of thirteen years during the which the King of Cauchin was five several times defeated in open Battel At length this Hoyha Paguarol coming to dye without issue in regard of the good offices that in his life time he had received from the King of China he by his testament declared him for his Successor and lawful Heir so that ever since being now two hundred thirty and five years ago to this present this Isle of Ainan hath remained annexed to the Scepter of the great Chinese And touching that you have further demanded of me concerning the Treasures and Revenue of this Island I am able to say no more then what I have learnt of some ancient Personages who as I have related before have governed it in quality of Teutons and Chaems and I remember they said that all the Revenues thereof as well in Mynes of Silver Customs and otherways amounted unto two Millions and an half Taeis yearly And perceiving that our Captain was amazed to hear him speak of so mighty a riches continuing his discourse Truly my Masters said he laughing if you make such a matter of that little I have spoken of what would you do if you saw the great City of Pequin where the son of the Sun the name they give to their King with his Court is always resident and where the Revenues of two and thirty Kingdoms that depend on this Monarchy are received of which out of fourscore and six Mynes of Gold and Silver only is annually drawn above fifteen thousand Picos which according to our weight comes to twenty thousand quintals After Antonio de Faria had given him many thanks for satisfying him so fully in his demands he dâ—sired him to tell him in what Port he would advise him to go and sell his Commodities seeing the season was not proper to set sail for Liampoo Whereunto he answered that we were not to go into any Port of that Country nor to put trust in any Chinese whatsoever for I assure you said he there is not one of them will speak truth in any thing he says to you and believe me for I am rich and will not lye to you like a poor man besides I would wish you to go in this Straight always with the plummet in your hand for to sound your way because there are very many dangerous shelvs all along till you come to a River called Tanauquir and there is a Port where is very good anchoring and where you may be as safe as you can desire as also you may there in less then two days put off all your commodities and much more if you had them Nevertheless I will not counsel you to disimbarque your goods on land but to sell them in your Vessels in regard that many times the sight causeth desire and desire disorder amongst peaceable persons much more with them that are mutinous and of an evil conscience whose wicked inclination carries them rather to take away another mans goods from him then give of their own to the needy for Gods sake This said both he that spake and those that accompanyed him took leave of our Captain and us with many complements and promises whereof they are not ordinarily very sparing in those parts bestowing on Antonio de Faria in return of that he had given them a little Box made of a Tortoise shell full of seed-pearl and twelve pearls of a pretty bigness craving his pardon for that they durst not traffique with him in this place for fear lest if they should do so to be all put to death conformably to the Law of the rigorous justice of the Country and they again intreated him to make haste away before the Mandarims arrival with his Army for if he found him there he would burn both his Vessel and him and all his company Antonio de Faria unwilling to neglect the counsel of this man lest that which he told him should prove true he set sail immediately and passed to the other side towards the South and in two days with a Westerly wind he arrived at the River of Tanauquir where just over against a little village called Neytor he cast anchor We remained all that day and the next night at the mouth of the River of Tanauquir intending the next morning to sail up to the Town which was some five leagues from thence in the River to see if by any means we might put off our commodities there for our Vessels were so heavy laden with them as there was scarce a day wherein we ran not twice or thrice on some shelve or other which in divers places were four or five leagues long wherefore it was concluded that before we did any thing else we were to sell away our commodities so that we labored with all our might to get into the River whose current was so strong that though we had all our sails up yet could we prevail but very little against it As we were in this pain we perceived two great Junks in warlike manner come out of the River upon us which chaining themselves together for the more strength attaqued us so lively as we had scarce the leasure to defend our selves so that we were constrained to throw into the Sea all that stood in our way to make room for our artillery being that we had then most need of The first salutation we had from them was a peal of six and twenty pieces of Ordnance whereof nine were Falconets and field-pieces Antonio de Faria as a man verst in such affairs seeing them chained one to another perceived their drift and therefore made as though he fled as well to win time to prepare himself as to make them beleeve that they were no Christians whereupon they like cunning thieves desiâ—ing that the prey which they held to be surely their own should not escape out of their hands loosed themselves the one from the other the better to set upon us and approaching very near to us they shot so many arrows and darts into our Junk as no man was able to appear upon the deck Antonio de Faria to avoyd this storm retired under the half deck with five and twenty Soldiers and some ten or twelve others Slaves and Mariners there he entertained the Enemy with Harquebuse shot the space of half an hour in which time having used all their munitions of war some forty of them that seemed to be more valiant then the rest longing to finish their enterprize leaped into our Junk with a purpose to make themselves master of the prow but to hinder them from it our Captain was constrained to go and receive them so that there began a most bloody fight wherein it pleased God within an hour to give us the upper hand by the slâ—ughter of four and twenty of their forty in the place Thereupon twenty of ours pursuing this good success boarded the Enemies Junk where finding but small resistance by reason the principals were already slain all that were
he remains that begot me who indeed is my true father with whom I had rather dye where I see him lamenting then live with such wicked people as you are Then some of them that were present reprehending and telling him that it was not well spoken Would you know replyed he why I said so it was because I saw you after you had filled your bellies praise God with lifted up hands and yet for all that like hypocrites never care for making restitution of that you have stollen but he assured that after death you shall feel the rigorous chastisement of the Lord Almighty for so unjustly taking mens goods from themâ— Antonio de Faria admiring the childs speech asked him whether he would become a Christian Whereunto earnestly beholding him he answered I understand not what you say nor that you propound declare it first unto me and then you shall know my mind further Then Antonio de Faria began to instruct him therein after the best manner he could but the boy would not answer him a word only lifting up his hands and eyes to Heaven he said weeping Blessed be thy Power O Lord that permits such people to live on the Earth that speak so well of thee and yet so ill observe thy Law as these blinded Miscreants do who think that robbing and preaching are things that can be acceptable to thee Having said so he got him into a corner and there remained weeping for three days together without eating any thing that was presented unto him Hereupon falling to consult whether were the best course for us to hold from this place either Northward or Southward much dispute arose thereabout at length it was concluded that we should go to Liampoo a Port distant from thence Northwards two hundred and threescore leagues for we hoped that along this Coast we might happen to incounter and seize on some other greater and more commodious Vessel then that we had which was too little for so long a Voyage in regard of the dangerous storms that are ordinarily caused by the new Moons on the Coast of China where dayly many Ships are cast away With this design we put to Sea about Sun-set and so went on this night with a South-west wind and before day we discovered a little Island named Quintoo where we surprized a fisher-boat full of fresh fish of which we took as much as we had need of as also eight of twelve men that were in her for the service of our Lantea by reason our own were so feeble as they were not able to hold out any longer These eight fishermen being demanded what Ports there were on this Coast to Chincheo where we thought we might meet with some Ship of Malaca answered that about eighteen leagues from thence there was a good River and a good Rode called Xingrau much frequented with Junks where we might be easily and throughly accommodated with all that we stood in need of that at the entring into it there was a little Village named Xamoy inhabited with poor fishermen and three leagues beyond that the Town where there was great store of Silks Musk Pourcelains and many other sorts of Commodities which were transported into divers parts Upon this advice we steered our course towards that River where we arrived the next day immediately after dinner and cast anchor just against it about a league in the Sea for fear lest our ill fortune should run us into the same mischief we were in before The night following we took a Paroo of fishermen of whom we demanded what Junks there were in this River and how they were man'd with divers other questions proper for our design Whereunto they answered that at the Town up the River there was not above two hundred Junks by reason the greatest part were already gone to Ainan Sumbâ—r Lailoâ— and other Ports of Cauchenchina moreover that we might ride in safety at Xamoy and that there we might buy any thing we wanted Whereupon we entred into the River and anchored close to the Village where we continued the space of half an hour being much about midnight But Antonio de Faria seeing that the Lantea wherein we sailed could not carry us to Liampoo where we purposed to lie all the Winter he concluded by the advice of his company to furnish himself with a better Vessel and although we were not then in case to enterprise any thing yet necessity constrained us to undertake more then our Forces would permit Now there being at that instant a little Junk riding at anchor fast by us alone and no other near her having but few men in her and those asleep Antonio de Faria thought he had a good opportunity to effect his purpose wherefore leaving his anchor in the Sea he got up close to this Junk and with seven and twenty Soldiers and eight Boys boarded her on a sudden unespyed where finding seven or eight Chinese Mariners fast asleep he caused them to be taken and bound hand and foot threatening if they cryed out never so little to kill them all which put them in such a fear as they durst not so much as quetch Then cutting her cables he got him straight out of the River and sailing away with all the speed he could The next day we arrived at an Island named Pullo Quirim distant from Xamoy not above nine leagues there meeting with a little favorable gale within three days we went and anchored at another Island called Luxitay where in regard the ayr was wholesom and the water good we thought fit to stay some fifteen days for the recovery of our sick men In this place we visited the Junk but found no other commodity in her then Rice the greatest part whereof we cast into the Sea to make her the lighter and securer for our Voyage Then we unladed all her furniture into the Lantea and set her on ground for to caulk her so that in doing thereof and making our provision of water we spent as I said before fifteen days in this Island by which time our sick men fully recovered their health whereupon we departed for Liampoo being given to understand that many Portugals were come thither from Malaca Sunda Siam and Patana as they used ordinarily to do about that time for to winter there We had sailed two days together along the Coast of Lamaâ— with a favorable wind when it pleased God to make us incounter with a Junk of Patana that came from Lequio which was commanded by a Chinese Pyrat named Quiay Panian a great friend of the Portugal Nâ—tâ—on and much addicted to our fashions and manner of life with him there were thirty Portugals choyce and proper men whom he kept in pay and advantaged more then the rest with gifts and presents so that they were all very rich This Pyrat had no sooner discovered us but he resolved to attaque us thinking nothing less then that we were Portugals so that endeavoring to invest us like an old
you may and cause us not to be all miserably slain with your further stay Howbeit little regarding or afraid of their words he went ashore only with six souldiers having no other arms but swords and targots and going up the stairs of the Key whither it were that he was vext for having lost so fair an occasion or carried thereunto by his courage he entered into the gallery that invironed the Island and ran up and down in it like a mad man without meeting any body That done and being returned abord his vessel much grieved and ashamed he consulted with his company about what they should do who were of opinion that the best course we could take was to depart and therefore they required him to put it accordingly in execution Seeing them all so resolved and fearing some tumults among the souldiers he was fain to answer that he was also of their mind but first he thought it fit to know for what cause they should fly away in that manner and therefore he desired them to stay for him a little in that place because he would trie whether he could learn by some means or other the truth of the matter whereof they had but a bare suspition for which he told them he would ask but half an hour at the most so that there would be time enough to take order for any thing before day some would have alledged reasons against this but he would not hear them wherefore having caused them all to take their oaths upon the holy Evangelists that they would stay for him he returned to land with the same souldiers that had accompanied him before and entering into the little wood he heard the sound of a bell which addressed him to another Hermitage far richer then that wherein we were the day before There he met with two men apparaled like Monks with large hoods which made him think they were Hermits of whom he presently laid hold wherewith one of them was so terrified as he was not able to speak a good while after Hereupon four of the six souldiers past into the Hermitage and took an Idol of silver from the altar having a crown of gold on its head and a wheel in its hand they also brought away three candlesticks of silver with long chains of the same belonging to them This performed Antonio de Faria carrying the two Hermits along with him went abord again and sailing away he propounded divers questions to him of the two that was least affraid threatning to use him in a strange fashion if he did not tell the truth This Hermit seeing himself so menaced answered That an holy man named Pilau Angiroo came about midnight to the house of the Kings Sepultures where knocking in haste at the gate he cryed out saying O miserable men buried in the drunkenness of carnal sleep who by a solemn vow have profest your selves to the honour of the Goddess Amida the rich reward of our labouâ—s hear hear hear O the most wretched men that ever were born There are strangers come into our Island from the further end of the World which have long beards and bodies of Iron these wicked creatures have entred into the Holy House of the seven and twenty Pillars of whose sacred Temple an holy man is keeper that hath told it me where after they had ransacked the rich treasures of the Saints they contemptedly threw their bones to the ground which they prophaned with their stinking and infectious spitting and made a mockerie of them like Devils obstinate and hardned in their wretched sins wherefore I advise you to look well to your selves for it is said that they have sworn to kill us all as soon as it is day Fly away then or call some people to your succour since being Religious men you are not permitted to meddle with any thing that may shed the blood of man Herewith they presently arose and ran to the gate where they found the Hermite laid on the ground and half dead with grief and wearinesse through the imbecillity of his age whereupon the Grepos and Meingrepos made those fires that you saw and withall sent in all haste to the Towns of Corpilem and Fonbana for to succour them speedily with the Forces of the Country so that you may be assured it will not be long before they fall upon this place with all the fury that may be Now this is all that I am able to say concerning the truth of this affair wherefore I desire you to return us both unto our Hermitage with our lives saved for if you do not so you will commit a greater sin then you did yesterday Remember also that God in regard of the continuall penance we perform hath taken us so far into his protection as he doth visit us almost every hour of the day wherefore labour to save your selves as much as you will yet shall you hardly do it For be sure that the earth the air the winds the waters the beasts the fishes the fowls the trees the plants and all things created will pursue and torment you so cruelly as none but he that lives in heaven will be able to help you Antonio de Faria being hereby certainly informed of the truth of the businesse sailed instantly away tearing his hair and beard for very rage to see that through his negligence and indiscretion he had lost the fairest occasion that ever he should be able to meet withall CHAP. XXVI Our casting away in the Gulf of Nanquin with all that befell us after this lamentable Shipwrack WE had already sailed seven dayes in the Gulf of Nanquin to the end that the force of the Current might carry us the more swiftly away as men whose safety consisted wholly in flight for we were so desolate and sad that we scarce spake one to another In the mean time we arrived at a Village called Susequerim where no news being come either of us or what we had done we furnished our selves with some Victual and getting Information very covertly of the course we were to hold we departed within two hours after and then with the greatest speed we could make we entred into a straight named Xalingau much lesse frequented then the gulf that we had past here we navigated nine dayes more in which time we ran an hundred and fourty leagues then entring again into the said Gulf of Nanquin which in that place was not above ten or eleven leagues broad we sailed for the space of thirteen dayes from one side to another with a Westerly winde exceedingly afflicted both with the great labour we were fain to indure and the cruel fear we were in besides the want we began to feel of Victuals In this case being come within sight of the mountains of Conxinacau which are in the height of forty and one degrees there arose so terrible a Southwind called by the Chineses Tufaon as it could not possibly be thought a natural thing so that our Vessels being
Streamers waving upon the Battlements The first Salutation between the besiegers and the besieged was with arrows darts stones and pots of wild-fire which continued about half an hour then the Tartars presently filled the ditch with bavins and earth and so reared up their ladders against the wall that now by reason of the filling up of the ditch was not very high The first that mounted up was Iorge Mendez accompanied with two of ours who as men resolved had set up their rest either to die there or to render their valour remarkable by some memorable act as in effect it pleased our Lord that their resolution had a good success for they not only entred fiâ—st but also planted the first colours upon the wall whereat the Mitaquer and all that were with him were so amazed as they said one to another Doubtless if these people did besiege Pequin as we do the Chineses which defend that City would sooner lose their honour then we shall make them to do it with all the forces we have in the mean time all the Tartars that were at the foot of the ladders followed the three Portugals and carried themselvâ—s so valiantly what with the example of a Captain that had shewed them the way as out of their own natural disposition almost as resolute as those of Iapan that in a very shâ—rt space above 5000 of them were got upon the walls from whence with great violence they made the Chineses to retire whereupon so furious and bloody a fight ensued between either party that in less then half an hour the business was fully decided and the Castle taken with the death of two thousand Chineses and Mogores that were in it there being not above sixscore of the Tartars slain That done the gates being opened the Mitaquer with great acclamations of joy entred and causing the Chineses colours to be taken down and his own to be advanced in their places he with a new ceremony of rejoycing at the sound of many instruments of war after the the manner of the Tartars gave rewards to the wounded and made divers of the most valiant of his followers Knights by putting bracelets of gold about their right arms and then about noon he with the chief Commanders of his Army for the greater triumph dined in the Castle where he also bestowed bracelets of gold upon Iorge Mendez and the other Portugals whom he made to sit down at table with him After the cloth was taken away he went out of the Castle with all his company and then causing all the walls of it to be dismantelled â—e razed the place quite to the ground setting on fire all that remained with a number of ceremonies which was performed with great cries and acclamations to the sound of diveâ—s instruments of war Moreover he commanded the ruines of this Castle to be sprinkled with the blood of his enemies and the heads of all of them that lay dead there to be cut off as for his own souldiers that were slain he caused them to be triumphantly buried and such as were hurt to be carefully looked unto this done he retired with a huge train and in great pomp to his tent having Iorge Mendez close by him on horsback As for the other eight of us together with many brave Noblemen and Captains we followed him on foot Being arrived at his tent which was richly hung he sent Iorge Mendez a thousand Taeis for a reward and to us but an hundred a piece whereat some of us that thought themselves to be better qualified were very much discontented for that he was more respected then they by whose means as well as his the enterprise had been so happily atchieved though by the good success thereof we had all obtained honour and liberty CHAP. XXXIX The Mitaquer departs from the Castle of Nixiamcoo and goes to the King of Tartary his Camp before Pequin with that which we saw till we arrived there and the Mitaquers presenting us unto the King THe next day the Mitaquer having nothing more to do where he was resolved to take his way towards the City of Pequin before which the King lay as I have delivered before To this effect having put his Army into battel aray he departed from thâ—nce at eight of the clock in the morning and marching leasurely to the sound of his warlike instruments he made his first station about noon upon the bank of a river whose scituation was very pleasant being all about invironed with a world of fruit trees and a many goodly houses but wholly deserted and bereaved of all things which the Barbarians might any way have made booty of Having past the greatest heat of the day there he arose and marched on until about an hour in the night that he took up his lodging at a prety good Town called Lantimay which likewise we found deserted for all this whole Country was quite dispeopled for fear of the Barbarians who spared no kind of person but wheresoever they came put all to fire and sword as the next day they did by this place and many other along this river which they burnt down to the ground and that which yet was more lamentable they set on fire and clean consumed to ashes a great large plain being above six leagues about and full of corn ready to be reaped This cruelty executed the Army began again to move composed as it was of some threescore and five thousand horse for as touching the rest they were all slain as well at the taking of Quinçay as in that of the Castle of Nixiamcoo and went on to a mountain named Pommitay where they remained that night The next morning dislodging from thence they marched on somewhat faster then before that they might arrive by day at the City of Pequin which was distant about seven leagues from that mountain At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to the river of Palamxitan where a Tartar Captain accompanied with an hundred horse came to receive us having waited there two days for that purpose The first thing that he did was the delivering of a letter from the King to our General who received it with a great deal of ceremony From this river to the Kings quarter which might be some two leagues the Army marched without order as being unable to do otherwise partly as well in regard of the great concourse of people wherewith the ways were full incoming to see the Generals arrival as for the great train which the Lords brought along with them that over-spread all the fields In this order or rather disorder we arrived at the Castle of Lautir which was the first Fort of nine that the Camp had for the retreat of the Spies there we found a young Prince whom the Tartar had sent thither to accompany the General who alighting from his horse took his Scymitar from his side and on his knees offered it unto him after he had kissed the ground five times
Taeis it rose before the end of eight dayes to an hundred and threescore at which rate too the Merchants seemed to part with it very willingly Thus by the means of this unreasonable desire of gain nine Juncks which were then in the Port were in fifteen days ready to set Sail though to say the truth they were all in such disorder and so unprovided that some amongst them had no other Pilots then the Masters themselves who had but little understâ—anding in Navigation In this bad order they departed all in company together one Sunday morning notwithstanding that they had the wind the season the sea and all things else contrary not suffering themselves to be guided by reason or the consideration of the dangers which they are subject unto that commit themselves to this Element For they were so obstinate and so blinded as they would not represent any inconvenience to themselves and I my self was so infortunate that I went along with them in one of their Vessels In this manner they sailed all that same day as it were groping between the Islands and the firm Land but about midnight there arose in the dark so mighty a Storm accompanied with such horrible rain that suffering themselves to be carried at the mercy of the wind they ran upon the Sands of Gotom whereof the nine Juncks two only as it were by miracle were saved so that the other seven were lost out of which not so much as one man escaped This loss was thought to amount unto above three hundred thousand Crowns in commodities besides the greater which was of six hundred persons that left their lives there whereof there were an hundred and forty Portugals all rich men and of quality As for the other two Juncks in one of the which by good hap I was joyning in conâ—ort together they followed the course they had begun until such time as they arrived at the Island of the Lequios There we were beaten with so furious a North-east wind which inâ—reased by the conjunction of the new Moon that our vessels were seperated in such sort as we could never see one another again After dinner the wind turned to West North-west whereby the Sea was so moved and the waves rose with such fury as it was a most dreadful thing to behold whereupon our Captain named Gaspar Melo a very couragious Gentleman seeing the greatest part of the prow of the Junck to be half open and that there was niâ—e spans water in the bottom of her he resolved by the advice of all the Officers to cut down the two Masts whose weight was the cause of the opening of the Junck howbeit this could not be done with such care but that the main Mast in its â—all overwhelmed fourteen persons whereof five were Portugals which were all crushed in pieces a spectacle so lamentable to behold that it exceedingly grieved every mans heart Now forasmuch as the Storm increased more and more we were constrained to let our selves be carried at the mercy of the Sea even until Sun-set at which time the Junck made an end of splitting quite asunder whereupon our Captain and every one of us seeing the deplorable estate whereunto our sins had reduced us fell to preparing our selves for our last end Having in this sort past away half of the night about the first quarter of the watch we struck upon a Shelâ— where at the first blow the Junck broke all to pieces the event whereof was so lamentable that threescore and two men left their lives there some of which were drowned and the rest squeezed to death under the Keel of the Vessel There were but four and twenty of us besides some women that escaped from this miserable Shipwrack Now as soon as it was day we perceived by the sight of the Island of fire and of the Mountain of Taydacano that the Land where we were was the great Lequio whereupon wiâ—h tears in our eyes recommending our selves â—o God and marching up to the brest in water we swam over certain dâ—eper places and so went five dayes together in great pain not finding in all that time any thing to eat but the slime which the Sea cast up on the mud Howbeit aâ— length by the mercy of God we got to land where going into the woods we sustained our selves with a certain herb like unto Sorrel whereof there was great plenty along these Coasts which was all the nourishment that we had for three days space that we were there until at last we were espyed by a boy that was keeping of cattel who as soon as he had discovered us ran to the next Village which was some quarter of a league off for to give notice of it to the inhabitants there who presently thereupon with the sound of Drums and Cornets assembled all their Neighbours round about them so that within three or four hours they wâ—re a Company of about two hundred men whereof there were fourteen on horsback As soon as they descried us a far off they made dirâ—ctly towards us whereupon our Captain seeing the wretched estate whereunto we were reduced fell down upon his knees and began to encourage us with many good words desiâ—ing us to remember That nothing in the world could fall out without the Providence of God and therefore like good Christians we should assure our selves it was his pleasure that this should be the last hour of our lives so that we could not do better then to conform our selves to his holy will and with patience imbrace this pitiful end which came from his Almighty hand craving pardon from the bottoâ— of our hearts for all our sins past and that for himself he had such confidence in his mercy that we duly repenting us according as we were obliged by his holy Commandments he would not forget us in this our extremity Having made us this Exhortation and lifted up his hands to Heaven he cried out three times together with abundance of tears Lord have mercy upon us which words were reiterated by all the rest but with such sighs and groans of true Christians and so full of devotion and zeal that I may truly say the thing which then we feared least was that which naturally is most abhorr'd As we were in this grievous agony six horsmen came unto us and beholding us in a manner naked without arms on the ground upon ouâ— knees and two women lying as it were dead before us they were so moved with compassion that four of them turning back to the footmen which were coming on made them all to stay not suffering them to approach us Howbeit a little after they came to us again bringing with them six footmen which seemed to bâ— some of the Officers of Justice who by the commandment of the horsmen tied us three and three together and with some shew of pity bid us That we should not be afraid for that the King of the Lequios was a man greatly fearing God and
all along in the place and so continued a good while without speaking a word Nevertheless being come again to himself he gave order like a good Captain to all that was necessary First of all then he sent the four Galliots in quest of them to an Island called Taâ—basoy distant from that of Pulho Hinhor about seven leagues for he was perswaded that our men were retired thither because this was a better Harbor then that of the Island from whence they were gone As for the five Foists he divided them into three whereof he sent two to another Island named Sambilan and other two to those which were nearest to the firm Land for that all these places were very proper to shelter one in As for the filth Foist in regard she was fleeter then the rest he sent her along with the four Galliots that she might before it was day bring him news of that which should happen with promise of great reward for the same but during these things our men who had always a watchful eye seeing the Turk had rid himself of his greatest Forces and that there was no more remaining with him but the Gally wherein he was they resolved to fight with him and so sallying out of the Creek where they had shrouded themselves they rowed directly to her Now in regard it was past midnight and that the Enemies had but weak Sentinels for that they thought themselves most secure and never dreamt of any body lying in wait to attaque them there our four Foists had the opportunity to board her all together and threescore of their lustiest men leaping suddenly into her in less then a quarter of an hour and before the Enemies knew where they were for to make use of their Arms they killed above fourscore Turks as for the rest they cast themselves all into the Sea not one man remaining alive The dog Hâ—redrin Mahomet was slain amongst the rest and in this great action God was so gracious to our men and gave them this Victory at so cheap a rate that they had but one young man killed and nine Portugals hurt They assured me since that in this Gally in so short a time what by water and the sword above three hundred Mahometans lost their lives whereof the most part were Ianizaries of the Gold Chain which among the Turks is a mark of honor Our Portugals having past the rest of the night with much contentment and always keeping good watch it pleased God that the next morning the two Foists arrived from the Island whither they had been sent who altogether ignorant of that which had past came carelesly doubling the point of the Haven where the Gally lay so that the four Foists made themselves Masters of them in a little space and with the loss of but a few men After so good a success they fell diligently to work in fortifying the Gally and the two Foists which they had taken and then flanked the South-side of the Island with five great Pieces of Ordnance to defend the entry into the Haven Now about evening the other two Foists arrived making to Land with the same indiscretion as the others and although they had much ado to reach them yet were they constrained at length to render themselves with the loss only of two Portugals Hereupon our men resolved to attend the four Galliots that remained and which had been sent to the next Island but the next day so great a wind arose from the North that two of them were cast away upon the Coast not one that was in them escaping As for the other two about evening they discovered them very much in disorder destitute of oars and separated above three leagues the one from the other But at last about Sun-set one of them came to the Port and ran the same fortune as the former without saving any one of the Sarazins lives The next morning an hour before day the wind being very calm our men discovered the other Galliot which for want of oars was not able to recover the Port in regard whereof our men resolved to go and fetch her in as accordingly they did and coming somewhat near her with two Cannon shot they killed the most part of them that were in her and so bording her took her very easily Now because all her men were either slain or hurt they drew her to land by force of other Boats so that of the â—en Sail of this Fleet our men had the Gally two Galliots and four Foysts as for the other two Galliots they were cast away on the Isle of Taubasoy as I have delivered before and touching the fift Foyst no news could be heard of her which made it credible that she also suffered shipwrack or that the wind had cast her upon some of the other Islands This glorious victory which it pleased God to give us was obtained in the month of September one thousand five hundred forty and four on Michaelmas Eve which rendred the name of the Portugals so famous through all those Coasts that for three years after there was nothing else spoken of so that the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano hearing of it sent presently to seek them out and promised them great advantages if they would succour him against the King of Bramaa who at that time was making preparation in his City of Pegu for to go and besiege Martabano with an Army of seven hundred thousand men CHAP. L. The Continuance of our voyage to the Bar of Martabano and certain memorable particularities hapening there BEing departed as I said from the Island of Pulho Hinhor we continued our course towards the Port of Tarnassery for the affair of which I have spoken but upon the approach of the night the Pilot desiring to avoid certain sands that were to the Prow-ward of him put forth to Sea with an intention as soon as it was day to return towards land with the Westerly wind which at that instant blew from the Indiaes by reason of the Season We had now held this course five dayes running with much labour by many different roombs when as it pleased God that we accidentally discovered a little vessel and for as much as we thought it to be a Fisher-boat we made to it for to be informed from them in her whereabouts we were and how many leagues it was from thence to Tarnassery but having passed close by her and haled her without receiving any answer we sent off a Shallop well furnished with men for to compel her to come abord us Our Boat then going directly to the vessel we entred her but were much amazed to find in her only five Portugals two dead and three alive with a Coffer and a sack full of Tangues and Larius which is the mony of that Country and a fardle wherein there were Basins and Ewers of silver and two other very great Basins Having laid up all this safely I caused the Portugals to be brought into our
foaming with poyson make horrible cries and be delivered into the burning jawes of the dragon of discord whom the true Lord of all the Gods hath cursed for ever whereas contrarily to those that shall be so happy as to obey this Proclamation as his holy brethren and allies shall be granted in this life a perpetuall peace accompanied with a great deale of wealth and riches and after their death their souls shall be no lesse pure and agreeable to God then those of the Saints which goe dancing amidst the beams of the Sun in the celestiall repose of the Lord Almighty This publication made the musick began to play again with a great noise as before which made such an impression in the hearts of them that heard it as in seven nights that it continâ—ed above threescore thousand persons went and rendred themselves to the Xemindoo for most of them which heard those words gave as much credit thereunto as if an Angell from heaven had spoken them In the meane time the besieged Tyrant seeing that these secret Proclamations of the enemy were so prejudiciall unto him as they could not chuse but turn to his utter ruine brake the truce at twelve dayes end and deliberated with his Councell what he should do who advised him by no means to suffer h mself to remaine any longer besieged for feare left the inhabitants should mutinie and fall from him to the enemy and that the best and surest way was to fight with the Xemindoo in the open field before he grew to any further strength This resolution being approved of by Zenim de Satan he prepared himself for the execution of it to which effect he two dayes after before it was day sallied out at five gates of the city with fourscore thousand men which then he had and charged the enemies with strange fury They then in the meane time who alwayes stood upon their guard received them with a great deale of courage whereupon insued so cruell a conflict between them that in lesse then halfe an houre for so long lasted the heat of the fight there fell on both sides above forty thousand men but at the end of that time the new King Zenim was born from his Elephant by an harquebuze shot discharged at him by a Portugall named Gonçalo Nâ—to which caused all the rest to render themselves and the city likewise upon condition that the inhabitants should have their goods and lives saved By this means the Xemindoo entred peaceably into it and the very same day which was a Saturday the three and twentieth of February a thousand five hundred fifty and one he caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu in the greatest Temple of the city As for Gonçalo Nâ—to he gave him in recompence for killing the Tyrant twenty Bisses of gold which are ten thousand Duckats and to the other Portugalls being eighty in number he gave five thousand Duckats besides the honors and prsviledges which they had in the country he also exempted them for three years from paying any custome for their merchandize which was afterwards very exactly observed CHAP. LXXIII That which the Xemindoo did after he was Crowned King of Pegu with the Chaumigrems the King of Bramaaes Foster-Brothers coming against him with a great Army and divers other memorable things THe Xemindoo seeing himself Crowned King of Pegu and peaceable Lord of all the kingdome began to have thoughts far different from those which Xemin de Satan had had being raised to the same dignity of King for the first and principal thing wherein he imployed himself with all his endeavour was to maintain his Kingdome in peace and to cause Justice to flourish as indeed he established it with so much integritie as no man how great so ever he was durst wrong a lesser then himself withall in that which concerned the government of the Kingdome he proceeded with so much vertue and equity as it filled the strangers that were there with admiration so that one could not without marvel consider the peace the quiet and union of the wills of the people during the happy and peaceable estate of this Kingdome which continued the space of a year and better at the end whereof the Chaumigrem foster-brother to the same King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan had slaine as I have before declared having received advertisement that by reason of the rebellions and warres which since his departure from thence had happened in the Kingdome of Pegu the principall men of the State there had lost their lives and the Xemindoo who then raigned was unprovided of all things necessary for his defence he resolved once again to adventure upon the same enterprise which had formerly been undertaken by his late King With this design he entertained into his pay a mighty Army of strangers unto whom he gave a Tincall of gold by the month which is five dackets of our mony when as he had prepared all things in a readinesse he departed from Tanguu the place of his birth On the ninth day of March a thousand five hundred fifty and two with an Army of three hundred thousand men whereof only fifty thousand were Bramaas and all the rest Mons Chaleus Calaminhams Sauâ—nis Pamâ—rus and Auaas In the mean time the Xemindoo the new King of Pegu having certain intelligence of these great forces which were coming to fall upon him made preparation to go and meet them with a design to give them battle for which effect he assembled in the same City where he was a huge Army of nine hundred thousand men which were all Pegues by nation and consequently of a weake constitution and lesse warlick then all the others whereof I have spoken and on Tueseday the fourth of April about noone having received advice that the enemies Army was incamped all along the river of Meleytay some twelve leagues from thence he used such expedition as the same day and the next night all his Souldiers were put into battle array for whereas they had prepared every thing long before and had also been trayned by their Capt. there needed no great ado to bring them into order The day ensueing all these men of warre begun about nine of the clock in the morning to march at the sound of an infinite company of warlick instruments and went and lodged that night some two leagues from thence neer to the river Potarâ—u The next day an hour before Sun-set the Bramaa Chaumigrem appeared with so great a body of men as it took up the extent of a league and an half of ground his Army being composed of seaventy thousand horse of two hundred and thirty thousand foot and six thousand fighting elephants besides as many more which carried the baggage and victuals and in regard it was almost night he thought fit to lodge himself all along by the mountain that he might be in the greater safety Thus the night past with a good guard and a strange noise that was made on
perceived a great many sails which invironed the Fort on all sides Some affirmed that it was the Governor newly come from Goa to make peace for the death of Sultan Bandur King of Cambaya that was slain a little before Others said that it was the Infant Brother to the King Dom Iovan lately arrived there from Portugal because he was every day expected in the Indiaes Some thought that it was the Patâ—marcaa with the King of Cabicuts hundred Foists of Camorin And the last assured us how they could justifie with good and sufficient reasons that they were the Turks As we were in this diversity of minds and terrified with that which we discerned before our eyes five very great Gallies came forth of the midst of this Fleet with a many of banners flags and streamers which we saw on the tops of their Masts and the ends of their sail-yards whereof some were so long that they touched even the very water These Gallies being come forth in this sort turned their prows towards us in such a couragious and confident manner that by their sailing we presently judged them to be Turks Which we no sooner knew to be so indeed but we clapt on all our cloth for to avoyd them and to get into the main Sea not without exceeding fear leâ—t for our sins we should fall into the like estate from whence I was so lately escaped These five Gallies having observed our flight took a resolution to pursue us and chased us till night at which time it pleased God that they tacked about and returned to the Army from whence they came Seeing our selves freed from so great a danger we went joyfully on and two days after arrived at the Town of Chaul where our Captain and the Merchants only landed for to visit the Captain of the Fort named Simon Guedez unto whom they reported that which had befallen them Assuredly said he you are very much bound to give God thanks for delivering you from one of the greatest perils that ever you were in for without his assistance it had been impossible for you ever to have declined it or to tell me of it with such joy as now you do Thereupon he declared unto them that the Army they had incountred was the very same which had held Antonio de Silveyra twenty days together besieged being composed of a great number of Turks whereof Solyman the Bassa Vice-roy of Caire was General and that those Sails they had seen were eight and fifty Gallies great and small each of which carried five Pieces of Ordnance in her prow and some of them were Pieces of Battery besides eight other great Vessels full of Turks that were kept in reserve to succor the Army and supply the places of such as should be killed Moreover he added that they had great abundance of victuals amongst the which there was twelve Basilisks This news having much amazed us we rendered infinite praise to the Lord for shewing us such grace as to deliver us from so imminent a danger We stayed at Chaul but one day and then we set sail for Goa Being advanced as far as to the River of Carapatan we met with Fernand de Morais Captain of three Foists who by the command of the Vice-roy Dom Garcia de Noronha was going to Dabul to the end he might see whether he could take or burn a Turkish Vessel which was in the Port laden with Victuals by order from the Bassa This Fernand de Morais had no sooner gotten acquaintance of our ship but he desired our Captain to lend him fifteen men of twenty that he had for to supply the great necessity he was in that way by reason of the Vâ—câ—-roys hastening him away upon the sudden which said he would much advance the service both of God and his Highness After many contestations of either part upon this occasion and which to make shorâ— I will pass under silence at length they were agreed that our Captain should let Fernand de Morais have twelve of fifteen men that he requested wherewithall he was very well satisfied Of this number I was one as being always of the least respected The ship departing for Goa Fernand de Morais with his three Foists continued his Voyage towards the Port of Dabul where we arrived the next day about nine of the clock in the morning and presently took a Patach of Malabar which laden with Cotton Wool and Pepper rode at anchor in the midst of the Port. Having taken it we put the Captain and Pilot to torture who instantly confessed that a few days before a ship came into that Port expresly from the Bassa to lade Victuals and that there was in her an Embassador who had brought Hidalcan a very rich Cabaya that is a garment worn by the Gentlemen of that Country which he would not accept of for that thereby he would not acknowledg himself subject to the Turk it being a custom among the Mahumetans for the Lord to do that honor to his Vassal and further that this refusal had so much vâ—xed the Embassador as he returned without taking any kind of provision of Victuals and that Hidalcan had answered he made much more esteem of the King of Portugals amity then of his which was nothing but deceit as having usurped the Town of Goa upon him after he had offered to ayd him with his favor and forces to regain it Moreover they said that it was not above two days since the ship they spake of parted from the Port and that the Captain of her named Cide Ale had denounced War against Hidalcan vowing that as soon as the Fort of Diu was taken which could not hold out above eight days according to the estate wherein hâ— had left it Hidalcan should lose his Kingdom or life and that then he should to his cost know how little the Portugals in whom he put his confidence could avail him With these news Captain Morais returned towards Goa where he arrived two days after and gave accompt to the Vice-roy of that which had past There we found Gonçallo vaz Coutinho who was going with five Foists to Onor to demand of the Queen thereof one of the Gallies of Solymans Army which by a contrary wind had been driven into her Ports Now one of the Captains of those Foists my special friend seeing me poor and necessitous perswaded me to accompany him in this Voyage and to that end got me five duckets pay which I very gladly accepted of out of the hope I had that God would thereby open me a way to a better fortune Being imbarqued then the Captain and Soldiers pitying the case I was in bestowed such spare clothes as they had upon me by which means being reasonably well pieced up again we parted the next morning from the Road of Bardees and the Monday following we cast anchor in the Port of Onor where that the inhabitants of the place might know how little account we made of that
endanger his own life for when they had recovered strength they would without doubt seize upon his Junk and all the goods that were in her it being their usual custom so to do in all places where they found themselves the strongest wherefore fearing lest that which the Mahometans suggested should befall him he slew them all on a night as they slept for the which notwithstanding he was sorry afterwards This declaration so much incensed Antonio de Faria and all that were about him as indeed the enormity of so wicked a fact did require that presently without questioning or hearing of him further he commanded him to be put to death with four more of his company and so they were all thrown into the Sea This justice being executed on the Pyrat and his four companions Antonio de Faria caused an Inventory to be taken of all that was in the Junk which was adjudged to amount unto forty thousand Taeis â—o raw and twisted Silk pieces of Sattin Damask Musk fine Pourcelains and other less valuable commodities which with the Junk we were constrained to burn because we wanted Mariners for our navigation With these valorous exploits the Chineses were so amazed as they stood in dread of the very mention of the name of the Portugals in so much that the Necodaeâ— or Masters of the Junks that were in the Port fearing the like might be done to them assembled all together in councel and there making Election of two of the principal amongst them whom they held most capable of performing their charge they sent them as Embassadors unto Antonio de Faria desiring him that as King of the Sea he would protect them upon the assurance of his word so as they might pass safely out of the plâ—ce where they were for to make their voyage whil'st the season served in consideration whereof as his Tributarâ—es subjects and slaves they would give him twenty thousand Taeis in Ingots of Silver wherof payment should be made out of hand by way of acknowledging him to be their Lord. Antonio de Faria received them very courteously and granting their request protested and sware to perform the same and upon his word to protect them for the future from having any of their goods taken from them by any Pyrat Whereupon one of the Embassadors remained as surety for the twenty thousand Taeis and the other went to fetch the Ingots which he brought an hour after together with a rich present of many several things sent him over and above by the Necodaes This done Antonio de Faria desiring to advance a servant of his named Costâ— made him Clark of the Patents that were to be granted to the Necodaes whereof he presently set a rate namely five Taeis for a Junk and two Taâ—is for a Vaneo Lantaâ— and small Barqâ—e which proved so beneficial to him that in the space of thirteen days wherein these Patents were dispatched he got according the report of those that envyed him above four thousand Taeis in silver besides many good gratuities that were given him for expedition The form of these Patents was thus I give assurance upon my word to Necoda such a one that he shall sail safely all about the Coast of China without any disturbance of any that belongs to me upon condition that wheresoever he meets with any Portugals he shall â—â—â—reat them as brethren and underneath he signed Antonio de Faria All which Paâ—ents were most exactly observed and by that means he was so redoubted all along this Coast as the Châ—â—m himself of the Island of Ainan who is the Viceroy thereof upon the report which he heard of him sent to visit him by his Embassador with a rich present of Pearls and Jewels as also a Letter whereby he desired him to take entertainment from the son of the Sun a name which they give to the Emperor of this Monarchy for to serve him as Commander General of all the Coast from Lamau to Liampoo with ten thousand Taeis Pension yearly and that if he carryed himself well according to the renown went of him he assured him that upon the expiration of his three years charge he should be advanced into the rank of the Chaems of the State and that such men as he if they were faithful might attain to be one of the twelve Futoens of the Empire whom the soveraign son of the Sun being the Lion crowned on the Throne of the World admitted to his bed and board as members united to his person by means of the honor power and command that he gave them with an annual Pension of an hundred thousand Taeis Antonio de Faria gave him many thanks for this offer and excused himself with complements after their manner saying that he was not capable of so great fâ—vor as he would honor him withall but that without any regard at all of mony he would be ready to serve him as often as the Tutoens of Pequin would be pleased to command him After this going out of the Port of Madâ—l where he had been fourteen days he ran all along the Coast of that Country for to find out Coia Acem it being the main design of all his voyage as I have declared before Imagining then that he might meet with him in some of these places he stayd there above six months with much pain and hâ—zard of his person At length he arrived at a very fair Town named Quangiparu wherein were goodly buildings and Temples In this Port he abode all that day and the night following under colour of being a Merchant peaceably buying that which was brought him aboard And because it was a Town of fifteen hundred fires as we guessed the next morning by break of day we set sail without any great notice taken of us So returning to Sea although it were with a contrary wind in twelve days with a troublesom navigation he visited the shores both of the South and North Coasts without incountring any thing worthy the observation although they were replenished with a many of little Villages whereof divers were inclosed with walls of brick but not strong enough to withstand the force of thirty good Soldiers the people of themselves being very weak and having no other Arms but staves hardned in the fire howsoever the scituation of this Country was under one of the best and fertilest Climates on the Earth abounding with great store of cattel and many goodly large fields sowed with Wheat Rice Barly Millet and sundry other kinds of grain as also replenished with many great groves of Pine and Angeline trees as in the Indiaes able to furnish a world of shiping Moreover by the relation of certain Merchants Antonio de Faria was informed that in this Land there were many Mynes of Copper Silver Tin Saltpeter Sulphur and an infinite deal of untilled but excellently good ground altogether neglected by this weak Nation which were it in our power we might in all probability be more advanced in the Indiaes
already delivered he had spent so much time and yet could never till then hear any news of him in all the Ports and places where he had been The next morning we arrived at the Port of Lailoo where Quiay Panian had much kinred and many friends so that he wanted no credit in that place wherefore he intreated the Mandarin who is the Captain of the Town to permit us to buy for our mony such things as we stood in need of which he instantly granted as well for fear lest some displeasure might be done him as for the sum of a thousand duckets presented unto him by Antonio de Faria wherewith he rested very well satisfied Hereupon some of our Company went ashore who with all diligence bought whatsoever we wanted as Saltpeter and Sulphur to make powder Lead Bullets Victual Cordage Oyl Pitch Rosin Ockam Timber Planks Arms Darts Staves hardened in the fire Masts Sails Sail-yards Targets Flints Pullies and Anchors that done we took in fresh water and furnished our Vessels with Mariners Now although that this place contained not above three or four hundred houses yet was there both there and in the villages adjoyning such a quantity of the aforesaid things that in truth it were hard to express it for China iâ— excellent in this that it may vaunt to be the Country in the world most abounding in all things that may be desired Besides for that Antonio de Faria was exceeding liberal in regard he spent out of the general booty before the partitions were made he payd for all that he bought at the price the sellers would set by means whereof he had more brought him by far then he had use for so that within thirteen days he went out of this Port wonderfully well accommodated with two other new great Junks which he had exchanged for two little ones that he had and two Lanteaas with Oars as also an hundred and sixty Mariners both for rowing and for governing the sails After all these preparations were made and we ready to weigh anchor a general muster was taken of all that were in our Army which in number was found to be five hundred persons as well for fight as for the service and navigation of our Vessels amongst whom were fourscore and fifteen Portugals young and resolute the rest were Boys and Mariners and men of the other Coast which Quiay Panian kept in pay and were well practised in Sea-fight as they that had been five years Pyrats Moreover we had an hundred and sixty Harquebuses forty pieces of brass Ordnance whereof twenty were field-pieces that carryed stone-bullets threescore quintals of powder namely fifty four for the great Ordnance and six for the Harquebuses besides what the Harquebusiers had already delivered to them nine hundred pots of artificial fire whereof four hundred were of powder and five hundred of unsâ—aked Lime after the Chinese manner a great number of stones Arrows Half-pikes four thousand small Javelings store of Hatchets to serve at boarding six Boats full of Flints wherewith the Sailers fought twelve Cramp-irons with their hooks fastned to great Iron chains for to grapple Vessels together and many sorts of fire-works which an Engineer of the Levant made for us With all this equipage we departed from this Port of Lailâ—â— and within three days after it pleased God that we arrived at the fishing place where Coia Acem took the Portugals Junk There as soon as it was night Antonio de Faria sent spies into the River for to lâ—â—rn whereabout he was who took a Paroo with six Fishermen in her that gave us to understand how this Pyrat was some two leagues from thence in a River called Tinlau and that he was accommodating the Junk he had taken from the Portugals for to go in her with two others that he had unto Siam where he was born and that he was to depart within two days Upon this news Antonio de Faria called some of his company to councel where it was concluded that first of all the places and forces of our Enemy was to be visited and seen because in a matter of so much hazard it was not safe to run as it were blindfold unto it but to advise on it well beforehand and that upon the certainty of that which should be known such resolution might afterwards be taken as should seem good to all Then drawing the fishermen out of the Paroo he put some of Quiay Panians Mariners into her and sending her away only with two of those fishermen keeping the rest as hostages he committed the charge of her to a valiant Soldier named Vincentio Morosa attired after the Chinese fashion for fear of discovery who arriving at the place where the Enemy rode made shew of fishing as others did and by that means espyed all that he came for whereupon reâ—urâ—ing he gave an account of what he had seen and assured us that the Enemies were so weak â—s upon â—oarding of them they might easily be taken Antonio de Faria caused the most experienced men of his company to be assembled to advise thereon and that in Quiay Panians Junk to honor him the more as also to maintain his friendship which he much esteemed At this meeting it was resolved that as soon as it was night they should go and anchor at the mouth of the River where the Enemy lay for to set upon him the next morning before day This agreed unto by all Antonio de Fâ—ria set down what order and course should be held at the entring into the River and how the Enemy should be assaulted Then dividing his men he placed thirty Portugals in Quiay Panians Junk such as he pleased to choose because he would be sure to give him no distaste Likewise he disposed six Portugals into each of the Lantâ—â—as and into Christovano Borralho's Junk twenty the rest of the Portugals being three and thirty he retained with himself besides slaves and divers Christians all valiant and trusty men Thus accommodated and ordered for the execution of his enterprize he set sail towards the River of Tinlau where he arrived about Sun-set and there keeping good watch he past the night till three of the clock in the morning at which time he made to the Enemy who rode some half a league up in the River It pleased God that the Sea was calm and the wind so favorable as our Fleet sailing up the River arrived in less then an hour close to the Enemy unperceived of any But because they were Thieves and feared the people of the Country in regard of the great mischiefs and robberies which they dayly committed they stood so upon their guard and kept so good watch that as soon as they discerned us in all haste they rung an alarum with a Bell the sound whereof caused such a rumor and disorder as well amongst them that were ashore as those aboard that one could hardly hear one another by reason of the great noise they made
Paâ—iaâ— he was counselled not to hazard himself in that Voyage because it was reported for a certainty how all that Country was up in arms by reason of the Wars which the Prechau Muan had with the Kings of Chamay and Champaa And withall he had Information given him of a famous Pirate named Similau whom he went presently to seek out and having found him the said Similau related strange wonders unto him of an Island called Calempluy where he assured him there were seventeen Kings of China interred in Tombes of Gold as also a great number of Idols of the same Metâ—al and such other immense treasures as I dare not deliver for fear of not being credited Now Antonio de Faria being naturally curious and carried with that ambition whereunto Souldiers are for the most part inclined lent so good ear to this Chineses report as looking for no other assurance of it then what he gave him he presently resolved to undertake this Voyage and expose himself to danger without taking further counsel of any man whereat many of his friends were with reason offended CHAP. XXIV Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to seek out the Island of Calempluy the strange things that we saw and the hazard we ran in our voyage thither THe season being now fit for Navigation and Antonio de Faria furnished with all that was necessary for this new Voyage which he had undertaken to make on Munday the fourteenth of May in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two he departed from this Port to go to the Island of Calempluy For which purpose he imbarqued in two Paâ—oures resembling small Gallies but that they were a little higher by reason he was counselled not to use Junks as well to avoid discovery as in regard of the great curranâ—â— of water that descended from the Bay of Nanquin which great Vessels with all their sails were not able to stem especially at the time wherein he set forth for then the snows of Tartaria and Nixihuâ—flaâ— dissolving ran all the Months of May Iune and Iuly into these Seas with a most violent impetuosity In these two Vessels were fiftie Portugals one Priest to say Masse and fortie eight Marriners all Natives of Patana as also two and fortie slaves so that the whole number of our company amounted to an hundred forty and one persons for the Pirate Similaâ— who was our Pilot would have no more men nor Vessels for fear of being known because he was to traverse the streight of Nanquin and to enter into Rivers that were much frequented whereby we might probably be subject to great hazâ—rd That day and al the night following we imployed in getting out from amongst the Islands of Angitur and pursued our course through Seas which the Portugals had neither seen nor sailed on till then The first five dayes we had the wind favourable enough being still within sight of land till we came to the mouth of the River of the Fishings of Nanquin There we croâ—t over a Gulf of forty leagues and discovered a very high Mountain called Nangafo towards the which bending Northerly we sailed fiftie dayes at length the wind abated somewhat and because in that place the Tides were very great Similau put into a little River where was good anchoring and riding inhabited by men that were white and handsome having very little eyes like to the Chineses but much different from them both in language and attire Now during the space of three dayes that we continued there the Inhabitants would have no manner of communication with us but contrariwise they came in troopes to the shore by which we anchored and running up and down like mad-men they howled in a most hideous fashion and shot at us with slings and cross-bows As soon as the weather and the sea would permit us Similau by whom all vvas then governed began to set sail directing his course East Northeast and so proceeded seven dayes in sight of land then traversing another Gulfe and turning more directly to the East he past through a straight ten leâ—gues over called Sileupaquin There he sailed five dayes more still in view of many goodly Cities and Towns this River being frequented with an infinite company of Vessels whereupon Antonio de Faria knowing that if he hapned to be discovered he should never escape with life resolved to get from thence and continue this course no longer which Similau perceiving and opposing the advice that every one gave him Signior said unto him I do not think that any of your company can accuse me for mis-performing my duty hitherto you know how at Liampoo I told you publiquely in the General Councel that was held in the Church before an hundred Portugals at the least that we were to expose our selves to great dangers and chiefly my self because I was a Chinese and a Pilot for all you could be made to endure but one death wheras I should be made to endure two thousand if it were possible whereby you may well conclude that setting apart all treason I must of necessity be faithful unto you â—s I am and ever will be not only this Voyage but in all other enterprizes in despight of those that murmur and make false reports unto you of me howbeit if you fear this danger so much as you say and are therefore pleased that we shall take some other way lesse frequented with men and vessels and where we may sail without dread of any thing then you must be contented to bestow a far longer time in this voyage wherefore resolve with your company upon it without any further delay or let us return back for lo I am ready to do whatsoever you will Antonio de Faria embracing and giving him many thanks fell to discourse with him about that other safer way of which he spake Whereupon Similau told him that some hundred and forty leagues further forwards to the North there was a River somewhat larger by half a league called Sumhepadano where he should meet with no Obstacle for that it was not peopled like the streight of Nanquin wherein they now were but that then they should be retarded a month longer by the exceeding much winding of this River Antonio de Faria thinking it far better to expose himself to a length of time then to hazard his life for abridgement of way followed the counsel that Similau gave him so that going out of the streight of Nanquin he coasted the land five dayes at the end whereof we discovered a very high Mountain towards the East which Similau told us was called Fanius approaching somewhat neer unto it we entred into a very fair Port forty fathom deep that extending it self in the form of a Crescent was sheltred from all sorts of winds so spacious withall as two thousand Vessels how great soever might ride there at ease Antonio de Faria went ashore with some ten or eleven Souldiers and rounded this haven but could not
us That done he spake unto Diego Lobato who vvas the Priest that vve carried along with us and one that we much respected as a man of the Church to make a Sermon unto his company for to animate them against all dangers that might happen which he worthily performed and by the efficacy of his words full of sweetnesse and excellent examples he so revived our spirits that before were much dejected through the apprehension of the dangers that menaced us as there vvas not one amongst us but presently took fresh heart boldly to execute the enterprise vve had undertaken Whereupon with great devotion and zeal vve sung a Salvo before an Image of our Lady every man promising vvithout any future fear to finish the Voyage we had begun That done vve joyfully hoysed sail and entring into the mouth of the River steering directly East and vvith tears in our eyes invoked from the bottome of our hearts the assistance of that Soveraign Lord vvhich sits at the right hand of the Father everlasting to preserve us by his Almighty povver Continuing on our course with the force of Oares and Sails and steering divers wayes by reason of the many turnings of the River the next day we arrived at a very high mountain called Botinafau whence sundry Rivers of fresh water ran down In this mountain were a number Tygers Rhinocerots Lyons Ounces and such other creatures of severall kinds which running and roaring in their wilde manner made cruell war upon other weaker Beasts as Stags Boars Apes Monkeys Baboons Wolves and Foxes wherein we took much delight spending a great deal of time in beholding them and ever and anon we cryed out from our Ships to fright them but they were little moved with it in regard they were not used to be hunted We were about six dayes in passing this Mountain it being some forty or fifty leagues long Within a pretty while after we had left this Mountain we came to another named Gangitanon no lesse wilde then the former beyond the which all the Countrie was very stonie and almost inaccessible moreover it was full of such thick Woods as the Sun could not possibly pierce them with his beams Similau told us that in this mountain there were ninety leagues of desert land altogether unfit for Tillage and the bottome thereof onely was inhabited by certain most deformed men called Gigauhos who lived after a most brutish fashion and fed on nothing but what they got in hunting or some Rice that the Merchants of China brought them to Catan in exchange of Fuâ—â—es which the said Merchants carried from thence to Pocasser and Lantau amounting yearly as by the Books of the Customes thereof appeared to the number of twenty thousand Caâ—es each Caâ—e or pack containing threescore skins wherewith the people used in winter to line their Gowns hang their Houses and make coverings for their Beds to withstand the cold of the Climate which is great there Antonio de Faria wondring at the Relation this Chinese made of the deformity of these Gigauhos desired him if it were possible to let him see one of them whereby he said he should more content him then if he should give him the treasures of China whereunto Similau made him this Answer Signior Captain since it it so much imports me as well to maintain my credit with you as to stop their mouthes that murmur against me and that jogging one another scoffe at me when I recount these things unto you which they account as so many Fables and to the end that by the truth of the one they may be ascertained of the other I will promise before Sun-setting yet to shew you a couple of these people and that you shall also speak with them upon condition you do not go ashore as you have still used to do hitherto for fear some mischance should happen to you as many times it doth to Merchants in like cases For I assure you that the Gigauhos are of so savage and brutish a nature as they feed on nothing commonly but raw flesh and blood like the wilde Beasts that live in this Forrest So continuing our course all along the side of this Mountain at length behinde a little point of land we discovered a young youth without ere an hair on his face driving six or seven Cows before him that pastured there by Similau making a sign to him with a napkin he presently stayed whereupon coming a little neerer to him Similau shewed him a piece of green Taffâ—â—a which he told us was a stuffe very acceptable to these brutish men and withall by signs demanded of him whether he would buy it this drew him to the banke of the River were he answered with an hoarse voice some words that we could not comprehend because there was not one in all our Vessels that understood this barbarous language so that of necessity this commerce was to be made by signs Antonio de Faria commanded three or four yards of the said piece of Taffeta to be given him as also six Pourcelains wherewith this Salvage seemed to be very well pleased for taking both the one and the other transported with joy he said something to us which we could understand no better then the former then making a sign with his hand towards the place of his abode he left his Cows and ran away to the wood clothed as he was with a Tigers skin his arms and legs naked bare-headed and a staffe hardned at one end with the fiâ—e in his hand For his person he was well proportioned of his limbs his hair red and curled hanging down on his shoulders his stature by conjecture was above ten foot high but we were amazed to see him return about a quarter of an hour to the very same place again câ—rrying a live Stag on his back and having thirteen persons in his company namely eight men and five women leading three Cows â—yed together and dancing as they went at the sound of a kinde of Tabor upon the which they beat five stroaks at a time and as often clapped their hands together singing to it with a very hoarâ—e voice in their language Hereupon Antonio de Faria caused five or six pieces of silk stuffe and a great many of Pourcelains to be shewed them for to make them beleeve that we were Merchants at the sight whereof they very much rejoyced These persons both men and women were apparrelled all after one and the same fashion without any kinde of difference saving that the women wore great tinnen Bracelets about the middle of their armes and their hair a great deal longer then the mens stuck all about with flowers resembling our Flower de luces they had chains also of red Cockles about their necks almost as big as Oyster-shels as for the men they carried great staves in their hands covered to the middest with the same skins wherewith they were clothed moreover they had all of them fierce looks great lips flat noses
be 〈◊〉 tâ—keâ— â—s Similau had assured us we should then proceed on otherwise that we should 〈◊〉 wiâ—h the current of the water which would bring â—s directly to the Sea with its ordinary course This resolution taken and approved of every one we went on with no less confusion then fear for in so manifest a danger we could not chuse but be very much perplâ—â—ed the night following about break of day we discovered a little Bâ—rque â— heâ—d of us riding at 〈◊〉 in the midst of the River her we boarded with as little noise as might be and took five men asleep in her whom Antonio de Faria questioned each one apart by himself to see how they would agree in that they said To his demands they answered all of them that the Country wherein we were was called Temquilâ—m from whence the Island of Calâ—mplâ—y was distant but ten leagues and â—o many other questions propounded 〈◊〉 â—heâ— for our common securitie they answered likewise separately one from the other to very good purpose wherewith Antonio de Faria and his whole company were exceedingly well satisfied but yet it grieved us not a little to think what an inconvenience the lack of Similau would prove to us in this attempt however Antonio de Faria causing the five Chineses to be arrested and chained to oares continued his course two dayes and an half more at the end whereof it pleased God that doubling a cape of land called Guimai Tarâ—â— we discovered this Island of Calâ—mpluy which we had been fourscore and three dayes seeking for with extream confusion of pains and labour as I have before related CHAP. XXV Our Arrival at Câ—lempluy and the description thereof what hapned to Antonio de Faria in one of the Hermitages thereof and how we were discovered HAving doubled the Cape of Cuimai Tarâ—â— two leagues beyond it we discovered a goodly levell of ground scituated in the midst of a River which to our seeming was not above a league in circuit whereunto Antonio de Faria approached with exceeding great joy vvhich yet vvas intâ—rmingled vvith much fâ—â—r because he knew not to vvhat danger he and his were exposed about twelve of the clock at night he anchored vvithin a Canon shot of this Island and the next morning as soon as it vvas day he sate in Councell with such of his company as he had called to it there it was concluded that it was not possible so great and magnificent a thing should be without some kind of guard and therefore it was resolved that with the greatest silence that might be it should be rounded all about for to see what advenues it had or what Obstacles we might meet with when there was question of landing to the end that accordingly we might deliberate more amply on that we had to do With this Resolution which was approved by every one Antonio de Faria weighed anchor and without any noyse got close to the Island and compassing it about exactly observed every particular that presented it self to his sight This Island was all inclosed with a platform of Jasper six and twenty spans high the stones whereof were so neatly wrought and joyned together that the wall seemed to be all of one piece at which every one greatly marvelled as having never seen any thing till then either in the Indiaes or elsewhere that merited comparison with it this Wall was six and twenty spans deep from the bottome of the River to the Superficies of the water so that the full height of it was two and fifty spans Furthermore the top of the Platform was bordered with the same stone cut into great Tower-work Upon this wall which invironed the whole Island was a Gallerie of Balisters of turn'd Copper that from six to six fathom joyned to certain Pillars of the same Mettal upon each of the which was the figure of a Woman holding a bowl in her hand within this gallery were divers Monsters cast in mettal standing all in a row which holding one another by the hand in manner of a dance incompassed the whole Island being as I have said a league about Amidst these monstrous Idols there was likewise another row of very rich Arches made of sundry coloured pieces a sumptuous work and wherewith the eye might well be entertained and contented Within was a little wood of Orange Trees without any mixture of other plants and in the midst an hundred and threescore Hermitages dedicated to the gods of the year of whom these Gentiles recount many pleasant Fables in their Chronicles for the defence of their blindness in their fâ—lâ—â— belief A quarter of a league beyond these Hermitages towards the East divers goodly great Edifices were seen separated the one from the other with seven fore-fronts of Houses built after the manner of our Churches from the top to the bottome as far as could be discerned these buildings were guilt all over and annexed to very high Towers which in all likelihood were Steeples their Edifices were invironed with two great streets arched all along like unto the Frontispieces of the Houses these Arches were supported by very huge Pillars on the top whereof and between every arch was a dainty Prospective now in regard these buildings towers pillars and their chapters were so exceedingly guilt all over as one could discern nothing but Gold it perswaded us that this Temple must needs be wonderfull sumptuous and rich since such cost had been bestowed on the very Walls After we had surrounded this whole Island and observed the advenâ—es and entries thereof notwithstanding it was somewhat late yet would Antonio de Faria needs go ashore to see if he could get any Intelligence in one of those Hermitages to the end he might thereupon resolve either to prosecute his design or return back So having left a guard sufficient for his two Vessels and Diego Lobato his Chaplain Captain of them he landed with fourty Souldiers and twenty slaves as well Pikes as Harquebuses He also carried with him four of the Chineses which we took a while before both for that they knew the plaâ—e well as having been there at other times and likewise that they might serve us for truthmen and guides Being got to the shore unespied of any one and without noise we entred the Island by one of the eight Advenues that it had and marching through the middest of the little wood of Orange-trees we arrived at the gate of the first Hermitage which might be some two Musket-shot from the place we dis-imbarqued where that hapned unto us which I will deliver hereafter Antonio de Faria went directly to the next Hermitage he saw before him with the greatest silence that might be and vvith no little fear for that he knew not into what danger he was going to ingagâ— himself which he found shut on the inside he commanded one of the Chineses to knock at it as he did two or three times vvhen at last he heard one speak in
were Christians and descended of the Weaver in whose house the holy man was lodged of whom demanding whether that which the Chineses had told us was true they shewed us a book that contained the whole history thereof at large with many other wonders wrought by that holy man who they said was named Matthew Escandel and that he was an Hermit of Mount Sinai being an Hungarian by nation and born in a place called Buda The same book also related that nine days after this Saint was buried the said Town of Cohilouzaa where he was murthered began to tremble in such sort as all the people thereof in a mighty fright ran out into the fields and there continued in their tents not daring to return unto their houses for they cried out all with one common consent The blood of this stranger craves vengeance for the unjust death the Bonzes hath given him because he preached the truth unto us But the Bonzes rebuked and told them that they committed a great sin in saying so Nevertheless they willed them to be of good cheer for they would go all to Quiay Tiguarem God of the night and request him to command the earth to be quiet otherwise we would offer him no more sacrifices Immediately whereupon all the Bonzes went accordingly in procession to the said Idol which was the chiefest in the Town but none of the people durst follow them for fear of some earthquake which the very next night about eleven of the clock as those divelish monsters were making their sacrifices with odoriferous perfumes and other ceremonies accustomed amongst them increased so terribly that by the Lords permission and for a just punishment of their wickedness it quite overthrew all the Temples houses and other edifices of the Town to the ground wherewith all the Bonzes were killed not so much as one escaped alive being in number above four thousand as the book delivereth wherein it is further said that afterwards the earth opening such abundance of water came forth as it clean overwhelmed and drowned the whole Town so that it became a great lake and above an hundred fathom deep moreover they recounted many other very strange particulars unto us and also however since that time the place was named Fiunganorsee that is the chastisement of heaven whereas before it was called Cohilouzaa which signifies the flower of the field as I have declared heretofore After our Departure from the ruines of Fiunganorsee we arrived at a great Town called Iunquinilau which is very rich abounding with all kind of things fortified with a strong Garrison of Horse and Foot and having a number of Junks and Vessels riding before it Here we remained five days to celebrate the Funeral of our Chifuus wife for whose soul he gave us by way of alms both meat and clothes and withall freeing us from the oar permitted us to go ashore without irons which was a very great ease unto us Having leâ—t this place we continued our course up the river beholding still on either side a world of goodly great Towns invironed with strong walls as also many Fortresses and Castles all along the waters side we saw likewise a great number of Temples whose Steeples were all guilt and in the fields such abundance of cattel that the ground was even covered over with them so far as we could well discern Moreover there were so many vessels upon this river especially in some parts where Fairs were kept that at first sight one would have thought them to be populous Towns besides other lesser companies of three hundred five hundred six hundred and a thousand boats which continually we met withall on both sides of the river wherein all things that one could imagine were sold Moreover the Chineses assured us that in this Empire of China the number of those which levied upon the rivers was not less then those that dwelled in the Towns and that without the good order which is observed to make the common people work and to constrain the meaner sort to supply themselves unto trades for to get their living they would eat up one another Now it is to be noted that every kind of traffique and commerce is divided among them into three or four forms as followeth They which trade in Ducks whereof there are great quantities in this Countrey proceed therein diversly some cause their egs to be hatched for to sell the Ducklings others fat them when they are great for to sell them dead after they are salted These traffique only with the egs others with the feathers and some with the heads feet gizards and intrails no man being permitted to trench upon his companions sale under the penalty of thirty lashes which no priviledg can exempt them from In the same manner concerning hogs some sell them alive and by whole sale others dead and by retail some make bacon of them others sell their pigs and some again sell nothing but the chitterlings the sweet-breads the blood and the haslets which is also observed for fish for such a one sels it fresh that cannot sell it either salted or dried and so of other Provisions as flesh fruit fowls venison pulse and other things wherein such rigour is used as there are chambers expresly established whose officers have commission and power to see that they which trade in one particular may not do it in another if it be not for just and lawful couses and that on pain of thirty lashes There be others likewise that get their living by selling fish alive which to that purpose they keep in great well-boats and so carry them into divers countrys where they know there is no other but salt fish There are likewise all along this river of Batampina whereon we went from Nanquin to Pequin which is distant one from the other one hundred and fourscore leagues such a number of engines for sugar and presses for wine and oyl made of divers sorts of pulse and fruit as one could hardly â—ee any other thing on either side of the water In many other places also there were an infinite company of Houses and Magazines full of all kinds of provision that one could imagine where all sorts of flesh are salted dried smoaked and piled up in great high heaps as gammons of Bacon Pork Lard Geese Ducks Cranes Bustards Ostriches Stags Cows Buffles wild Goats Rhinoceroses Horses Tygers Dogs Foxes and almost all other creatures that one can name so that we said many times amongst our selves that it was not possible for all the people of the world to eat up all those provisions We saw likewise upon the same river a number of Vessels which they call Panouras covered from the poup to the prow with nets in manner of a cage three inches high full of ducks and geese that were carried from place to place to be sold when the Owners of those boats would have these fowl to feed they approach to the Land and where there are rich medows
very well inclined to the poor upon whom he continually bestowed much alms Moreover they swore unto us by their Law that we should receive no hurt yet could we not by any means be perswaded thereunto for at that time we had so little hope of life that if persons worthy of credit had assured us of it we should hardly have believed them much lesâ— those cruel and detestable Gentiles who neither had Religion nor any knowledg of God When they had tied us together the footmen placed us in the midst of them whilest those on horsback coursed up and down on every side as though they had gone the round now we no sooner began to march but that the three womâ—n which were with us more dead then alive fell down on the place in a swoon partly through their natural weakness and partly through the fear they were in so that the footmen were forced to take them up in their arms and each one to carry them in his turn howbeit for all that before we could arrive at the place whither they were leading us two of the three died and were left in the Wood for a prey to the Wolves Foxes and other Wild-beasts whereof we saw great plenty thereabout At length after we had marched a good while we arrived about Sun-set at a great Borough where we were presently put into a Pagode or Temple of theirs which was invironed with very high walls and yet for the more security they placed an hundred men about it to guard us all that night who with their cries and beating of their Drums kept us waking till the next morning for the noise thereof and the consideration of our present misery would not suffer us to take any rest CHAP. XLVII The carrying of us to the Town of Pungor and presenting us to the Broquen Governour of the Kingdom with that which ensued upon it AS soon as it was morning the next day the chiefest women of the Town came to visit us and in way of charity brought us a quantity of Rice boyled fish and certain fruits of the Country for us to eat she wing themselves to be much moved with our misery as well by their words as by their tears and seeing the extream need we stood in of clothes for that we had little or scarce any upon our bodies six amongst them which for that purpose were chosen by the rest went a begging for us through all the streets of the Town saying O good folks good folks which make profession of the Law of the Lord whose property it is if one may say so to shew himself proâ—igal towards us by communicating his benefits unto us come forth of your houses to behold the flesh of our flesh which the wrath of the hand of the Lord Almighty hath touched and succour them with your alms to the end the mercy of his greatness may not abandon you as it hath done them These words were of such force to stir up their charity as within less then an hour we were abundantly furnished with all things necessary for us But about three of the clock in the afternoon came a Post to this Borough with letters to the Xivalon of the place that is the Captain thereof who had no sooner read them but he caused two Drums to beat an Alarum at the sound whereof all the people assâ—mbled together in â— great Pagode or Temple where out of a window he spake unto them and gave them to understand that the Broquen the Governour of the Kingdom had commanded us to be brought to the Town of Pungâ—r which was some seven leagues from thence The most part of them at first refused to obey this command so that there was great contention about it in such sort that nothing could be agreed upon all that day by means whereof the Post was returned to the Broquen with a relation of that which had past and so we were left there till eight of the clock the next morning at which time two Peretandaâ—s who are as it were Judges came accompanied with divers Burgesses and some twenty horsmen unto us and after many writingâ— drawn up by certain publique Registers concerning us they sent us away the same day to a Town called Gondâ—xilau where we were put into a dungeon made in the fashion of a Ciâ—terâ— remaining there till the next day up to the middle in filthy standing water that was full of hoâ—sleeches which made us all gore blood As soon as it was morning they carried us towards Pungor where we arrived about four of the clock in the afternoon now because it was late the Broquen would not see us till the day following and then bound together as we were he caused us to be led through â—our of the principal streets of the City where the people thronging from all parts to behold us seemed much to pity our misery chiefly the women In this manner we were brought to a Court of Justice where there was a great many of Officers amongst whom we continued a long time waiting for the coming of the Judge at length upon the thrice striking of a clock a door that stood just against the place where we attended was presently opened by which we entred into a very spacious Hall where the Governour sat upon a Throne all adorned with rich tapestry and under a Cloth of State of silver tinsel round about him were six Ushers upon their knees carrying Maces on their shoulders and all along the room stood a Guard with Halberds in their hands damasked with gold and silver All the rest of the Hall was full of people of divâ—rs Nations the like whereof we had not seen in those Countries After silence was imposed on â—lâ— that were present we prostrated our selves before the Throne of the Broquen and weeping said unto him Sir we beseech thee by that God which hath made Heaven and Earth and on whose power we all of us depend to take pity of our miserable fortune for since the waves of the Sea hath brought us to the lamentable estate and wretched condition wherein thou seest us we most humbly desire thee that thy goodness will be pleased to put us into a better before the King to the end he may be incited to have compassion on us poor strangers that are destitute of all succour and favour of the world for so it hath pleased God to have it in regard of our sins At these words the Broquen looking on them that were abouâ— him and shaking his head What think you of these people said he unto them verily here is one of them that speaks of God as a man which hath the knowledge of his truth so that we may conclude without all doubt that there is another great world whereof we have no notice wherefore since these men know the Source of all good it is reasonable that we should proceed with them according to the request they have made unto us with so many
tears Whereupon turning him towards us who all this while lay prostrated on the ground with our hands lifted up as if we were worshipping God I must confess said he unto us that I have so great compassion of your misery and am so grieved to see you so poor as you are as I assure you in all verity that I had rather if it were the good pleasure of the King be like unto one of you as wretched as you are then to see my self in this office which questionless was conferred on me for my sins wherefore I would be loth to offend you but the duty of my place obliging me thereunto I must desire you as friends not to be troubled if I ask you some questions which are necessary for the good of Iustice and as touching your deliverance if God affords me life be assured you shall have it for I am most confident that the King my Masters inclination to the poor is truly Royal. These promises exceedingly contented us and to thank him for them we had recourse to our tears which we shed in abundance for our hearts were so full as we could not possibly bring forth a word to answer him The Broquen caused four Registers the two Peretandaos of the Court aforesaid and some eleven or twelve other Officers of Justice to come immediately before him Then rising on his feet he began with a severe countenance and a naked Scymitar in his hand to examine us speaking so loud as every one might hear him I Pinaquila said he Broquen of this City of Pungor by the good pleasure of him whom we all hold for the hairs of our heads King of the Nation of the Lequios and of all this Country of the two Seas where the fresh and salt waters divide the Mynes of his treasures do advise and command you by the rigour and force of my words to tell me clearly and with a clean heart what people and of what Nation you are as also where your Country is and how it is called To this demand we answered according to the truth that we were Portugals Natives of Malaca It is well added he but what adventure brought you into this Country and whither did you intend to go when as you suffered shipwrack We replied thereunto That being Merchants who make no other profession then of traffique we had imbarqued our selves in the Kingdom of China for to go from the Port of Liampoo to Tanixumaa where we had formerly been but that arriving near to the Island of Fire we were surprized by a mighty tempest so that not able to oppose the violence of the Sea we were constrained to lie at the mercy of the winds for the space of three dayes and three nights together and that at the end thereof our Junck ran her self upon the Sands of Taydican where of ninety and two persons that we were threescore and eight were drowned no more escaping of that great number but these four and twenty of us which stood before him all covered over with wounds that were saved as it were by miracle through the spâ—cial grace of God At these words standing a little in suspence By what tytle replied he did you possess so much riches and so many pieces of silk which were in your Iunck and that were worth above an hundred Taeis as I am informed Truly it is not credible that you could get so much wealth any other way then by theeving which being a great offence against God is a thing proper to the servants of the Serpent of the house of smoak and not to those of the house of the Sun where they that are just and of a pure heart do bathe themselves amidst perfumes in the great Pool of the most Almighty We answered hereunto that assuredly we were Merchants and not thieves as he was pleased to charge us because the God in whom we believed forbad us by his holy Law either to kill or to rob Hereupon the Broquen beholding them which were about him Doubtless continued he if that which these men affirm be true we may well say that they are like unto us and that their God is much better then all others as me thinks may be inferred from the truth of their words Then turning himself towards us he examined us as before with a stern countenance and the behaviour of a Judg that exerciseth his charge with integrity In this examination he bestowed almost an hour and in the last place said unto us I would fain know why those of your Country when as heretofore they took Malaca carried thereunto by extream avarice did kill our men with so little pity which is still made good by divers widdows who in these Countries have survived their husbands To this we made answer how that hapned rather by the chance of war then out of any desire of robbing which we had never used to do in any place wheresoever we came What is this you say replied he can you maintain that he that conquers doth not rob that he which useth force doth not kill that he which shews himself covetous is not a thief that which he oppresseth performs not the action of a Tyrant and lo all these are the goodly qualities which are given to you and whereof you are said to be culpable and that by the affirmation of verity it self whence it is manifest that Gods abandoning of you and permitting the waves of the Sea to swallow you up is rather a pure â—ffect of his justice then any injury that is done to you This said he arose out of the Chair where he was set and commanded the Officers to return us back to prison promising to give us audience according to the grace which it should please the King to shew us and the compassion that he would have of us wherewith we were very much afflicted and in great dispair of our lives The next day the King was advertised as well of our imprisonment as of the â—nswers we had made by the Broquens letters wherein he had intermingled something in favour of us by means whereof he did not cause us to be executed as it was said he had resolved to have done upon certain false reports which the Chineses had made to him of us In this prison we continued very near two months with much pain never hearing in all that time so much as any word spoken of that first proceeding against us Now forasmuch as the King desired to be more amply informed concerning us by other more particular inquiries then the letters of the Broquen he senâ— a certain man unto us named Randinaa for to come secretly to the prison where we were to the end that under the pretext of being a Merchantâ— stranger he might exactly learn the cause of ouâ— arrival in that place and that upon the report he should make thereof to the King he might proceed to do that which should seem just unto him Howbeit though this was closely
misfortune this poor woman was reduced so that we told her our opinion and what we thought was fit for her to do whereupon she concluded to go along with us to Timplam and so to Pegu and from thence to set sail for Coromandel there to finish her days in the Island of St Thomé Having vowed unto us to do thus we quitted her not doubting that she would lose so good an opportunity to retire her self out of the errors wherein she was and to restore her self to an estate wherein she might be saved since it had pleased God to permit her to meet with us in a Country so far distant from that which she could hope for Howbeit she performed nothing for we could never see nor hear of her afterwards which made us to believe that either some thing was befallen her that kept her from coming to us or that through the obstinacy of her sins she deserved not to make her profit of the grace which our Lord had offered to her out of his infinite goodness and mercy CHAP. LVIII The Magnificent Reception of the King of Bramaa his Ambassadour at the City of Timplam and that which passed betwixt the Calaminham and him NIne dayes after the King of Bramaa his Ambassadour had reposed himself there by way of ceremony according to the fashion of the Coâ—try for the more honour of his Ambassage one of the Governours of the City called Quampanogrem came to fetch him accompanied with fourscore Seroos and Laulees very well eqipped and full of luâ—ty able men Throughout this Fleet they played on so many barbarous and ill accorded instruments as Belâ— Cymbals Drums and Sea-corners that the din thereof coming to joyn with the noise which the Rowers made terrified all those that heard it and indeed one would have thought it at first to be some inchantment or to say better a musick of hell if there be any there Amidst this stir we drew near to the City where we arrived about noon Being come to the first Key that was named Campalarraia we saw a great many men both Horse and Foot all richly accoutred as also a number of fighting Elephants very well harnessed having their chairs and forâ—-head pieces garnished with silver and their warlike Panores fastened to their teeth which rendred them very terrible The Ambassadour was no sooner come on shore but the Campanogrem took him by the hand and falling on his knees presented him to another great man that attended for him at the Key in great pomp This same was called Patedacan one of the chiefest of the Kingdom as we were told After he had with a new complement of courtesie received the Ambassadour he offered him an Elephant furnished with a Chair and harness of gold but whatsoever the Mandarin could do to make the Ambassadour accept of it he could by no means draw him thereunto whereupon he caused another almost as well furnished to be brought and gave it to him As for us nine Portugals and fifty or threescore Bramaas they provided Horses on which we mounted In this manner we departed from that place having his Chariots before us full of men that amidst the acclamations of the people played upon divers kinds of instruments namely on silver Cymbals Bells and Drums Thus we were conducted through many long Streets whereof nine were invironed with Ballisters of Lattin and at the entrance into them there were Arches very richly wrought as also many Chapters of pillars guilt and great Bells which like unto clocks struck the hours nay the quarters of the hour of the day whereby the people were ordinarily directed After that with much ado by reason of the great press of people that was in the streets we were come to the outward Court of the Calaminham's Pallace which was as long or little less as a Faulcons shot and broad proportionable thereunto we saw in it above six thousand Horses all trapped with silver and silk and those that were mounted on them were armed with Coâ—slets of Lattin and Copper head-pieces of silver carrying Ensigns in their hands of divers Colours and Targets at their Saddle-bowâ— The Câ—mmander of thâ—se Troops was the Quietor of Justice who is as the Super-intendent over all the other Civil and Criminal Ministers which is a Jurisdiction â—epeâ—ate by it self from whence there is no appeal The Ambassadour being come near unto him who was also advanced to receive him and the two Governours they all prostraâ—eâ— themselves on the ground three times which is amongst them a new kind of Compliment whereupon the Queitor spake not a word to the Ambassadour but onely laid his hand on his head and then gave him a rich Scymitar that he wore by his side which the Ambassadour accepted of very thankfully and kissed it thrice That done the Quieor set the Ambassadour on his right hand and leaving the two Mandarins a little behind they past along through two ranks of Elephants which made a kind of Street of the length of the outward Court they being fifteen hundred in number all furnished with Castles and rich Chairs of divers inventions as also with a great many of silk Banners and gorgeous Coverings round abouâ— were a great Company of Halberdiers and many other shews of Greatness and Majesty which made us believe that this Prince was one of the mightiest of the Country When we were come to a great Gate that stood between two high Towers two hundred men which guarded it no sooner saw the Quietor but they all fell down on their knees Through this Gate we entred into another very long outward Court where the Kings second Guard was composed of a thousand men who were all in guilt Arms their Swords by their sides and on their heads Helmets wrought with gold and silver wherein stuck gallant plums of several colours After we had past through the middle of all this Guard we arrived at a great Hall where there was a Mandarim Uncle to the King called the Monvagaruu a man of above seventy years of age accompanied with a great number of Nobity as also with many Captains and Officers of the Kingdom About him were twelve little boyes richly clad with great Chains of gold three or four times double about their necks and each of them a silver Mace upon his shoulder As soon as the Ambassadour was come near him he touched him on the head with a Ventiloo that he held in his hand and beholding him May thy entrance said he into this Palace of the Lord of the world be as agreeable to his eyes as the rain is to our fields of Rice for so shall he grant thee all that thy King demands of him From thence we went up an high pair of stairs and entred into a very long room wherein there were many great Lords who seeing the Monvagaruu stood up on their feet as acknowledging him for their Superiour Out of this room we entred into another where there were four Altars very well
the apprehension and visions of this last end troubled us more then death it self wherewith we imagined our selves to be already ensnared At the end of seventeen daies that this painfull and sad voyage had lasted God shewed us so much grace that during the obscurity of a very rainy night we discovered a certain light little more then a Faulcon shot before us the fear we were in at the first that we were neer some Town made us to stand still for a good space without knowing what to resolve upon untill we observed that this light seemed to move whereby we conjectured that it was some Vessell which went from one port to another as indeed half an hour after we perceived one wherein there were nine persons who approaching to the bank of the river neer to the place where we were landed all in a Creek that was there in the form of an Haven and presently making a fire they began to prepare their supper which was no sooner ready but they fell to eating with great demonstrations of mirth wherein they bestowed a pretty good time At length when they were well replenished with meat and drink it happened that all nine of them amongst whom there were three women fell fast asleep whereupon seeing that we could not find a more favourable occasion to make our benefit of this adventure we went all eight of us very softly into the barque that stuck half in the Ouze and was tyed fast to a great stake which pushing forth with our shoulders we set aflote and then imbarquing our selves in it with all speed we began to row down the river with as little noyse as possibly we could make Now in regard the current of the water and the wind were both very favourable unto us we found our selves the next morning above ten leagues from the place vvhence vve parted namely neer to a Pagode called Quiay Hinarel that is to say the God of Rice vvhere vve met but only vvith one man and seven and thirty vvomen the most of them old and Religionaries of this Temple vvho received us vvith a great deal of charity although in my opinion they did it rather out of fear of us then any vvill that they had to do â—s good Having questioned them about many things vvhich served for our purpose they could give us no pertinent ansvver thereunto alledging still that they vvere but poor vvomen vvho upon a solemn vovv had renounced all things in the vvorld and confined themselves into this inclosure vvhere they bestovved all their time in continuall prayer to Quiay Ponuedea vvhich moves the clouds of heaven that he vvould be pleased to give them rain vvhereby their grounds might be made fruitfull to produce them abandance of Rice In this place vve spent all the day in caulking our barque and furnishing our selves at these religious vvomens cost vvith Rice Sugar French Beans Onyons and some smoak-dried flesh vvherevvith they vvere sufficiently provided Being parted from hence about an hour vvithin night vve continued our course vvith our Oars and Sails for seven vvhole days together vvithout so much as once daring to touch the Land so much vvere vve in fear of some disaster that might easily arrive to us from those places vvhich vve savv all alongst the river But as it is impossible to avoid that here belovv vvhich is determined there above just at the instant as vve vvere continuing on our course all confused as vve vvere and in a perpetuall alarm by reason of the danger that vvas alvvays present before our eys as vvell for that vvhich vve savv as for that vve vvere in doubt of our ill hap vvould have it that an hour before day as vve past thorough the mouth of a Channell three Paraos of Pyrats assaulted us vvith such violence and vvith so many different sorts of Dâ—rts vvhich they showred upon us that within less then two Credoes they had killed three of our companions as for us five that remained vve cast our selves into the Sea all bloudy as we vvere vvith the vvounds vvhich vve had received vvhereof tvvo others died a little after When as vve vvere got ashore vve hid our selves in the vvoods vvhere vve past all that day in lamenting our present mishap after so many fortunes as vve had run thorough before time Thus vvounded as vve vvere parting from thence in more hope of death then life vve proceeded on our vvay by Land vvith so much pain and irresolution concerning vvhat vve vvere to do as vve fell many times a vveeping vvithout being able to comfort one another in regard of the small likelyhood there vvas of saving our lives by any humane means As vve vvere reduced to this deplorable estate vvith tvvo of our companions ready to die it pleased our Lord vvhose succour doth ordinarily supply our defects that in a place vvhere vve found our selves upon the bank of the vvater there chanced to pass by a Vessell vvherein there vvas a Christian vvoman named Violenta vvho vvas married to a Pagan to vvhom this Vessell appertained vvhich he had laden vvith Cotton Wooll to sell off at Cosmin this vvoman no sooner perceived us but moved vvith pity at the sight of us Iesus cried she these are Christians which I behold that said she caused the Vessell vvherein she vvas to come to the shore and leaping on Land together vvith her husband they fell both of them to imbracing us vvith tears in their eys and then made us to be imbarqued vvith them presently whereupon this vertuous Dame took a care to have our vvounds drest and provided us of cloaths the best that she could rendring us many other good offices of a true and charitable Christian Then setting aside all fear vve parted from this place vvith all speed five days after thorough Gods grace vve arrived safely at the Tovvn of Cosmin vvhich is a part of the Sea in the Kingdome of Pâ—gu vvhere in the house of this good Christian vvoman vve vvere as vvel looked unto that in a short time vve found our selves thoroughly cured of all our hurts Now vvhereas there is never any vvant in the grace which God doth to his creatures it pleased him that at that very time vve met in this Port vvith a ship vvhereof Luis de Montorrayo vvas Master vvho vvas upon the point of setting sail for Bengala so that after we had taken our leave of our Hostess to whom we rendred many thanks for all the benefits vvhich we had received of her we imbarqued our selves with the said Luis de Montarroyo who likewise intreated us exceeding well and furnished us abundantly with all that was necessary for us At our arrivall at the Port of Chaâ—igan in the Kingdome of Bengala where there was at that time many Portugals I instantly imbarqued my self in the foist of a certain Merchant called Fâ—rnando Caldeyra who was bound for Goa where it pleased God I arrived in good health There I found Pedro de Faria who had been
that in four daies they took an hundred Juncks vvherein they killed above six thousand men vvhereof notice being given to the King of Panaruca Prince of Balambuam and Admirall of the Sea of this Empire he ran thither with all speed and of the number of those which were convicted of manifest robbery he caused fourscore to be hanged all along the shore to the terror of those that should behold them After this action Quiay Ansedeaa Pate or Duke of Cherbom who was Governor of the Towne and greatly in authority taking this which the King of Panaruca had done for a manifest contempt because he had said he little respected his charge of Governor was so mightily offended â—t it as having instantly got together about six or seven thousand men he went and 〈…〉 this Kings Palace with an intent to seize upon his person but the Panaruca resisted him with his followers and as it was said he endeavoured with many complements to justifie himself to him all that ever he could whereunto Quiay Ansâ—dâ—aa was so far from having any regard as contrarily entring by force into his house he flew thirty or forty of his men in the mean time so many people ran to this mutiny as it was a dreadfull thing to behold For whereas these two heads were great Lords one Admirall of the Fleet the other Governor of the Town and both of them allied to the principall families of the Country the devill sowed so great a division amongst them as if night had not separated the fight it is credible that not one of them had escaped neverthelesse the difference went yet much farther and ended not so for the men of war who were at that time above six hundred thousand in number coming to consider the great affront which Quiay Ansedeaa Governor of the Town had done to their Admirall they to be revenged thereof went all ashore the same night the Paâ—aruca not being of power enough to keep them from it notwithstanding he laboured all that he could to do it Thus all of them animated and transported with wrath and a desire of revenge went and set upon Quiay Ansedeaas house where they slew him and ten thousand men wherewith not contented they assaulted the Town in ten or eleven places and fell to killing and plundering all that ever they met with so that they carried themselves therein with so much violence as in three daies alone which was as long as the siege of this Town lastâ—d nothing remained that was not an insupportable object to the sight There was withall so great a confusion of howling weeping and heavy lamentation as all that heard it could think no other but that the earth was going to turn topsie turvy In a word and not to lose time in aggravating this with superfluous speeches the Town was all on fire which burnt to the very foundations so that according to report there were above an hundred thousand houses consumed above three hundred thousand persons cut in pieces and almost as many made prisoners which were led away slaves and sold in divers countries Besides there was an infinite of riches stollen whereof the value as it was said only in silver and gold amounted even to forty millions and all put together to an hundred millions of gold As for the number of prisoners and of such as were slain it was neer five hundred thousand persons and all these things arrived by the evill counsell of a young King bred up amongst young people like himself who did every thing at his own pleasure without any body contradicting him CHAP. LXVI That which befell us untill our departure towards the Port of Zunda from whence we sâ—â— sail for China and what afterwards happened unto us THree daies after so cruell and horrible a mutiny whenas all things were peaceable the principall Heads of this commotion fearing as soon as a Pangueyran should be elected that they should be punished according to the enormity of their crime they all of them set sail without longer attending the danger which threatned them They departed away then in the same Vessells wherein they came the King of Panaruca their Admirall being not possibly able to stay them but contrarily was twice in jeopardy of losing himselfe in endeavouring to do it with those few men that were of his party Thus in the space of two daies only the two thousand sailes which were in the Port went away leaving the Town still burning which was the cause that those few Lords which remained being joyned together resolved to pasâ— unto the Towne of Iapara some five leagues from thence towards the Coast of the Mediterranean Sea This resolution being taken they put it presently in execution to the end that with the more tranquillity for the popular commotion was not yet well appeased they might make election of the Panguâ—yran which properly signifies Emperor As indeed they created one called Patâ— Sudayâ— Prince of Sâ—rubayaa who had been none of those eight Pretendents of whom we have spoken but this election they made because it seemed to them necessary for their common good and the quiâ—t of the Country All the inhabitantâ—â—o were exceedingly satisfied with it and they immediately sent thâ— Panarutâ— for 〈◊〉 to a place some dozen leagues from thence called Pisammenes where he at that time lived Nine dayes after he was sent for he failed not to come accompanied with above two hundred thousand men imbarqued in fifteen hundred Calaluzâ—s and Iuripangos He was received by all the people with great demonstrations of jâ—y and a little after he was crowned with the accustomed ceremonies as Pangueyran of all the countries of Iaâ—a Bala and Madâ—ra which is a Monarchy that is very populous and exceeding rich and mighty That done he returned to the Towne of Demaa with an intent to have it rebuilt anew and to restore it to its former estate At his arrivall in that place the first thing he did was to give order for the punishing of those which were found attainted and convictâ—d of the sacking of the Town who proved not to be above five thousand though the number of them was far greater for all the rest were fled away some here some there Thâ—se wretches suffered onely two kinds of death some were impaled alive and the rest were burned in the very same ships wherein they were apprehended and of four daies wherein this justice was executed there past not one without the putting to death of a great number which so mightily terrified us Portugals that were there present as seeing the commotion very great still over the whole country and no likelyhood that things would of a long time be peaceable we humbly desired the King of Zunda to give us leave to go to our ship which lay in the Port of Bantâ— in regard the season for the voyage to China was already come This King having easily granted our request with an exemption of the customes of our Merchandise presented
every one of us besides with an hundred duckats and to each of the heirs of fourteen of ours which were slain in the war he gave three hundred which we accepted of as a very honorable reward and worthy of a most liberall and good natured Prince Thus went we presently away very well satisfied of him to the Port of Banta and there we remained twelve whole daies together during the which vve made an end of preparing our selves for our voyage After this vve set saile for China in the company of other four ships vvho vvere bound for the same place and vve took along vvith us the same Ioanâ— Rodriguez vvhom vve incountred at Passeruan as I have before declared that had made himself a Brachman of Pagode called Quiay Nacorel and as for him he had named himself Gauxitaâ— Facalâ—m vvhich is as much to say as the Councell of the Saint The same Ioane Rodriguez no sooner arrived at China but he imbarqued himselfe for Malaca vvhere through the grace of God he vvas reconciled anevv to the Catholike faith and after he had continued a year there he died vvith great demonstrations of a good and true Christian vvhereby it seems vve may believe that our Lord received him to mercy since after so many years profession of an infidell he reserved him to come and die in his service for vvhich be he praised for evermore Our five ships then vvith vvhich vve parted from Zunda being arrived at Chincheâ— vvhere the Portugals at that time traded vve abode three moneths and an half there vvith travell and danger enough of our persons for vve vvere in a country vvhere nothing but revolts and mutinies vvere spoken of Withall there vvere great armies afoot all alongst the Coast by reason of many robberies vvhich the Pyrats of Iapon had committed thereabout so that in this disorder there vvas no meanes to exercise any commerce for the Merchants durst not leave their houses to go to Sea By reason of all this vve vvere constrained to passe unto the Port of Chabaquâ—a vvhere vve found at anchor sixscore Iuneks vvho having set upon us took three of our five Vessells vvherein four hundred Christians vvere killed of which fourscore and two vvere Portugals As for the other tvvo Vessells in one of the vvhich I vvas they escaped as it vvere by miracle But because vve could not make to Land by reason of the Easterly vvinds vvhich vvere contrary to us all that same moneth vve vvere constrained though to our great grief to regain the Coast of Iaoa At length after vve had continued our course by the space of tvvo and tvventy daies vvith a great deal of travell and danger vve discovered an Island called Pullo Condor distant eight degrees and one third of heighth from the bar of the Kingdome of Camboya Whereupon as we were even ready to reach it so furious a storm came from the South Coast as we were all in jeopardy to be cast away Neverthelesse driving along we got to the Isle of Lingua where a tempest surprised us at West and South-West with so impetuous a wind as strugling against the billow it kept us from making use of our sails so that being in fear of rocks and shelves of sand which were on the Prow side we steered the other way untill that after some time the Forekeel of our Poup opened within nine hand-bredths of the water which was the cause seeing our selves so neer unto death that we were inforced to cut down our two masts and to cast all our Merchandises into the Sea whereby our Ship was somwhat eased This done vvhereas vve had left our ship the rest of the day and a good part of the night to the mercy of the Sea it pleased our Lord out of an effect of his divine justice that without knowing how or without seeing any thing our ship ran her self against a rock with the death of seventy and tvvo persons This miserable successe so deprived us of all our understanding and forces that not so much as one of us ever thought of any way saving himself as the Chineses whom we had for Mariners in our Junck had done for they had so bestirred themselves all the night long that before it was day they had made a raft of such planks and beams as came to their hands tying them together in such sort with the cordage of their sails that forty persons might abide upon it with ease Now whereas we were all in an imminent danger and in a time wherein as they say the father does nothing for the son nor the son for the father no man took care but for himselfe alone whereof we had a fair example in our Chinese-Mariners whom we accounted but as our slaves for Martin Esteuez the Captain and Master of the Junck having intreated his own servants vvho vvere upon the raft to receive him amongst them they ansvvered him that they could not do it at any hand vvhich coming to the ears of one of ours called Ruy de Moura whereas he could not indure that these persidious villains should use us with so much discourtesie and ingratitude he got him up on his feet from a place where he lay hurt â—nd made unto us a short speech whereby he represented unto us That we were to remember how odious a thing cowardice was and withall how absolutely it imported us to seize upon this rafâ— for the saving of our lives To these words he added many other such like which so incouraged us that with one accord and with one and the same resolution whereunto the present necessity obliged us being but eight and twenty Portugals we set upon the forty Chineses which were upon the raft We opposed our swords then to their iron hatchets and fought so lustily with them as we killed them all in the space of two or three Credoes It is true indeed that of us eight and twenty Portugals sixteen were slain and twelve escaped but so wounded that four of them died the next day This was an accident whereof no doubt the like hath seldome been heard of or seen whereby one may clearly perceive how great the misery of humane life is for it was not twelve hours before when as we all imbraced each other in the ship and behaved our selves like right brethren intending to die for one another and so soon after our sins carried us to such great extremity as hardly sustaining our selves upon four scuâ—vy planks tied together with two ropes we kissed one another with as much barbarisme as if we had been mortall enemies or something worse It is true that the excuse which may be alledged thereupon is that necessity which hath no law compelled us thereunto Whenas we were were Masters of this raft which had cost us and the Chineses so much bloud we set upon it eight and thirty persons of us that we were of which there were twelve Portugals some of their children our servants and the remainder of those that
heaven O Lord Iesus Christ cried he my true Redeemer I beseech thee by the pains which thou hast suffered upon the Crosse to permit that the accusation of these hundred thousand hunger-starved dogs against me may serve to satisfie the chastisement of thy divine justice in my behalf to the end that the inestimable price which thou hast imployed for the salvation of my soule without any merit of mine may not be unprofitable unto me This said he ascended the staires which led to the market place and the Portugal that assisted him told mee how at every step he kissed the ground and called upon the name of IESVS at length when he was come to the top the Manbogoaa who held the Idoll in his armes animating the people with great cries said unto them Whosoever shall not for the honour of this God of the afflicted whom I have here in my armes stone this accursed Serpent let him for ever be miserable and let the braines of his children be consumed in the midst of the night to the end that by the punishment of so great a sinne the righteous judgement of the Lord above may be justified in them He had no sooner made an end of speaking thus but there fell so great a showre of stones on Diego Suarez as in lesse then a quarter of an houre he was buried under them and they that flung them at him did it so indiscreetly as the most part of them hurt one another therewith An houre after they drew forth the poore Diego Suarez from under the stones and with another new tumult of cries and voices they tore him in pieces with so much fury and hatred of the whole people in generall as there was not he which did not believe that he did a charitable and holy work in giving a reward to the most mutinous amongst those which dragged his members and entrailes up and downe the streets This execution done the King willing to confiscate his goods sent men to his house for that purpose where the disorder was so great in regard of the extreme avarice which these hungry dogs had they left not a tile unmoved and because they found not so much as they expected they put all his slaves and servants to torture with such an excesse of cruelty as eight and thirty of them remained dead in the place amongst which were seventeen Portugals who bore the pain of a thing whereof they were not guilty In all this spoile there were no more then six hundred bisses of gold found which are in value three hundred thousand duckats besides some pieces of rich houshold-stuffe but no precious stones nor jewells at all which perswaded men that Diego Suarez had buried all the rest howsoever it could never be found out notwithstanding all the search that was made for it and yet it was verified by the judgement of some who had seene him in his prosperity that he had in meanes above three millions of gold according to the supputation of the country Behold what was the end of the great Diego Suarez whom fortune had so favoured in this Kingdome of Pegu as she had raised him up to the degree of the Kings Brother the highest and most absolute title of all others and given him withall two hundred thousand duckats yearely rent vvith the charge of Generall of eight hundred thousand men and Soveraigne over all the other Governours or Vice-Royes of fourteene Kingdomes which the King of Bramaa had at that time in his possession But it is the ordinary course of the goods of this world especially of such as are ill gotten alwayes to serve for a way to disgraces and misfortunes I return now to the Xemindoo of whom I have not spoken a long time Wheras that Tyrant and avaritious King Xenim de Satan gave daily new increases to the cruelties and tyrannies which he exercised against all sorts of persons never ceasing killing and robbing indifferently those who were thought to have money nor sparing any thing on which he could lay his hands his rapines proceeded so far as it was that in the space of seven moneths only wherin he was peaceable possessor of this Kingdom of Pegu he put to death six thousand very rich Merchants besides many ancient Lords of the Country who by way of right of inheritance held their estates from the Crown These extortions rendered him so odious as the most part of those that were with him abandoned him to side with the Xemindoo who had for him at that time the towns of Digon Meideo Dalaa and Coulam even to the confines of Xaraa from whence he parted in hast to go and besiege this Tyrant with an army of two hundred thousand men five thousand Elephants When he was arrived at the city of Pegu where Xemin de Satan then kept his Court he invested it round about with palisadoes and very strong trenches yea and gave some assaults to it but he could not enter it so easily as he believed in regard of the great resistance he found from them within wherefore judging it requisite for him to alter his mind being prudent as he was he came very subti ly to a truce of twenty dayes with the Tyrant upon certain conditions whereof the principall was that if within the terme of those twenty dayes he gave him a thousand bisses of gold which are in value five hundred thousand Duckats he would desist from the pretension and right which he had to this Kingdome and all this he did as I have already said cunningly hoping by this means to bring him to his bow with lesse perill So the time of the truce beginning to run on all things remained peaceable on either side and the besiegers fell to communicate with the besieged During this pacification every morning two houres before day they of the Xemindooes Camp played after their manner upon divers sorts of instruments very melodiously at the sound whereof all they of the city ran to the walls to see what the matter was Whereupon those instruments ceasing to play a Proclamation was made by a Priest accounted by every man a holy personage who said these words with a very sad voice O ye people ye people unto whom Nature hath given eares to hear hearâ—en to the voice of the holy Captain the Xemindoo of whom God will make use for the restoring you to your liberty and former quiet in order wherunto he admonisheth you from Quiay Niuandel the god of battells of the field Vitau that none of you be so hardy as to lift up your hand against him nor against this holy assembly which he hath made out of a holy zeal towards these people of Pegu as brother that he is to the least of all the poor Otherwise whosoever shall come against the army of these servants of God or shall have the will to do them any harm let him be accursed for it and as deformed and vile as the children of the night who
either part The day following which was a Saturday the seventh of Aprill in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and three about five of the clock in the morning these two Armies began to move but with different intentions for the designe of the Bramaa was to passe the foard and recover an advantageous peece of ground which lay neer to another river and the Xemindoo had a desire to keep him from it and to stop his passage upon this contention some skirmishes ensued which continued most part of the day and wherein about five hundred men on the one side and the other were slain howbeit the advantage remained with the Chaumigrem because he gained the place whereunto he pretented and passed all the night there in banquetting and making great bonfires for this good successe The next day betimes in the morning the Xemindoo King of Pegu presented the battail to his enemyes who did not refuse it so that they incountred one another with all the fury that a cruel hatred is accustomed to kindle in such like cases the two vantgards then vvho vvere the best Soldiers amongst them fell so lustily unto it that in lesse then half an hour all the Field was covered with dead bodies and the Pegues began to lack courage Wherupon the Xemindoo seeing his men give ground came to succor them with a body of three thousand elephants wherewith he set upon the seventy thousand horse so couragiously and to the purpose as the Bramaaes lost all that they had gained which perceived by the Chaumigrem who was better experienced in matters of Warre knowing full well what he was to doe to recover all again made shew of retyring as if he had been vanquished the Xemindoo thereupon who understood not this stratagem and that thought of nothing but the victory pursued his enemie about a quarter of a league but incontinently the Bramaa facing about with all his forces fell upon his enemy with such violence and horrible cryes as not only men but even the very earth and all the other elements seemed to tremble at it By this meanes the conflict renewed in such sort as in a little time the ayre was seen all on fire and the ground watered all over with bloud for the Pegu Lords and Commanders beholding their King so farre ingaged in the battle and likely to lose the day ran instantly to his succor the like did the Panonsaray the Bramaaes brother on his side with fourty thousand men and two thousand elephants so that there ensued betwixt them so bloudy and dreadfull a fight as words are not able to expresse the truth of it wherefore I shall say no more but that half an hour or there about before Sun-set the Army of nine hundred thousand Pegues was utterly discomfited and as it was said four hundred thousand of them were left dead on the place and all the rest or the most part of them grievously wounded which the Xemindoo seeing fled out of the field and so escaped Thus did the victory remain unto the Chaumigrem who thereupon caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu with the same royal Ensignes magnificence and triumph as the other King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan slew had formerly been And in regard it was already night they bestowed the time in no other thing but in dressing the hurt men and keeping good watch in the Camp The next day as soon as it was light all the victorious souldiers as wel wounded as unwounded â—an to the spoil of the dead bodies wherewith divers amongst them were mightily enriched for they found there great store of Gold and Jewels by reason the custome of those Gentiles is as I think I have heretofore delivered to carry all their wealth about them to the War The souldiers being well satisfied in this particular the new King of this miserable Kingdome parted forthwith from the place where he had gotten the Victory and marched towards the Citie of Pegu distant soâ—â— three leagues from thence Now forasmuch as hee would not that day enter into it for certain considerations which I will relate hereafter hee set himself down in the view of it about half a league off in a Plain called Sunday Patir and after he had thus encamped his Army hee gave order for the guard of the four and twenty gates thereof by placing at each of them a Bramaa Commander with five thousand Horse In this manner hee remained there five dayes without being able to resolve to enter into the Citie out of the fear he was in lest the strangers should require of him the pillage of it as indeed he was obliged to grant it to them by the promise which he had made them for it at Tanguu Now the custom of men of War who live but upon their pay being to have regard to nothing but their interests these six Nations seeing the King thus defer his entry into the Citie which they could not brook began to mutinie and this by the instigation of a Portugal named Christonano Surnento a man of a turbulent spirit but otherwise a good and valiant Commander and this mutinie proceeded so far as the King of Bramaa for his own safety was constrained to retire into a Pagode where he fortified himself with his Bramaaes untill that the next morning about nine of the clock hee came to a truce with them and causing them to assemble together from the top of a wall he spake to them in this sort My worthy Friends and valiant Commanders I have caused you to come to this holy resting place of the dead to the end that with a solemn Oath I may discover unto you my intentions whereof with my knees on the ground and my eyes lift up unto heaven I take to witness Quiay Nivandel the God of Battel of the field Vitau beseeching him to be Iudg of this between you and me and to strike me dumb if I do not tell you the truth I very well remember the promise I made you at Tanguu which was to give you the pillage of this tumultuous Citie as well because I believed your valor would be as it were the minister of my revenge as in some sort to satisfie your avarice whereunto I know you are naturally very much inclined Now having given you this promise for a gage of my faith I acknowledg that I am altogether obliged not to break my word with you But when on the other side I come to consider the great inconveniences which may accrue to me thereby and the strict account which I shall one day render for it before the equitable and rigorous justice of the Lord above I must confesse unto you that I am very much affraid of charging my self with so heavie a burthen wherefore Reason advises me to render my self â—aulty towards men rather then to fall into the displeasure of God Besides it is not reasonable that the innocent should pay for the guilty and of whom I am sufficiently
for the King our Soveraign Lord vvas thus handled by Don Antonio if the report of it be true Finally when the season of Navigation was come he was sent so manacled as he was to the Indiaes with an infamous verball process which the Parliament of Goa annulled afterwards And Don Antonio had thereupon an expresse Commandment from the Vice-Roy Don Pedro de Mascarenhas who governed the State of the Indiaes at that time to appear personally before him as a Prisoner for to be confronted in judgment with Gaspar Iorge and render an account of his proceeding against him as indeed Don Antonio failed not in making his appearance at Goa accordingly where being about to justifie himself for that which had past he was ordered to answer within three dayes to an ignominious Libel which Gaspar Iorge had exhibited against him But forasmuch as Don Antonio was naturally an enemy of Justifications by Answers and Replyes whereby it was said the Councellors of the Parliament intended to surprize him the report went at least wise such was the saying of Detractors for as for me I neither saw nor am assured of it that in stead of imploying the three dayes which had been given him in making answer to this Libell hee vvithin four and twenty hours having met accidentally vvith Gaspar Iorge sent him to prosecute his Suit in the other World laying him so sure on the ground as he never rose again Howbeit there are those vvhich recount this Affair quite otherwise and that say how in a Feast vvhereunto he was invited hee vvas poysoned By this death of his all this difference vvas decided and this businesse vvholly ceased so that Don Antonio vvas by Sentence absolutely cleared and sent back to his Government wherein he continued not above two months and a half at the end vvhereof he died of a bloody Flux and so vvere all the storms of envie and discord vvherewith the Fortresse of Malaca had been beaten appeased When the season was come vvherein vve might continue our Voyage on the first day of April in the year One thousand five hundred fifty and five wee parted from Malaca after vvee had imbarqued our selves in a Carvel belonging to the King our Soveraign Lord which Don Antonio the Captain of the Fortresse gave us by the expresse command of the Vice-Roy Three dayes after our putting to sea we arrived at an Island called Pulho Pisan at the entering into the Streight of Sincaapura where the Pilot having never navigated that way before ran us with full sails so dangerously on certain Rocks as we thought our selves to be utterly lost without all hope of recovery In regard whereof by the advice of all the rest the Father and I were constrained to get into a Manchua for to go and demand succour of one Luis Dalmeida who two hours before had passed by us in a Vessell of his and lay at anchor two leagues off us by reason the winde was against him So the Father and I made to him with peril enough For whereas all that Country which appertained to the King of Iantana Grand-childe to him that had been King of Malaca our mortall Enemy were at that time in arms his Balons and Lanchares that were assembled in a Fleet of Warr continually gave us chase with an intention to take us but by Gods providence we escaped them At length after we had got to this ship with no little fear and trouble he that was Captain of her furnished us with a Boat and Mariners and so we returned to our Carvel as speedily as we could for to succour and draw her out of the danger wherein we had left her But it pleased the Lord that we found her the day after delivered from it though it is true that she took in water abundantly in the prow's side but in the end we stanched it at Patana where we arrived seven dayes after There I went ashore with two others to see the King unto whom I delivered a Letter from the Captain of Malaca and being received very graciously by him he read it over whereby he understood that the cause of our coming thither was to provide our selves of victuals and some other things which we had not taken in at Malaca as also that we were resolved to proceed on in our course directly to China and from thence to Iapan where Father Belquior and others with him were to preach the Christian Law to the Gentiles vvhich the King of Patana having read after he had mused a little he turned to them that were about him and said smiling to them O how much better were it for these men since they expose themselves to so many travels to go to China and inrich themselves there then to recount tales in strange Countreys Whereupon calling the Xabandar to him Be sure said he unto him that thou givest these men here all that they shall demand of thee and that for the love of the Captain of Malaca who hath greatly recommended them unto mee and above all remember That it is not my custome to command a thing twice When we had taken leave of the King exceedingly contented with the good reception he had given us we fell presently to buying of Victuals and other such things as we stood in need of So that in eight dayes we were abundantly furnished with whatsoever was necessary for us Being departed from this Haven of Patana we sailed two dayes together with a South-east winde along by the coast of Lugor and Siam traversing the Barr of Cuy to go to Pulho Cambim and from thence to the Islands of Canton with an intent there to attend the conjunction of the new Moon But it was our ill fortune to be surprized by East and South-east winde which raign in that Coast the most part of the year whereof the violence was so great that we were in fear to be cast away so that to decline the event thereof we were forced to tack about again to the Coast of Malaya and arriving at an Island called Pullo Timan we ran into great danger there as well by reason of the tempest which we had upon the sea as in regard of the great treason of the people of the Country Now after five dayes that we had continued there without having either fresh water or victuals because for the easing of our Vessell we had cast out all into the Sea it pleased God that wee encountred with three Portugal Ships which came from Sunda by whose arrivall we were very much comforted in our travels Whereupon Father Belquior and I began to treat with the Captains of those Vessâ—ls about that which they thought was requisite we should do and all were of the opinion that we should send back the Carvel wherein wee vvere to Malaca saying that there was no likelihood wee should be able to make so long a Voyage in her as that of Iapan Having approved of this counsel we presently imbarqued our selves in the Ship of one
for they demolished and burnt all that they could find they put to death withall twelve hundred Christians amongst the which were eight hundred Portugals who were all burned alive in five and twenty ships and two and forty Juncks It is said that in this common ruine there was lost to the value of two millions of Gold as well in Lingots Pepper Sandal Cloves Mace and Nutmeggs as in other Commodities and all these desasters arrived by the ill conscience and little judgment of an avaricious Portugal Now from this misfortune was another farre greater derived which was that we lost our credit and reputation so mightily over all the Country as the inhabitants would no longer endure the sight of us saying that we were divels incarnate ingendred by the malediction of the wrath of God for the punishment of sinners This hapned in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two Martim Alfonso de Sousa being Governor of the Indiaes and Ruy Van Pereyra Marramaque Captain of Malaca Two years after the Portugals desiring to make another new Colony in a Port called Chincheo in the same Kingdome of China five leagues lower then Liampoo with an intention to settle their trade there the Merchants of the Country coming to consider what great profit would redound to them thereby intreated the Mandarins to make shew of permitting it and obliged them thereunto with many great presents we had commerce then with those of the Country about two yeares and an half untill such time as by the expresse command of Simano de Mello Captain of the Fortresse there was sent into this place another man of the same humor as Lancerote Pereyra was of unto whom the said Simano de Mello gave a commission to be Governor of this Port of Chincheo and Provisor of the Deceased but the bruit went of him that the extream covetuousnesse wherewith he was possest made him lay hands on all things without any the least respect to ought whatsoever It hapned then that in his time there arrived in the Port of Chincheo a stranger by nation an Armenian who was held by every one for a very good Christian This man who had an estate of ten or twelve thousand duckets and being a Christian as I have said and a stranger as we were passed out of a Mahometans Junck wherein he was into the ship of a Portugal named Luis de Montaroyo Now having lived some six or seven months very peaceably amongst us and much respected and favored of every one he chanced to â—all sick of a feaver whereof he died but before he gave up the Ghost he declared by his Testament that he had a wife and children in a town of Armenia called Gaborem and that of his twelve thousand duckets estate he left two thousand to the Hospitall at Malaca and for the rest he desired it might be kept in safe hands untill there were an opportunity to have consigned it unto his children as to his lawfull heirs and in case they were dead he left it to the Hospitall Behold what was the Testament of this faithfull Christian who was no sooner buried but Ayrâ—z Botelho de Sousa Provisor of the dead seized on all his estate without making any Inventorie or other kind of accompt saying that before any farther proceeding therein they were to send to make enquiry in Armenia which was above two thosand leagues from thence to see whether there were not some ingagements or seizure of Justice upon it There arrived also at the same time two Chinese Merchants who had to the value of three thousand duckets in silk peeces of damaske musk and porcelaines appertaining to the deceased Armenian the Provisor arrested them all and not contented therewith he would needs make the Chineses beleeve that all the merchandise which they had belonged also unto the Armenian so that under the pretext thereof he took eight thousand duckets from them and bid them go to Goa and there demand justice of the Provisor Generall by reason he could do no otherwise then he did for that he was obliged to deal in that sort by the duty of his Charge Now not to stand upon the delivering of the reasons which in vain were alledged by them against this injustice of his I will only say that these two Merchants returning home without any of their merchandise went with their Wives and Children and casting themselves at the Chaems feet represented unto him in a Petition the whole businesse as it past informing him moreover that we were men quite-void of the fear of God The Chaem willing to do justice then to these Merchants and to many others which had formerly complained against us caused it to be every where proclamed that no man on pain of death should converse with us whereupon the scarcity of victuals came to be so great amongst us as that which was wont to be bought for six blanks was then worth above a ducket so that necessity constrained us to go unto certain hamlets whereupon ensued such disorders as all the Country rose up against us with so much hatred and fury that sixteen daies after we were set upon by an Army of an hundred and twenty very great Juncks which intreated us in that manner for our sins as ofthirteen ships which we had in the Port there was not one that was not burnt and of five hundred Portugals which were abiding in the Country thirty only escaped who had not the worth of a penny left them From these two sad histories recounted by me I inferre that it seemes the Affairs which we have now in China and the tranquillity and confidence wherewith we live there supposing that the treaties of peace which we have with them be firm and assured wil last but til our sins shal serve for motives to the inhabitants of the Country to mutine against us which God of his infinite mercy permit not for the time to come To return again now to my former discourse you must understand that after we were arrived at the Port of Lampacau as I have declared before we could not meet with any vessel that was bound for Iapan so that we were constrained to passe another year too in this Port with a design in May following which was ten months off to continue our voyage as we had resolved Father Belquior and I perceiving that there was no hope of going to Iapan this yeare as well for that the season was past as for other inconveniences that fell out we were forced to stay in this Iland till the time should serve for us to make our voyage thither Having continued there then til the seventeenth of Feb. following certain news came to us from Cantan that on the third day of the same month the Province of Sansy had been swallowed up in the manner ensuing The first day of Frebruary the earth fel a trembling from eleven til one of the clock at night and the next day from midnight til two in the