weakes and would neuer stirre his body which lasinesse brought him to his end who died the thirteenth of Aprill Of the rest foure or fiue haue bin sicke some three moneths and some foure moneths who now are better then they were except one All of them if they had bad as good will to worke as they had good stomackes to their victuals would long since haue bin recouered One Richard Fletcher that is Master Pilot here and a director of the Fishing reported vnto me that he was one of the company consisting of forty persons that went in a drumbler of Ipswich called the Amitie to the North part of Ireland about eleuen yeeres agoe from London in the late Queenes seruice vnder the charge of one Captaine Fleming and continued there the space of two yeares In which time two and thirty died of the Scuruie and that onely eight of them returned home whereof the said Richard Fletcher was one So that the accident of death or sicknesse of any persons in these our parts of New-found-land is not to argue any vnhealthfulnesse of this Country no more then Ireland is to be discredited by the losse of those two and thirty men notwithstanding that there were to be had fresh victuals and many other helpes which this Country as yet hath not but in good time may haue From the sixt of October vntill the sixteenth of May our Company had bin imployed in making of a Store-house to hold our prouisions and a dwelling house for our habitation which was finished about the first of December with a square inclosure of one hundred and twenty foot long and nintie foot broad compassing these two houses and a worke house to worke dry in to make Boates or any other worke out of the raine and three peeces of Ordnance are planted there to command the Harboroughs vpon a platforme made of great posts and railes and great Poles sixteene foot long set vpright round about with two Flankers to scoure the quarters A Boat about twelue tuns big with a decke is almost finished to saile and row about the headlands six fishing Boates and Pinnesses a second saw pit at the fresh Lake of two miles in length and the sixt part of a mile broad standing within twelue score of our habitation to saw the timber to be had out of the fresh Lake in keeping two paire of Sawyers to saw plankes for the said buildings in ridding of some grounds to sow Corne and garden seedes in cutting of wood for the Collier in coling of it in working at the Smiths Forge Iron workes for all needfull vses in costing both by Land and Sea to many places within this Bay of Conception in making the frame of timber of a farre greater and fairer house then that which as yet we dwell in which is almost finished and diuers other things We haue sowed all sorts of graine this Spring which prosper well hitherto Our Goates haue liued here all this winter and there is one lustie Kidde which was yeaned in the dead of winter Our Swine prosper Pidgens and Conies will endure exceeding well Our Poultrie haue not onely laied Egges plentifully but there are eighteene yong Chickins that are a weeke old besides others that are a hatching The feare of wilde Beasts
water it was not able to bee held and therefore vpon the discouery of our Boates they of the high Towne should make a signall by fire from thence that all the low Towne might make their retreat thither but they whether troubled with the sudden terror we brought vpon them or forgetting their decree omitted the fire which made them guard that place till we were entred on euery side Then the Towne being entred in three seuerall places with an huge cry the Inhabitants betooke them to the high Towne which they might with lesse perill doe for that ours being strangers there knew not the way to cut them off The rest that were not put to the sword in fâ—rie fled to the Rocks in the Iland others hid themselues in Chambers and Sellers which were euery day found in great numbers Amongst those Don Iuun de Luna a man of very good commandement hauing hidden himselfe in a house did the next morning yeeld himselfe There was also taken that night a Commissarie of victuals called Iuan de Vera who confessed that there were in the Groine at our entrie fiue hundred Souldiers being in seuen Companies which returned very weake as appeareth by the small numbers of them from the iourney of England The rest falling into the hands of the common Souldiers bad their throats cut to the number of fiue hundred as I coniecture first and last after wee had entred the Towne and in the entry thereof there was found euerie Seller full of Wine whereon our men by inordinate drinking both grew themselues for the present senslesse of the danger of the shot of the Town which hurt many of them being drunk and tooke the first ground of their sicknesse for of such was our first and chiefest mortalitie There was also abundant store of Victualls Salt and all kind of prouision for shipping and the warre which was confessed by the said Commissary of Victualls taken there to be the beginning of a Magasin of all sorts of prouision for a new Voyage into England whereby you may coniecture what the spoile thereof hath aduantaged vs and preiudiced the King of Spaine The next morning about eight of the clocke the enemies abandoned their Ships And hauing ouercharched the Artillery of the Gallion left her on fire which burnt in terrible sort two daies together the fire and ouercharging of the Peeces being so great as of fiftie that were in her there were not aboue sixteene taken out whole the rest with ouercharge of the powder being broken and molten with heat of the fire were taken out in broken pieces into diuers Ships The same day was the Cloister of the South side of the Towne entred by vs which ioyned verie neere to the wall of the Town out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our Musketiers The next day in the afternoone there came downe some two thousand men gathered together out of the Countrey euen to the gates of the Towne as resolutely led by what spirit I know not as though they would haue entred the same but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there wherein were slaine about eighteene of theirs they tooke them to their heeles in the same disorder they made their approach and with greater speed then ours were able to follow notwithstanding wee followed after them more then a mile The second day Colonell Huntley was sent into the Countrey with three or foure hundred men who brought home very great store of Kine and Sheepe for our reliefe The third day in the night the Generall had in purpose to take a long Munition-house builded vpon their wall opening towardes vs which would haue giuen great aduantage against them but they knowing the commodity thereof for vs burnt it in the beginning of the euening which put him to a new councell for he had likewise brought some Artillery to that side of the Town During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the Towne which had it not bin by the care of the Generals heedily seene vnto and the fury thereof preuented by pulling downe many houses which were most in danger as next vnto them had burnt all the prouisions we found there to our wonderfull hinderance The fourth day were planted vnder the guard of the Cloisters two Demy-canons and two Coluerings against the Towne defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall thorow which our battery lay the first and second tire whereof shooke all the wall down so as all the Ordnance lay open to the Enemy by reason wherof some of the Canoniers were shot and some slaine The Lieutenant also of the Ordnance M. Spencer was slaine fast by Sir Edward Norris Master thereof whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed vnto him neuer left that place till he receiued direction from the Generall his brother to cease the battery which he presently did leauing a guard vpon the same for that day and in the night following made so good defence for the place of the battery as after there were very few or none annoyed therein That day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the Generall that when the assault should be giuen to the Towne he should make a proffer of an Escalade on the other side where he held his guard but he mistaking the signall that would haue beene giuen attempted the same long before the assault and was shot in the mouth The same day the Generall hauing planted his Ordnance ready to batter caused the Towne to be summoned in which summons they of the Towne shot at our Drum immediately after that there was one hanged ouer the wall and a parle desired wherein they gaue vs to vnderstand that the man hanged was hee that shot at the Drum before wherein they all intreated to haue faire wars with promise of the same on their parts The rest of the parle was spent in talking of Don Iuan de Luna and some other prisoners and somewhat of the rendring of the Towne but not much for they listned not greatly thereunto Generall Norris hauing by his skilfull view of the Towne which is almost all seated vpon a Rocke found one place thereof mineable did presently set workemen in hand withall who after three daies labour and the seuenth after we were entred the base Towne had bedded their Powder but indeed not farre enough into the wall Against which time the breach made by the Canon being thought assaultable and Companies appointed as well to enter the same as that which was expected should be blowne vp by the Mine namely to that of the Canon Captaine Richard Wingfield and Captaine Philpot who led the Generalls Foot-company with whom also Captaine Yorke went whose principall commandement was ouer the Horse-men And to that of the Mine Captaine Iohn Sampson and Captaine Anthony Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to the Master of the Ordnance with certaine selected
out of diuers Regiments All these Companies being in Armes and the assault intended to be giuen in all places at an instant fire was put to the traine of the Mine by reason the Powder brake out backwardes in a place where the Caue was made too high there could be nothing done in either place for that day During this time Captain Hinder was sent with some chosen out of euery Company into the Country for prouisions wherof he brought in good store and returned without losse The next day Cap. Anthony Sampson was sent out with some fiue hundred to fetch in pouisions for the Army who was encountred by them of the Country but he put them to flight and returned with good spoile The same night the Miners were set to worke againe who by the second day after had wrought very well into the foundation of the wall Against which time the Companies aforesaid being in readinesse for both places Generall Drake on the other side with two or three hundred men in Pinnacet making proffer to attempt a strong Fort vpon an Iland before the Towne where he left more then thirtie men fire was giuen to the traine of the Mine which blew vp halfe the Tower vnder which the Powder was planted The assailants hauing in charge vpon the effecting of the Mine presently to giue the assault performed it accordingly but too soone for hauing entred the top of the breach the other halfe of the Tower which with the first force of the Powder was onely shaken and made loose tell vpon our men vnder which were buried about twentie or thirtie then being vnder that part of the Tower This so amazed our men that stood in the breach not knowing from whence that terror came as they forsooke their Commanders and left them among the ruines of the Mine The two Easignes of Generall Drake and Captaine Anthony Wingfield were shot in the breach but their colours were rescuedâ— the Generails by Captaine Sampsons Lieutenant and Captaine Wingfields by himselfe Amongst them that the wall fell vpon was Cap. Sydenâ—am pittifully lost who hauing three or foure great stones vpon his lower parts was held so fast as neither himselfe could stirre nor any reasonable company recouer him Not withstanding the next day being found to be aliue there was ten or twelue lost in attempting to relieue him The breach made by the Canon was wonderfully well assaulted by them that had the charge thereof who brought their men to the push of the Pike at the top of the breach And being readie to enter the loose earth which was indeede but the rubbish of the outside of the wall with the weight of them that were thereon slipped outwardes from vnder their feet Whereby did appeare halfe the wall vnbattered For lâ—t no man thinke that Culuerin or Demy-canon can sufficiently batter a defensible rampire and of those Peeces which we had the better of the Demy-canons at the second shot brake in her carriages so as the battery was of lesse force being but of three Peeces In our retreat which was from both breaches thorow a narrow lane were many of our men hurt and Captaine Dolphin who serued very well that day was hurt in the very breach The failing of this attempt in the opinion of all the beholders and of such as were of the best iudgement was the fall of the Mine which had doubtlesse succeeded the rather because the approch was vnlooked for by the enemy in that place and therefore not so much defence made there as in the other which made the Generall grow to a new resolution for finding that two daies battery had so little beaten their wall and that he had no better preparation to batter withall he knew in his experience there was no good to be done that way which I thinke he first put in proofe to try if by that terror hee could get the vpper Towne hauing no other way to put it in hazzard so speedily and which in my conscience had obtained the Towne had not the defendants bin in as great peril of their liues by the displeasure of their King in giuing it vp as by the Bullet or Sword in defending the same For that day before the assault in the view of our Armie they burnt a Cloister within the Town and many other houses adioyning to the Castle to make it more defensible whereby it appeared how little opinion themselues had of holding it against vs had not God who would not haue vs suddenly made proud laied that misfortune vpon vs. The next day the Generall hearing by a prisoner that was brought in that the Conde de Andrada had assembled an Armie of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos sixe miles from thence in the way to Petance which was but the beginning of an Armie in that there was a greater leauy ready to come thither vnder the Conde de Altomira either in purpose to relieue the Groine or to encampe themselues neere the place of our embarking there to hinder the same for to that purpose had the Marquesse of Seralba written to them both the first night of our landing as the Commissary taken then confessed or at the least to stop our further entrance into the Countrey for during this time there were many incursions made of three or foure hundred at a time who burnt spoiled and brought in victualls plentifully the Generall I say hearing of this Armie had in purpose the next day following to visite them against whom hee carried but nine Regiments in the Vantguard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams Sir Edward Norris and Colonell Sidney in the Battaile that of the Generall of Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk and in the Râ—aseward Sir Henry Norris Colonell Huntley and Colonell Brets Regiments leauing the other fiue Regiments with Generall Drake for the guard of the Cloister and Artiâ—lery About ten of the clocke the next day being the sixt of May halfe a mile from the Campe wee discouering the enemy Sir Edward Norris who commanded the Vantguard in chiefe appointed his Lieutenant Colonell Captaine Anthony Wingfield to command the shot of the same who diuided them into three troupes the one he appointed to Captain Middleton to be conducted in away on the left hand another to Captain Erâ—ngton to take the way on the right hand and the bodie of them which were Mosquetiers Captaine Wingfield tooke himselfe keeping the direct way of the march But the way taken by Captaine Middleton met a little before with the way held by Captaine Wingfield so as he giuing the first charge vpon the enemy was in the instant seconded by Captaine Wingfield who beat them from place to place they hauing very good places of defence and crosse Walles which they might haue held long till they betooke them to their Bridge which is ouer a creeke comming out of the Sea builded of Stone vpon Arches On the foot of the further side whereof lay the Caâ—â—pe of the
desisted not to perswade him to stay yet nine daies longer in which time hee might haue engaged himselfe further then with any honor he could come out off againe by attempting a Town fortified wherein were more men armed against vs then we had to oppugne them withall our Artillery and Munition being fifteene miles from vs and our men then declining for there was the first shew of any great sicknesse amongst them Whereby it seemeth that either his Prelacie did much abuse him in perswading him to hopes whereof after two or three daies hee saw no semblance or hee like a silly louer who promiseth himselfe fauour by importuning a coy mistresse thought by our long being before his Towne that in the end taking pittie on him they would let him in What end the Friers had by following him with such deuotion I know not but sure I am the Laitie did respite their homage till they might see which way the victorie might sway fearing to shew themselues apparantly vnto him least the Spaniard should after our departure if we preuailed not call them to account yet sent they vnderhand messages to him of obedience thereby to saue their owne if he became King but indeed very well contented to see the Spaniards and vs crie by blowes who should carry away the Crowne For they be of so base a mould as they can very well subiect themselues to any gouernment where they may liue free from blowes and haue libertie to become rich being loth to indure hazzard either of life or goods For durst they haue put on any minds thorowly to reuolt they had three wonderfull great occasions offered them during our being there c. The 〈◊〉 morning seeing no performance of promise kept the Generall gaue order for our marching away himselfe the Earle of Essex and Sir Roger Williams remaining with the stand that was made in the high street till the whole Armie was drawne into the Field and so marched out of the Towne appointing Captaine Richard Wingfield and Captaine Anthony Winfield in the Arrereward of them with the shot thinking that the enemy as it was most likely would haue illued out vpon our rising but they were otherwise aduised When we were come into the Field euerie Battalion fell into that order which by course appertained vnto them and so marcâ—ed that night vnto Cascais Had wee marched thorow his Countrey as enemies our Souldiers had beene well supplied in all their wants but had wee made enemies of the Suburbs of Lisbon wee had beene the richest Armie that euer went out of England for besides the particular wealth of euery house there were many Ware-houses by the water side full of all sorts of rich Merchandizes In our march that day the Gallies which had some what but not much annoyed vs at Lisbon for that our way lay along the Riuer attended vs till we were past S. Iulians bestowing many shot amongst vs but did no harme as all 〈…〉 ng that they strooke off a Gentlemans leg and killed the Sergeant Maiors Mâ—ile vnder him The Horsemen also followed vs afarre off and cut off as many sicke men as were not able to hold in march nor we had carriage for After we had beene two 〈…〉 es at Cascais wee had intelligence by a Friar that the enemy was marching strongly towards vs and then came as farre as S. Iulian which newes was so welcome to the Earle of Essex and the Generallâ— as they offered euery one of them to giue the Messenger an hundred Crownes if they found them in the place for the Generall desiring mothing more then to fight with them in field roome dispatched that night a Messenger with a Trumpet by whom 〈◊〉 a Cart 〈…〉 to the Generall of their Armie wherein he gaue them the lie in that it was by 〈◊〉 reported that 〈◊〉 dislodged from Lisbon in disorder and feare of them which indeed 〈◊〉 most false for that it was fiue of the clocke in the morning before wee fell into Armes and then 〈◊〉 in such â—ore as they had no courage to follow out vpon vs. Also he challenged him therein to meet him the next morning with his whole Armie if hee durst attend his comming and there to try out the iustnesse of their quarrell by baâ—â—â—ll by whom also the Earle of Essex who preferring the 〈◊〉 of the cause which was his Countries before his owne safetie sent a particulas Cattell offering himselfe against any of theire if they had any of his qualitie or if they would 〈◊〉 admit of that six eight or ten or as many as they would appoint should meet so many of theirs in the heart of our battell to 〈◊〉 their fortunes with them and that they should haue assurance of their returne and honourable intreatie The Generall accordingly made all his Armie readie by three of the clocke in the morning and marched euen to the place where they had encamped but they were dislodged in the night in great disorder being taken with a sudden feare that we had been come vpon them as the Generall was the next day certainely informed so as the Trumpet followed them to Lisbon but could not get other answere to either of his Letters but threatning to bee hanged for daring to being such a message Howbeit the Generall had caused to be written vpon the backside of their Pasport that if they did offer any violence vnto the Messengers he would hand the best prisoners he had of theirs which made them to aduise better of the matter and to returne them home but without answerd A 〈…〉 Armie came to Cascais and the Castle summoned the Castellan thereof granted that vpon fiue or six shot of the Canon he would deliuer the same but not without sight thereof The Generall thinking that his distresse within had been such for want of men or victuals as he could not hold it many dayes because hee saw it otherwise defensible enough determined rather to make him yeeld to that necessitie then to bring the Canon and therefore onely set a guard vpon the same least any supply of those things which hee wanted should bee brought vnto them But hee still standing vpon these conditions the Generall about two dayes before hee determined to goe to Sea brought three or foure Peeces of battery against it 〈◊〉 vpon the first â—ire whereof he surrendered and compounded to goe away with his baggage and Armes hee had one Canon two Culuerings one Basiliske and three or foure other F 〈…〉 Peeces threescore and fiue Souldiers very good store of Munition and victualls enough in the Castle insomuch as hee might haue held the same longer then the Generall had in purpose to tarry there One company of Footmen was put into the guard thereof till the Artillery was taken out and our Armie imbarked which without hauing that sort we could not without great perill haue done When we were readie to set saile one halfe of the Fort being by order
the towne wall possessed by the noble Earle himselfe being in all this action either the very first man or else in a manner ioined with the first The Town wals being then possessed and the English Ensigne being there displaied vpon them with all speede possible they proceeded on to march through the Towne making still their way with sword and shot so well as they could being still fought withall at euerie turne The noble Earle was seconded by the noble Lord Admirall in person who was accompanied with the noble Lord Thomas Howard the most worthy Gentleman his Sonne after Lord Howard Sir Robert Southwell Sir Richard Leuison and with diuers other Gentlemen his Lordships followers of good account his Colours being aduanced by that valiant resolute Gentleman Sir Edward Hobby Knight And thus he likewise marching with all possible speede on foote notwithstanding his Lâ—many yeeres the intolerable heate for the time and the ouertiring tedious deepe sands with other many impediments Yet in good time ioyned himselfe with the Earle and his companies and gaue them the strongest and best assistance that he could Thus then the two Lords Generall with their companies being ioined together and proceeding so farre as the market place there they were hotly encountered where and at what time that worthy famous Knight Sir Iohn Winkfield being â—ore wounded before on the thigh at the very entring of the Towne and yet for all that no whit respecting himselfe being carried away with the care he had to encourage and direct his Company was with the shot of a Musket in the head most vnfortunately slaine And thus before eight of the clocke that night were these two most noble Lords General Masters of the market place the forts and the whole Towne and all onely the Castle as yet holding out and from time to time as they could stil annoying them with seuen battering peeces By this time night began to grow on and a kinde of peace or intermission was obtained by them of the Castle to whom the Lords Generall had signified that vnlesse before the next day in the morning they would absolutely render themselues they should looke for no mercie but should euery one be put to the sword vpon which message they tooke deliberation that night but in the morning before breake of day they hanged out their flag of truce and so without any further composition did yeelde themselues absolutely to their mercie and deliuered vp the Castle And yet notwithstanding all this in the night time while they had this respite to pause and deliberate about the peacemaking there were diuers great and sodaine alarms giuen which did breede some great outrages and disorder in the Towne At euery which alaram the two Lords Generall shewed themselues marueilous ready and forward These things being done and this surrender being made present Proclamation was published that the fury now being past all men should surcease from all manner of bloud and cruell dealing and that there should no kinde of violence or hard vsage be offered to any either man woman or childe vpon paine of death permitting the spoyle of so much of the Towne as was by them thought meete to the common souldiers for some certaine daies This honorable and mercifull Edict I am sure was streightly and religiously obserued of the English but how well it was kept by the Dutch I will neither affirme nor yet denie For I perceiue betweene them and the Spaniards there is an implacable hartburning and therefore as soone as the Dutch squadron was espied in the fight immediately thereupon both they of Siuil and Saint Lucar and also some of some other places did not onely arrest all such Dutch ships as dealt with them friendly by the way of trafficke and merchandise and so confiscated their goods but also imprisoned the Merchants and owners of the same and as the report goeth did intreat many of them with extreame cruelty thereupon In the meane while the very next day being the two and twentie day of Iune all the Spanish ships which were left on ground in the Bay of Cadiz where the great ouerthrow had beene but the day before were by the Spaniards themselues there set on fire and so from that time forward they neuer left burning of them till euery one of them goods and all as far as we know were burnt and consumed This their doing was much maruelled at of vs. Not long after the same time three dayes as I remember the gallies that were run on ground did quit themselues also out of that place and by the Bridge of the Iland called Puente de Suaço made their way round about the same Iland and so by putting themselues to the maine Sea escaped to a towne called Rotta not farre off but something vp towards the towne of Saint Lucars and there purchased their safety by that meanes Thus was this notable victory as well by Sea as by Land both begun and in effect performed within the compasse in a manner of foureteene houres a thing in truth so strange and admirable as in my iudgement will rather be wondred at then beleeued of posteritie And if euer any notable exploit in any age was comparable to Caesars Ueni Vidi Vici certainly in my poore opinion it was this The Towne of it selfe was a very beautifull towne and a large as being the chiefe See of the Bishop there and hauing a good Cathedrall Church in it with a right goodly Abbey a Nunnery and an exceeding fine Colledge of the Iesuites and was by naturall situation as also by very good fortification very strong and tenable enough in all mens opinions of the better iudgement Their building was all of a kinde of hard stone euen from the very foundation to the top and euery house was in a manner a kinde of a Fort or Castle altogether flat-roofed in the top after the Turkish manner so that many men together and that at ease might walke thereon hauing vpon the house top great heapes of weighty stones piled vp in such good order as they were ready to be throwne downe by euery woman most easily vpon such as passed by and the streetes for the most part so exceeding narrow I think to auoide the intollerable great heat of the Sun as but two men or three at the most together can in any reasonable sort march thorow them no streete being broader commonly then I suppose Watling streete in London to be The towne is altogether without glasse excepting the Churches yet with faire comely windowes and with faire grates of Iron to them and haue very large folding leaues of wainscot or the like It hath very few Chimnies in it or almost none at all it may be some one chimney in some one or other of the lower out-roomes of least account seruing for some necessary vses either to wash in or the like or else now and then perchance for the dressing of a dish of meate hauing as it
before day in a storme the Ship was driuen vpon the lee shoare within Beachy in Sussex and not being able to double that head-land in the endeauouring wherof all the Sayles being by violence of weather rent from the yards to auoid running vpon the Rockes they came to an anchor euery Billow ouerwashing the Ships head that neither by pumping nor lading out of the water they were able to free her and the men in her so tired with labour as no hope of safetie was left The last remedy was to cut all the Masts and Tackle ouerbooâ—d which lightened the Ship and by that meanes shee was preserued After thirtie houres of this extreame perill the storme ceased and so by Gods fauour with a Iury Mast which was made of the Boat Mast and the Boat Sayle hauing no Mast nor anchor left but one he arriued vpon Allhollenday in the Downes beyond all expectation of the Masters and Mariners who made no other reckoning then to be lost And these were the accidents that separated Sir George Carew from the Fleet in the huge stormes on Bartholmew day in the Bay of Alchasher as aforesaid In which storme the Saint Andrew at that time spent her mayne top Mast and lost vs for three or foure dayes but all the rest of the Fleet except our Ships which carried the Low-Country Souldiers kept together in the Bay And so many as came to vs after at the Rocke were beaten also from the Admiral in that Bay and so were many other Ships which found vs after at the Rocke to the number of thirty and odde sayle Whereupon a rumour was afterward raised that the Reare-Admirall was gone away with thirty sayle from the Fleet to the ouerthrow of the intended seruice Our Admirall still bare in with the Land the most part of the Fleet followed the same course The next day we made the high Land of Portugall and within some three houres after Cape Prior where our Admirall with diuers other of the Fleet did beare in so close aboord the shore as that all the Country ouer began to kindle fires The which manner of discouering our selues as I do remember was much noted by diuers good Souldiers as well by Sea as Land for indeed it was reputed no great policie nor discretion in vs to run in so close aboard the shoare if we had any secret or sudden exploit to performe on that Coast as it was pretended For that Brauado of ours did but giue them more warning to prouide for themselues and to preuent vs. And I haue obserued that those brauing humours haue of late yeeres been the hindrance and losse of many good fortunes as well in Sir Francis Drake his two last Voyages to the Indies and Sir Iohn Norris in his to Lisbon by staying at the Groyne as also in others c. Towards the euening we put roome againe from the Coast and beat vp and downe in the Bay to free vs from thence expecting a wind where with to double the North Cape which within two or three dayes wee had and so passed along within ten leagues of the Coast by Ferrall the Groyne and Cape Bealim and so weathered the North Cape And as the Fleet together was passing along towards the South almost as farre as the Iles of Bayon our Ship the Wastspite being then a middest them all on the seuen and twentieth of August broke her mayne Yard in sunder in the very middest by the Parrell Whereupon we presently discharged a Peece of Ordnance and made our misfortune knowne to our Admirall who himselfe spake with vs and also at that time had a great leake broken out vpon his owne Ship And there by his order and permission we were willed to repaire our mayne Yard the best wee could and vntill it were finished in that birth to goe on with our Fore-sayle towardes the Rocke before the winde whiles hee with the Fleet would in towardes the Coast and so wee there to ply vp and downe about the height of the Rocke vntill his Lordship came vnto vs or during the dayes limited in the generall instructions and thence to passe onwards to the South Cape and there to remaine according to the said directions And yet wee did not for two dayes after depart though to our great disease for wee wallowed in the trough of the Sea and rowled so extreamely as that wee had like to haue lost our mayne Mast also After this order giuen wee presently tooke aduice the best wee could and set our hands together for the repayring and finishing of our mayne Yard being broken in the Parrell a very euill place to amend wherein that night wee could doe little good more then to free the Sayles and Tackle from it Notwithstanding the very next morning the Admirall sent a commandement to vs that wee should presently attend him with all speed for that hee meant to put in with the Land The which wee were altogether vnable to performe our mayne Yard being in sunder and impossible it was so suddenly in one night to repayre it and without it wee were not able to worke vpon a wind as all Mariners know hauing but our Fore-sayle and Mizen and the winde almost of the Land so as it had beene but an idle labour for the more we striued the faster wee fell off Besides if wee could haue layd the Land with that sayle it had beene a madnesse to put our selues vpon the Enemies Coast in that estate for if the wind had then changed to the West we wanting all our mayne Sayles must haue yeelded or perished So as in regard of this necessitie we did for two daies as aforesaid ply vp and down vntill wee had repaired our Yard and fitted our sayles vnto it being now fiue foot shorter then it was before Whilest wee were thus distressed on our Enemies Coast Sir William Brooke Captaine of the Dread-nought came vnto vs and tarried with vs out of his owne charitie and friendly disposition for there were no directions that wee heard of giuen to any to accompany vs in that distresse Onely the Vice-Admirall of his owne noble care very kindly and honourably hayled vs and offered what comfort and helpe hee could giue vs some others afterwards did the like But we hauing yeelded due thankes to the Vice-Admirall for such his noble care and curtesie desired no more company but wished all others of our Squadron to repaire vnto the Admirall contenting our selues with Sir William Brooke in the Dread-naught and two or three other small men of our owne Squadron which of their owne accord followed vs. Neither did we in all this time intreat the company of any one Ship more to stay with vs albeit the contrary was very falsly suggested and reported in a strange manner of phrase which was that the Reare-Admirall vpon the breaking of his Mayne-yard willed all his Squadron and those that loued him to keepe him company and not
to follow the Admirall But as this was a monstrous vntruth raised out of malice to the Reare-Admirall thereby to inuegle the Admirall against him so the authors were after wards ashamed of their impudent slander when the truth was made manifest at our meeting againe with the Admirall and the Fleet at the Ilands of Asores As soone as wee had mended our Maine-yard wee bare in with the Coast making all the inquiry that we could for our Admirall and the Fleet but could not haue any intelligence of them Whereupon casting many coniectures wee sent a small Man into the Iles of Bayon but could learne no newes of him there Then wee thought verily that hee would hold on his course for the South-Cape according to the generall instructions we well knowing that hee could not then put in for Ferrall or the Groine as was afterward colourably suggested the wind being flat against him and our whole Fleet hauing ouer-shot it neere twentie leagues before that our Yard was broken and therefore it was rather a pretence to seeme desirous to vndertake it then that there was any possibilitie to performe it For besides that wee had ouershot it and the wind contrary so as we could not recouer it again both those Ships were wanting which were chiefly designed to bee aduentured in that seruice namely the Saint Andrew and the Saint Mathew two huge Gallions of the King of Spaines that were but the yeere before taken at the sacke of Cales and onely saued of fortie or fiftie saile that were then beaten and burnt to ashes Vpon these reasons wee shaped our course for the Rocke plying vp and downe in that height for a few dayes In which time wee gaue chase to diuers Spanish ships which wee beate into Cast-keyes and caused some of them to runne on ground wee being so neere Cast-keyes as that we could number diuers tall ships that road there vnder the Fort. Here wee hourely expected our Admirall being the very appointed place for a Randeuous to all the Fleet and would gladly haue met with him being of our selues but a weake force to lye on that Coast if the Spanish Armado had beene abroad as wee were to suspect it was or in a readinesse at the least And therefore it was fouly falsified or mistaken of those that gaue it out and carryed the newes into England that wee had of purpose left and lost our Admirall to range the Coast alone at our pleasures For being no stronger then wee were and lying as wee did in the height that was appointed by the generall instructions to the whole Fleet it was not to be imagined in any sense or reason that wee desired to leaue or lose the Fleet vpon the breaking of our Maine-yard so neere the Coast of Spaine and the Adelantadoes Forces then bruted to bee abroad But indeed our Reare-Admirall commanded all our Squadron to follow the Generall because he pretended to aduenture vpon the Groine Yet we hoped and so hee promised that either hee would come off to vs againe where wee lay or find vs without faile at the Rocke but did neither for there were three places of our Randeuous appointed if any separation happened The first at the North Cape and failing there then at the Rocke and failing there then at the South Cape Now when all such ships as were sundred by tempest in the Bay of Alcasher failed of their Admiral at the North Cape they then sought him at the Rock where they found the Reare-admiral who held them altogether and brought them to the Generall at the Ilands else had they all returned home after they had missed of some Admirall to command them at the third and last place of meeting for none of our Fleet went so farre to the Southward Whilest wee thus stayed about the Rocke the Caruells of Lisbone and of the parts thereabouts would daily come swarming about vs like Butter-flyes so neere as that we might cast a stone into some of them and yet could wee neuer catch any one of them so yare and nimble they are But if wee would haue bestowed any musket or great shot on such bables wee might peraduenture haue killed some of their men or sunke some of them which wee forbare in hope to draw them to vs oftner and then if any calme had happened we might haue taken them with our Boats and by them gotten some Intelligence At the same time also there came to the Rocke neere thirtie saile of ships of our owne Victuallers and Transporters amongst whom was Captain Sidney Captaine White Captain Berry and others some of whom wee tooke into vs out of their owne weake ships who hauing lost the Generall in the Bay of Alcasher in the storme aforesaid sought him first at the North Cape and missing him there came to the Rocke according to the generall instructions and they by chance finding the Reare-Admirall at the Rocke were held together till wee either found or heard from the Generall After we had thus plied vp and downe about the height of the Rocke and yet determined at last to haue passed on for the South Cape there came athwart vs a small Barke of England with whom wee communed inquiring what newes in the South parts where they had beene They told vs that they had lately met a Man of Warre bound for England that had taken an Indian man naming the Captaine who as they said informed them for certaine that the Atlantado was gone for the Ilands to weft home the Indian Fleet. This report seemed to carry with it good likelihood of truth for we heard before that the Atlantado was preparing to the Seas and also were certain that both the King of Spaine his Treasure and other Indian Fleets were to come home that yeere Besides we did not suspect that one of our owne Countrey would be so lewd or durst presume to informe her Maiesties Nauie with a meere salfe coyned suggestion as indeed this was found to be afterward For such a dishonest treacherous part may sometimes turne to a great inconuenience in diuerting a whole Fleet by a false intelligence and is a point better fitting a Traitor then a true man and well deserueth seuere and publike punishment for an example to all other For although sea-faring men will now and then as doe Poets and Painters take liberty to fab 〈…〉 yet it is no goodiesting nor dalying with Princes affaires in that sort and therefore if I could call to mind the Captaine or Masters name surely I would doe them the curtesie now to remember them Hereupon our Reare-Admirall thinking it very requisite and his dutie to informe our Admirall of this aduertisement as soone as might bee ernestly required the same Man to ply vp towards the North-Cape all alongst the Coast as well as he could because it lay in his way homewards bound to find out our Fleet to informe our Admiral of this Intelligence But he answered in the hearing of all
Estâ—tes discourse of that Voiage is at large in Ramuâ—â— here omitted Herera saith that in their sharings the Spaniards valued gold of 14. carats at 7. and by the abundance thereof grew to great excesses in gaming pride other vices he saith that the three sent to Cusco were fooles â—heir behauior causâ—d the Indians to vndeâ— value the Spaniards * A Maâ—ke is 8. ounces and a Castilian is a Pezâ— which containeth in this Peru acconnt after Inca Uega 450. Marauediz euery 5. Peâ—â—s or Caste 〈…〉 s being six Duckers about seuen shillings English Golden Age. Miserable comforters b Other Incas made one called Atabalipa to serue the Spaniards turn Without them as in the conclusion they confesse they could being so few neuer haue perfected their coÌ„quest But first they vsed the Cuscoans against those of Quito and lastly to pacifie all to the Spanish subiection After which they performe nothing but falshood and cruelty Piâ—arros purpose being alway by any way to erect the Spanish Empire Second sharing Garitico slaine for as the war had bin begun by Atabalipa the first against Cusco so after his death it was by his Captaines continued against the Iucas there seeking to aduance Quito aboue Cusco the seed of Atabalipa to the Souereigntie Chilichuchima burned Manco Inca made Lord. Third sharing of gold and siluer at Cusâ—o Images of beasts men in gold Cusco a Spanish Colonie Other Spaniards enter Peru. Countrey described c Immatonare d Scaloni Description of Cusco as it was when the Spaniards first came thither For after the Indians burnt the most part of it in Mancos wars with Piçarro The Fortresse e Gironi f See sup pag. 1056. Acosta saith he measured some aboue 38. foot long c. g Voltati h Sguincio de igironi Note this * See sup l. 7. c. 〈◊〉 Ramus vol 3. The Gouernor of the Fleete The officers ouer the Fleete The Iland of S. Dominico The hauen of S. Iames. The Trinitie An hauen called the Cape of Saint Cruz. An Huracano or tâ—â—pest notable both at Sea and Land Presages Boate placed vpon trees by the tempest Fifth of Nouember The hauen of Sagua or Xaqua Sands of Cunarreo Guaniguanico The Cape of S. Anthony The Hauana Martes Great houses without hous-keepers Golden Bell. The first towne taken in Florida in the Emperors name * Samples The Prouincâ— Apalachn â—aâ—iqueâ—gniâ—eth â—gniâ—eth 〈◊〉 Lord among the Indians Strong stream Dulcancellin a King or Cazique among them Toublesome Countrey Trees cleft with thunderbolts Apâ—lâ—chen Caccoagoâ—â—o Great tempests in those parts Lakes Beasts Beast which carrieth her yong in a bag Fowles Indian fight Strong archers Men of tall 〈◊〉 ture good archers The Riuer Madalena Hard shift Ockam of Palmiti No stones Strong shot Crosse shoare Miserable successe of the Spaniards in this Voyage Spiaggia de Caualli The Strait of Saint Michael R. of Palmes Miserable thust Rich Furres sweete Mardole Zibelline Desription of thâ—se Indians Current Three drowned Humanitie of Sauages Panuco The Christians eate one another for hunger Indian sicknesse and mortalitie Iland Malhado Pierced paps with canes for gallantry The Indians poore life Mourning for children Age diâ—esteemed Physicians burned Filthie and foolish customes They are made Physicians Learned argument Manner of curing Lamentable salutations The Indians of Carruco Queuenes and Dragnanes Indians Tune fruits of India Marianes Iguâ—bes The Spaniards cate one another A cruell custome of the Indians who vse to kill their male children while they sleep and cast their female children as soone as they are borne to the dogges to eate them because they would not marrie them to their enemies nor to their kindred Penutious die The Indians in this Prouince eate Serpents Vipers and other beastly things by reason of the famine which continually is thâ—re Women Theeuâ—s Indians which runne a whole day to take a Deere and tiring him with running estsoones take him aliue in the chase Natures nurâ—lings Dogs life Tune-time Flies troublesome Noisome remedie Decre hauâ—â— dry places to auoid Huntmen Oxen of that Countrie Caâ—agâ—di Indians Pastures Camâ—â—i Indians What became of their fift Boat Aâ—â—uares In Cures very wonderfull yet true Benzo which trauelled fourteene yeeres in the Indies with the Spaniards from 1541. saith that of six hundred of Naruaez his company searsly tâ—n returned which at Mexico reported that they had by breathing on them cured the sicke raised to life three dead men c. But saith hee Let their holines pardon me I will easier beleeue that they killed foure liuing men th en thâ—t they raised halfe one deâ—d man to life Ben. l. 2. c. 13. I permit some of these relations more for knowledge of the Countrey then for credit of Spanish cures in the Indies which you shal find in Casâ—s of another nature These here challenge no Diuine end to conuert the people to God and therefore are not like to haue any diuine beginning but â—re either falsly told or falsly done or falsly intended by the Father of falshood And why may they not be ascribed to the Deuill either as lies if neuer done or if done as deuillish Arts to maintaine rapine and superstition which are here mentioned the effâ—cts thereof Acosta tells of a great miracle-worker in the Indies a vicious man and hanged for knaueries This Cowes-Head the Author is also by Schmidel before recorded for a bad man in his acts at the Riuer of Plate I will conclude with S. Aug. de vnit Ecc. 〈◊〉 16. Remoueantur ista vâ—â— figmentâ— mendac 〈…〉 hominum vel porâ—enta fallacium spirituum c. Cacalcuches Maticones Coaios Susolas and Ataios Indians A dead man raised If Benzos opinion be not rather to be embâ—aced that they killed the liuing as this author also reports of his Country-men in the end of this booke Children of the Sunne All become Physitians An euill thing of spirit of the Indians Diabolicall appatition Their computation of times Maticones Arbadaâ—â— Hungers perambulation Appareli Famines Discoueries Sine Cerere liberâ— frâ—gâ—t Venus The Indians let their children sucke 〈…〉 ll the age of twâ—lue yeares No deadly fights Vse of Horses Quicke senses Names of the Nations of those parts Maâ—hada Cauoques Ca 〈…〉 uco Deguenes Mâ—ndica Quâ—uenâ—s Marianâ—s Gâ—aiâ—ones Iâ—guâ—zes Ataios and Acubadaâ—s Quiâ—oles Auauares and Matiaconâ—s Culia'culches Susolus Comos Camoles Fichâ— Foolish drinkrites * A vessell containing diuâ—rs gallons Sodomy Mesquiquez a fruite of India The Toupin Erasilians vse such Marakas or Raeles and haue like conceits thereof Blinde and â—quint-eyed people Copper Bell ingrauen Plates of Plate South Sea Pleasant huâ—ung Superstitious sanctifying their meat Desert Countrey A riuer Many garments Foolish liberalitie Womenâ—reaters No lamenting for the dead Houses artificially built Mays Other strange behauiour Goodly people Old fashion of boiling pulse They come to the South Sea Barren Countrey People which liue on the powder of straw A plentifull Countrey with houses and corne Corall and Turkesses Emeralds