by the Scripture Iob 26.7 He hangeth the earth upon nothing then not upon the waters Psal. 104.5 He hath set the earth upon her foundation c. that it cannot be moved the earth hath no foundation but of it owne by the word of God and seeing the earth is immoveable it is not like to be founded upon the waters which are moveable QVEST. XV. Whether the dry land was caused to appeare upon the second or third day Vers. 9. GOd said againe 1. Some thinke that this was part of the second dayes worke the causing of the dry land to appeare as Aben Ezra to whom subscribeth Mercerus their reasons are these 1. because it is said Gen. 2.4 that in one day God made the heavens and the earth Ans. This is spoken of the heaven and earth which were made in the beginning on the first day Gen. 1.1 2 because the approbation of this worke omitted before in the second day is inserted here vers 10. Answ. This approbation God saw that it was good is omitted before not because Gehenna was made the second day and thâ— Angels fell then as the Hebrewes imagine nor because two is the beginning of division as Hierome for this division was good whereas the creatures were in confusion before nor yet for that the second dayes worke was not yet ended as Aben Ezra but because the worke begun upon the second day was finished upon the third For the which cause this approbation is omitted in the first verse when as yet the heavens and earth were created in their â—ude and imperfect state 2. It is therefore more probable that this appearing of the drie land was part of the third dayes worke and that the second dayes worke was finished not so much because this worke beginneth with vaiomer and God said which is used sometime in the beginning of a new worke upon the same day as vers 26. but for that vers 8. this conclusion is added the evening and the morning was the second day which is an evident distinction of the severall dayes workes To say with Aben Ezra that an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here to be admitted that to be set downe last which was done first is to force and racke the story QVEST. XVI Of the divers kinds of trees and plants created out of the earth Vers. 11. THen God said let the earth bud forth c. 1. God caused the earth to bring forth these things without helpe of the Sunne or Starres which were not yet made as hee caused the light to shine in the first day without the ordinarie instrument thereof the Sunne Iun. 2. Although God speaketh to the earth yet it hath no understanding or will to obey as some Philosophers imagine but God worketh this by his power Mercer 3. Here are three kindes of plants and fruits brought out of the earth the bud the herb the tree which some distinguish into herbs shrubs and trees Vatablus maketh the bud and herb to be all one the first so called in the sprouting thereof the other in the perfection but they differ rather thus desheh is that kinde which the earth bringeth forth of it owne accord gnesheh that which beareth seed and is set and planted by the industry of man gnetz is that kinde of greater plants which are called trees Iun. 4. Whereas the earth is bid to bring forth gnetz peri the tree of fruit Rob. Sel. his note is ridiculous that God would have had the trees to bee all fruit and not only bearing fruit and because the earth did not bring forth such it was afterward accursed Likewise R. Isaak his collection is curious that would have this clause understood only of the trees of paradise as though there were no fruit-bearing trees without paradise Mercer 5. Neither had the earth onely power given to bring forth these kindes of fruits but it both brought them forth in act and had power given to continue the propagation of them Mercer Calvin And therefore it is added fruitfull trees bearing fruit that is which even then came forth with fruit for the present use of man Iun. 6. Neither yet as Basil thinketh all trees were made fruitfull in the beginning which afterward became barren when the earth was cursed But either Moses speaketh of the fruitfull trees as more principall or even those trees which beare not fruit yet because they are profitable for medicine or other uses may also be numbred among the fruitfull trees or rather they may bee comprehended among those trees that beare their seed though no fruit of such kinde are ashes willowes and such like QVEST. XVII Whether the world were created in the spring or autumne Vers. 12. ANd the earth brought forth the bud of herb Some would prove by this that the world was made in the Autumne because the trees were created with ripe fruit Concerning this matter there are three opinions 1. Mercator thinketh that the world was made in Iulie and his chiefe reason is taken from Noahs floud where the beginning of the yeere he would have to bee in Julie because in the eleventh moneth which he supposeth to bee in May when the olive beginneth to put forth the dove brought greene olive leaves Contra. 1. There is no mention made of greene leaves Gen. 8.11 the word is gnaloh which Hierome translateth elsewhere frondes olivae branches of olive Nehem. 8.16 such as they made bowers of and the Septuagint cals it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a dry stalke it might be then some branch of the olive tree rather than the leaves 2. Admit that the branch or stalke had leaves this is no argument of the spring in May for the olive loseth not her leaves as other trees Plin. lib. 16. c. 20. and therefore as Chrysostome thinketh the olive might remaine greene under the water for it is unlike that the olive in seven dayes should have new leaves for seven dayes before the dove was sent forth and could finde nothing 2 Other doe thinke that the world was made in the Autumne in the moneth Tisri 1. because that moneth was the beginning of the yeere as Iosephus thinketh before Moses by a new institution appointed Nisan which answereth to part of March and April to be the first moneth and therefore it is called the end of the yeere Exod. 34.22 from whence they began the account of the Jubile 2. And beside they use this as another reason because in the autumne the fruit of trees and plants as grapes apples are ripe and not before Contra. 1. It might bee that the Israelites accounted the beginning of their yeere according to the manner of the Egyptians among whom they lived who began their yeere in the moneth Ptho which answereth to September as the Athenians did in the moneth Hecatombaion which is in June but it cannot bee shewed that this reckoning was observed from the beginning It is indeed called the end of the yeere because all the fruit of
words of Adam as Epiphanius thinketh or immediatly uttered by the Lord to Adam but of Moses directed by the spirit of God who inserteth here a perpetuall law concerning marriage 2. The man is said to leave father and mother either comparatively and in degree that he is rather to leave them than his wife Oecolamp or conditionally if they shall seeke to dissolve the knot of marriage therein the sonne is to leave them Muscul. as also the leaving of the father and mother signifieth the erecting of a new family as the Chalde readeth hee shall leave his father and mothers bed for the ancient use was for children unmarried to lye in their parents chambers Mercer 3. They shall be one flesh not only in respect of carnall copulation as R. Sel. for so bruit beasts may be said to bee one flesh but in respect of their perpetuall society the conjunction both of their bodies and minds Now whereas the Apostle saith that he which is joyned to an harlot is one flesh the Apostle there applieth not that which is proper to marriage to fornication but sheweth what injury they doe to marriage which commit fornication yeelding that to harlots which is peculiar to wives to be made one flâ—sh with them And yet this difference there is that the man and wife are joyned together both in flesh and spirit as it followeth in the same place he that is joyned to the Lord is one spirit 1 Cor. 6.17 but the harlot though joyned in body is severed in heart and affection QVEST. XLV How man was not ashamed of his nakednesse Vers. 25. THey were both naked and were not ashamed 1. Adam was not ashamed not as some Hebrewes say because Heva was of his owne flesh for afterward they were one ashamed to behold the nakednesse of another neither doth Moses set them forth as impudent and unshamefast persons such as the Adamites are pretending this example companying together like bruit beasts but this nakednesse of their bodies sheweth the nakednesse and simplicity of their minds for shame is the fruit of sin and therefore before sinne entred they were not ashamed 2. Some thinke that there remaineth yet in children that are not ashamed of their nakednesse some shadow of our first estate but children are therein unshamefast for want of reason as the like is to be seene in bruit beasts But in the kingdome of heaven we shall be all naked and without shame as Adam was and without feare or danger of sinne which Adam was not 3. Further notwithstanding their nakednesse they should not have beene offended with the weather either heat or cold not that their skin was like unto the nailes of the fingers as R. Eliezer thinketh which waâ— taken away after their fall but God would have so tempered the elements and the quality of their bodies as that all things should have beene serviceable unto them 4. The places of doctrine 1. Doct. The Dominicall or Lords day is grounded not upon tradition or Ecclesiasticall institution but upon the scriptures IN that the Lord sanctified the seventh day and made it a day of rest we inserre that as the Sabbath kept then upon the seventh day in remembrance of the creation was of the Lords institution so the Lords day is now observed by he same authority in remembrance of the resurrection of Christ and our redemption by the same contrary to the Rhemists who count the observation of the Lords day but a tradition of the Church and Ecclesiasticall institution Rhemist Matth. 15. sect 3. Our reasons are these 1. The observation of a Sabbath or day of rest unto the Lord is commanded in the moral law which is perpetuall and not to be abrogated if this bee denied it will follow that there are but nine commandemets if that of sanctifying the Sabbath doe not binde now And although wee observe not now the same day for our Sabbath which the Jewes did yet the seventh day we keepe still retaining the substance of the law which is to keepe one day holy of seven The manner of computation and account of seven where to begin where to end and to bee tied to the very same prescript of the day was ceremoniall and a circumstance of the law and in that behalfe doth not conclude us 2. That which was by the holy Apostles by precept enjoyned and by example observed was of a divine institution thus the Lords day is prescribed by Saint Paul 1 Cor. 16.2 where the Apostle enjoyneth them to make collection for the poore in their meetings upon the first day of the weeke which then began to be observed for the Lords day he himselfe also Act. 20.7 observeth the same day and preacheth in it Saint Iohn calleth it the Lords day Revel 1.10 3. Every symbole significative or representing signe mentioned in scripture had a divine institution but so is the Sabbath a symbole or type of our everlasting rest Heb. 4.9 There remaineth therefore sabbatismus a sabbath rest to the people of God which words doe conclude that both the type remaineth that is a sabbatisme and the signification of the type everlasting rest 4. No constitution of the Church doth simply bind in conscience for Gods commandements only do so bind Iam. 1.12 There is one law giver which is able to save and destroy but the keeping of the Lords day bindeth in conscience for therein we are commanded not to doe our owne wayes nor to seeke our owne will nor to speake a vaine word Isay 38.13 which duties are alwayes commanded so especially upon the Lords day but these precepts the observation whereof is properly incident to the Lords day doe bind in conscience Ergo. c. 5. If the Lords day were but a tradition of the Church there should be no difference betweene that and other festivall dayes but all of the like necessity and with as great strictnesse are to be observed and kept these as the other But that were very absurd seeing we find the Lords day by the Apostles to have beene observed whereas no mention at all is made of the other in the scriptures and the Church of God in her practice hath alwayes made a difference betweene the observation of the Lords day and other festivals enjoyning that with greater devotion alwayes to be celebrated than the rest 6. This also hath beene the constant doctrine of the Church of God and the judgement of the fathers that the Lords day is of the Lords institution as may appeare by this sentence of Augustine Dominicum diem apostoli apostoliâ—i virâ—religiosa sanctitate habendum sanxerunt c. The Lords day the Apostles and Apostolicall men have ordained with religious holinesse to bee kept because in the same our Redeemer rose from the dead and therefore it is called the Dominicall or Lords day that in it we onely may attend upon the divine service this is the first day in the world in it were created the elements
Lot refuseth to goe to the mountaines Vers. 20. SEe now this City hereby c. 1. Neither was this done in mystery that Lot refused the mountaine to dwell in Zoar to signifie as Gregory collecteth that a low humble and meane life is to bee preferred before high places 2. neither did Lot refuse the high places because of the craggy rockes and steepe hils which are to bee seene in the mountaines of Engaddi 3. But Lot himselfe giveth two reasons why he preferreth Zoar before the mountaines one in respect of himselfe because the City was hard by and he might sooner escape thither than to the mountaine the other in behalfe of the City he intreateth for it because it was but a little one and not likely to bee so wicked as the more populous Cities QVEST. XVII How the Lord saith I can doe nothing Vers. 22. I Can doe nothing c. 1. Some apply this to the Angels which could not exceed Gods commission Muscul. 2. Some to Christ in respect of his humanity to be assumed 3. But it is better understood of Christ as hee is God neither doth this restraine the power of God which is no otherwise executed but according to his will hee cannot because hee will not neither can change his decree concerning the saving and delivering of Lot as in the like phrase of speech it is said in the Gospell that Christ could doe no great workes in his owne countrey because of their unbeleefe Mark 6.5 for like as the Lord promiseth and purposeth a blessing to the faithfull as here deliverance to Lot so he hath decreed to with-hold it from unbeleevers 4. The Hebrewes doe here but trifle that the Angell is here deprived of his power because hee did arrogate it to himselfe v. 13. and that they were deprived of their ministry 138. yeares till Iacobs ladder QVEST. XVIII Of the name of the City Zoar. Vers. 22. THe name of the City was called Zoar. 1. It is then corruptly called Segor as the Latine and Septuagint read 2. Theodoret also is deceived that saith Segor signifieth the opening of the earth because the earth swallowed up the inhabitants of this City for that is the signification of Bela which was before the name of the place Gen. 14.2 derived of the word balaug to swallow or devoure 3. The right etymology then of the word is here given by Lot because it was tsegnar a little one 4. This was an happy change not only of the name but of the condition and state of the City before it had the name of destruction but now it is called little that it might put them in mind of Gods mercy in sparing of the City for that time at Lots request Muscul. QVEST. XIX How the Lord rained from the Lord. Vers. 24. THe Lord rained brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven c. 1. This is not all one to say the Lord rained fire from himselfe as Vatablu◠Oleaster with others that note this to be a phrase of the Hebrewes to put nownes for pronownes as Gen. 4. Lamech saith heare ô ye wives of Lamech for my wives 2. Neither doth it only signifie that this was an extraordinary and miraculous raine caused by the Lord himselfe beside the course of naturall causes as Cajetane 3. But this place was well urged by the fathers to prove the eternity of Christ that the Lord Christ to whom the father hath committed all judgement did raine from Jehovah his father Thus the fathers applied this text Iustinus Tertullian Cyprian Epiphanias Cyril with others Thus Marcus Arethusus in the Syrinian Councell did godlily interpret this place against the heresie of Photinus that held Christ not to have beene before his mother 4. For thus the Lord hath tempered the Scriptures that beside the literall sense in divers places of the old testament the mystery of the Trinity is insinuated Gen. as Let us make man Psal. 1. This day have I begotten thee which the Jewes understand literally the first they say is but a phrase of speech the second uttered of David But to our understanding the mystery of the Trinity is here revealed QVEST. XX. Of the raine of fire and brimstone the beginning and manner thereof RAined brimstone and fire 1. This was a miraculous and extraordinary raine wherein fell together fire and brimstone as a fit matter to disperse the fire and salt also as it may bee gathered Deut. 29.23 The land shall burne with brimstone and salt and it may bee that water powred downe also whence was gathered the dead sea remaining to this day 2. This raine came from heaven that is the upper region of the aire the place for fiery meteors and it is not unlike but that the nature of the soile being full of pitch and slime and other combustible matter Gen. 14.10 did much increase the combustion though Strabo be deceived who thinketh that this fierce fire did break out first from the earth lib. 17. 3. This was a fit punishment for this wicked people that as they burned with unnaturall lust so they should be consumed with unnaturall fire Gregor 4. The subversion of these cities was very sudden it was done as Ieremy saith in a moment Lament 4.6 And Abraham rising up early in the morning saw onely the smoake and not the falling of the fire and yet the sunne was but in rising when it began to raine fire and brimstone Gen. 19.24 28. by the breake of day the Angell hastened Lot forward v. 15. betweene which and the Sun rising one may goe foure miles as the Hebrewes 5. Of all examples of Gods judgements this is the most fearefull in Scripture 1. because of the strange punishment 2. the suddennesse of their destruction 3. The perpetuall monument thereof to this day 4. And it was a forerunner of everlasting fire and perdition Iude v. 7. QUEST XXI How many Cities were destroyed with Sodome Vers. 24. VPon Sodome and Gomorrhe 1. Neither were these two cities onely destroyed as Solinus 2. Nor yet tenne cities as Stephanus or thirteene as Strabo 3. nor five as Lyranus Theodoretus who thinke that Zoar also was destroyed after Lots departure 4. But it is most like that onely foure cities were overthrowne Sodome Gomorrhe Admah Zeboim for these onely are rehearsed Deut. 29.23 for Zoar was preserved by the intercession of Lot v. 21. I will not overthrow this citie for the which thou hast spoken and it was known by the name of Zoar in Isayas time cap. 15. 5. Hierome also maketh mention of it in his dayes and saith Sola de quinque Sodomorum urbib precib Lot preservatae est it was onely of the five cities of the Sodomites preserved by the prayer of Lot 5. But whereas it is said Sapient 10.6 that the fire came downe vpon the five cities the word is pentapolis which is taken joyntly for the whole region wherein the five cities stood not for the five cities severally ex Perer.
arguments Pharaoh might well have perceived that they were but counterfeit workers and that Moses onely was the true Prophet and they imposters and deceivers Perer. In the next place the plagues which were sent upon Egypt come to be handled and first certaine generall questions are to be premitted Certaine generall questions concerning the plagues of Egypt QUEST XXV Of the number of the plagues of Egypt FIrst for the number of these plagues it is certaine they were these ten the turning of the water into bloud the bringing of frogs of lice of swarmes of noysome flies the murrane of cattell biles and botches thunder haile and lightning grashoppers the thicke darknesse the slaughter of the first borne 2. These plagues in other places of Scripture are neither rehearsed in the same number nor order as Psal. 78. there are omitted the third of lice the sixth of botches the ninth of darknesse and in the 115. Psal. two are passed over in silence the first of the murrane of cattell and the sixt of the botches 3. Hence it is evident that Austen is deceived who thinketh that there were more than ten plagues because according to the Septuagint whom the vulgar Latine followeth it is said Psal. 78.46 He gave their fruits to the mildew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and vers 47. He killed their wild fig-trees with the hoary frost and vers 48. Hee gave their possession to the fire But these three doe belong to the other plagues for in the first plague according to the originall we must reade He gave their fruits to the caterpiller for the word is chasil In the next the word chanamal signifieth hailestones so this is referred to the seventh plague of lightning and haile as the other to the eight plague of locusts and in the third place the best reading is Hee gave their sheep lareshaphim to burning coales that is to the thunderbolts which was part of the seventh plague QUEST XXVI The greatnesse of the plagues of Egypt how the Egyptians were every way punished FUrther let it be observed that the Egyptians were every way plagued Philo noteth that the number of ten signifieth perfection and so their plagues were perfect and absolute True it is that their punishment was indeed absolute howsoever the observation of the number seemeth somewhat curious 1. they were punished by all kind of creatures as by the elements the earth the water ayre fire by living creatures as frogges lice caterpillars flies by the starres in that the light was restrained they were punished by men as Moses and Aaron that were instruments of the plagues And by the Angels the Ministers of the plagues Psalm 78.44 2. They were punished in all things wherein they delighted in all manner of fruit in their cattell in their bodies in their children 3. They were punished in all their senses in their sight by that thicke darkenesse and the horrible sights which appeared as it is noted Wisdom 17.6 7. in their taste by the waters turned into bloud and their thirst in their smelling by the stinch of the frogges and of their ulcers in their feeling by the griefe of their ulcers and the biting of flies and vermin in their hearing by the terrible thunder in their inward sense by feare and terror And to make up the full measure of their punishments they were overthrowne and drowned in the red sea Ex Perer. QUEST XXVII Where the plagues of Egypt and to what place they were first sent COncerning the place 1. all Egypt generally was smitten chap. 3.20 which is called the land of Cham Psalm 105. because Mizraim which was the father of the Egyptians and in Hebrew Egypt is so called Mizraim was one of Chams sonnes Gen. 10. But whereas it is said Psalm 78.12 Hee did marvellous things in the land of Zohan which the Septuagints call Tanis there was the Kings seat and there first the plagues began the head is first smitten then the members and from thence the plagues passed over all Egypt And it is said in the fields of Zohan because all Egypt was as a plaine Ex Perer. QUEST XXVIII At what time the plagues were sent upon Egypt FOr the time when the plagues were sent 1. Iulius Africanus is deceived who thinketh that Egypt was plagued at the same time when Ogyges floud was but that cannot be for he maketh that floud 1020. yeeres before the Olympiades which began in the eighth yeere of Achaz King of Judah unto which time from the plagues of Egypt there are not above 763. yeeres 2. Paulus Orosius commeth neerer the truth lib. 1.9.10 that these plagues came upon Egypt in the time of Deucalions floud when most part of the inhabitants of Thessalia were destroyed a few escaping unto the hill Pernassus where Deucalion raigned About the same time the Sunne parched the world with burning heate not onely in Aethiopia and other hill countries but in Scythia and others under cold climates which gave occasion unto the Poets fabulous fiction of Phaeton 3. These plagues were from the beginning of the world 2483. yeeres from Noahs floud 797. before the battell of Troy which happened in the time of Sampson or Heli 356. yeeres before the first Olympiade 763. yeeres before the building of Rome 789. yeeres Ex Pererio QUEST XXIX In what time all the plagues were finished FOr the time how long the ten plagues continued and in what space they were finished 1. The Hebrewes thinke whom Genebrard followeth that these plagues were all sent upon Egypt not in lesse time than of twelve moneths with some respite betweene every plague 2. Some thinke that these plagues continued the space of ten moneths taking beginning when the Sunne entred into Cancer about the twelfth of June and ending in the vernall equinoctiall about the fourteenth of March when the first borne were slaine the first miracle in the turning of the waters they would have done when Nilus beginneth to increase which is when the Sunne entreth into Cancer and so Nilus continueth in his increasing forty dayes and forty dayes more it decreaseth eighty dayes therefore after the first plague when Nilus being abated leaveth a great slime behind they thinke the second plague of frogges was sent Borrh. But these conjectures are very uncertaine and improable for first whereas during the first plague they are said to have digged round about the river chap. 7.17 this could they not have done in the overflowing of Nilus 2. Though the slime had beene a fit matter naturally for the procreation of frogs yet their plagues were extraordinary and beyond the worke of nature and the text sheweth that the frogs came not out of the slime but out of the river chap. 8.3 3. Beside if there had beene such respite given Pharaoh betweene plague and plague the hand of God had not beene so strong upon Pharaoh as now when they followed one in the necke of another 3. Pererius bringeth them all within the compasse of 27. dayes or about a moneth which
evening by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 morning it cannot be avoided but that S. Matthew meaneth the morning and till the morning of the third day Christ was not risen therefore Pererius without cause findeth fault here with Thostatus yet notwithstanding in this place the eventide or twilight is not taken any of these three waies but properly for the shutting in of the day QUEST X. Of the time when the Passeover should be killed betweene the two evenings BUt what should be here meant by the two evenings there are divers opinions 1 Some take these two evenings for the two twilights of the evening and morning Lippoman But that cannot be for so he alloweth the whole night for the killing of the paschall lambe which was to bee counted with the fifteenth day following whereas they are commanded to kill the Passeover on the 14. day at even 2. Masâ—uâ— in 5. Iosua reporteth this to be the opinion of most of the Hebrewes that the evening is to be taken from the first declining of the sunne in the afternoone untill it set and they are the two evenings the first when the sunne beginneth to turne in the afternoone the other when it is in the setting so also Rabbi Salomon But this seemeth to be somewhat hard to take halfe the day for the evening for after the sunne beginneth to decline there is much day behind as it is called Gen. 29.7 haioâ— gadol which cannot be said to be any part of the evening 3. Some doe take these two evenings the one to begin at the sunne set the other when it beginneth to be night and the space betweene which we call the twilight to be those two evenings Aben Ezra Oleaster Bâ—rrh Which space they define to containe about an houre and a third part Pellican But this interpretation cannot hold for after the sunne set began the 15. day to be counted when they were first to eat unleavened bread Levit. 29.9 which was upon the eve of the fourteenth day chap. 12.18 that is presently following the 14. day but they were to kill the paschall lambe upon the 14. day before the 15. day came so the times must be distinguished betweene the killing of the lambe which was betweene the two eventides upon the 14. day and the eating thereof with unleavened bread which was in the evening following after the sunne set Perer. 4. Wherefore there remaineth a fourth exposition which is this They divided the naturall day from sun to sun into foure parts which each of them containeth three houres and the first part was from the breake of day for the three first houres and was called of the last houre tertia the third houre the second part sexta the sixth houre the third nona the ninth houre and the fourth from thence unto night and was called vespera the evening the first evening was toward the sunne set some two houres before Cajetanus or three and the other at the sun set in this space they were to kill the paschall lambe of this opinion is Iosephus a most expert and skilfull man in the Jewish rites and observations who writeth that the Priests used to kill the paschall sacrifice from the ninth houre to the eleventh lib. 7. de bel Iud. c. 17. and it seemeth that in the twelfth houre which was the last they did rost and dresse the lambe and after sun set eat it And this interpretation may be thus further confirmed 1. Because they were to kill the paschall lambe on the 14. day but after the sunne was set the fifteenth day began Perer. 2. If they should not have killed the lambe till the sunne set they should not seeme to have sufficient time the night then comming upon them to kill the lambe dresse and prepare it 3. The example of our Saviour doth warrant it who sent his Disciples before the evening to prepare the Passeover and when even was come he sate downe with the twelve to eat it Matth. 26.14 The Passeover was killed and made readie before the evening came Masius 4. Beside the phrase of Scripture doth also approve and justifie this interpretation for when as our Saviour fed the five thousand before they sat downe it is said the even was come Matth. 14.11 when the sun was not yet set for the time would not then have served to have placed them all upon the ground and given them all bread there being so few servitors none but Christs Disciples and beside S. Marke saith this was done when the day was farre spent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chap. 6.35 This then was one evening when the sunne began to draw low then afterward it is said When the evening was come Christ was in the mountaine alone Matth. 14.23 this was the other evening when the sunne was set Perer. Iun. Simler QUEST XI Whether the Passeover was killed in the first evening when the foureteenth day began or the latter BUt whereas the Hebrewes counted the dayes and so observed their Feasts from evening to evening so that every day civill had two evenings the one where it began the other where it ended the question is whether the paschall lambe were to be killed on the evening when the 14. day began or when it ended But it doth evidently appeare that was to be killed in the end of the 14. day and so in the latter evening and not in the first 1. Because they were commanded to eat unleavened bread in the end of the 14. day at even chap. 12.18 when the fifteenth day began for they were not to eat unleavened bread till the fifteenth day Levit. 13.6 But if they were to take the first evening when the fourteenth day began then they were to eat unleavened bread all the 14. day 2. Againe it is said that they should eat the flesh the same night with unleavened bread that is the same night after they killed the Passeover but if they killed it the evening before when the 14. day began then they did eat unleavened bread upon the 14. day and so eight dayes in all for from the evening before the 14. day till the evening after the 21. day are eight dayes but they were commanded onely to eat unleavened bread seven dayes from the 14. at even till the 21. day at even chap. 12.18 3. Beside the practice of our Saviour Christ sheweth how the Passeover was to bee kept according to the law hee did eat the Passeover the same night wherein he was betraied 1 Cor. 11.23 and the next day he suffered which was the 15. day of the moneth for it is the generall received opinion that Christ suffered upon the 15. day of the first moneth insomuch that Beda saith Nulli licet dubitare Christiano No Christian ought to doubt thereof it must be then of all confessed that Christ in all respects observed the law if he suffered upon the 15. day and the eve before eat the Passeover being immediatly before prepared and made readie for him then
the Passeover was killed not on the eve that began the fourteenth day but on the evening that ended it This onely doubt there is in one Saviours example that the Passeover is said to be prepared for him upon the first day of unleavened bread which was the 15. day Matth. 26.17 which if it were so then did he not eat the Passeover upon the 14. day But here the answer is that because the same night began the Feast of unleavened bread when they did eat the Passeover and the Romans used to count the night with the day before going it is therefore according to that common account then in use among the Jewes called the first day of unleavened bread because of the evening following Beza QUEST XII Whether it were not indifferent to use a Lambe or a goate for the Passeover Vers. 5. YE shall take it of the lambs or of the kids 1. Some thinke that it was lawfull to offer not onely lambs and goates for the pasch but calves also and bullocks as it is prescribed Deut. 16.2 Thou shalt offer the Passeover unto the Lord thy God of thy sheepe and bullocks and they give this reason further because some families might be so great that one lambe would not suffice them and therefore it is like they would chuse a beast according to their eating Cont. 1. If any other beast beside a lambe or goate had beene permitted the Lord would not in the institution of the Passeover which is commanded in every respect so precisely to bee kept have omitted it 2. In the place Deut. 16. he meaneth not the paschall lambe but other sacrifices which they offered during that solemnitie that they might take them of their sheepe or bullocks 3. Though the familie were never so great one lambe might suffice for every one to have a part it was not provided to fill their bellies it was lawfull for them afterwards to eat other meat but it was prescribed to be used as a sacramentall commemoration of their deliverance and so to be a food rather for their soules than their bodies 2. Paulus Burgensis is of opinion that it was not lawfull for the Hebrewes at any time neither then nor after to take a goate for their Passeover but onely a lambe 1. For in that moneth the sun being in that signe Aries the Lord by staying of an hee or ram lambe would signifie that he would therein judge the Egyptian gods who superstitiously worshipped rammes and sheepe 2. This also better shadowed forth Christ who is called the lambe that tooke away the sinne of the world not the goate 3. Therefore the meaning of the words is that they shall take a lambe from the flocke where there were mingled together both sheepe and goats to signifie that Christ tooke his flesh both from righteous and unrighteous progenitors that no man should despaire of forgivenesse Cont. 1. If that were the reason why a lambe was appointed a ramme had beene fitter that was growne to shew the judgement of God upon the rams the Egyptian gods than a lambe 2. Christ is called the lambe because of his innocencie and for that though at this time he that had not a lambe might take a goat yet afterward they did altogether use lambe for the Passeover 3. And to what end should the sheepe and goats bee mingled together in one flocke what if the lambe were taken out of a flocke where no goates were was it therefore unfit for the Passeover 4. Against this conceit of Burgen are all both the Hebrew and Latin expositors and which is most of all the Scripture it selfe which willeth the paschall beast to be taken either from the lambs or of the kids vers 5. there are three severall words here used sheh which generally signifieth a small beast either lambe or kid then â—ebesh the proper name for a lambe and ghez a goat If the meaning were that a lambe should be taken onely what needed any mention be made of goats at all 3. Some were of opinion that both a lambe and a kid were killed the one in every private familie upon the tenth day the other generally of the whole congregation upon the 14. day But this is contrary to the text which prescribeth that every man should take unto him a lambe sheh in the singular not two but one and that it should bee kept untill the 14. day at even neither at this time was there any publike sacrifice as is shewed before quest 8. 4. The opinion of the most then is that it was simple indifferent in every Feast of the Passeover for the Hebrewes to take a lambe if they had it or for want thereof a kid Lyran. Thâ—stat Perer. Fer. Simler But this libertie seemeth not to have beene generall for every Passeover for Christ who was the substance of this Sacrament is in the new Testament called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lambe as Iohn 1.29 1 Pet. 2.19 Apocal. 5.6 which sheweth that the type answering to the bodie and substance was ordinarily of a lambe 5. Wherefore I thinke rather and therein subscribe unto Iunius that this was a libertie onely at that time in that confused estate but that afterward they used onely to kill a lambe for the Passeover and this generally is agreed upon among the Jewes themselves There were divers other rites here prescribed which are peculiar onely to this first Passeover as the preparing of the lambe 4. dayes before the striking of the bloud upon the doore posts the eating thereof with their loynes giâ—t and their staves in their hand for neither are these rites prescribed in the repetition of the Passeover vers 14. and Numb 9. and our Sauiour did not use these riâ—es at the eating of the Passeover who in every respect would have observed the paschall rites if they had beene perpetuall sic Iâ—n in Matt. 26. QUEST XIII Why it is added vers 5. a male Vers. 5. A Small beast without blemish a male But whereas the usuall reading is a lambe c. a male agâ—us 〈◊〉 as the Latine Augustine moveth a doubt why that 〈…〉 a male is added seeing the Latine terme agnus is of the Masculine gender 1. To thiâ— question Augustine 〈◊〉 three answers First he saith that the Septuagint 〈…〉 a sâ—eepe which is in the Neuter gâ—nder and so all the rest will agree but if it be translated 〈◊〉 a sheepe 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 doubt remaineth still Secondly he saith it might be read pecus which is in the Neuter gender but then saith he Aliud intelligeretur nec servaretur sacramentum Another thing should be understood and so the Sacrament or type would not hold because a lambe best resembleth Christ. Thirdly he saith that it is expressed a male for the more full signification all things being referred to Christ and this answer may be well received because the male signifieth strength and perfection which fitly agree unto Christ. 2. Some other say that agnus doth
they did begin to eat unleavened bread on the 14. day at even and so from the 14. day till the 21. day numbring the first day there are eight dayes for the 14. day was ended when at eve after the sunne set they began to eat unleavened bread and then entred the 15. day wherefore it is said Levit. 23.6 In the 15. day of this moneth shall be the Feast of unleavened bread the 15. day then was the first and not the fourteenth 3. Wherefore according to the words of the text we hold that there were onely seven dayes of unleavened bread kept as is evident Exod. 12. Levit. 23. Numb 28. Deut. 26. And whereas Rupertus alleageth this text the first day shall bee holy unto you likewise the eight day shall be aequè venerabilis as well observed no such place can be found but the contrary in the first day shall be an holy assemblie likewise in the seventh day chap. 5.16 So that it is to be wondred at how Rupertus was so much overseene to alleage a text no where extant 4. And as there were not more than seven dayes so neither was there lesse For whereas it is said Deut. 16.8 Six dayes shalt thou eat unleavened bread and the 7. day shall be an holy assemblie the seventh day is not excluded as being none of the seven dayes of unleavened bread but is named by it selfe as being a principall and solemne day among the rest Perer. QUEST XXIII Why he which did not eat unleavened bread was to be cut off NOw as touching the festivall dayes of unleavened bread in particular first there ariseth a question about the first day of the seven whether the 14. or 15. day should be the first 1. Here we refuse the opinion of Rupertus seene before that they began to eat unleavened bread upon the 14. day of the moneth for then there should be eight dayes of unleavened bread and not seven onely as the Scripture saith and where it is said vers 18. In the first moneth and the fourteenth day of the moneth at even yee shall eat unleavened bread there the even is joyned with the fourteenth day not as a part thereof but as immediatly following for then in just account began the fifteenth day the first of unleavened bread Levit. 23.6 2. Neither doe we here receive Thostatus opinion who thinketh that the even when they began to eat unleavened bread was part of the fourteenth day but because it was but a small part it may be counted with the 15. day and so much was taken out of the 21. day for before Sunne set they began to eat unleavened bread Contra. 1. The evening began after Sunne set and then the day was ended that time then that followed was part of the 15. day and not of the 14. and that the evening began after the Sunne went downe is evident because betweene the first evening which was before the Sunne set and the latter evening at and after the Sunne set the lambe was to be killed as is shewed before quest 10. 2. That before Sunne set on the 21. day they brought leaven into their houses cannot be shewed but the contrarie rather that till the even of the 21. day which was after Sunne they were to eat unleavened bread till about the same time when they began 3. Therefore we thinke that not the 14. day but the 15. was the first of unleavened bread for these reasons 1. Because otherwise there should be 8. dayes of unleavened bread and not seven 2. Iosephus saith that the Jewes kept no festivall day without burnt offrings and ceasing from labour lib. 3. antiquit cap. 15. but not on the 14. but the 15. day were they commanded to abstaine from worke vers 16. 3. The same day when they began to eat unleavened bread the Lord brought them out of Egypt vers 17. but they went out not upon the 14. day it was the morrow after the Passeover when they went out Numb 33.3 for upon the 14. day which ended at Sunne set they did not goe out seeing about midnight following the first borne of the Egyptians were slaine before the Israelite◠departed Perer. QUEST XXIV In what sense the first day of the seven was called holy Vers. 16. IN the first day shall be an holy assemblie 1. It is called an holy day because it was sequestred and set apart from all prophane use and consecrated as peculiar unto God In which sense both certaine places as the sanctuarie and vessels as they which belonged to the Sanctuarie and certaine persons as the first borne which were afterward redeemed were holy and consecrate unto God 2. This day was holy in three respects First because they were not to prophane it with any bodily worke secondly because there were peculiar sacrifices appointed for this first day of the seven as two bullocks one ramme seven lambs of a yeere old Numb 23. Thirdly because upon this day as likewise on other festivals they fared better and put on their festivall robes as Nehemias prescribed to be done in another festivall day chap. 8.10 Goe and eat the fat and drinke the sweet and send part unto them for whom none is prepared for this day is holy unto our Lord. 3. But here is to be observed a difference betweene the rest of this day and of other festivals upon this day though all other worke be forbidden yet it was lawfull to prepare their meat and drinke and so it was lawfull also upon the Feasts of Pentecost and of the Feast of Tabernacles but upon the Sabbath it was not lawfull to doe so much as they were forbidden to gather Manna upon the Sabbath chap. 16.5.23.19 and it was not lawfull to kindle a fire upon the Sabbath day for their necessarie use Exod. 35.3 Iun. But if this first festivall day did fall out upon the Sabbath then they were to rest therein simply from all labour Perer. 4. It is also called holy in respect of the holy convocation because the people were therein to bee called together to attend the service of God leaving all other works Iun. QUEST XXV Of the second solemne day of the pasch COncerning the second day of the paschall solemnitie this was peculiar to that day that therein they brought a sheafe of the first fruit of their harvest unto the Lord this was the morrow after the Sabbath Levit. 23.11 Wherein is to be considered 1. That then all their harvest was not ripe in Palestin◠but onely they culled out certaine principall eares and out of the forwardest grounds for these first fruits the Hebrewes hold to have come all out of the tribe of Nepthaly 2. They were not eares of wheat which was not ripe till Pentecost seven weekes after Exod. 34.21 but eares of barlie which was first ripe 3. Neither were they fully ripe and hardned for they did drie the eares at the fire and then rubd out the corne Levit. 2.14 4. The word Sabbath doth not here signifie
multitude of sacrifices which were to be offered therein as is prescribed Numb 28.29 4. And in regard of their continuance for two of them the Pasch and feast of Tabernacles continued each of them seven dayes the Pasch held from the 15. day of the first moneth unto the 21. day and the feast of Tabernacles likewise began the 15. day of the seventh moneth and ended the 21. day Pentecost onely hath one day allowed which was the 50. day after the Passeover Levit. 23.16 Tostat. 5. These feasts also were observed in remembrance of three great benefits the Passeover of their deliverance out of Egypt the Pentecost of delivering the Law and the feast of Tabernacles of their preservation in the wildernesse Lyranus QUEST XXXI Of the feast of the Passeover Vers. 15. THou shalt eat unleavened bread 1. This was the feast of the Passeover or of unleavened bread which were not two feasts concurring together as Cyril seemeth to thinke Alia est solemnitas Paschae ilia azymâ—rum licet conjuncta vidiatur c. There was one solemnity of the Pasch another of unleavened bread though they seeme to be joyned together 2. Mention is not here made of the Paschal lambe but only of unleavened bread not as Cajetane thinketh Quia non singulis annis omnes tenerentur ad immotandum agnum Paschalem c. Because all were not bound every yeere to offer a paschall lambe but to eat unleavened bread seven dayes they were bound c. For the contrary appeareth Exod. 12.24 they were bound to keepe the Passeover as an ordinance for ever but the feast hath the denomination of the greater part because they did eat the Passeover but one day but unleavened bread they did eat seven dayes together 3. In this feast they offered a sheafe of the first ripe corne which as Iosephus writeth was done in this manner Siccantes spicarâ—â— manipulum commandentes c. They dried an handfull of eares and so rubbed or bruised them and then offered them lib. 3. Antiquit. QUEST XXXII Why Pentecost is called the feast of the first fruits Vers. 16. THe feast of the harvest of the first fruits of thy labours This is called the feast of first fruits and yet in the feast of the Passeover the first sheafe was offered 1. Quod primi paâ—es nunc offerebantur Deo sicut in fine Paschae primae spiâ—ae c. Because the first bread or loaves of the new fruit was then offered as in the end of the pasch the first eares Cajetan which were not then so ripe to make bread of 2. Or because now they presented the first fruits of all their labours that is of all that they had sowen but before they brought the first fruits of some one kinde of graine onely which was first ripe Tostat. 3. Or then they offered only the first ripe eares as if a man went into the field and espied 〈◊〉 aliquas appropinquantes ad maturitatem aâ—â—e alias some eares hastening to be ripe before the rest them he gathered and offered unto the Lord but now in the feast of Pentecost they brought the first fruits of all Lyran. 4. This feast was celebrated propter benefictum legis data for the benefit of the giving of the Law Lyran. Which was given the 50. day after their going out of Egypt Tostat. And in remembrance ingressionis in terrum promissam of their entrance into the Land of promise when they did first eat of the fruit of the land Theodoret. And it was a signe of the giving of the holy Ghost which descended on the 50. day after the resurrection Lyran. QUEST XXXIII How the feast of Tabernacles is said to be in the end of the yeere Vers. 16. THe feast of gathering in the end of the yeere 1. Oleaster and Tostatus are of opinion that the common account of the yeere began in the seventh moneth when it was thought that the world was created but that upon occasion of the deliverance of the Israelites in the first moneth of the spring that was consecrated to be the first as touching the keeping of their feasts but the former order remained still for the account of civill matters But it is before shewed that the institution of Abib to be the first moneth was rather then revived than of new ordained and that is the more probable opinion that the world was created in the spring and that in remembrance thereof that was counted the first moneth 2. Cajetane saith It is called the end of the yeere in regard of the fruits of the earth which were then all gathered as both grapes and olives not in respect of the season of the yeere for September was the first moneth of the next yeere and so it should rather have beene said in the beginning of the yeere than in the end But seeing the same moneth was both the end of one yeere and the beginning of another it may be said to be in the end of the yeere though in the first moneth of the civill yeere quòd medicùm distat inesse videtur it might be said to be in it though it were distant a little Tostat. So also Lyran. Immediately after the end of the yeere 3. And wee are here to understand the gathering of all the fruits not only come which was before inned and in the barne seeing it was ripe foure moneths before in the feast of Pentecost but all other fruits as wine and olives which were then gathered as Deut. 16.13 Tostat. QUEST XXXIV Which were the three feasts wherein they were to appeare before the Lord. Vers. 17. THree times in the yeere c. 1. The Israelites had divers festivall times in the yeere as beside the continuall and daily sacrifice they had seven other feast dayes every weeke upon the Sabbath every moneth upon the first day thereof the feast of the Pasch and Pentecost and in the seventh moneth they had three more the feast of blowing of Trumpets upon the first day the feast of Reconciliation upon the tenth and of the Tabernacles upon the 15. which continued untill the 21. Thomas Now they are not bound to come together in all these feasts but only at three of them 2. Though it be not expressed here which three feasts they were to goe up in yet it is evident in other places the feast of the Passeover was one Deut. 16.2 they were to offer it in the place which the Lord should chuse and the continuall practice sheweth the same as is evident Luk. 2.41 the parents of our blessed Saviour went up every yeere to the Passeover So in the feast of Pentecost they were all to rejoyce before the Lord they their sonnes and daughters servants and maids Deut. 16.11 3. Onely the question is concerning the third time of their appearing before the Lord which some thinke was at the feast of the blowing of Trumpets in the 1. day of the seventh moneth and so they continued there during the two
vestra quam privatim expertus sum ut liberiùs animi mei sensa palam expromerem vestrae enim humanitati sat sciâ— probatur Augustini consilium si quisquam est qui se non audet ingerere ad amicitiam faciendam cum aliquo nostro temporali honore aut dignitate revocetur offerendum est illi quadam commitate submissione animi quod petere per se ipse non audet desino jam plurib molestus esse excessi mensuram epistolae sed non excessi doloris modum ut ait Hieronym precor jam ut qua ipsi fratres conservos miseratione dignemini in terris ipsi abundè cumulatam apud misericordem patrem in coelis inveniatis Vestrae Reverentiae observantiss ANDREAS WILLETTVS THE FIRST BOOKE OF MOSES CALLED GENESIS CHAP. I. The Analysis or Logicall resolution IN this Chapter Moses treateth of the creation of the world first in generall how God created heaven and earth vers 1. then in particular in the rest of the Chapter where wee have the severall workes of God and their severall approbations that they seemed good unto the Makeâ— The severall workes are distinguished into six dayes and in every dayes worke there are foure things to bee observed the authority whereby they are made as v. 3. The Lord said Let there be light c. the obedience of the creature in being made and there was light thirdly the approbation of the Creator v. 4. God saw that the light was good fourthly the distinction of the worke vers 5. The evening and the morning were the first day and so of the rest of the dayes workes Againe the order of the particular creation is this God createth the workes and câ—eatures without sense afterward the sensitive and living creatures the first are either the superiour and celestiall as the light made the first day the firmament the second the contents of the firmament the Sunne Moone and Starres the fourth day or the inferiour creatures as the earth with the trees plants and herbs the third day The sensitive creatures are either unreasonable as the fishes and fowles made the fifth day v. 20. the beasts and cattell made the sixth day or the reasonable creatures man and woman made the sixth day In the framing and bringing forth of man there is set forth first the consultation of the Trinity v. 26. Let us make man c. then the creation wherein is to be considered the substance and forme of mans creation according to Gods owne image v. 27. the endowment of man created in his preheminence and domination over all other creatures vers 28. his increase and procreation bâ—ing forth fruit and multiply his maintenance and preservation vers 29. I have given unto you every herb c. that shall be to you for meat The Genesis or Grammaticall construction where the translations differ v. 1. God created b.g. T.H.p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made s bara created heb v. 2. was without forme b.g. T. empty H. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invisible s solitudo vast solitary p. tohu heb 3. moved upon the waters b.g. incubabat did sit upon T. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was carried upon c. s. motabat did flutter upon H. p. rachaph 6. the firmament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b.g. H.p.s. expansum the broad or spread heaven T. heb rachang to spread 11. bud and herb b. bud of the herb g. herbam virentem greene herb H. herbam teneram tender herb or grasse T. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the herb of grasse s. bud herb p. heb seeding seed g.s. T.p. heb making seed H. apt to seed b. 12. after his kinde and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to his likenesse This is added by the septuagint 18. to rule in the day g. to rule the day b. T.H.p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to rule the day s.p. heb 20. let the waters bring forth b. H. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s. bring forth in abundance g. T. bring forth as wormes that is in abundance p. heb sharats 29. every tree b.g. T.p. heb gnets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lignum every kinde of wood bearing fruit s. H. 3. The Exegesis or Theologicall explication of doubtfull questions and obscure places QVEST. I. What the heaven and earth was created in the beginning vers 1. Vers. 1. IN the beginning God made heaven and earth c. 1. Moses here doth not onely generally or summarily set downe the creation of the world which afterward is described in particular which was the opinion of Chrysostome remembred by Augustine lib. 2. cont Manich. c. 3. 2. Nor yet doe we understand a certaine first matter whereof the heaven and earth were afterward made as Augustine seemeth to thinke lib. 1. Genes cont Manich. c. 7. and one Philastrius Bishop of Brixia doth affirme it to be heresie to say that this was the element of the earth afterward created but another earth as the matter whereof other things were made catalog haeres 3. Neither yet do we approve the opinion of the Schoolemen which by the heaven understand only Coelum empyreum the highest heaven above the starrie skie the seat of the Angels and blessed Spirits and by the earth a confused substance whereout other things were formed afterward of which opinion were Alcuinus Rabanus Lyranus Tostatus Catharinus with others for Moses specially intendeth to set downe the creation of things visible and David expounding Moses speaketh of these heavens here created which should perish Psal. 102.25 which are not those highest heavens subject to no change 4. Neither yet doe wee here exclude the creation of those invisible heavens with Mercerus but in this word comprehend as well the invisible as visible heavens Colos. 1.16 Iun. 5. This heaven and earth then here mentioned to bee created in the beginning are the same heaven and earth which are now comprehending the generall matter and seed whereout all other things in heaven and earth were made first created in the matter afterward perfected in forme and lastly beautified with their ornaments this then was the order of the creation First the same heaven and earth were created in a confused substance and unformed matter then the forme was added in the first and second dayes workes Lastly the ornaments produced as trees and plants and beasts in the earth starres in the skie fishes in the sea fowles in the aire Thus S. Paul expoundeth Moses that God made the heaven and earth Act. 14.15 God made the world Acts 17.24 so that this heaven and earth first made was no other than the world though not yet set in perfect order Of this opinion are Basil Ambrose Theodoret and most of the ancient Writers QVEST. II. What beginning Moses speaketh of Vers. 1. IN the beginning c. 1. This is neither to be understood as Iohn saith in the beginning was the word for there hee speaketh of a beginning without a beginning that is from everlasting but this was the
that is an hundred thousand thousand and five hundred thousand miles counting eight furlongs to a mile And the Moone to bee remote from the earth 780000. furlongs almost an 100. thousand miles Plutarc de placitis Philosoph l. 2. c. 31. The Hebrewes make the distance of the starry heavens from the earth to be about 500. yeeres journey Aratus but 30. dayes journey and the thicknesse of the earth as much the one maketh it too little the other too much But not to stand upon these curious observations Ambrose giveth sensible and apparant reasons of the greatnesse of the Sunne and Moone by daily experience First saith he by this their magnitude is evident because they appeare of the like quantity to all through the world whereas heards of cattell being espied farre off seeme as ants and a ship discerned farre in the seas seemeth no bigger than a flying dove Againe as soone as the Sunne ariseth all the Starres are hid and further if the Sunne were not of such greatnesse how could all the world be lightened by it Ambr. l. 4. Hexemer cap. 6. QVEST. XX. How the Starres doe serve for signes Vers. 14. LEt them be for signes and seasons dayes and yeeres 1. By signes here we need not understand those extraordinary signes which it hath pleased God sometime to shew as in the Sunne in Iosua and afterward in Hezekiahs time for in this place the ordinary use of these creatures is shewed 2. Nor yet are we forced to referre it to the Astronomicall signes though the Scripture doe also approve the lawfull use of them Iob 9.9 He maketh Arcturus Orion Pleiades and the climates of the south for this combining and conjunction of the Starres was afterward found out by art and experience 3. But these celestiall bodies doe serve both for politicall observations as the computation of moneths and yeeres and the celebration of festivals among the Jewes as also to be signes of naturall things as for setting sowing planting and discerning of the weather and seasons of the yeere as Orion bringeth raine the Pleiades the spring Iob 38.31 We acknowledge then foure lawfull uses of these celestiall bodies 1. To distinguish the day and night light and darknesse 2. To be for signes of weather 3. To serve for times and seasons as weekes dayes and yeeres 4. To give influence by their heat light and motion to these inferiour parts Mercer Iun. But for morall matters as to calculate mens nativities and to discerne of their dispositions to good or evill or for supernaturall to foretell things to come to discover secrets finde out things that are lost or such like these celestiall signes have no use at all neither hath the vaine and superstitious invention of Astrology any ground at all out of this place but is altogether repugnant to 1. the Scripture 2. against reason 3. vaine 4. impious These foure points shall briefly be proved 1. The Scripture thus testifieth Isay 44.25 I destroy the tokens of the southsayers and make them that conjecture fooles and turne the wise men backward c. Ierem. 10.2 Be not afraid of the signes of heaven though the heathen be afraid of such 2. The wise man saith Prov. 27.1 Boast not thy selfe of to morrow thou knowest not what a day may bring forth If a man know not his owne way neither can tell what shall happen to himselfe much lesse can it be seene in the Starres for the Spirit of a man best knoweth the things of man 1 Cor. 2.11 and if we cannot bee certaine what shall befall the next day much lesse what may happen the next moneth or yeere Againe if by the aspect of the Starres judgement could be given of man then should they have dominion over man whereas they were created for mans vse Psal. 8.3 3. It is a vaine and deceitfull study neither are the predictions of Astrologers true as it may thus appeare first if there had beene any certainty in this art it is most like that the Devill should have the best insight into it both by reason of his subtilty of nature and long experience but it is certaine that the Devill herein is deceived for hereof it is that the Oracles of Apollo ministred by spirits directed by the aspect of Starres were for the most part vaine false deceitfull This testifieth Porphirius in his booke of Oracles cited by Eusebius lib. 6. de praeparat Evang. c. 1. that Apollo his Oracles were made by Astrology and that they were false and vaine or ambiguous and deceitfull one Oenomâ—us a Philosopher among the Greekes proveth at large as Eusebius witnesseth lib. 5. de praeparat Evang. cap. 10. Againe if there were any certainty in these Astrologicall praedictions it would chiefly appeare in their Prognostications of the weather which is the proper subject of the Planets operation but herein daily experience sheweth how grossely they are deceived that foretell such things neither agreeing with themselves nor yet with the event of the weather yet I deny not but that the fairenesse and foulenesse of the seasons may be conjectured when as the time is neere and the naturall causes have begun to worke as in the evening to ghesse of the weather the next day and in the morning of the afternoone weather as that a cloud in the west will bring a shower and the south wind heat as our Saviour saith Luk. 12.55 But long before to declare these things before there is any working in the naturall causes it is not in the art or skill of man Ambrose to this purpose saith well Cum pluvia expeteretur ab omnib c. when saith he vaine was desired of all and one said the new Moone will bring raine although we were very desirous of raine yet I wished that such speeches should not be true yea it did me good that no raine fell till it came at the prayers of the Church that it might appeare that it came not by the influence of the Moone but by the providence of the Creator Hexem lib. 4.7 4. The impiety of this science is evident because they ascribe all to the influence and operation of the starres and so bring in a fatall necessity and rob God of his honour and glory One Petrus de Alâ—aco a magnifier of Astrology doubteth not to say that Noahs flood and the birth of our Saviour might have beene foretold by the knowledge of the starres Maternus affirmeth that when Saturne is in Leo men are thereby long lived and their soules goe to heaven Albumazar saith that the Moone being joyned with Iupiter in the head of the dragon whatsoeuer a man asketh of God he shall obtaine Thus reporteth of them Pererius lib. 2. in Genes cap. 1. Thus they attribute all things both good and evill to the starres and thus the grace of God is made void yea as Origen saith while they make alias stellas beneficas alias maleficas some good some bad starres they open
inquired when this sentence began to take place that in what day soever Adam did eat of the tree he should dye the death 1. Some thinke that a day is not here to bee taken according to mans account of dayes but as it is before God with whom a thousand yeares are but as a day and so Adam died within a thousand yeares after so Iustinus dialog cum Triph. but this sense seemeth to bee strained 2. Neither doe we refer these words in what day soever to the first clause only thou shalt eat and not to the second thou shalt dye the death as though the meaning should not bee they should dye the same day wherein they did eat but at any time after for this seemeth also to be but a forced sense 3. But we rather allow Hieromes interpretation that Adam began in the same day to dye not actually but because then he became mortall and subject to death lib. tradit in Gen. so Symmachus readeth thou shalt bee mortall 4. And beside that then actualâ—y Adam entred into misery and sorrow labour hunger thirst which are the forerunners of death 5. Adde unto this also that in the same day death entred by sinne into the soule of Adam in the very same day of his transgression QVEST. XXX Whether God made death THirdly seeing that by Gods sentence death seased upon Adam the question is whether God made death and whether this corporall death be a punishment of sin We answer 1. that as death is a defect of nature beside the first intention of the Creator brought in by sinne into the world that God is not the â—uthor of it but it is so only the fruit and effect of sinne 2. But as death is a just punishment inflicted for sinne so it is of God who though hee first made not death yet now hee disposeth of it thereby shewing his justice upon mans transgression so that as Augustine saith speaking of the beginning of darkenesse Deus non fâ—â—â—t tenebras sâ—dâ—rdinavit God made not darknesse but ordered them so may it bee said of death 3. Eugubiâ—us objecteth that death is not properly a punishment of sinne because it remaineth in the faithfull and it is not taken away by Christ. in Cosmopeia To which we answer 1. That death also at the last shal be destroyed by Christ 1 Cor. 15.26 The last enemy that shal be destroied is death 2. That although the death of the body remaine yet in the members of Christ in them it is not now as a punishment but as a consequent of their corruptible nature because all flesh is now as grasse Isa. 40.6 and death now unto them is not a curse but turned to a blessing in Christ being both a cessation from labâ—ur and an entrance into rest Rev. 14.13 Blessed are they that dye in the Lord they rest from their labours and their workes follow them QVEST. XXXI Why it was not good for man to be alone Vers. 18. IT is not good for man to be alone 1. not as R. Sâ—l left if man would have beene alone hee might be thought to be chiefe Lord in earth as God was in heaven for if man had beene alone who should have so thought or spoken 2. Neither was it not good in respect of God who by his infinite power and wisdome could otherwayes have multiplyed and increased man but in respect of that order and course of generation which God appointed for other creatures 3. Neither is this so said as though no man could live without a woman as the Hebrewes have these sayings nothing is good but a woman â—e that hath not a wife is not a man for God hath given unto some a speciall gift which may supply this want 4. Neither is S. Paul contrary to Moses where he saith it is not good to touch a woman for he speaketh in respect of those present times of persecution wherein their wives might have beene a let unto them Mercer 5. But this is so said 1. in respect of mutuall society and comfort 2. in respect of the propagation of the world 3. especially for the generation and increase of the Church of God 4. but most of all it was meet that woman should bee joyned to man because of the promised seed of the woman of whom came our Saviour Christ after the flesh QVEST. XXXII Wherein woman was a meet helpe for him Vers. 18. LEt us make an helpe meet for him The word cenâ—gdâ— signifieth as one before him or against him But we neither allow the conceit of some Hebrewes as R. Sâ—lamon that the woman is said to be against man because she is contrary to him 2. Nor yet doe wee like of Tostatus conjecture because the male and female in respect of their naturall parts are contrary 3. Nor yet doe wee approve David Kimchi his collection that the woman is said to bee as before man that is as a servant to attend vpon him for shee is appointed to bee his fellow-helper not his servant neither is it like that if shee had beene ordained to any base use or service that she should have beene framed out of Adams side 4. Therefore shee is called a helpe like to man as Hierome readeth or according to him as the Septuagint or as before him as the Hebrew both because shee was made like unto man as well in proportion of body as in the qualities of the mind being created according to the image of God as also for that she was meet for man necessary for the procreation education of children and profitable for the disposing of houshold affaires 5. This maketh a manifest difference betweene woman which is alwayes before man cohabiting and conversing with him and other females which after their copulation forsake their males Luther QVEST. XXXIII When the woman was formed A Further doubt is moved by some at what time the woman was made where 1. wee reject the conceit of Cajetanus who making an allegory of this story of the framing of the woman out of Adams side is forced to affirme that God made man and woman together upon the sixth day and not the woman out of the man for thus the history of Moses is called into question and as well may the whole discourse of the creation of the world be allegorised as this narration of the making of woman And again it is contrary to the Apostle who saith that the woman was of the man 1 Cor. 11.9 2. We likewise refuse the opinion of Catharinus who thinketh the woman to have been made the seventh day for this also is contrary to the Scripture Exod. 20.11 In six dayes the Lord made heaven and earth the sea and all that in them is 3. So then we hold that the woman was made of a rib out of Adams side as Moses setteth it downe neither made together with him out of the earth nor yet made so long after him upon the seventh day but she was formed upon the sixâ—h day
become as one of us 1. Not as one of the Angels as Oleaster interpreteth or that the Lord speaketh in the plurall number as is the manner of great persons for this phrase of speech was not used in those dayes neither are the Angels and God alike 2. But by us the Trinity is vnderstood and the rest is uttered ironice by way of derision Adam is rebuked that he came farre short to be as God as Sathan promised him either as God the Father in power or as the sonne in wisedome or as the holy ghost in goodnesse holinesse Verba sunt insultantis as Augustine saith quod non solum factus fuerit qualis esse voluit sed nec illud quod factus fuerat conservavit they are as the words of one that insulteth because he was so farre from being made that which he desired that hee could not keepe that which he was made And as Rupertus non solum nequaquam sicut Deus sed penefactus erat sicut diabolus He was so farre from being as God that he was almost become as the Devill if Gods mercie had not prevented him 3. I rather preferre this sense with Mercerus and Calvin that God speaketh ironically even in Adams hearing then either with Iunius and Paguine to referre these words to the time past when man was in the state of innocencie or to make it an affirmative speech of the time present with Onkelos that Adam now of himselfe knew good and evill as God for then he had gained and not lost by his transgression he knew evill by experience as he did not before but he had no such perfect knowledge as in the Angels therefore the Lord here derideth mans folly and alludeth to the vaine words of Satan who promised they should be as God 4. And where he saith lest he put forth his hands c. by living forever 1. Neither long life is meant 2. Nor that God herein had compassion of man that being brought to so miserable an estate he should not alwayes live in it 3. Neither that if he did eat of the tree of life he should have lived for ever as Calvin thinketh that God vitam conjungit cum externa tessera did joyne life with the outward signe for the tree of it selfe gave not life but was a symbole only of immortality which man should have received of God if he had persevered in his obedience Muscul. 5. But seeing the Lord had deprived man of life he taketh away also the symbole of it and speaketh according to the judgement of man who foolishly might thinke to recover his estate by eating of the tree of life and therefore by putting forth his hand is expressed that voluntary action whereby man of purpose would have eaten of the tree of life to releeve himselfe Mercer 6. Now although it had not beene materiall though Adam before his fall had eaten of the tree of life for it could not have helped him now yet I rather thinke with Ramban that he did not eat of it at all QVEST. XXXII At what time Adam fell Vers. 23. THerefore the Lord sent him forth from the garden of Eden Here a great question is moved how long Adam continued in Paradise and when he was cast out of Paradise Some would have Adam to continue so long in Paradise as Christ lived yeares on earth others the space of forty dayes and that Christ fasted so many dayes for a remedy against Adams intemperancie in Paradise so long others thinke that Adam fell the next day after his creation upon the day of rest as Tostatus but it is not like that God upon that day which was a time of rejoycing would execute judgement nor curse in that day which he blessed some thinke that Adam fell upon the eighth day of his creation that day seven night wherein he was made as Pererius but the most approved opinion is that Adam fell the same day of his creation which seemeth to be most probable for these reasons 1. The Angels that fell presently after their creation sinned as our Saviour saith that the Devill non steâ—it in veritate did not stand or continue in the truth Ioh. 8.44 Hereunto Augustine consenteth Factus coâ—tinuo se à luce veritatis avertit as soone as he was made he presently turned aside from the light of truth unde angelicae vitae dulcedinem non gustavit quam non acceptam fast idivit sed nolendo accipere de seruit amifit so he tasted not the sweetnesse of the angelicall life which he loathed not being received but by disdaining to receive it lost it So it is like that man also eftsoone lost the benefit of the creation 2. Our Saviour saith that the deuill was a murtherer from the beginning Ioh. 8.44 not of the world but of mans creation therefore at the very first he set upon them 3. The subtilty of the Devill doth insinuate as much who would then assault them when they were least able to resist before they by experience were confirmed in their obedience 4. And it was fit that man sinning should be cast out of Paradise before he had fully tasted of the pleasure thereof lest he afterward might have beene tormented with the losse and attempted to returne 5. And it is cleare by the serpents first onset Hath God said ye shall not eat of every tree c. that they had not yet tasted of any fruit but at the very first the forbidden fruit was offered before their appetite had beene served with any other 6. Adam had not yet eaten of the tree of life as is evident vers 21. lest he put forth his hand and take also of the tree of life and therefore Augustine is in an errour that he did eat of other trees and specially of the tree of life but if they had stayed any time in Paradise it is not unlike but they should have tasted of the tree of life it being in the heart of Paradise where Adams chiefe aboad was 7. Likewise seeing presently after the creation they were bidden increase and multiply it is not other like but the man should have knowne his wife in Paradise if they had stayed there so long and so they should have gotten children without sinne To this purpose Augustine saith Quasi in ea â—tate facti credendi sunt ut expectanda esset maturitas pubertatis aut non illud tunc legitimum esset eâ—m primum fieri potuit as though they were created of such an age which was not fit for procreation or that it had not beene lawfull for them to come together as soone as might be 8. What became of Lions and Beares that lived of flesh all this while of Adams being in Paradise they could not fast so long and flesh they did not eat because there was no death before mans fall and they did not feed on grasse for then their nature should not so soone have beene changed to devoure flesh 9.
Lamechs seven-fold punishment which should not in this case have beene omitted 5. Neither can this place be so taken as the Chalde and some Hebrewes expound which read those words with a negative or interrogation as though Lamech should plead for himselfe before his wives which intended to kill him that hee had not killed a man as Cain had and therefore they should bee more grievously punished that killed him 6. Further these words of Lamech are not uttered enuntiative as shewing that Lamech had committed any murther already nor yet interrogative by way of interrogation as if Lamech should say thus to his wives have I yet slaine a man in my wrath as Cain did yet he was privileged that none should kill him therefore ye need not feare that any such thing should happen unto mee that have killed none some read these words conditionally supposing Lamech to have beene a good man as though the sense should be this If I should kill a man as Cain did I should be punished more than he that should kill Cain because I did not take heed by his example 7. But the best exposition is with Ramban to expound Lamechs speech 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potencially hee to reconcile his wives that were al enated from him doth boast of his strength and tyranny that this and this he could doe and that he would not take the least wrong at any mans hand Sicetiam Calvin Now concerning the occasion of these words of Lamech spoken to his wives 1. It was not by reason of any conspiracy intended by his wives against him and therefore hee should excuse himselfe that hee had not killed a man as Cain had and therefore they that killed him should bee more severely punished 2. Neither was it by reason of some brawle betweene his wives as Iunius and therefore Lamech threatneth them that should set any division betweene them and offer him the least wrong 3. Nor yet because his wives feared lest the sinne of Cain might bee punished in Lamechs posterity and therefore he maketh them secure in promising impunity 4. But the most likely occasion is this that wheras his wives feared lest because of his cruelty some evill should happen unto them hee boasteth of his strength that rather than any should doe him any hurt he would not spare to kill in his wrath QVEST. XIIII How Lamech is said to be avenged seventy times seven times Vers. 24. IF Cain shall be avenged seven-fold 1. Chrysostomes exposition is not here to be received who thinketh that Lamech confessed his sinne and condemned himselfe for murther committed Ipse sua lingua confessionem peccatorum facit poenam sibi definit he confesseth his sinne himselfe and defineth the punishment So also thinketh Theodoret for the Scripture propoundeth the example of Lamech not as of a penitent but a licentious disordered person who first presumed to breake the law of wedlocke in taking two wives 2. Neither is their conjecture of any weight that imagine Lamech to speake of his 77. children which hee had by his two wives as Iosephus writeth that they should bee punished for their fathers sinne 3. But among the rest Rupertus misseth the marke that by seventy times seven-fold understandeth a temporary by seven-fold eternall punishment this Cain had because hee repented not the other Lamech for his repentance for that 70. times seven is more than seven times our Saviour sheweth in the Gospell where he saith to Peter that he should forgive his brother not only seven times but seventy times seven 4. But the meaning is not that Lamech should be punished 77. times 7. times but hee that killed Lamech as he that killed Cain 7. times and so Lamech boasteth of impunitie that though hee committed murther as Cain did yet hee should be exempted from punishment as Cain was 5. To expound it of the 77. generations to Christ rehearsed Luk. 3. in whom Lamechs sinne should bee expiated is a forced and improper sense Quest. XIIII How the name of God is said in Enos time to be called upon Vers. 26. MEn begin to call c. 1. Neither the Septuagint here translate aright that hee 1. Enos hoped to call or as Hierome hee begun to call for neither doth the word signifie hope nor can it be referred to the person of Enos 2. Neither could hee be said now to begin to call upon the name of the Lord either as Cajetan thinketh because Enos first used to call upon the name Iehovah for Cain and Abel are said to have offered to Iehovah v. 3. either for that Enos was more religious and given to prayer than any before him or that he found out some forme or order of prayer as Pererius judgeth for it is not like but that Adam and Abel in the spirituall exercises of prayer and sacrifice were as zealous as any of the succeeding age 3. But now when as the worship of God began to be corrupted and prophaned in the wicked posterity of Cain then Adam Seth and other of the righteous feed began publikely to exercise religion and to have their holy meetings and assemblies for the service of God 4. Some read then the name of God began in calling upon to be prophaned as by giving the name of God to beasts trees and plants But here invocation is taken in the better part 1 and Moses describeth the practice of the Church and righteous seed in those dayes 5. Wee likewise refuse that sense that the name Iehovah began now to bee called upon whereas he was invocated by the name Elohim before for Cain and Abel offered sacrifice to Iehovah v. 3. 6. Wherefore the true meaning is as is before expressed that now the Church of God being increased to a full number did make a publike separation in their worship from the generation of the wicked and began apart in a solemne manner to worship God Mercer 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. A man is first accepted for his faith before his workes 1. Vers. 4. THe Lord had respect to Abel and to his offering hence it is inferred that works make not a man acceptable to God but first a man is accepted by faith and secondly his workes are respected as Gregory upon this place Deus non habet gratum offerentem propter numera sed numera propter offerentem Abel is not accepted for his gifts but his gifts because of him 2. Doct. Paradise planted in a knowne place 2. Vers. 16 CAin dwelt in the Land of Nod toward the east side of Eden Hence it is gathered that Paradise was planted in a known place contrary to the opinion of Bellarmine for Eden was the name of a knowne Country in Mesapotamia as may appeare Ezech. 27.23 Bellarmine answereth that Eden is here no proper name but a name of pleasure unlesse wee will say that Cain was punished to dwell in Paradise Cont. 1. Neither was Cain exiled into a place of pleasure 2. It is not said
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 translated him S. tulit tooke him H. B. G. non occidit killed him not Ch. sumpsit received him Tr. heb lachach to take away receive v. 25. an 165. yeares S. an 187. yeares cat v. 26.802 yeares S. 782. yeares cat v. 28. an 178. yeares S. an 182. yeares cat v. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall cause us to rest S. shall comfort us cat heb â—â—ach to rest to refresh v. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the earth S. de terra from off the earth Ch. in the earth H. as touching the earth G. aboue the earth B. propter terram because of the earth Tr. v. 30.565 yeares S. 595. yeare cat v. 31.753 yeares S. 777. yeares cat 3. The Theologicall explication QVEST. I. Booke of generation how to be understood Vers. 1. THis is the booke of the generation 1. Moses setteth downe the genealogy of the fathers before the floud because of Christs line which Luke deriveth from Adam Matthew goeth not beyond Abraham not as some thinke because of the rest of that line beyond Abraham might easily bee supplyed out of Moses books which were then well knowne but for that the most conspicuous and manifest promises of the Messiah were made to Abraham all the generations to Matthew supplying â—â—enty from Adam to Abraham make but 72. but Luke reckoneth 77. The Reason is because Matthew omitteth some of purpose to make the numbers equall which Luke supplyeth and Matthew maketh his account by Salomon Luke by Nathan so that there might bee more persons in the one discent than in the other 2. Moses beginneth now to set downe Adams generation by Seth because Cain was rejected and Abel died without issue 3. It is called a booke that is an ennumeration for so Sepher signifieth a booke because things are rehearsed in it not because as R. Isaac Carus Moses beginneth his booke here and the other 3. chapters should bee as a preface 4. Generation is here taken actively for the posterity of Adam increased by him as in Matthew the booke of the generation of Iesus Christ is taken passively for the generations of whom Christ came 5. And whereas it is added in the day that God created Adam we need neither with Lyranus to understand day generally for time and wee refuse the opinion of the Hebrewes that hold that Adam in the same day of his creation began to have generations for so they fable that Adam and Eve had foure or five children the same day they were created but in the day is to be referred to the latter part of the verse wherein mention is made of Adams creation according to the image of God Mercer QVEST. II. How Adam begat a Sonne in his owne likenesse Vers. 3. ADam begat a sonne in his owne likenesse c. 1. which is neither to be understood of the shape and image of his body for so Cain was in outward shape like to Adam 2. neither is it to be taken for the image of vertue and piety in his soule for Adam had lost that image neither is vertue ingendred by nature and Abel had the image of his fathers vertue before Seth. 3. neither is it so said because the image of mankind was continued and preserved in Seth whereas both Abel died without issue and Cains posterity was extinguished in the floud for this notwithstanding seeing the world was increased by Cain he might be said also to be after Adams image 4. But hereby is signified that originall corruption which is descended unto Adams posterity by naturall propagation which is expressed in the birth of Seth not of Abel because hee had no of-spring nor of Cain because it might appeare that even the righteous seed by nature are subject to this originall depravation and yet Seth was otherwise after the image of Adam than Cain because his seed was sanctified of God who purposed in Seth and his seed to make good the promise made to Adam as touching the seed of the woman that should breake the serpents head Iun. 5. And whereas Adam was an hundred thirty yeere old before he begat Seth wee abhor the lewd fables of the Hebrewes that thinke in this meane space that Adam companied with female spirits or devils and begat male spirits and Eva with male spirits and brought forth masculine or male devils neither doe I thinke with Mercer that in the meane time Adam begat other sonnes and daughters but God by this meanes Adam staying so long without children did try his faith in looking for the promised seed and his patience in seeing the wicked stocke of Cain so mightily to increase Iun. QVEST. III. Wherefore it is added and he died Vers. 5. ALL the dayes that Adam lived c. 1. Neither were these yeares otherwise accounted than by 12. moneths as it may appeare in the story of Noahs floud where mention is made of the 7. moneth and 27. day of the moneth 2. Neither did these righteous fathers onely live thus long by miracle as thinketh R. Moses but it was usuall in those dayes 3. And the conclusion of every ones life is mortuus est he died not as some think because it should appeare that they dyed not in the floud but by their owne naturall death and therefore they say this clause is not added after the floud in the genealogy of the fathers but it is thus said to shew what the condition of all mankind was after Adams fall 4. It is said only of Adam all the dayes that he lived Whereby the Hebrewes inferre that Adam lived a godly life and repented his repentance we doubt not of but not soundly hence gathered Mercer QVEST. IIII. Whether Adam the longest liver NOw whereas Adam lived but 930. yeares Mathuselah 969. yeares v. 27. yet may Adam be well supposed to have beene the longest liver because he was created in a perfect state of body apt to generation which was not then under sixty yeares for none of the Patriarkes began to have children under that age Mahalalel begat at 65. yeares of age v. 15. and none under then adde unto Adams yeares 60. more in what age and state of body he was created and he will bee found to have beene the longest liver of the Patriarkes and to exceed Mathuselahs age 21. yeares QVEST. V. The yeares of the Patriarkes full and complete yeares consisting of twelve moneths COncerning the long life of the aged Patriarkes 1. Neither is the conceit of the Aegyptians to bee received that a man cannot live above an 100. yeares for they say that a mans heart increaseth till he come to 50. every yeare two drachmaes in weight and then decreaseth every yeare as much till he come to an hundred and then for want of heart hee can live no longer For this fancy of theirs is confuted by experience for Pliny maketh mention that in Vespatian the Emperors time there were found in Italy two men of an 105. yeares foure of an
But it seemeth that this great defection was about the seventh age for then Lamech of Cains race tooke unto him two wives then the Lord tooke away righteous Henoch that he should bee no longer grieved with the wickednesse of the world Then the world being replenished with great multitudes which are ring-leaders for the most part unto evill as it is written thou shalt not follow a multitude to doe evill began to give themselves to all kinde of wickednesse adultery oppression cruelty multiplicity of wives unlawfull lust even against nature and to fill the earth with uncleannesse 3. And although in this seventh age iniquity was come to the full height yet it began long before even in the dayes of Enos when as the righteous abhorring the great wickednesse of Cains posterity separated themselves and a part beganne to call upon the name of God Iun. 4. The Hebrewes note that at the beginning women were not so multiplied as afterward by whom they tooke occasion to sinne and therefore it is added there were daughters borne unto them c. vers 1. but this clause sheweth not a more speciall multiplying of that kinde but that when the world began to be stored both with men and women then they gave themselves to wantonnesse QVEST. III. The particular sin of the old world here noted Vers. 2. THey saw the daughters of men that they were faire c. 1. Their fault was not onely in that they of the righteous seed matched into Cains stocke Calvin 2. Or that they respected onely beauty having no regard to their piety and vertue Marlorat 3. But they by violence tooke unto them not to their wives but women for so with Mercerus and Iunius I rather interpret the word nashim from all men whatsoever as Iunius readeth both virgines and wives they cared not whom 4. Some Hebrewes here understand also the filthy sinne of buggery that they tooke all they liked even from among the bruit beasts but Moses speaketh onely of the daughters of men QVEST. IV. Who were these sonnes of God Vers. THen the sonnes of God 1. These sonnes of God were not the Angels which some have supposed to have fallen for their intemperancie with women and to have begotten of them spirits as Ioseph Philo Iustine Clemens Alexandrinus Tertullian conjectured who so expoundeth that place of S. Paul that women should be covered because of the Angels lest they should bee tempted with their beauty This opinion is easily confuted 1. Because the world was punished and God was angry not for the sinne of Angels but of men vers 3. My spirit shall not alway strive with man 2. Chrysostome urgeth that place Matth. 22. in the resurrection they neither marry nor are married but are the Angels Ergo Angels are not subject to carnall affections as men are 3. If Angels fell first for the love of women then they sinned not for 1000. yeares after the creation whereas the Scripture sheweth that the Devill was a murtherer and a liar from the beginning Ioh. 8.44 QVEST. V. Devils not corporall nor mortall IT is also absurd and improbable that these were devils which did company with women and of them came Gyants as thinketh Franciscus Georgius who affirmeth devils to have bodies and a generative faculty and to company with women Of the like opinion is Psellus that the devils have bodies and they are nourished by sucking and attraction as spunges and that they are males and females at their pleasures some are of a fiery some ayrie some a watery some of a terrene nature But these are fables and fictions fit rather to be laughed at than worthy to be confuted 1. The Devils are of a spirituall not corporall nature it appeareth by that story Luk. 8. where we reade that in one man there was a legion that is six thousand Devils how could so many spirits if they were corporall be included in one body 2. If they were of a fierie watery or earthly so of an elementall nature they should bee subject to corruption mutability and mortality and so some have imagined also as Plutarch writeth of the death of the great Pan a famous Devill among the Pagans and Cardane reporteth that he heard his Father say who was above thirty years familiar with the Devils that he learned of them that they doe die decay revive againe but this fancie is contrary to the Scripture which testifieth that the Devill hath beene a murtherer from the beginning of the world Ioh. 8 44 Ergo he hath continued from the beginning of the world and how should the soule of man be immortall if these spirits which are of a more subtill nature were mortall 3. Though it were granted that Devills have a kinde of airie bodies yet could they not ingender for the power of generation agreeth onely to perfect bodies which have their materiall and distinct parts and receive nourishment 4. And they being as they say male and female should ingender among themselves in their owne kinde 5. Or if they did company with women they could not beget men but multiply their owne kinde or at the least a mixt kinde as the mule is engendred of an horse and an asse and so some likewise have conceited that the Faunes and Satyres were the off-spring of such generation As Hierom in the life of Antonie reporteth that such an one appeared unto him in the wildernesse with goats feet long crooked nailes and hornes upon his head and spake unto Antonie but either this may be held to be a fable foisted under Hieromes name or if there were any such thing it might be some monster of the wildernesse which the Devill used as his trunke to speake out of QVEST. VI. Spirits doe not generate BUt much more absurd is the opinion of Paulus Burgensis that thinketh these which companied with the daughters of men were spirits called Incubi which doe assume bodies of the aire for a time representing the shape sometime of men sometime of women in the act of generation and then they are called Succubi and thus saith he were the Giants engendred and Tostatus approoving this conceit of Incubi and Succubi seemeth to give credit to that report of Merlin that he was begotten by a spirit In these assertions and uncertaine conjectures of men some what is true some part false 1. True it is that the Devill may appeare in the shape of man or woman and dissemble and counterfeit the act proper to both not that the spirits have any delight in such carnall acts having no true but assumed and counterfeit bodies but they doe it more strongly to delude men and women and entice them to that abominable sinne of the flesh which they know hath corrupted the hearts of many excellent men as of David Salomon 2. Though spirits can take upon them the shape of bodies yet they are but so to the eye they are not true bodies being easily
the center of the earth as Plato imagined for by this meanes the waters should ascend three thousand and 500. miles for so farre it is from the Center of the earth to superficies which is against the nature of water 2. Neither was the Sea this great depth which some thinke is higher than the earth and kept in onely by the power of God which now was suffered to overflow the earth for neither is it true that the Sea is higher than the earth as is before declared neither doth Moses make any mention of it which might have beene sufficient by the overflowing to have drowned the earth if naturally it were so much above it 3. Wherefore the fountaines of the deepe were the deepe heads and springs of water within the earth which were opened and enlarged to make this inundation so that the Rivers that runne in the earth were cast up and the deepe gulph gushed forth and these may be the waters under the earth mentionod Exod. 20. vers 4. The windowes also of heaven signifie not the irruption or breaking forth of any waters in the Chrystall heaven as it is called above the starrie skie as Eugubinus and Oleaster imagine for neither are there any such watâ—rs above the heavens as hath beene before declared and if there were how could they passe thorow the starrie heaven without the dissolution and corruption thereof and it would follow that the watery heaven should be now a vacaâ—t and emptie place the waters being descended from thence But the opening of the windowes of heaven betokeneth the breaking of the clouds where the water is contained that whereas at other times The Lord bindeth the waters in the clouds and the cloud is not broken under them Iob 26.8 Now the Lord loosed the clouds which being made as full of windowes powred forth all the water that was kept in them Mercerus Perer. QVEST. XII Of the causes of the floud THese three were the causes of the floud 1. The issuing forth of the waters beneath out of the earth 2. The continuall raine for forty not onely dayes but nights together not onely powring from the clouds but increasing by the liquefaction and distilling of the aire into water Seneca writing of the generall deluge which he speaketh of not as past but to come addeth unto these three other causes 1. Crescunt maria super solitum c. the extraordinary swelling and overflowing of the sea 2. Incipit terra putrescere laxata ire in humorem The earth also it selfe did putrifie and resolve into water 3. He maketh the conjunction of the celestiall bodies another cause that like as he thinketh the world shall be burned when the starres shall concurre in the signe Cancer sic inundationem futuram cum eadem siderum iurba in Capricornum convenerit so hee thinketh there shall bee a generall inundation when the same company of starres shall come together in the signe Capricorne These causes may bee admitted as helping and necessary though not as principall saving that the conjunction of the starres in Capricorne seemeth rather to be a curious inquisition than to depend of any certaine demonstration QVEST. XIII Vpon what day Noah entred into the Arke Vers. 13. IN the selfe same day c. 1. Lyranus reading according to the latine text in the article of that day thinketh that the noone point of day is hereby expressed and so also Oleaster 2. Tostatus taketh it rather for the morning or twilight which is more properly a point parcell or article of the day It betokeneth nothing else but in the same day as I shewed before in the interpretation 3. Some Hebrewes think that this was wednesday when they say that the Sun is strongest that Noah might have some rest before the Sabbath but this is too curious 4. Some doe take this for the day before the floud being the sixteenth of the moneth that Noah entred then and his family before 5. Others thinke that Noah entred seven dayes before according to the text v. 1. Enter thou into the Arke c. v. 4. for seven dayes hence I will cause it to raine v. 7. so Noah entred c. v. 10. and so after seven dayes c. And thus Ambrose expoundeth so that here by way of recapitulation mention is made of the entring of Noah and Iunius to make the sense more full readeth thus In the same day when Noah was entred c. v. 13. c. God shut him in v. 16. He maketh the 13 14 15. verses to depend upon that clause in the 16. verse whereby is shewed how the providence of God watched over Noah and the rest when they were entred so shutting them up that the waters could not enter 6. But Iunius inserteth one word v. 13. which is not in the Hebrew quum ingressus esset when he was entred when is added so that according to the true reading the selfe same day Noah entred c. it is evident that Noah with his sonnes entred the same day wherein the raine began to fall God so providing that against that day all kind of cattell and fowles were present to enter with him And whereas Noah is bid to enter v. 1. before the seven dayes that is to bee understood of the preparing and making all things ready for his entrance Mercerus Now whereas Iunius thinketh that in the very seventh day the floud came and so readeth v. 10. I thinke rather that the seven dayes were fully expired and that upon the 8. day it began to raine because the text is that after seven dayes the waters were upon the earth Mercer QVEST. XIII How Noah was shut up Vers. 16. GOd shut him up c. 1. Not that after Noah was come into the Arke and his sonnes with their wives and the rest of the creatures God by the ministery of the Angels did shut the doore without and pitched it up occlusit pro eo God shut it up for him as Tremelius and Cajetanus read that is whereas Noah being within could not shut up the doore without God did it for him for as Noah opened the doore at his going out so it is like he shut it at his going in but hereby â—s signified that what was wanting in Noahs labour was supplyed by Gods providence and that it was Gods worke to preserve Noah in the Arke Mercer 2. And this was done not so much to keepe him from the sight of the destruction of the world which might have ministred griefe unto him as Chrysostome collecteth for there was a window out of the which hee might behold that fearefull spectacle but to keepe himselfe from the violence and rage of the waters as also from the rage of men Mercer QVEST. XIV The 150. dayes must be reckoned from the beginning of the floud whereof the 40. dayes are a part Vers. 24. THe waters prevailed an 150. dayes This terme must not be counted from the end of 40. dayes mentioned v.
12. all which time the raine continued as Tostatus and Cajetanus thinke but from the beginning rather including the 40. dayes which seemeth to be the opinion of Ambrose and here unto assent Musculus and Tremelius lib. de Noah arc 17. and it may thus appeare Genes 8.4 it is said that in the 7. moneth the 17. day the Arke rested upon the mountaines of Armenia which was after the end of the 150. dayes when the waters began to abate v. 3. but if the 150. dayes bee added to 40. which make in all an 190. the waters should not abate till the 27. day of the 8. moneth for from the 17. day of the second moneth when the forty dayes must take beginning to the 17. day of the 7. moneth are but five moneths that is dayes 150. counting 30. dayes to a moneth whereas putting 40. and 150. dayes together wee shall have 190. before the waters should begin to abate which is contrary to the text now whereas the Septuagint read the water 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was exalted an 150. dayes and Chrysostome saith tot dies mansit sublimis illa aquarum altitudo the height of the waters continued so long unlesse they meane indifferently of the rising and increase of the water upon any part of the earth which began at the first when the raine fell within the 40. dayes it cannot bee agreeable to the text for the waters increased by three degrees first the Arke was lift up above the waters v. 17. then it floted and went upon the waters v. 18. then the waters prevailed so much that the highest hils were covered v. 20. this increasing prevailing and continuing of the water was but an 150. dayes from the first to the last Mercer 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. The floud not caused by any constellation 1. Vers. 4. I Will cause it to raine upon the earth This raine then was not caused onely or chiefly by ordinary and naturall causes as by the constellation of the starres which was foreseene by Noah which seemeth to have beene the opinion of Henricus Mechliniens and Petrus ab Aliaco and Gulielmus Parisiensis cited by Pererius Seneca also ascribeth inundations to a fatall necessity and when the great deluge shall be which hee beleeved was to come hee saith the starres shall concurre together in Capricorne But it is evident that this floud was caused not by naturall and ordinary meanes but by the extraordinary power of God 1. The Lord saith I will bring a floud of waters Gen. 6. â—7 The fountaines of the deep and the windowes of heaven were opened This sheweth that it was Gods speciall worke by the ministery of his Angels that the heavens rained the earth gave up water after an extraordinary manner 2. The sinnes of that age were the cause of this destruction Gen. 6.13 It was then their iniquity not any fatall necessity that procured that judgement 3. And seeing God made all things in wisdome and order hee framed the world that one part should concurre for the preservation of another not to their destruction 4. No constellation of starres can have a generall operation over the whole earth but only in that place where their influence worketh and when they are moved they ceâ—se working As Seneca rendreth this reason of the increase of some rivers in Summer Quarta ratio est syderum hac enim quibusdam mensibus magis urgent exhauriunt flumina cum longius recesserunt minus consumunt c. The fourth reason is in the starres which in some moneths doe more worke vpon rivers but when they are gone farther off they have not that force Constallations then may exercise their strength upon some speciall rivers and places but not universally upon the whole earth 2. Doct. The highest mountaines in the world covered with the waters of the floud Vers. 19. ALL the high mountaines that were under the whole heavens were covered They then are confuted which thinke that some high hils as Olympus were not overflowne whom Augustine refelleth lib. 15. de civitat c. 27. and Cajetanus who would have the mountaine of Paradise to bee excepted from this inundation 1. The words are generall all high mountaines under not the airie heaven only as Cajetan collecteth but the whole heaven were covered yea the high mountaines were surprised whether Athos in Macedonia which cast his shadow unto the Towne Myrinum in Lemnos the space of 86. miles or Atlas whose top is higher than the clouds or Olympus which Zinagoras by Mathematicall instruments found to be ten stadia or furlongs high Or the mount Tabor which riseth up 30. furlongs as Iosephus writeth or Caucasus whose top is said to be lightned with the Sunne when day-light is shut in below All these high mountaines were covered with waters 2. Augustine thus reasoneth Non attendunt omnia elementorum crassissimam terram ibi esse potuisse c. They consider not that the earth the heaviest of all elements is in the top of these high hils It need not seeme strange then that the waters might ascend thither 3. Where doth Cajetan find that Paradise was situate upon an hill nay the contrary is gathered out of Scripture for out of Eden went a river to water the garden Gen. 2.10 But rivers use not to run upon hils And Cajetan needed not to feare the drowning of Paradise because of Henoch for he was with God taken up into Heaven where the floud could not reach him 4. Of the like conceit with Cajetan is Bellarmine who thinketh that all the mountaines were not overflowen but these onely where the wicked dwelt And Iosephus reporteth out of Nicholaus Damascenus that there is a certaine hill in Armenia called Baris in quo multos profugos diluvii tempore servatos ferunt wherein they say many flying thither for succour in the time of the floud were preserved But these dreames and devices are overthrowne by the evident words of Scripture that all high mountaines under heaven were covered with the waters 5. Likewise that fabulous dreame of some Hebrewes is here refelled who imagine that beside Noah and the rest of the eight persons Og King of Basan who lived till Moses time one of those Giants before the floud might bee preserved for beside that none after the floud lived so long where should Og have beene kept in the floud seeing the mountaines were covered fifteene cubits high which exceeded the stature of any Giant For the Hebrewes doe but fable supposing those Giants to have beene an hundred cubits high Neither is that report out of Pliny much to bee credited of a Gyants body found in Crete of 46. cubits 6. Further Ab. Exra confuteth the opinion of some in his dayes that held this deluge not to have beene universall for although it may bee all the world was not inhabited before the floud but only the East parts because they wanted the invention of ships to transport them from place to place
should have engendred in the Arke neither would the Arke have contained them nor the food by Noah provided have sufficed them We answer then that God remembred them not for any such thing but for mans cause QVEST. II. What manner of wind it was that God sent GOd made a spirit or wind to passe 1. which was not the spirit of consolation wherewith Noah was comforted Rasi 2. Nor yet the holy Ghost as Ambrose and Theodoret suppose Ambrose reason is quomodo non evacuaretur mare ventorum vi if it were then wind that dryed up the floud much more is it able to dry up and empty the sea but this followeth not because this was an extraordinary wind not such as usually bloweth in the sea Theodoret saith further non solent ventis aquae imminui sed potius turbari c. the wind useth to trouble the water not to dry it up so did this wind cause the water to goe and come but it had also a drying faculty otherwise than ordinary winds have 2. Neither was this wind the spirit and heat of the Sunne as Rupertus thinketh but this was extraordinary caused whereas the Sun kept his ordinary course still 3. It was then a wind indeed that was raised by the extraordinary power of God for by exhalation out of the earth whereof winds are usually ingendred it being covered with waters this wind was not caused and God gave it also an extraordinary power both to dry the waters by rossing them to and fro and to force them by going and comming as the property of the water is to ebbe and flow to their proper place into the deepe fountaines from whence they came And these two properties the Scripture ascribeth to the wind 1. to force the waters as in the division of the red sea and to purge the ayre to disperse the clouds and dry up moysture Prov. 25.23 as the North wind driveth away the raine Perer. QVEST. III. When the fountaines began to be stopped and the raine to cease Vers. 2. THe fountaines of the deepe were stopped c. The raine ceased and the current of the water was stopped immediatly after the forty dayes as Augustine thinketh 2. not after the 150. dayes spoken of before as Oleaster imagineth for then the waters had not continued in their height any time at all but should presently have begun to decrease for after the 150. daies they began to abate and Moses saith that the raine was upon the earth forty daies and forty nights chap. 7.21 then not an 150. daies and nights 3. Wherefore I rather approve the opinion of some other Hebrewes that it ceased to raine at all after the forty dayes expired then of Aben Ezra to whom Mercerus seemeth to subscribe that it rained though not continually an 110. dayes after the 40. dayes that is in all 150. dayes 4. R. Sâ—l noteth that where it is said all the fountaines of the deep were stopped not all the fountaines as before it is said all the fountaines c. were opened that some fountaines remained unstopped for the procreation and sending forth of rivers and springs so also Iun. But it is more like that all the fountaines which were extraordinarily opened to augment the floud were stopped the ordinary springs of water continued still as before the floud QVEST. IV. How the seven moneth is to be counted Vers. 4. IN the seventh moneth the seventh day c. 1. Whereas the Latine text and the Septuagint read for the seventeenth day the seven and twenty day which reading is received of the popish interpreters that are addicted to their vulgar latine text and hereupon some of them reckon from the beginning of the floud seuen moneths that is 207. dayes counting twenty nine dayes and a halfe to a moneth whereof the floud continued one hundred ninety and so there should be seventeene daies betweene the beginning of the waters to abate the resting of the Arke sic Tostatus Others beginning their reckoning from the beginning of the floud till the waters abated which make five moneths and two dayes and a halfe accounting but twenty nine dayes and a halfe to a moneth and hereunto they put eight dayes more which was the space between the abating of the water and the resting of the Arke which added to the two dayes make up those ten which the latin hath more than the Hebrew sic Lyranus Pererius But wee refuse all these collections which goe about to justifie the vulgar latin against the originall veriâ—y wherin S. Augustine giveth us a good rule ei lingua potius credatur unde est in aliaÌ„ per interpretes facta translatio that tongue is rather to be credited out of the which the interpreters have translated into another 2. Receiving then the Hebrew text that the Arke rested upon the 17. not the 27. day of the 7. moneth yet we refuse the opinion of Cajetan who therein followeth R. Sel. that would have this moneth the seventh from the beginning of the floud not the seventh of the yeare and the reason is because hee maketh not the 40. dayes of the raine part of the 150. dayes as it is to be truly taken as is shewed before cap. 7. quest 14. but he putteth them together making of them both 190. dayes which is the space of six moneths and sixteene dayes counting but 29. dayes to a moneth so that upon the 191. day after the beginning of the floud which is the 17. of the 7. moneth of the floud the Arke rested c. But this account cannot stand to make this seventh moneth the seventh from the beginning of the floud not from the beginning of the yeare seeing both the second moneth chap. 7.11 and the tenth moneth chap. 8.5 must of necessity be referred to the yeare not to the continuance of the floud And this were to breed a confusion in the story to take some moneths according to the season of the yeare and some according to the time of the floud for seeing the moneths both before and after are numbred according to the course of the yeare there is no reason to understand the seventh moneth otherwise 3. Neither doe we approve Lyranus conceit that whereas hee maketh the 150. dayes to determine the 19. of the seventh moneth after which time the waters began to decrease he would have the Arke to rest upon the 17. day according to the text but how is it like that the Arke should rest before the waters began to abate without a miracle 4. Neither can I condiscend to Mercerus judgement wherein hee followeth a certaine Hebrew in his booke of the binding of Isaack that the waters began to decrease before the 150. dayes expired though the decrease was not so sensible as afterward and so the waters might abate so much by the end of the 150. dayes as that the Arke might well be staid from floting but the text favoureth not this collection which saith that the waters prevailed
an 150. dayes but when they abated they prevailed not and againe v. 3. after the end of 150. dayes the waters abated Ergo not before 5. Wherefore we tooke this seventh moneth according to the order of the yeare being the sixt in number from the second moneth wherein the floud began and making in all but five compleat moneths that is an 150. dayes from the 17. of the second to the 17. of the seventh so that wee make the 40. dayes of continuall raine to be a parcell of the 150. dayes mentioned chap. 7.24 All which time the waters prevailed so then upon the same day the 151. from the beginning of the floud which was the 17. of the seventh the waters abated and the Arke rested upon the mountaines of Armenia this exposition best agreeeth with the text and thus Tremeliuâ— and Musculus doe truly expound But two objections are made 1. saith Pererius by this exposition the Arke shall rest the very first day of the abating of the waters which is not like seeing that it was above two moneths after the 1. day of the 10. moneth when the tops of the mountaines appeared thus also objecteth Mercerus Answer 1 This doubt is easily removed 1. seeing that the waters exceeded not the highest mountaines above 15. cubits and the Arke might draw at the least a 11. cubits of water as R. Sel. thinketh so that the bottom of the Arke was but 4. cubits above the tops of the high mountaines it is not unlikely but that the waters might abate 4. cubits in depth the first day that the Arke might well touch the tops of those high mountaines which may very well be supposed to be the highest of the rest because the Arke first touched there 2. And that this great abatement the first day may seeme probable let it bee considered that in the spâ—ce of an 160. and odde dayes from the 17. of the 7. moneth to the 1. of the first moneth in the 601. yeare v. 13. the very lowest parts of the earth were dried Now the highest hils are thought to be 3. miles at the least higher than the low places as mount Tabor is 30. furlongs high that is 3000. yards which maketh 6000. cubits the eight part of that number the eight part of the height of water must abate which is 750. cubits that is every day 37. cubits and an halfe or thereabout Now be it admitted that every day the waters were not wasted alike for the higher the water and the greater the compasse or circumference the smaller was the abatement yet according to this proportion the waters might very well sinke so much the first day that the Arke might well be stayed upon the high mountaines of Ararat or Armenia 3. And if we say that these mountaines whose tops appeared the first day of the 10. moneth were the lower and inferiour hils as some Hebrewes thinke whom Mercer followeth then there remaineth no doubt at all but that there might be the space of two moneths betweene the appearing of the tops of the highest and of the lowest hils QVEST. V. How many dayes are to be counted to a moneth SEcondly it is objected seeing an 150. dayes make five moneths and two dayes with an halfe reckoning 29. dayes and an halfe after the computation of Hebrewes to a moneth it will be found that the Arke rested two dayes and an halfe before the waters began to abate which was not till an 150. dayes expired but this is not like Answ. 1. We are not forced here to adde ten dayes more as the latine text for 17. readeth 27. which is a corrupting of the Scripture 2. Neither need wee say as some that the waters did abate indeed before the 150. dayes expired but that abatement was not sensible evident or apparant and therefore it is not accounted of for this were to contradict the text which saith after the end of the 150. dayes the waters abated Ergo not before and beside seeing the Arke rested and stayed at the very first abatement upon the mountaine how was it not apparant and sensible 3. Neither for the solution of this doubt are we driven to take this seventh moneth according to the tearme of the floud and not after the order of the yeare which were to confound the storie as is before shewed 4. But our answer is that a moneth here is neither taken for the space of 29. dayes as Cajetane nor of 29. and a halfe as Pererius affirmeth but for thirty dayes complete Iunius and so shall we have an 150. dayes just from the second to the seventeenth of the seventh moneth for unlesse this be admitted we shall neither find a sufficient answer to this objection propounded all those other conjectures being too weake And beside unlesse the Hebrewes should account 30. dayes to a moneth and rather more their yeares consisting of twelve moneths should be very imperfect for whereas a yeare according to the course of the Sunne containeth 365. dayes if there be but 30. dayes in a moneth there will be but 360. dayes if but 29. dayes and an halfe there will be but 354. so that by this reckoning the Hebrewes yeare should want 11. dayes of a perfect yeare which would worke a great confusion in the computation of yeares and is not to be admitted QVEST. VI. What mountaine the Arke rested upon THe Arke rested upon the mountaines of Ararat c. Some thinke that the Arke rested upon the mountaine Taurus from whence commeth the River Araxis which some understand hereby Ararath and upon that part of Taurus which hangeth over Cilicia and the rather for that the City Tarsus is there situate which seemeth to be derived of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth to drie because that part and tract of Cilicia was soonest dried after the floud Perer. But the Chalde Paraphrast calleth that part of Armenia where the Arke rested Kardu Curtius Cordaeos the Cordeans or Gordians as Ptolomie where is one hill higher than the rest not called Baris as Iosephus alleageth out of Nicholaus Damascenus which Iunius out of Epiphanius sheweth must be read Lubaris which in the Armenian tongue signifieth a place of descending because there was the place where Noah first descended out of the Arke and this is most probable But whether part of the Arke remained so long time after as Iosephus Berosus Hieronymus say it continued till their time it is uncertaine Marlorat QVEST. VII How the tenth moneth is to be accounted Vers. 5. THe waters were going and decreasing till the tenth moneth c. This cannot be the tenth moneth from the beginning of the floud as Cajetane thinketh for seeing there was one moneth and 16. dayes of the second moneth past before the floud came by this reckoning this first day of the tenth moneth when the tops of the mountaines began to appeare should be the seventeenth day of the eleventh moneth which cannot be seeing after this Moses accounteth 40. dayes vers 6.
not to returne because he came not againe into the Arke bur onely rested upon it or for that he returned without giving notice of that wherefore he was sent as the Dove did sic Lyranus Tostatus 3. Their conjecture also which say that the Raven returned not but lighted upon some carrion or dead body cannot be allowed as contrary to the text and beside unlikely seeing now it was the eleventh moneth in which time all the dead bodies were either consumed of the water or devoured of the fish 4. Wherefore we hold the Septuagint and Latine to be corrupt and that according to the Hebrew text the Raven went and came to the Arke both because there was his food his mate or fellow and his nest or resting place though I thinke that Raven was not received into the Arke as the Dove was 5. But the Hebrewes fables we refuse how that the Raven was sent forth out of the Arke because of his intemperancie with his mate and that two other in the Arke were in the same case Cham and Canis the dogge likewise they imagine that the Raven should expostulate with Noah why he was sent out from his mate as though Noah should keepe her for himselfe some thinke that this was the Raven that afterward fed Elias but these ridiculous toyes are not worth the rehearsall 6. The Hebrewes and some Christian writers doe here much stand upon allegories some of them which tend to edifying we refuse not as that the simple hearted are signified by the Dove who are to be received into the Church but Hypocrites and carnall men must not be admitted into the Arke of the Church as the Raven returned not Mercer QVEST. XII Of the sending out of the Dove and the computation of the seven dayes Vers. 8. HE sent also forth a Dove from him c. 1. Though the tops of the mountaines appeared before the sending forth of the Dove yet she found no rest for the sole of her foot because the earth was not yet dry but muddy and standing with water as Chrysostome noteth and Iosephus saith that the dove returned with fowle and durty feet and beside the dove delighteth in the vallies and places which were yet under the water Mercer 2. whereas she brought an olive leafe c. I rather thinke with Chrysostome that the olive tree yet keepe the leaves greene under the water especially seeing the olive as Pliny noteth is one of those trees whose leaves are alwayes greene then with Ambrose that Deo jubente uno die c. germinavit terra c. at Gods commandement the earth in the same day wherin it began to be dry did bud and bring forth that this olive branch was fetcht forth from Paradise or out of the land of Israel is a Jewish fable 3. Where Moses saith v. 10. he abode yet other seven dayes I approve rather the opinion of Tostatus and Lyranus and Mercerus that Moses observeth thrice seven dayes then of Rupertus and Pererius that understand but twice seven which Noah waited for the sending forth of the dove for it is evident that he had staid 7. dayes before not seven other from those forty dayes as Pererius expoundeth it but other seven from the first seven as the seven other mentioned v. 12. were other from the second seven QVEST. XIII Of the account of the 601. yeare of Noahs age Vers. 13. IN the six hundred and one yeare c. 1. Whereas in the first moneth the upper face of the earth was dried and yet v. 14. it is said the earth was dried the 27. day of the second moneth wee need not with Cajetan to reconcile this doubt to say that this was all one moneth but divers in computation the first in respect of Noahs age the second of the yeare for it was not like that Moses in the same place would use a divers computation which would breed a confusion in the story but the text expoundeth it selfe that in the first moneth onely the upper face of the earth seemed to bee dry but it was not firme and sound and fit for habitation till the second moneth 2. In that Noah removed the covering of the Arke that is part thereof so much as might serve to looke forth it followeth not that the window of the Arke was too little for Noah to looke out at as Pererius noteth or not convenient in respect of the situation for that use for both Noah out of the window had perceived before the tops of the mounntaines to bee bare v. 5. for how else and of whom were they seene as also in that Noah put his hand out of the window and tooke in the dove it appeareth it was not out of his reach but from the top of the Arke Noah might see round about whereas the window opened but one way and therefore he removed some part of the cover QVEST. XIIII Noahs floud of the longest continuance of all others Vers. 14. ANd in the second moneth the 27. day of the moneth 1. This floud then which was in Noahs time was of the longest continuance of all flouds and inundations that ever were that great inundation of Nilus under Prometheus endured but a moneths space that under Ogyges in Achaia two moneths another under Deucalion in Thessalia three moneths they make mention also of a fourth inundation of the Isle Pharos called therefore Pharonica under the Aegyptian Proteus but none of these were like unto this inundation in Noahs time neither for generality of place or perpetuity of time 2. For this floud neither continued only nine moneths as Anniaâ—â—s thinketh or ten moneths as Cajetanus supposeth but twelve moneths full and ten dayes according to the course of the Sunne for Noah went into the Arke when the floud began in the second moneth and 17. day of the six hundred yeare and hee came forth the second moneth of the yeare six hundred and one upon the 27. day of the moneth QVEST. XV. Abstinence in the Arke Vers. 18. ANd Noah came forth c. 1. Ambrose noteth as some Hebrewes before that whereas Noah is bid to come forth he and his wife his sonnes and their wives v. 16. but when he is bid to come in he and his sonnes and his wife and his sonnes wives are joyned together chap. 6. v. 18. that they lived apart in the Arke and companied not together non commiscetur sexus in introitu sed commiscetur in ingressu although it is like that Noah and his sonnes lived in abstinence in the Arke because it was a time of mourning and therefore the Hebrewes note that Ioseph had his children not in the yeares of famine in Aegypt but before yet this cannot be gathered out of the 16. v. where Noah and his wife his sonnes and their wives are named together when they are bidden to come out of the Arke for here v. 18. they are againe named asunder 2. But R. Isaack Carus his
4. Iunius placeth it neare unto Jerusalem being the same Valley where Absolon reared his Pillar 2. Sam. 18.18 and hereunto the Septuagint agree which interpret in the Valley of Melchisedeck And it seemeth indeed not to be farre off from Salem which is Jerusalem where Melchisedeck was King because he met Abraham there with bread and wine 5. It was not at this time but afterward called the Kings Dale Vatab. not because the Kings used there to exercise and disport themselves Chald. neither was it so named of some King Calvin but rather it was called the Kings Dale for the excellency of it and therefore is thought to be the same which was called Vallis illustris the famous Valley Perer. QVEST. XVI Who Melchisedeck was Vers. 18 MElchisedeck c. 1. Origen and Dydimus thinke that Melchisedeck was an Angell but the text is contrary that maketh him King of Salem 2. Some thinke that this Melchisedeck was the Holy Ghost which opinion is defended by the Author of the questions of the old and new Testament cha 109. which goe under Augustines name but it is none of Augustines worke for he numbreth the Melchsedechians among the Heretikes here 's 34. and it is an erronious opinion 1. For this Melchisedeck is said to be a Priest to the most high God but every Priest is taken from among men Heb. 5.1 2. If the Holy Ghost was a Priest unto God he therein should be inferiour unto God and so not God for in the God-head there is equality 3. Neither did the Holy Ghost ever descend from heaven to be incarnate but onely the sonne of God Ioh. 3.13 4. And whereas the Apostle saith that Melchisedeck was without father or mother and without beginning of dayes or end of life Heb. 7.3 whence they would enforce that Melchesedeck was not a mortall man but of an immortall nature the Apostle hath there relation onely to the story in this place Melchisedeck is not set forth in story by his kindred his birth and death he had both father and mother was borne and died but there is no mention made of it and so Hierome expoundeth that word used by the Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 genealogie is not expressed or mentioned 3. A third opinion there is that Melchisedeck was a King of Canaan and not of Abrahams line of which opinion were Irenaeus Eusebius Caesarion Apollinarius Eustathius as Hierome testifieth and among the new Writers Calvin Iunius Musculus Mercerus Pererius with others 1. Pererius urgeth that place Heb. 7.6 He whose kindred is not counted among them which proveth not that Melchisedeck simply was not of Abrahams kindred but that it was not so expressed in story 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Epiphanius saith so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not rehearsed in genealogie here used by the Apostle is the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without kindred vers 3. 2. And seeing Canaan was under Gods curse and Sem had the chiefe blessing how it is like that one of Canaan should blesse Abraham of Sem. 3. And the Apostle concludeth that Melchisedeck was greater than Abraham because he blessed him but none of the Canaanites which were the cursed seed could be greater than Abraham the father of the faithfull of blessed Sem. 4. The fourth opinion of the rest most probable is that this Melchisedeck was Sem which opinion is strengthned with many arguments 1. Sem onely of all men living was greater than Abraham as Syracides saith Sem and Seth were in great honour among the children of men 49.16 though Arphaxad Selah and Heber yet lived yet Sem was the most honourable in respect of his yeares his knowledge who saw the old world his prerogative in Noahs blessing and whereas Abrahams predecessors were Idolaters none of Sems progenitors are noted that way therefore seeing Melchisedeck was greater than Abraham and none then living was greater than Sem he is most like to be the Melchisedeck 2. That was the place of Sems dwelling whence in time Iapheths sonnes should learne to dwell in the Tabernacle of God so reasoneth Midras but from Sion came forth the law and word from Jerusalem Isay 2.3 at Salem therefore were the tents of Sem. 3. Hierome alleageth this reason used by some that Melchisedeck brought forth bread and wine to Abraham for his repast seeing he owed this duty to his grand-childe Evagr. tom 4. 4. Melancthon thus argueth therefore God brought Abraham to Sem the father of his ancestors to joyne together a notable company of the Church 5. Some use this reason A Kingdome is more ancient than a tyranny but unlesse we make Sem to be Melchisedeck we cannot plainly prove that a King reigned before Nimrod treat of Melchis 6. Melchisedeck is interpreted a King of righteousnesse this Melchisedeck had the knowledge of the true justice and righteousnesse by faith in Christ but in all the Scripture shall we read of none called to the faith but men acquainted with Abrahams house with himselfe or Isaacks line or the children of the East the sonnes of Keturah in the booke of Iob. 7. That this Melchisedeck a King of Canaan should bee Sem agreeth to the prophesie Gen. 9.27 Let Canaan be his servant 8. Also in that he is called a Priest of the most high God This also agreeth to Sem who had that prerogative of Priest-hood not as some Hebrewes thinke by his birth-right for Iapheth was elder but by his fathers blessing Blessed be the God of Sem who was more like to be this great high Priest of Sems God than Sem himselfe 9. Melchisedeck was King of Salem which signifieth peace and indeed this Salem had a speciall prerogative of peace for when the foure Kings smote other parts of the Countrey of Canaan as is set forth in this chapter it is not like that Salem should have beene spared if the King thereof had beene a Canaanite if there had not beene great respect to the person of aged Melchisedeck or Sem. 10. Where Melchisedeck is set forth without father or mother beginning of life or end of dayes this also most fitly agreeth to Sem who was borne before the floud whose father Noah was now dead who lived 600. yeares so that no man living at that time could remember his birth or death or parents 11. Seeing also that Hebers language was preserved in Salem as may appeare by the interpretation of the name of Melchisedeck It is most probable that this King of Salem was of that line who together with the true faith retained that holy language 12. Lastly seeing Melchisedeck was a type of Christ Psal. 10. that came of Sem and no type or figure of Christ is expressed in Scripture but of Sems line none is more like to be this representer and foreshewer of Christs everlasting Priesthood than Sem himselfe then living It is most unlike that any Priest not of Sem should shadow forth the high Priest Christ of Sem and
2. Neither did this laughter of Abraham shew any infidelitie and unbeliefe in him as Chrysostome thinketh and some others who make Abrahams and Sarahs laughter all one infidelitate peccavit sanctus Abraham c. Holy Abraham saith he sinned by infidelity and therefore his seed was punished 400. yeares with servitude 6. homil de poenitent The same also is the opinion of Hierome that Abrahams laughing his speech shall Sarah that is ninetie yeare old beare his wish and prayer for Ismael did declare his incredulity lib. 3. cont Pelag. But the Apostle cleareth Abraham of all such imputation of unbeleefe where he saith Rom. 4.19 alluding to this place He was not weake in faith v. 21. being fully assured that he which had promised was also able to doe it And if Abrahams laughter had proceeded from doubtfulnesse God would not have named Isaack of such laughter in the which name Rasi noteth many mysteries in the letters jod signifieth the ten tentations of Abraham â—sadds the age of Sarah of ninetie yeare cheth the eighth day for circumcision coph an hundred yeares which was Abrahams age 3. Neither did Abraham at the first doubt but afterward was confirmed in the faith which is the opinion of Ioannes Arboreus reported by Pererius for the Apostle doth free Abraham also from all doubting either first or last Rom. 4.20 Neither did hee doubt of the promise of God through unbeleefe 4. Neither is Cajetans conceit to be admitted whereunto Pererius seemeth to subscribe that Abraham doubted not of the truth of Gods promise or of his power but onely he doubted whether the promise were to be taken literally or mystically in chap. 17. Gen. for what reason had Abraham to thinke of any mysticall sense if he beleeved that God would and could literally and properly make good his word And Saint Paul sheweth that Abraham understood the promise properly and literally when he saith that he considered not his owne body which was now dead being almost an hundred yeare old nor the deadnesse of Sarahs wombe Rom. 4.19 5. Neither yet can I fully consent to Ambrose and Rupertus that doe discharge Abraham of all manner of doubtfulnesse as Ambrose saith that whereas Abraham prayeth for Ismael he did not doubt of Gods promise to receive a sonne by Sarah but desireth that Ismael also may live sic superabundet gratia and so Gods grace might abound the more Rupertus saith that whereas Abraham said shall a sonne be borne to him that is an hundred yeare old Non dubitando dixit sed suam faelicitatem admirando He doubted not in so saying but admiring his owne happinesse for there appeareth some difficulty and hesitation in Abrahams speech seeing hee objecteth with himselfe the same thing which Sarah did shall a childe bee borne to him that is an hundred yeare old as Sarah said shall I certainly beare a childe that am old Gen. 19.13 though Abraham yeelded not to this objection as Sarah did neither shewed so great weaknesse in doubting and therefore was not reproved as Sarah was 6. Wherefore the best solution is that these objections and doubts in Abraham proceeded not from want of faith but Abraham feeling in himselfe a sight betweene faith and carnall sense striveth against humane reason and overcommeth these motions at the first and so was strengthened as the Apostle saith in the faith and his faith was thereby made more glorious Calvin There was then in Abraham a strife betweene his naturall reason which wondred that he at an hundred yeare should have a sonne of Sarah and his faith which beleeved that God was able to doe it yet in this cogitation he remained not long his faith prevailed QVEST. XIII Whether Abraham were circumcised first or last Vers. 23. THen Abraham tooke Ismael c. 1. It is questioned whether Abraham were circumcised first to give good example or last which I thinke rather with the Hebrewes because Abraham had beene unfit by reason of his cutting to circumcise others but it is certaine he beganne first with his owne sonne Ismael to make the other more willing 2. Abraham alone could not circumcise all his family therefore it is like that thereto be used the helpe of others as the Jewes to this day use Chirurgians which are skilfull in cutting to circumcise their children 3. Abraham the same day doth circumcise his family to testifie to the world that he was not ashamed of the badge of his profession and to shew his prompt obedience in not deferring the commandement whereupon to this day the Jewes circumcise in the day not in the night Mercer 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Our faith must rest onely upon Gods words Vers. 4. BEhold I make my covenant c. Wee learne that our faith must depend onely upon Gods word as here the Lord would have Abraham to consider who it was that made this covenant with him behold I c. We must not then greatly regard what man saith but the word of God must be our warrant As our Saviour maketh this opposition You have heard that it was said to you of old time c. but I say unto you Mat. 5.27 sic Calvin 2. Doct. the Sacraments called by the name of the things Vers. 10. THis is my covenant That is the signe of my covenant so the Sacraments are called by the name of the things which they represent because they are not naked and bare signes but doe verily seale unto us the promise of God In the same sense and by the like figure called metonymiâ— doth our Saviour call the bread his body saying This is my body whereof it was a figure onely and representation Mercer 3. Doct. Difference betweene externall and internall calling in the Church Vers. 7. I Will establish my covenant betweene me and thee and thy feed after thee in their generations c. All then that were of Abrahams seed by Isaack did belong to the externall covenant and Church of God and therefore are called in generall by our Saviour the children of the Kingdome yet the covenant of grace appertained onely to those that received it by faith and so were the children of faithfull Abraham as Saint Paul saith They which are the children of the flesh are not the children of God but the children of the promise are counted for the seed Rom. 9.8 Calvin 4. Doct. Baptisme the Sacrament of regeneration belongeth to Infants Vers. 12. EVery man-childe of eight dayes old shall be circumcised c. From hence the baptisme of Infants which commeth in the place of circumcision is most pertinently proved against the grosse errour of the Anabaptists for as then Infants were circumcised to shew the contagion of the nature from the which they were cleansed by the circumcision of the spirit so even Infants now being guiltie of originall corruption have need of the Sacraments of regeneration 5. Doct. Gods purpose and promise towards vs should not stay our prayers Vers. 20. COncerning Ismael I
or write all after one manner of purpose but in some variety of order and words were directed by the Spirit to write one truth Other rules also may be propounded for the reconciling of places of Scripture which seeme at the first sight to be repugnant in respect of the divers computation of time 1. When as one writer doth inclusively account the time which another doth exclusively as Luke c. 9.29 saying that Christ about an 8. dayes after was transfigured includeth in this number both primum ultimum the first and last day Matthew saying after 6. dayes doth exclude these two dayes making mention of those six that came betweene sic Augustin lib. de consens Evang. c. 56. 2. Sometime the principall part of the time is rehearsed and the small or odde numbers omitted as 1 King 2.11 David is said to have reigned 40. yeares over Israel 7. yeares in Hebron and 33. yeares in Jerusalem whereas the precise account of his reigne in Hebron was 7. yeares 6. moneths and in Jerusalem 33. yeares which make in all 40. yeares 6. moneths 2 Sam. 5.5 3. Sometime the yeares of a Kings reigne are reckoned which he reigned alone sometime those wherein he reigned with another so Iotham reigned 16. yeares alone but twenty yeares counting those wherein he governed under his Father 2 Kings 15.5.30.33 Perer. QUEST XX. Why Abrahams servant refused to eat or drinke Vers. 33. THey set before him to eat but he said I will not eat 1. Hee neither refused to eat because unusuall meat was set before him such as hee was not accustomed unto in Abrahams house as some Hebrewes thinke 2. Neither doth he deferre till he had spoken his words that is said grace as some interpret for though it is not to bee doubted but that they used in Abrahams house to receive their meat with thanksgiving yet hee meaneth the delivering of his message 3. But that is a meere fable that hee would not eat because they set poyson before him to have his goods which poyson was returned upon Bethuel who thereupon died and this fable the Hebrewes would build upon the word sam poyson answerable to the word sume here used which signifieth to place or set for neither were they so poore that they needed Abrahams goods nor so unhonest so to deale with their nearest kinsmans servant nor yet is there any affinity betweene those two words the one beginning with samech the other with shin Mercer 4. Neither doth he refraine from eating and drinking fearing lest afterward hee should not tell a sober tale 5. But his diligence is commended who preferreth his masters businesse before his meat and drinke QUEST XXI Perswasions used by Abrahams servant to further the mariage Ver. 35. THe Lord hath blessed my master c. 1. The servant beginneth to use perswasions to make a way for the mariage intended 1. That hee was rich and not by evill meanes but by Gods blessing Muscul. 2. That Isaack was borne of Sarai in her old age and so not without a miracle as a man ordained of God for some great matter Calvin 3. And lest they might object why being so rich he tooke not a wife neare hand he addeth that his master gave him speciall charge not to take a wife of the daughters of Canaan Mercer QUEST XXII Certaine fabulous conceits of the Hebrewes refused IT shall not bee amisse to note certaine fabulous collections of the Hebrewes 1. Vers. 39. They thinke that Eliezar secretly insinuated that if hee could not otherwise provide a wife for Isaack hee would offer his owne daughter but that Abraham absolutely refused because he was of the Canaanites But yet they say that this Eliezar for his faithfull service was taken alive into Paradise as Isaack came alive from thence 2. Vers. 42. Where he saith I came this day to the well the Hebrewes thinke that he came from Hebron to Charras in a day which is noted to be seventeene dayes journey and this day noteth the time not of his departure from home but of his comming thither Mercer 3. V. 47. They note that he put the jewels so upon her face that he touched not her flesh whereas the meaning is that hee gave her them rather to put them on her selfe QUEST XXIII Whether Abrahams servant gave the gifts before he knew who she was Vers. 47. WHereas before v. 22. he first brought forth the jewels before hee asked her whose daughter she was whereas here he first is said to aske her 1. Neither is it like that he asked her before he brought them forth as Iun. Perer. 2. Neither doth he here report it otherwise than it was done lest they might have accused him of levity to give jewels to one whom he knew not as Rasi 3. But first he brought them forth and then asked her the question and after gave them Mercer QUEST XXIV Why Laban is set before Bethuel Vers. 50. THen answered Laban and Bethuel 1. Neither was this Bethuel the brother of Laban as Lyran 2. Neither was Bethuel Rebeccahs father dead as Iosephus 3. Neither is Labans impiety noted who taketh upon him to speake before his father as Rasi 4. Nor yet is Laban first named as more excellent in wisdome than his father as Aben Ezra 5. But for that his father being old or sickly had committed his houshold government to Laban Iun. Mercer QUEST XXV The space of ten dayes for Rebeccahs abode how to be understood Vers. 55. LEt the maid abide with us at the least ten dayes 1. She meaneth not that is Rebeccahs mother to have her stay a yeare or at the least ten moneths as the Hebrewes and Onkelâ—s for this had bin an unreasonable request seeing the man made such haste 2. Neither the words standing thus let her abide dayes at the least ten by dayes are understood seven dayes of mourning for Bethuel whom they supposed to have beene dead for then they would not have requested for seven dayes first and then for ten but have begun with the greater request first 3. Neither is the vulgar reading the best to joyne the words together at the least ten dayes for in the originall dayes goe before 4. The best reading then is let her abide dayes that is certaine or at the least ten Iun. QUEST XXVI Of the willingnesse of Rebecca Vers. 58. I Will goe c. 1. Not that she said in effect I will goe though you will not as Rasi for this thought or speech had noâ— become the modesty of the maid 2. but rather her obedience to her parents appeareth to whom she consenteth Calvin 3. and her will was no doubt directed by the Spirit of God Muscul. QUEST XXVII How Isaack dwelled in Beersheba Abraham remaining in Hebron Vers 6â— ISaack came from the way of Beer-lahai-roi c. 1. Not that Isaack went thither to fetch Hagar to be Abrahams wife after Sarahs death as some Hebrewes for she was not Keturah as shall appeare afterward 2.
disparagement to him All precedent slips and errours in them were cleansed and purified in his holy and unspotted conception 13. This narration of Iudahs incest doth serve to abate the pride and insolencie of the Jewes who boast so much of their petigree and they are not ashamed to tell our Saviour to his face that they were not borne of fornication Ioh. 8.41 Perer. 4. This story hath some coherence and similitude with that which followeth in the next chapter though the event is not like for here Thamar soliciteth Iudah there Potiphars wife Ioseph but Iudah sheweth his incontinencie Ioseph his chastity Mercer QUEST II. At what time these things were done here reported of Iudah BUt at what time this historie was done here recorded some question there is 1. Neither is this narration wholly set downe by way of recapitulation as Augustine thinketh quaest 128. in Gen. as though it went before Iosephs selling into Egypt for Iudah was not above foure or five yeares elder than Ioseph for Iudah was the fourth sonne of Leah and hee and Ioseph were borne within the compasse of seven yeares Gen. 31.31 Now Ioseph being seventeene yeare old when he was sold into Egypt Iudah then not exceeding 22. yeares could not have sonnes marriageable as Er and Onan were 2. Neither is Pererius opinion to be received that all this fell out after Ioseph was sold for from that time till Iacobs going downe to Egypt when Ioseph was 39. yeare old are but 22. yeares in which time Iudah could not bee a grand-father as he was for his sonne Phares had two sonnes Ezron and Hamul that went downe with Iacob into Egypt And to say that either of these two sonnes were borne in Egypt is to contradict the Scripture that saith they went downe into Egypt with Iacob Gen. 46.26 or to say that Iacobs going downe must be taken for all the time of his life and abode in Egypt which was seventeene yeares is to speake improperly and to pervert the course of the story 3. Wherefore the best solution is that part of this chapter was fulfilled before Iosephs captivity part followed after and Iudah must be supposed to have taken a wife at twelve or thirteene Mercer Iunius thinketh at seventeene yeares I would rather take fourteene or fifteene yeares betweene both and Er must be about ten yeares of age when Ioseph was sold Iun. who also tooke a wife at the like age of twelve or thirteene yeares Mercer which will fall out about the twenty five or twenty six yeare of Iudahs age then Er and Onan might die in one yeare Selah might be expected some three yeares Perer. then the yeare following might Thamar have her two twins about the thirty yeare of Iudah Pharez keeping the same time of marriage might have his two sonnes but very young when Iacob went downe to Egypt in the 44. yeare or thereabout of Iudahs age Iunius thinketh that Iudah begat Pharez at the age of thirty foure and was fifty yeares old when he went downe into Egypt but that cannot be for Iudah was not above five years elder than Ioseph who was then but 39. yeares old for Iudah was Leahs fourth son who together with Ioseph were borne in the second seven yeare of Iacobs service with Laban 4. And lest it might seeme strange that Iudah and his sonnes were married and had children so young this is not affirmed without the like president in Scripture for wee finde that Ahaz father to Hezekiah was but eleven yeares old when hee was borne for Ahaz was but thirty six yeares old when hee died 2 King 16.2 and Hezekiah immediately succeeding in the kingdome was 25. yeare old 2 King 18.2 It cannot be said that there was an interrognum betweene them that the kingdome lay void a certaine space for in the twelfth yeare of Ahaz over Judah began Hoshea to reigne in Samaria nine years 2 King 17.1 and Ahaz reigned sixteene years 2 King 16.2 Now in the third yeare of Hoshea began Hezekiah to reigne 2 King 18.1 If then in those dayes when mans age was much shortned his nature decayed and strength abated they had issue so soone it is not improbable but that such untimely mariages might be in use in Iudahs time when their life was longer and their strength greater 5. But where it is said About that time Iudah went downe it must not be referred exactly to that particular season which went immediately before but indefinitely understood of the whole course of that history of Iacobs children after their returne out of Mesopotamia while Iacob dwelt in Sechem where he remained eight yeares which I rather thinke with Mercer than that this was done after Iacob was come to Isaack Aben Ezra sheweth the like Deut. 10.7 where it is said that at the same time when the children of Israel departed from Gudgodah The Lord separated the tribe of Levi whereas Levi was separated the second yeare after they came out of Egypt but they departed from Gudgodah in the 40. yeare wherefore these words the same time must be referred to the whole time of their peâ—egrination in the wildernesse not to that particular time of departing from Gudgodah And so likewise in this place ex Mercer Or further these words about that time may be understood by a synecdoche the part being taken for the whole because some of these things here recorded though not all might fall out in that instant or not long after as the strange death of Er and Onan and the incest of Iudah which might happen about the 24. yeare of Ioseph ex Mercer QUEST III. Why Iudah went downe and whither Vers. 1. IVdah went downe c. 1. That is he descended into some lower Countrey it may bee out of Sechem not as some Hebrewes that he was fallen from his greatnesse because he gave counsell to have Ioseph sold and was the cause of his fathers long griefe Mercer 2. What was the cause of his going from his brethren is not expressed whether for detestation of the horrible murther committed by Simeon and Levi upon the Sichemites or for the abundance of cattell which he had But it is like that he often came and went to his brethren as appeareth by the story of Iosephs selling into Egypt whereunto Iudah advised he also went downe with his brethren into Egypt for corne 3. This Adullam was a towne in the tribe of Iudah whither afterward David did flie 1 Sam. 22.1 Hierom saith that in his time there was a village of that name some ten miles from Eleutherepolis Muscul. QUEST IV. Of Iudahs oversight in marrying a woman of the Canaanites Vers. 2. IVdah saw the daughter of a man called Suah 1. This was not the name of Iudahs wife as the Septuagint reade vers 12. but of his wives father 2. Neither was this Suah a merchant as the Chalde paraphrast readeth and the Hebrewes follow the same to cover the infirmities of their fathers although the word Covagnan
3. Wherefore it is like that the Elders also went in but Moses and Aaron onely are named as the principall as vers 4. Pharaoh in saying get ye to your burthens speaketh not to Moses and Aaron onely but to the other Israelites with them Iunius Simlerus QUEST III. Whether Pharaoh were altogether ignorant of God Vers. 2. I Know not Iehovah 1. Paulus Burgens thinketh that Pharaoh so spake because the name Iehovah was not knowne to him But it is not like that Moses would use a strange name of God which Pharaoh understood not 2. Thostatus thinketh that hee simplie denied not God but that he was Iehovah that is the ruler and governour of the world that seeth and beholdeth all things But this is too curious and it seemeth that Pharaoh had no good opinion of the Godhead and divine power 3. Therefore whereas there is a twofold knowledge of God the one naturall by the creatures the other spirituall by the word of God the first onely sheweth that there is a God the other teacheth who that God is and how to be served it is like that Pharaoh was not altogether void of the first which he abused detracting from the true God and giving the divine honour unto filthie Idols but the true God he was utterly ignorant of Borrh. 4. So that beside his grosse ignorance hee in pride of heart contemneth and despiseth the true God Simler Hee acknowledgeth the God of the Hebrewes to bee no God and inferiour to the Idols of Egypt Perer. and of no such power to command him being King of Egypt Pellican and afterwards by plagues and judgements hee is taught to confesse and acknowledge God Ferus 5. And there are foure causes that for the most part doe bring men to denie God either feare as Peter denied Christ or grosse ignorance as the wicked thinketh there is no God Psal. 10.4 or corruption and wickednesse of life as the foole saith in his heart there is no God Psal. 14.1 or abundance of prosperitie which maketh a carnall man thinke that hee is sufficient of himselfe without God and therefore the Prophet prayeth that God would not give him too much Lest I be full and denie thee Prov. 30. 6. These three last did concurre in Pharaoh his ignorance wicked life and abundance of prosperitie Perer. QUEST IV. Why mention is onely made of going three dayes journey Vers. 3. LEt us goe three dayes journie into the desert c. 1. Some doe mystically apply these three dayes journie as Augustine to the Trinitie Ferus understandeth it of the purging of our thoughts words and works Perer. Of the way of Christians by faith hope and charitie Borrhaim observeth the like number of three dayes as chap. 19. when they are bid to sanctifie themselves against the third day Ionas was three dayes in the belly of the whale Christ rose the third day But such mysticall applications are but mens wittie devices 2. Neither is the conjecture of the Hebrewes sound that whereas it was not three dayes onely but three moneths journey unto mount Horeb where they sacrificed as appeareth chap. 19. they say a day is taken here for a moneth for thus Moses request should have beene captious and full of deceit 3. Therefore Moses maketh mention onely of three dayes journey as the Lord commanded him who knew that Pharaoh would not grant so small and reasonable a request that his inhumanitie might bee made manifest and so Gods judgements to be just Thostat Lyran. 4. And though God purposed that Israel should never returne into Egypt againe yet it was not necessarie nor convenient that all the Lords counsell should bee revealed to such a cruell Tyrant and herein Moses told no untruth but onely prudently concealed some part as the Lord directed him Simler QUEST V. What other things were said and done by Moses before Pharaoh COncerning other things said and done by Moses 1. Neither is it likely that Moses rehearsed unto Pharaoh the benefits which the Egyptians had received of him as Iosephus but rather he might make mention of Iosephs worthie acts done in Egypt 2. Neither is any credit to be given to Artapanus report alleaged by Eusebius how Moses caused fire to come out of the earth that being committed to prison his keepers were suddenly slaine and the gates opened of themselves and he came into Pharaohs chamber without any let and how certaine Priests for deriding the name Iehovah which Moses had written in a table were sudenly striken dead it is like if such memorable things had beene done Moses would not have omitted them Perer. Therefore to know the summe of Moses acts it sufficeth us to have recourse to the storie here pâ—nned by himselfe QUEST VI. In what sense Pharaoh saith they were much people Vers. 5. BEhold now much people is in the land and would ye make them leave their burthens 1. Some referre it to that which was said before vers 13. Moses gave this reason of his request that the people might be dismissed to sacrifice to God lest he come upon them with the pestilence and so Pharaoh should answer that although the pestilence came upon them he could spare many of them because they were a great multitude 2. Some thinke that Pharaoh objecteth to them rebellion that they being confident upon the strength and multitude of the people did gather them together and caused them to remit their works intending some mutinie Vatab. 3. Other doe make this to be the sense if the people having beene kept under by sore labour doe so increase how much more if they had their case sic Pellican Osiander Latin interpret 4. But it is best read with an interrogation Seeing they are much people would you hinder them and so their works should be intermitted that were so profitable and of such advantage to Pharaoh Iun. Simler This sense is most fitting and agreeable to the text as may appeare by the scope thereof QUEST VII Why they used straw in making bricke Vers. 7. YE shall give the people no more straw 1. They used straw to make bricke both to temper the clay therewith that it might be firmer Lyran. as also to cover it and keepe it from parching and chapping by the sunne as also to burne the bricke with Simler 2. There was great use of bricke in Egypt not onely because they wanted stone but for that the buildings made of bricke were durable and continued long as the wall that compassed Athens was made of bricke and Iupiters temple Plinl ib. 35. cap. 14. The same author also reporteth from Epigenes that there was bricke worke in Babylon of seven hundred yeeres continuance wherein the observation of the starres were graven Perer. 3. As for the allegories which are here devised as by the strawe to understand evill thoughts by the clay corrupt doctrine by Pharaoh the devill I omit them as humane devices QUEST VIII Whether Moses sinned in expostulating thus with God Vers. 22. MOses returned unto
the principall and chiefe moneth as Vatablus but the first in order from whence all the rest should be numbred 2. Divers nations have had a divers custome in the accompt of their yeeres the Egyptians in their Hieroglyphikes counted every moneth a yeere the Arabians three moneths as from the spring to the Autumne from thence to midwinter The Acarnanians counted six moneths to a yeere as from the spring to the Autumne the Romanes and the Hebrewes reckoned twelve moneths and so is the yeere to bee taken here 3. It was the first moneth for matters ecclesiasticall and belonging to religion But the civill yeere began in the seventh moneth Levit. 25.9 As the Egyptians began their ecclesiasticall yeere from Midsummer and their civill from the Autumne Iun. From thence also they began their Jubile and the account of the seventh yeere of rest which if it had begun in the spring they should have wanted two yeeres fruits for the seventh yeere of rest and Jubile should begin before they had reaped the fruits sowne in the sixt yeere and in the seventh it was not lawfull for them either to sow or reape 4. As it was the first moneth of the yeere so was iâ— the chiefe and most famous in respect of the deliverance of the Israelites and in this moneth they went over Jordane and came into the land of Canaan the 10. day of the first moneth Iosh. 4.19 Perer. And now all things began to flourish and revive in the spring so that the earth did also as it were seeme to rejoyce for the liberty of the people of God Ferus From hence the Israelites for the remembrance of so glorious a deliverance had great cause to begin the computation of their yeere as Christians now doe from the nativity of our Lord for a commemoration of their spirituall deliverance Perer. QUEST IV. Of the name of this first moneth called of the Hebrewes Abib of the Chaldes Nisan THe name of this first moneth is not here expressed but chap. 13.4 it is called the moneth Abib so called because in that moneth corne began to be ripe 1. But here I cannot subscribe unto the opinion of Pererius therein following Paulus Burgensis that the Hebrewes had no names for their moneths before the captivity of Babylon but by their number as the first second third and after the captivity they borrowed the names of the moneths of the Medes and Persians and chiefly of the Chaldeans as it is to be found in the bookes of Nehemia Esther and the prophesie of Zacharie and the bookes of the Macchabees 2. But this appeareth to be otherwise for in divers places of Scripture wee finde the names of some of the moneths after the calling of the Hebrewes before the captivity of Babylon as the second moneth Zif 1 King 6.1 and the 7. moneth Ethanim 1. King 8.2 Pererius saith that these were not the proper names of these moneths but onely appellatives signifying the properties of those moneths as the first was called Zif of the opening because the flowers began then to open and shew the other signified strong because in that moneth fruits were gathered whereby mans heart was comforted and made strong Vatab. Or because they were of strong constitution which resisted and overcame the diseases incident to that season of the yeere about the fall of the leafe Cajetane Contra. 1. This is no good argument these names have some speciall signification therefore they were not the proper names of the moneths Abib signifieth an eare of corne Levit. 2.14 Was it not therefore a name of the first moneth which was so called because the corne then eared and began to be ripe So Bul was the name of the eight moneth 1. King 6.38 so called of the inundation of waters which fall in that moneth 2. It is very probable that those Chalde names of the moneths as Adar Cisleu Elul were not taken up of the Hebrewes till after the captivity as the first is mentioned Nehâ—m 6.19 the second Zachar. 7.1 the third 1. Maâ—chah 14.27 But the Hebrew names were in use before as appeareth by these already given in instance 3. Now the proper names of the moneths as they were used after the Captivity were these the first Nisan answering to our March the second Tiar answering to Aprill the third Sivan which is our May the fourth Tamuz our June the fifth Ab which we call July then Elul agreeable to August the seventh Tisri sorting to our September the eight Marchesâ—â—an with us October the ninth Cisleu our November the tenth Tebeth the same with December the eleventh Sebath named with us January the twelfth Adar which is correspondent to our February Ex Pererio QUEST V. When the first moneth of the Hebrewes tooke beginning NOw to know when to beginne the first moneth of the yeere 1. Some give this rule that whereas the Hebrewes alwayes count their moneths from the new Moone as Psalm 81.3 Blow up the trumpet in the new Moone they will have that to be the first moneth whose full Moone is neerest to the equinoctiall But this rule sometime faileth for it may fall out that two full Moones are equally distant from the equinoctiall and then it would be uncertaine which Moone to take 2. Some say that was the first moneth with the Hebrewes whose new Moone was neerest to the equinoctiall whether it were before or after Ferus But this rule doth not hold neither for it may bee that one new Moone falleth out as upon the 7. day of March another upon the fifth of Aprill and so further off from the equinoctiall that is when the night and day is of equall length and yet this shall rather be the first Moone than the other 3. Therefore this is a more certaine observation that the first moneth should be that whose fourteenth day falleth out either upon the Equinoctiall or presently after it and so the new Moone of the first moneth will fall out neither before the eight day of March nor after the fifth day of Aprill 4. Now hence it is evident that the first moneth of the Hebrewes is never all within March it may sometime be all without March though not all without Aprill as when the Hebrewes every third yeere put in a moneth to make the yeere to agree with the course of the Sunne so that they had two Adars as it might be two Februaries together then the latter Adar being mensis intercalaris the moneth put betweene concurring with March the first moneth began with April but for the most part their first moneth tooke part of March and part of April QUEST VI. Why the Lambe was commanded to be prepared foure dayes before Vers. 3. IN the tenth of this moneth let every man take unto him a lambe c. They were commanded to set apart the paschall lambe foure dayes afore for these causes 1. Lest that if they had deferred it till the instant of their departure they might by reason of other businesse
have forgotten it 2. That in this while they might see whether there were any blemish or defect in the lambe 3. That they might by the sight of the lambe be stirred up to a thankfull remembrance of their deliverance expected 4. To confirme them in the assured confidence of Gods assistance against the Egyptians that whereas they abhorred all these which did kill sheepe either for meat or sacrifice or any other cattell which they superstitiously adored yet the Israelites did foure dayes set apart their paschall lambes to that end without any danger or hurt intended by the Egyptians Pererius Ferus 2. This preparation of the lambe foure dayes before was peculiar only for this time and first passeover because afterward the cause was taken away for neither was there feare lest they should forget to take a Lambe for the Passeover and beside they needed no time to examine the wants and defects of the Lambe being experienced by their daily sacrifices how to make choice of the fittest beasts therefore where the law of the Passeover is repeated as Levit. 23. Deut. 16. the rite of preparing the Lambe foure dayes before is omitted 3. Iosephus is here found to be in an error that saith the lambe was to be prepared upon the 13. day against the 14. when as it is manifestly expressed that it was to be set apart upon the tenth day Perer. QUEST VII Whether a Lambe were killed in every house and how mâ—ny went to the eating of a Lambe LEt every man according to the house of the fathers c. 1. This name of house in Scripture is diversly taken sometime it signifieth all the nation of Israel which is called the house of Iacob Psal. 114. sometime for a whole tribe as the house of Iudah the house of Levi. But here it is taken more strictly for every family contained in their severall houses as appeareth vers 4. where one houshold or family was too little for the eating of a lambe there two neighbours were to joyne together 2. Every particular man is not charged to provide a lambe but the masters of the families onely Ferus 3. Yet not every housholder did provide a lambe as where the houshold was too little for in that case they were to joyne with their neighbours which was done in two respects both in regard of the povertie of such as were not able to provide a lambe and lest that if in every small family they should kill a lambe somewhat thereof might remaine untouched which was against the law of the Passeover neither were there more than one lambe killed in any one house 4. What number was allowed to the eating of a lambe is uncertaine The Hebrewes thinke that tenne were allotted to a lambe but that seemeth not to be generally observed for the lambs were not all of one bignesse nor every mans stomacke and eating alike yet Iosephus seemeth to confirme this opinion of the Hebrewes who writeth that Cesâ—ius the Governour of Judea being desirous to certifie Nero of the number of the Jewes dealt with the high Priest who by the number of the paschall lambs which were killed amounting unto two hundred fiftie and six thousand and counting ten to every lambe he gathered the whole summe of thirtie hundred thousand and seventie thousand that were gathered together at the celebration of the Passeover Ioseph lib. 7. de bello Iud. cap. 17. QUEST VIII Whether beside the paschall lambe there were any other solemne sacrifices NOw whether beside these particular lambes which were slaine in every house there was beside some publike solemne sacrifice it may be questioned But it is not like that there was any such at this time because Moses did so propound his request unto Pharaoh that they might goe three dayes journey to offer sacrifice unto God in the wildernesse therefore it is not like that they kept any publike solemne service of God in Egypt afterward in the time of Hezekiah and Iosias there were many solemne sacrifices offered at the Passeover but they must be distinguished from the Passeover it selfe which was eaten on the 14. day at night but these solemne sacrifices were offered on the 15. day the first solemne day of the Feast Simler QUEST IX Of the divers acceptations of the word evening Vers. 6. THey shall kill it in the twilight or betweene the evenings It is to be considered that the word vespera evening is taken two wayes 1. properly for the space betweene the Sun set and the shutting in of the day light altogether as Iudg. 19.9 it is called the lodging of the day and vers 14. the going downe of the Sunne and this may appeare both by the derivation of the Latine word vespera which is derived of vesper which is Venus starre and both goeth before the Sunne rise thereof called Lucifer the day starre and followeth immediatly his setting and is also called Vesper or Hesperus after the Greeke beside the Hebrew word ghereb signifieth a commixtion when as the day light and the darknesse seeme to be mingled together so that properly the evening signifieth the twilight which at Jerusalem where the pole is elevated almost 32. degrees continueth about the space of an houre and â—5 minutes Or the evening is taken more generally and so sometime it signifieth all the time from the declining of the Sunne in the afternoone till the setting thereof some time it signifieth the whole night as Gen. 1.5 the evening and morning were of the first day the beginning of the day and the night are taken for the whole Thostat Iun. It signifieth also sometime the latter part of the night toward the morning as where it is said Matth. 28.1 that in the evening 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Sabbath when the first day of the weeke began to dâ—wne Mary Magdalene and the other Mary came to see the Sepulchre Marke readeth that they came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 very early in the morning But Pererius taketh exception here to Thostatus affirming that in the first place the evening is taken for the day being the end thereof and the morning for the night being the end also thereof and in the other place the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dawning signifieth the beginning of the next day which the Jewes did begin to reckon from the evening as Luke 23.54 the same word is used where the Evangelist saith That day was the preparation and the Sabbath appeared or dawned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Contra. 1. The evening is rather taken for the night both because there was darknesse before there was light and so the night was first and then the day as also because in Scripture the civill day is counted from evening to evening Iun. and the beginning of a thing is more properly taken for the whole than the end 2. It is not denied but that the word dawning is sometime taken for approching or drawing neere but seeing S. Marke expoundeth S. Matthewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
Quia corpora coelestia non suscipiâ—â—t peregrinas impressiones The heavenly bodies receive no forren or strange impressions Thostat This may be admitted and yet the sunne shall be hot for that is no elementary or forren impression but a quality inherent and native in the sunne seeing the Scripture saith nothing is hid from the heat thereof Psal. 19.8 which heat may be increased by the reflexion of the beames of the sunne and the exhalation of hot and drie vapours but the beginning of vitall and comfortable heat without any inconvenience may be granted to come from the body of the sunne as the fountaine thereof 3. Now the reason why the sunne as he riseth higher so waxeth hotter is this when the sunne is too low his beames doe not fall directly upon the earth but being in the East they tend to the West but as the sunne ascendeth unto the meridianall point so his beames doe descend and smite upon the earth which then beginneth more and more to feele the power and force thereof Tostat. 4. In that the Manna melted by the heat of the sunne but was hardned by the fire for otherwise it could not be baked and made into cakes it appeareth that neither of these proceeded from any naturall disposition or quality in the Man for if naturally it had beene dissolved by the sunne the heat of the fire in like manner would have wrought upon it therefore both these operations in Manna proceeded not from any naturall qualitie therein but was wrought extraordinarily by the power of God so disposing Tostat. quâ—st 11. 5. And this was the reason why it melted by the heat of the sunne to stir up the people to gather it betimes that they might have time to prepare it and then attend other businesse if it had beene to bee gathered all day they might have beene more slothfull and negligent Calvin 6. The time then of gathering Manna was after the sunne rise so soone as the dew was off the ground untill the sixth houre of the day toward noone when the sunne began to be hoâ— Lyran. QUEST XXXI How they gathered twice so much upon the sixth day Vers. 22. THe sixt day they gathered twice so much c. 1. Some thinke that they gathered no more upon the sixth day than they did other dayes but that it was multiplied by the power of God and became twice as much that is two gomers for every man Ioseph Lyran. But the words of the text are otherwise they gathered twice so much it was not then made twice so much when it was gathered but they indeed gathered twice so much as they did upon any other day 2. Therefore herein the miracle was seene that upon the sixt day there fell twice so much as upon the other dayes Marbach And they indeed gathered as much againe as they used to doe for otherwise if the Lord had not commanded them so to doe to gather double upon the sixt day they had transgressed in exceeding a gomer in their gathering yet they are not reproved but commended for it And Moses saith they did herein the same thing which the Lord said If it were then Gods commandement that they should gather double this doubling was in their gathering not in the increasing afterward God would not have commanded them to doe that which was not in their power but in his owne working It was in their power to gather double when God had sent it upon the ground But it was in Gods hand onely to increase and multipliâ— it when it was gathered Sic fere Tostat. quaest 12. QUEST XXXII What moved the Rulers to come and tell Moses that the people had gathered double Vers. 22. THe Rulers of the Congregation came and told Moses These were not the Captaines over thousands and hundreds and over fifties for they were not instituted till afterward chap. 18. nor yet were they the 70. Elders which also were not yet appointed but they were the Princes of the tribes and families such as are rehearsed Numb 1.2.7 Tostat. 1. Some thinke that these Princes came of a good minde and feared lest the people transgressed the commandement in gathering double because they knew not Gods will yet touching the Sabbath Ferus But they could not be altogether ignorant of that seeing the Lord by Moses had told them before vers 5. that upon the sixt day they should gather twice so much as they did dayly 2. Some impute it unto their forgetfulnesse and incredulitie that they beleeved not the word of God that he would send them double food upon that day Calvin Galâ—s But it is not like that the Princes and chiefest men which used to consult with Moses and were directors to the rest were more ignorant and of lesse beleefe than the common people neither doth Moses here reprove them for any such unbeleefe 3. Therefore the sounder opinion is that they were not ignorant herein of Gods commandement of gathering double and that the people did therein as they were commanded but they came to Moses to receive further direction how that double portion which they had gathered should bee ordered Tostat. 4. Another opinion is that Moses had not yet propounded to the people what the Lord had said concerning the double portion to be gathered upon the sixt day vers 5. but the people of themselves did it being accustomed to keepe the Sabbath knowing that upon that day they were to rest and yet that it was not Gods will they should fast that day and altogether abstaine from meat Piscator But this would lay both an imputation of unfaithfulnesse to Moses that he should conceale any part of Gods counsell from them especially in so necessarie a thing as the observation of the Sabbath was and of ignorance upon the Rulers of the Congregation that the common people did better know what was to be done than they and although it was an usuall custome among the people of God to keepe the Sabbath yet they were not yet so well instructed in the manner of the observation thereof therefore I rather preferre the opinion of Tostatus herein next before alleaged QUEST XXXIII Of the meaning of the 23. verse and whether they dressed upon the sixt day that which was reserved for the seventh Vers. 23. THe rest of the holy Sabbath is to morrow 1. Thostatus in not rightly pointing or distinguishing this verse putteth this word morrow to the next sentence reading thus Crâ—s quodcunque operandum est facite To morrow what is to be done do and so much busieth himselfe about the meaning of these words resolving upon this sense that what was to be done the next day about their victuall because it was the Sabbath they should doe it now but although this indeed be the meaning of the words following that what they had to seeth and dresse the next day they should doe it now yet all this labour might have beene spared if the word morrow be joyned with the former
of his place which was done after Tostat. He therefore resolveth that Moses did write this propheticè by a propheticall instinct so also Iun. But this may be rather thought to be added by Ioshua or some other of the Prophets afterward as likewise the story of Moses death and buriall Deut. 34. which is not like to have beene penned by himselfe Piscator 2. Till they came to a land inhabited Augustine thus expoundeth Non quia continuò ut venerunt ad terram habitabilem c. Not because as soone as they came to a land inhabited they left eating of Manna Sed quia non ante But because not before But what land inhabited it was is expounded afterward namely the land of Canaan for though the Israelites possessed before the land of the Amorites on the other side of Jordan yet the Manna ceased not till they had passed over Jordan and were entred into the bounds and borders of Canaan which was the promised land that flowed with milke and hony Tostat. quast 15. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the excellencie and prâ—â—ogative of the Lords day Vers. 5. BVt the sixth day c. it shall be twice so much Origen upon this place well collecteth the prerogative and excellencie of the Lords day beyond the Sabbath of the Jewes proving that the Manna began first to fall upon that day his words are these Si sex diâ—bus continuis ut scriptura dicit collectum est à septima autem die quae est Sabbati cessatum est sine dubio initium ejus à die prima qua est dies Dominica fuit c. If the Manna were gathered six dayes together as the Scripture saith and it ceased upon the seventh which is the Sabbath without doubt it began on the first day which is the Lords day 2. Doct. That it is lawfull to lay up in store so it be done without distrust in Gods providence Vers. 19. LEt no man reserve thereof till the morning Though the Israelites were bound unto this precept because every day they received Manna from heaven and so the Compassions of God were renued every morning as the Prophet Ieremie saith Lament 3.23 yet this taketh not away all store and provision to be laid up aforehand for the sluggard is condemned for his sloth and carelesnesse and is sent by the Wise man to learne of the Ant which gathereth her meat in summer Prov. Our blessed Saviour also commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the remainder of the meat to be kept And the reason is not alike for then they received Manna every day and therefore needed not to lay up any thing in store But now the fruits of the earth are onely gathered in summer wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the letter of this precept is not to be urged but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sense and morall equitie bindeth us still that we take heed of an immoderate distrustfull care in making provision for the time to come but depend upon Gods fatherly providence Pelarg. 3. Doct. How Manna was a type and figure of Christ. Vers. 31. THey called the name of it Man c. The holy Apostle S. Paul maketh this Manna an evident type of Christ calling it their spirituall meat 1 Cor. 10.3 And in many things the type and figure agreeth unto the bodie and substance 1. In the causes of sending this Manna 2. In the conditionâ— and qualities thereof 3. In the manner of the gathering 4. In the use thereof Ferus First touching the causes 1. The Lord had compassion of his people when they were in want and almost famished in the wildernesse so Christ was given unto us that by faith in his bodie and bloud our hungrie soules should bee nourished Marbach 2. The Lord in sending Manna shewed his power his mercie goodnesse and love to his people and in nothing more appeareth the love of God to us than in sending his onely Sonne into the world to die for us 3. The Lord by sending Manna did prove whether his people would walke in his law or no vers 4. So the Lord maketh triall of the obedience of the world in receiving the law of his Sonne Christ that is the Gospell Ferus Secondly concerning the qualities and properties of Manna 1. It was but a small thing yet had great vertuâ—â— and Christ though in the low degree of a servant was of great power 2. The Manna was white and Christ was pure and unspotted 3. The Manna was ground in the mill or beaten in a morter and Christ was beaten and bruised for us Ferus 4. The Manna came from heaven so the Sonne of God descended and tooke upon him our flesh Simler 5. The Manna was sweet and pleasant as hony so is Christ unto the soule 6. The Manna fell with the dew so Christ brought with him abundance of spirit and grace 7. The Manna fell every day and Christ hath promised to be with his Church unto the end of the world 8. The Manna ceased as soone as they came into the land of Canaan and in the next world there shall be no use of the Word or Sacraments Ferus Thirdly in the gathering of Manna these conditions were observed 1. It was lawfull and free for all men and children male and female young and old master and servant to gather the Manna so there is neither bond nor free male nor female but all are one in Christ Gal. 3.28 Simler 2. They were commanded to gather every day and we must all our life long gather of the heavenly Manna 3. They were to goe out of their tents to gather it and wee must depart from our old conversation Ferus 4. They which gathered much had not the more nor they which gathered little the lesse so both those which are strong and they which are weake in faith are admitted to this Manna Marbach Fourthly for the use both good and bad did eat of the Manna so men of all sorts come unto the Word and Sacraments but not all to the same end for as the Manna putrified to those which kept it contrary to Moses commandement so the Word of God and the Sacraments are the savour of death unto death to those which unworthily receive them Ferus But it will here bee objected if this Manna were spirituall and heavenly food to the Israelites as S. Paul saith how is he reconciled with our Saviour Christ who saith Moses gave you not bread from heaven but my father giveth you true bread from heaven Ioh. 6.32 The answer here is ready that our Saviour speaketh according to their capacity and understanding with whom he there dealeth who had a carnall imagination of Manna and could see therein nothing but corporall food Simler 5. Places of Confutation 1. Conf. Against the carnall presence in the Eucharist Vers. 5. THe people shall goe out and gather Rupertus hath upon these words this glosse applying them to the Eucharist Si digne manducare
preparation followeth 1. Here is set downe the Lords loving invitation of Israel to be his people propounded to Moses consisting both of a rehearsall of the benefits which the Lord had done for them vers 4. of the condition of their obedience required vers 5. of a most ample promise to make them his peculiar people above all the earth vers 6. 2. Then is shewed the acceptance by the people of this gratious offer propounded unto them by Moses vers 7. thankfully received by the people vers 8. The particular preparation sheweth partly what was done the two dayes before the Law was given to vers 16. and what upon the third to vers 25. In the first there is 1. The Lords prescription to Moses both how he will talke and commune with him vers 9. theâ— that he should sanctifie the people vers 10. with the end thereof vers 11. that they may be ready thirdly the interdict followeth of not comming neere the mountaine vers 12. with the perill and danger thereof vers 13. 2. The obedience of Moses and the people to the Lords commandement vers 14 15. Upon the third day are declared 1. the manner of the Lords appearing in mount Sinai with thunder and lightning vers 16.18 2. The placing and disposing of the people vers 17. 3. The communication of the Lord with Moses First in generall vers 19 20. Then in particular which containeth the Lords charge to Moses concerning the people and Priests vers 21 22. The exception of Moses and Aaron vers 24. interposed by occassion of Moses answer vers 24. Then the execution hereof by Moses vers 25. 2. The divers readings Vers. 1. In the third new mâ—â—ne I. better than in the third moneth caâ—er for he saith afterward in the same day that is when the new moneth began Vers. 6. A kingdome of Prâ—â—sts B. G. A. that is a Priestly kingdome V. L. P. that is a sacred and holy kingdome not a royall Priesthood for the latter substantive is put for the adjective not the first Vers. 7. Proposed all these words B.V. cum cater all these things G. debharim words Vers. 9. After Moses had reported c. or for Moses had reported G. better than and Moses reported V. A.P. or Moses therefore reported L. or but Moses reported S. It is better read in the preterpluperfect tense for Moses had reported their words before vers 8. Vers. 19. God answered him by voice B.G. cum caeter God answered him L. Here these words by voice are omitted Vers. 25. Lest he breake in upon them V.I. or make a breach upon them A.P. better than lest hee destroy them B.G.L. or destroy of them S. bam signifieth in or upon them 3. The explanation of doubtfull and difficult questions QUEST I. Of what yeere this was the third moneth Vers. 1. IN the third moneth c. 1. It is not expressed here of what yeere this was the third moneth But it is easily gathered that it was in the first yeere of the departure of the children of Israel out of Egypt for although the Scripture usually in the computation of time doth expresse the yeere as well as the moneth yet sometime the yeere is omitted when either by the circumstance and under of the story it may be gathered as Numb 20. vers 1. The first moneth is named but the yeere is omitted which was the 40. yeere because the order of the story and course of time will leade us to that yeere or else when as by conference with other places the yeere may be found out as seeing Numb 10.11 they departed from Sinai in the second yeere and second moneth it must needs be that they came thither in the third moneth of the first yeere Tostat. 2. For in this place were all those things done which are described by Moses in the rest of this booke of Exodus and in the booke following of Leviticus Hierom. Which things could not bee done in a short time therefore they here encamped almost a whole yeere before they removed QUEST II. What day of the moneth the same day was THe same day 1. Some thinke the same day is named wherein they came from Rephidim because they tooke a longer journey than usuall upon that day even from Rephidim to Sinai Lippeâ— Vatab. 2. Some because upon that day the three moneths were expired after their departure out of Egypt Oleaster But there were only two moneths expired and the third now begun 3. On the same day that is the third day as it was the third moneth Hugo de S. Victor But upon the third day of the moneth was the law given against which day the people are warned to prepare themselves vers 11. 4. The same day then hath relation to the words before the third moneth or rather the third new moone when the moneth began for châ—desh doth as well signifie the new moone as the moneth as 1. Sam. 20.5 to morrow is châ—desh the new moone which is the first day of the moneth The same day when it was new moone when the third moneth began Iun. For of no other day hath the moneth the denomination but of the first Tostat. And because the day is certainly expressed as is usuall in Scripture it must needs have reference to the third new moone rather than moneth before spoken of Piscator 5. Moses is so diligent to describe the moneth and day when they came to Sinai because this was the place to the which the Lord called them and wherein the Law was given and the Tabernacle erected and where the Lord entred into a league and covenant with his people Ferus QUEST III. Whether this first day of the third moneth were the 47. day from the passeover NOw how many dayes this was from the pasch there are divers opinions 1. Cajetane thinketh it was the 45. day counting together 15. dayes remaining of the first moneth from the passeover and 29. of the second and so the first day of the third moneth maketh 45. But beside that the Hebrewes counted 30. dayes to a moneth by this account the day of giving the Law which followed the fourth day after at the furthest should not be the Pentecost that is the 50. day 2. The most received opinion is that this was the 47. day from the passeover accounted thus 16. dayes remaining of the first moneth 30. of the second and the first of the third which make 47. Iun. Simler Rupertus But by this reckoning the day wherein the Law was given which was the third day after as some held as Tostatus should be but the 49. day which is generally held of all to be the 50. which is called Pentecost upon which day the holy Ghost came downe upon the Apostles that the type and shadow may agree with the substance To remove this doubt 1. Some say that the Law was given on the 49. day but the tables of stone were delivered upon the 50. Rupertus l. 3.
day c. 1. The opinion of some of the Rabbines is that this was not the 3. day of the moneth but the 6. day and the third from that time when the Lord thus spake to Moses for they say that upon the first day of the moneth Moses went up to God and received that message to bee delivered to the people and came downe the same day and stayed the next and reported not the answer of the people untill the 3. day R. Salom. Lyran. Cajetanus is of the same opinion that the first day of the moneth was but the 45. day after their departure out of Egypt and that the Lord upon the 48. day bid the people to bee ready against the third day after Contra. But this is not like for this would have shewed great negligence in Moses if he should have stayed so long before hee delivered the peoples minde to the Lord seeing mount Sinai was so neere unto the host 2. Some thinke that it was the third of the moneth and that it hath relation to the first day mentioned vers 1. Tostat. quaest 10. Gloss. ordin Ferus But this cannot stand neither for both Ferus and Gloss. interlin doe make the first day of the moneth but the 47. day then the third day wherein the law was given was but the 49. day but the day wherein the law was given is held of all to bee the Pentecost the 50. day Some to take away this doubt would borrow 17. dayes of the first moneth and 30. of the next and 3. of the third and so the publishing of the law shall fall out upon the 50. day So Augustine Gloss. ordin But there remained only 16. dayes of the first moneth to be counted the Passeover being kept upon the 14. day at even therefore they cannot make their reckoning of 17. dayes remaining in that moneth and to account 31. dayes unto the next moneth as some doe it was against the custome of the Hebrewes 3. Therefore it must thus be that on the first day of the moneth when the host was come into the wildernesse oâ— Sinai Moses went up to the Lord and came downe with the message to the people and then the next day went up with the peoples answer unto God for it is not like that all the host came thither and Moses went up and came downe and propounded the Lords words to the Elders and they to the people and received their answer and returned the same all upon one day And Cajetanes conceit herein is not to be refused that because the Lord saith To day and to morrow sanctifie them Insinuatur quod haec dicta fuerint manâ— It is insinuated that this was said in the morning This then was spoken upon the second day in the morning and the third day from thence was the law given which was not the third but the fourth day of the moneth Iun. Simler Rupertus also agreeth that the first day of the third moneth was the 47. day after the Passeover and that the fourth day after which was the 50. day Moses received the tables of the law but herein he differeth that the thicke cloud with the thunder and the lightning were seene and heard the day before which was the 49. But it is evident by the text that upon the third day was the voice of the Lord heard talking with Moses vers 19. QUEST XVII Whether the 15. day of the moneth were one of the fifty which went before the giving of the Law BUt here ariseth another doubt whether in the computation of these 50. dayes after the Passeover the next day after they had eaten the paschall lambe be included in that number or that there were fifty dayes beside 1. Some doe hold that the 15. day being the morrow after the Pasch must bee excluded because afterward in the law of the Pentecost they began the account of seven weekes upon the 16. day the morrow after the Sabbath or first solemne day of the Passeover as is further to be seene Lev. 23.11 and then after seven weekes complete the which make 49. dayes the next day which was the 50. was the day of Pentecost Cajetan But it is not necessary that this first 50. day should be accounted after that rule excluding the morrow after the Passeover as it may appeare partly by the text When yee bee come into the land which I shall give you vers 10. that law is made to bee kept after they were come to Canaan and the reason of this alteration was because they were to begin the account of the seven weekes from that day wherein they first put the sickle into the corne whereof they should bring a sheafe to shake before the Lord Deut. 16.9 which could not be done upon the first day of unleavened bread it being a solemne day and of the nature of a Sabbath wherein they were to doe no servile worke Levit. 23.7 Rupertus here agreeth that the Pentecost was not yeerely kept the just fiftith day after the Passeover as the law was given the fiftith day after the Passeover But herein he is deceived that upon what day soever the Passeover fell in the weeke they did expect the morrow after the next Sabbath when they were to bring in their sheafe and then beginne to count their seven weekes for herein is his errour he taketh the Sabbath there spoken of Levit. 23.10 for the seventh day of rest where it is understood to be the first day of unleavened bread which was a solemne day of rest as the Sabbath was Iun. Borrh. And by the way Rupertus in the same place slippeth in another point Prima dies azymorum Iudaeis in quintam feriam illo anno evenit The first day of unleavened happened to the Iewes that yeere upon the fifth day of the weeke For true it is that our blessed Saviour did eat the Passeover according to the law upon the 14. day which was as our Thursday at even but the Jewes following a tradition of their owne to avoid the concurrence of two Sabbath dayes did put off the eating of the Passeover untill the 15. day of the moneth at even which was the sixth day of the weeke because the next day was the Sabbath for if they had eat the Passeover when Christ did eat it with his Disciples then the next day should have beene kept holy neither were they to doe any worke therein but upon that day they put Christ to death which could not be done without more than servile labour in carrying the crosse and nailing Christ unto it and such like beside the text saith they would not put Christ to death upon the feast day lest there should bee some tumult among the people Mark 14.2 But this point is elsewhere handled more at large whither I referre the Reader 2. Some againe as Cajetane before excludeth the 15. day of the moneth out of the number of the 50. dayes so they include and take in both
the 14. and 15. dayes borrowing 17. dayes of the first moneth to make up the summe of 50. Augustine Ferus Gloss. ordinar as is shewed before quest 16. But this account cannot bee admitted for thus should they begin the 50. dayes both before the Passeover was eaten which was upon the 14. day at even whereas they must be accounted from the Passeover and before they were delivered and went out of Egypt whereas the Pentecost was kept in remembrance of their deliverance out of the servitude and hard bondage of Egypt as the reason of the institution thereof is yeelded Deut. 16.12 Thou shalt remember that thou wast a servant in Egypt therefore thou shalt observe and doe these ordinances 3. Wherefore this remaineth as the most probable that the 15. day of the moneth the next day after they had eaten the pasch was the first day of the fifty howsoever in the anniversary Pentecost afterward there were some innovation Iun. Piscat Simler And that for these reasons 1. Because this was the day of their deliverance and going out of Egypt from the which they count their moneths and dayes chap. 16.1 2. And againe this first day of unleavened bread was not in respect of the present necessity and occasion of their sudden departure out of Egypt kept a solemne festivall day as afterward wherein they were to doe no servile worke This being then the first day of the fifty there are to bee accounted 16. dayes of the first moneth and 30. of the second so the first of the third moneth falleth out to bee the 47. and the 50. day was the fourth of the moneth 4. I cannot here omit the mysticall application of Rupertus of these three dayes of sanctification and preparation prescribed to the people which he wil have to signifie that sanctification of Christ in his death and passion and buriall Quam consummavit die tertia Which he finished upon the third day of the which sanctification our Saviour speaketh when he saith Fer their sakes doe I sanctifie my selfe Ioh. 17. QUEST XVIII How the Apostles Pentecost and the Iewes Pentecost fell out all upon one day HEre further it will be enquired how the Apostles Pentecost which was 50. dayes from Christs resurrection inclusively and the Jewes Pentecost which was 50. dayes from the Passeover exclusively that is not reckoning the morrow after the Pasch which was the first solemne day of the feast according to the law Levit. 23.10 would fall out together on the same day 1. Here Rupertus hitteth upon the right answer in generall that the same day wherein Christ rose againe the Jewes brought in their bundle or sheafe to be shaken before the Lord which bundle of their first fruits did prefigure Christ the first fruits of the dead who also in the Canticles is called fasciculus myrrhae a bundle of myrrh Cantic 1.12 From this day of shaking the sheafe the Jewes began to count seven weekes complete which is 49. dayes and then the next day was the Pentecost which was the 50. So 50. dayes from the resurrection of Christ including also that day came downe the holy Ghost upon the Apostles by the which the will of God is written in our hearts as here the law of God was written in tables of stone Thus far Rupertus proceedeth well 2. But his mistaking is in this partly touched before where the law prescribeth that they should begin to account the seven weekes from the morrow of the Sabbath Levit. 23.10 he understandeth this of the seventh day only that they were to expect the next Sabbath day after the Pasch and the morrow after to begin their account of seven weekes By which meanes a great errour would fall out that if the Passeover fell out upon the first day of the weeke there would be not onely seven but eight weekes betweene the Passeover and Pentecost which was against the meaning of the law By the Sabbath therefore in this place is not precisely meant the Sabbath day but that solemne day of rest which was the 15. day of the moneth which was commanded as strictly to be kept as the Sabbath without doing any worke therein and therefore it is better translated Postridie cessationis The next day after that solemne rest then the next day or morrow after the Sabbath Iun. But yet at this time when our blessed Saviour rose againe this day of shaking the sheafe fell out the morrow of the seventh and Sabbath day but not according to Rupertus rule but by this occasion This yeere wherein Christ the true Passeover was sacrificed the first solemne day was the 15. then followed the Sabbath which was the 16. day wherein because they were forbidden to doe any worke they could not that day put the fickle into the corne as is prescribed Deut. 16.4 And therefore in such cases they put it off till the next day following the Sabbath QUEST XIX How the Lord is said here to descend Vers. 11. THe third day the Lord will come downe Three wayes this terme of descending is used in Scripture when mention is made of God or his Angels 1. It is attributed unto God improperly for he being an infinite essence cannot be contained in any place as that which is of infinite quantity and magnitude cannot goe from place to place because it occupieth all places So neither can God who is of an infinite and incomprehensible nature either ascend or descend Therefore when God is said to descend it must not be understood properly sed quantum ad aliquam demonstrationem effectus in aliquae parte orbis c. But in respect of the demonstration of some effect in some part of the world where God did not manifest himselfe before Tostat. Descendere Deus dicitur quando aliquod novum quod antea non fuerit in humana creatura operatur God is said to descend when hee worketh some new and strange thing in the humane creature which was not before Eucherius As the holy Ghost is said to descend upon Christ because of that demonstration and representation in the likenesse of a Dove which lighted upon Christ and here the Lord descendeth in a thick cloud 2. Christ also is said to descend from heaven secundum idiomatum communionem because of the unity of his person and mutuall communicating of the properties of his nature whereas his Godhead could not properly descend but it is said so to doe propter humanam naturam assumptam in respect of the humane nature which hee had assumed Tostat. 3. These two are improper kindes of descending but Angels may be said properly to descend because they are finite spirits and so although nullum occupent locum sibi tamen definiunt though they occupy no place yet they are defined and limited in a place so that when they are present in one part of the world at the same instant they cannot bee in another Tostatus will have the descending here spoken of to bee of this third kinde
immutable and perpetuall but such was the institution of the Sabbath Answ. The proposition is not true for the fathers before Moses used to offer sacrifices Circumcision was given to Abraham even from the beginning there was a difference betweene cleane and uncleane beasts and yet all these being types and figures of things to come are abrogated by Christ. Simler 3. Object The lawes given before mans fall in the state of his innocencie could bee no types of the Messiah being not yet promised and therefore they doe bind all Adams posteritie such was the sanctifying of the Sabbath Answ. 1. Such lawes the ground whereof was printed in the soule of man in the creation as are all morall precepts are perpetuall but not all in generall given unto Adam as was the prohibition to eat of the tree of life Vrsin 2. But it may be further answered that the Sabbath was not instituted before mans fall for he is held to have fallen upon the sixth day the same day wherein he was created as it is at large handled in that question upon the 3. of Genesis 3. This law of sanctifying the Sabbath in substance remaineth still though the ceremonie of the day be changed 4. Object The keeping of the Sabbath is called an everlasting covenant Exod. 31.16 it is therefore to remaine for ever Answ. 1. So Circumcision is called an everlasting covenant because they were to continue till the comming of the Messiah and so long as the Common-wealth of Israel continued to them it was perpetuall but now their state being dissolved the covenants made with them are expired also Simler 2. It is called everlasting in respect of the signification and substance thereof our rest in Christ and so it remaineth still and shall for ever as the Kingdome of David in the Messiah shall never have end Vrsin 5. Object The reason and cause of the law is immutable namely the memoriall of the creation therefore the law it selfe also and seeing the knowledge of the creation is necessarie so also is the symbole and monument thereof the celebration of the seventh day Answ. 1. The cause or reason of a law being immutable the law it selfe also is immutable if it bee so tied unto the law as that it cannot stand if the law be changed but so is it not here for the creation may as well be remembred upon another day as upon the seventh Vrsin 2. All the sacrifices and ceremonies of the law were symboles and signes of necessary things as Circumcision the paschall Lambe of the Circumcision of the heart and of the Messiah which things remaine still but the symboles are abolished Simler Now then that Christians are not bound unto the Jewish Sabbath it is evident by these reasons 1. By the doctrine of the Apostles Galath 4.10 You observe dayes and moneths times and yeares I am in feare of you lest I have bestowed upon you labour in vaine and by name S. Paul speaking of the Sabbaths saith They were shadowes of things to come but the bodie is in Christ Coloss. 2.16 2. The Apostles by their example shewed that the Jewish Sabbath was determined for they began to keepe the first day of the weeke Act. 20.7 and 1 Cor. 16.2 3. All types and shadowes were but to continue untill the bodie came which was Christ but the Sabbath was one of those shadowes 4. The Sabbath was a note of cognizance and a worke of distinction and difference betweene the Israelites and other people which difference and partition is now taken away in Christ for now there is neither Jew nor Grecian but all are one in Christ Galath 4.28 Ex Vrsin In Gregories time there were Qui die Sabbati aliquid operari prohiberent which did prohibite to doe any worke upon the Sabbath or Saturday whom he refelleth thus Quos quid aliud nisi Antichristi praedicatores dixerim c. whom what else should I call than the preachers of Antichrist who when he commeth shall cause both the Sabbath and the Lords day to be kept without doing any worke for because he shall faine himselfe to die and rise againe hee shall cause the Lords day to be had in reverence and because he shall compell them unto Judaisme he shall likewise command the Sabbath to be kept And thus he concludeth Nos quod de Sabbato scriptum est spiritualiter accipimus c. We spiritually observe that which is written of the Sabbath for the Sabbath signifieth rest Verum autem Sabbatum Redemptorem nostrum habemus and we have our Redeemer and Saviour our true Sabbath 2. Cont. Against the Iewes carnall observing of the Sabbath BEside this that the Jewes would enforce upon us their Sabbath they have another errour in the manner of keeping their Sabbath which they solemnize in taking their ease in eating and drinking and giving themselves over to all pleasure and licentiousnesse for as Burgensis reporteth of them The Jewes thinke they are bound upon every Sabbath to eat thrice that is one dinner and two suppers and in so doing they shall escape the punishment of hell Burgens addition 4. Contra. 1. Thus their forefathers kept an holy day to the golden Calfe in eating and drinking and rising up to play God will not be so served 2. The way to Paradise is a strait and narrow way by many afflictions we must enter into the Kingdome of heaven not eating and drinking and taking our pleasure 3. Augustine saith Quanto melius foeminae eorum lanam facerent quà m in neomeniis saltarent How much better might their women spinne than dance in their new moones Tract 4. in Ioan. 4. Chrysostome also thus proveth that the Sabbath is not â—tii but spiritualis actionis materia not an occasion of idlenesse but of spirituall exercise because the Priests were by the law upon that day to offer double sacrifice but if it were a day of ease Oportebat Sacerdotem omnium maximè otium agere it was meet that the Priest most of all should take his ease then Concion de Lazaro 3. Cont. Of the Iewes superstition in the precise and strict keeping of the Sabbath rest AGaine the Jewes were superstitiously addicted to the corporall rest which they would not breake upon any occasion as our Chronicles doe make mention of a Jew that being fallen into a jakes refused to be taken out thence upon their Sabbath day and the next day being the Lords day the Governour would not suffer him to be pulled out upon that day because it was the Christians Sabbath and so the wilfull Jew there perished Of the like strictnesse were some among the Christians in keeping of the externall rest upon the Lords day therein imitating the Jewes as Gregorie in the fore-cited place writeth how some did forbid any to wash themselves upon the Lords day whom he thus confuteth 1. Si pro luxu animi ac voluptatis quis lavari appetit c. If any man desire to be washed of wantonnesse and pleasure it
woman with child or shee be behind him and he knew it not and hee hurteth her with his heele that she die in this case the man deserved no punishment at all no not so much as a pecuniary mulct to be inflicted which yet is appointed by this law where death followeth not therefore this law meaneth not any such act which is altogether involuntarie Tostat. quaest 24. 2. Neither is this law to be understood of murther altogether voluntarie as if a man of purpose should smite a woman with child and shee die for this was provided for before what punishment should be laid upon him that committed wilfull murther 3. This law therefore is made concerning such violent acts as were of a mixt kinde partly voluntarie partly involuntarie as if a man striving with one and seeing a woman with child within the danger cared not whether shee was hurt or no Tostat. Or if striving with a man he thrust him upon a woman with child Galas Or a woman comming to rescue her husband receiveth hurt by the other that striveth Lyran. In this case if death followed in the woman with child the 〈…〉 to die foâ— it 4. And the reasons are these 1. Because adfuit laedendi animuâ— he that so striveth had a minde and intent to hurt Simler Consilii ratio habenda est his counsell and intention must be considered which was to assault the life of another and by this occasion he killeth one whom he intended not to hurt Iunius Piscator 2. Againe Vxor una carâ— est cum viâ—o quem intendeâ—â— pâ—râ—utere The wife is one flesh with her husband whom he intended to smite Lyran. 3. And beside instance is given of a woman with child who neither could shift for her selfe and a double danger is brought both upon her her child which she went with therefore in this case the law provideth that such oversights should be severely punished Tostat. q. 25. QUEST LVI Whether the death of the infant be punished as well as of the mother Vers. 22. ANd death follow not c. 1. Some thinke that this is to be understood onely of the death of the woman and not of the child Osiander That if the child died and not the woman he was onely to pay a peece of money not to lose his life for it and their reason is because he deserved not so great a punishment that killed an infant in the wombe as he that did stay a perfect man Oleaster who findeth fault with Cajetane for understanding the law indifferently of the woman and her child 2. But Cajetanâ— opinion is to be preferred for like as it is a more heinous thing to kill a man in his owne house than in the way so is it a prodigious thing to suffocate an infant in the mothers wombe qui nondum est in lucem editus which is not yet brought forth into the light of this world Calvin And againe Foetus quamvis in utero inclusus homo est The infant though yet inclosed in the wombe is a man Simler And the child in the wombe is yet a part of the person of the woman so that if there be corruptioâ—â—tius perâ—oâ—a aut partis a destruction of the whole person or of a part Iun. he that so hurteth a woman with child in her owne person or her childs is subject to this law QUEST LVII Whether this law extendeth it selfe to infants which miscarie being not yet perfectly formed NOw it being agreed that this law as well comprehendeth the infant that perisheth as the woman that beareth it yet there remaineth a question whether if the childe in the wombe bee yet imperfect and so not endued with sense and life that in this case though the woman die not but onely lose her birth he that did the hurt is to suffer death 1. Some hold the affirmative that if any child whatsoever by this meanes miscarrie the offender is subject to this law 〈…〉 propâ—â—qua est effectui The iâ—fant being now formed is so neere unto the effect thâ—â— is the life that who causeth the same to miscarrie may be said to have killed a man Gallas And therefore by the Civill law he that of purpose procured the birth to miscarrie if he were a meane person was condemned to the metall mines if a noble person to banishment Cicero also in his oration pro Cluentiâ— reporteth of one Milesia a woman who being hired of the heires in reversion to destroy the infant that shee went with had a capitall puishment therefore inflicted upon her Ex Simlero But these lawes were made against such as did of purpose seeke to destroy infants in the wombe and cause abortion of them here the cause is divers where the fruit of the wombe miscarrieth by some chance 2. Therefore this penaltie was onely by the law inflicted when as the infant perished that was endued with life So Augustine thinketh using this reason Nondum potest dici anima viva in eo corpore quod sensu caret c. The living soule cannot be said to be yet in that bodie which wanteth sense qu. 80. in Exod. And thus the Septuagint interpret If the infant came forth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not yet formed c. which forming of the infant beginneth fortie dayes after the conception as Procopius Cajetane giveth this reason why in such a case when the birth commeth forth imperfect the sentence of death is not inflicted quia homo in potentia non est homo because a man onely in possibilitie is not a man quia tunc non occiditur homo non est homicidium and because then a man is not killed it is no manslaughter Tostat. And the word jeladim sons signifieth as much that the law meaneth formed and perfect infants Simler And it is put in the plurall because a woman may have more infants than one in her wombe at once for otherwise why should one give life for life or soule for soule seeing such imperfect births are not yet endued with life soule As Augustine saith In Adam exemplum datum est c. An evident example is given in Adam quia jam formatum corpus accipit animam that the bodie when it is now fashioned receiveth the soule and not before For after Adams bodie was made the Lord breathed into him the breath of life So August lib. quaest vet nov Testam qu. 23. as he is alleaged Caus. 32. qu. 2. cap. 9. QUEST LVIII Why the action is given unto the husband Vers. 22. ACcording as the womans husband shall appoint him c. 1. Because the injurie is done unto the man in that his issue is cut off and because hee is the head of the woman the law referreth the prosecution of this wrong unto the husband Tostat. 2. But the taxation of the mulct is so referred to the man as yet if he should exceed a just proportion the Judges in their discretion are to moderate it Gallas 3. Tostatus
the publike ministers were publikely maintained as souldiers and such like whereupon the Apostle saith Quie militat propriis stipendiâ— Who goeth a warfare of his owne charge Partim erat judiciale quantum ad determinationem decimae partis c. It was partly judiciall in the determination of the tenth part that whereas the tribe of Levi being the twelfth tribe was consecrated to the service of the Tabernacle who had no possessions as the other tribes it was thought reasonable that the other eleven tribes should give unto them the tenth part of their fruits and increase that there might be some equalitie that although the tribe of Levi were not the full tenth part of Israel yet the tenth of the profits was granted unto them ut honorabilius viverent that they might be maintained more honourably quia aliqui per negligentiam transgressores futuri erant and to make amends for them which should transgresse herein of negligence So Thomas There was beside a ceremoniall respect in the paiment of tithes because they were then due for the ceremoniall service and externall sacrifice of the Tabernacle and in respect of the necessitie of the law of tithes that the Levites were to be maintained thereby and by no other meanes or way In both which respects the law of tithes touching the ceremonie is not in force now nor yet as it was a judiciall constitution but in respect of the equitie thereof and morall part it ought still to remaine Here then we dissent first from them which thinke the law of tithes was altogether a ceremonie and so bindeth not now which seemeth to be the opinion of Gallasius Non jubemur jam fruges c. pastoribus pro munere offere Wee are not commanded now to offer our fruits to the Pastors for a gift c. for this is contrarie to the Apostle Galath 6.6 Let him that is taught in the word make him that hath taught him partaker of all his goods If of all his goods how is he not to yeeld unto him of his very fruits and increase Secondly the opinion of the Rhemists is likewise to be refused which hold the paiment of the very tenth a naturall dutie and so not to be altered for if this were so it were not lawfull by any other meanes equivalent to tithes by contribution or otherwise to provide for the maintenance of the Ministers for being a naturall dutie it ought not to bee changed But in S. Pauls time the Pastors and Churches were provided for otherwise than by tithes as by liberall benevolence and contribution for the which he commendeth the Macedonians for their bountie that wayes 2 Cor. 8.2 The Rhemists also have another assertion that tithes are due to the Priesthood of the new Testament whereas they are not now challenged in the right or respect of any externall sacrifice or sacrificing Priesthood which hath no institution in the new Testament which acknowledgeth Christ onely a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech but in regard of the word preached and other ministeriall duties and sowing of spirituall things 1 Cor. 9.11 Thirdly the opinion of the Canonists that the tithes are precisely due jure divino by the divine law is confuted by Bellarmine for then all those Churches should transgresse Godâ— ordinance which have brought in any other ordinance so it be equivalent to tithes for the maintenance of the Ministers of the Gospell otherwise than by tithes Fourthly neither yet can I altogether subscribe unto the opinion of Thomas that saith Determinatio decimae partis est solvenda authoritate Ecclesiae That the determinate tenth part is now in the time of the new law paiable by the authoritie of the Church c. But it may safely be affirmed that tithes are due jure divino by the divine law and by the word of God and not onely commanded by the constitution of the Church first negative negatively tithes are so due simply and absolutely that is that none have right unto tithes but the Pastors and Ministers of the Gospell but what is once consecrated truly to religious uses ought so to continue Secondly affirmatively also this assertion is true though primaria now directly and precisely the tenth part is not now exacted by the law of the Gospell yet secundaria c. ex consequenti secondarily and by good consequent tithes are now due by the word of God not onely in generall that Ministers should bee maintained but in regard of that particular proportion of the tenth at the least for the liberall and sufficient maintenance of the spirituall Ministers is grounded upon the law of God and nature and who can be a better Judge of this sufficiencie than God himselfe who first in his wisdome did set this proportion of the tenth in the fittest allowance for his Ministers so that whosoever should innovate this ordeâ— as thinking some other course to be more convenient should seeme therein to make himselfe wiser than God But for the further discussing of this matter I likewise referre the Reader to the former place 6. Controv. Of the Lenten fast ANd because mention is here made of tenths I will adde one word of that curious observation which Lippoman hath out of the collections of the Fathers concerning the Lenten fast which they would have warranted by this law of tithes because the whole yeare consisting of 365. dayes the full tenth hereof ariseth to 36. dayes the time of the Lenten fast So also Bellarmine maketh this one of the reasons of their Lenten fast Contra 1. But this account agreeth not with the time of Lent which continueth six weeks full and foure dayes beginning at Ash wednesday which is the first day of Lent which in all make 46. dayes if they abate the Lords dayes for the six weeks there yet remaine 40. dayes if they will have the saturdayes also abated there will bee then but 34. dayes left so no wayes can they make these accounts to agree 2. They would shew themselves herein wiser than God who did appoint his holy dayes by sevens not by tennes 3. The Lenten fast then 〈◊〉 now observed not as a spirituall tenth of time in respect of any religious use but as a politicall iâ—â—erdiction and time of restraint for the good of the Common-wealth 7. Controv. Against free will in good works Vers. 29. THe first borne of thy sonnes c. Isidore hath here a good observation Spiritualiter 〈◊〉 principia honorum operum ostendunt c. Spiritually the first borne doe shew the beginning of good works by this the Lord sheweth bonâ—â— voluntatem c. ad ipsius gratiam pertinere that a good will which goeth before the worke belongeth unto his grace against the Pelagians who ascribe the beginning of good works to their owne free will 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. To be faithfull in the graces and gifts of the spirit committed to us Vers. 7. IF a man deliver to his neighbour
other feasts of the Reconciliation in the â—0 day and of Tabernacles which began in the 15. Osiander But here I approve rather Calvins reason Gravin fuisset tam diuturna mora So long abode together at Jerusalem had beene burthensome for the space of three weekes together from the first day of the seventh moneth to the 21. when the feast of Tabernacles ended therefore this third time of their going up was against the feast of the Tabernacles as is evident Deut. 31.10 and that these were the three times in the yeere is directly mentioned Deut. 16.16 These three times in the yeere shall all the males appeare c. Tostat. quaest 25. QUEST XXXV Who were bound to appeare before the Lord whether their servants Vers. 17. SHall all thy men children appeare 1. The women were not bound by this Law to appeare because it was necessary that they should be left at home to attend the domesticall affaires and have a care of the young children yet they might come up voluntarily as Anna the mother of Samuel did and Marie the mother of our blessed Saviour especially those which dwelt neere to Jerusalem 2. Concerning the males Tostatus thinketh that all the males after they were come to yeeres of discretion ascended as Christ being but a child according to the custome of other children went up with his parents But it is more like that none went up under 20. yeere old only those males qui iraâ—sibant sub censum which passed under the account Calvin Some thinke also none above 50. yeeres but that is not like the children might goe up with their parents also but that was not of any necessity And left it might have seemed a dangerous thing to the countrey if all the males together should have beene absent the Lord promiseth that their enemies should not desire their land in the meane time while they appeared before the Lord Exod. 34.24 3. Neither were the males of their owne children only bound to goe up but their servants also as is expresly mentioned Deut. 16.12 that their sonne daughter servant and maid should rejoyce with them before the Lord. Of their Hebrew servants there was no question because they were of the same profession and they were but their servants for a time And concerning other servants bought with their money they were to circumcise them and then they were to eat of the Passeover Exod. 12.44 Now if they were circumcised they were thereby bound to keepe the whole Law as the Apostle sheweth Galath 5.3 And seeing they also were to eat the Passeover which could not be offered but before the Lord Deut. 16.2 they were also necessarily to appeare before the Lord. 4. But if all their servants were bound to goe up with them thrice in the yeere and that from the furthest parts of the land this would seeme to have beene a great prejudice to their masters and an hindrance to their businesse to spare their servants so long Lyranus and Tostatus here answer that they which dwelt farre off were dispensed withall and it was sufficient for them to come up only once in the yeere at the Passeover But no such dispensation is extant in the Law I rather insist upon that other answer of Tostatus that damna animae plus vitanda sunt quà m damna corporis the detriment of the soule is more to be shunned than the detriment of the body Therefore seeing their appearing before the Lord concerned the health of their soules all worldly respects ought to give place unto it and the Commandement of God was to be preferred before all Tostat. quaest 26. QUEST XXXVI To what end the people were commanded to meet together THis generall meeting of all Israel thrice in a yeere before the Lord was profitable for divers ends 1. Ad concordiam religionis doctrinae conservandam c. To keepe and preserve concord and unity in doctrine and religion Simler for if they might have sacrificed where they would the people might soone have declined and fallen to strange worship 2. Ingenti multitudinis concursu alii alios incitabant c. By this concurse of the multitude one helped to stirre up and provoke another to the more cheerefull setting forth of the praise of God Gallas 3. It was effectuall also Ad coalitionem animorum c. For the knitting together of their hearts and mindes the maintaining of love and charity among them Marbach 4. Solemnia festa angustiora fieri tanto conventu The solemne feast dayes by this company of the people were thereby more adorned and set forth 5. And this was a figure also of Christ that as they had but one Sanctuary one Altar on high Priest so Christus est unicus servator Christ is our onely Saviour and high Priest Simler QUEST XXXVII Why the people were not to appeare empty before the Lord. Vers. 15. NOne shall appeare before me emptie 1. Though this precept be annexed here to the solemnity of the Passeover yet it is to be referred not only to that feast as Tostatus seemeth to take it but to all the rest of the three Cajetane Gallas 2. Some understand it thus that none should appeare empty or in vaine before the Lord but they should receive some blessing at his hand but it is plaine Deut. 16.17 that it is meant of such gifts and oblations as they should bring with them to offer before the Lord Simler 3. Which offerings and oblations served for the repairing of the Temple and the maintaining of the Levites and for other such uses belonging to the service of God Simler 4. This presenting of gifts unto the Lord was to testifie their thankfull minde Non enim satis erat verbis gratitudinem testificari For it was not sufficient in words only to testifie their thankfulnesse Gallas And to this end they did it ut personarum rerum fiat Deo oblatio qui dat personas res omnes that they might offer unto God as well their substance as their persons who giveth all both the persons and all things beside Cajetane 5. Though we are not bound unto this Law seeing it is abolished veritas tamen aâ—uos pertinet yet the truth thereof belongeth unto us Gallas that if wee have money or any other substance we should first releeve the poore tunc demum Deo preces fundamus and then offer our prayers unto God Saltem animam non à boâ—is operibus vacuam Deo offeramus c. At the least we should not present our soule unto God empty and void of good workes Theodoret. To the same purpose Chrysostome idcircò pauperes ante fores sunt ut nemo vacuus ingrediatur c. intras ut misericordiam consequaris prior ipse miserere c. Therefore the poore stand at the Church doore that none should goe in empty thou encrest to obtaine mercy first shew mercy thy selfe c. Gregorie applieth it to the appearing before the Judge at the latter day
conceit hath but a slender ground because it is said tegasâ—h â—iet the candlesticke shall be made for before it is put in the active vegasitha And thou shalt make 2. And in the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tegaseh they have another observation as slender curious because the letter jod is superfluous for ordinarily it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tiggaseh with dagâ—sh without jod they thinke jod which signifieth ten to be added to signifie that afterward Salomon should make ten candlestickes as he did 1 King 7. But it is an usuall thing with the Hebrewes for this letter sometime to be defective sometime to be superfluous without any mystery Yet Tostatus is here deceived that saith they ground this their conceit here quia deficit litera jod because the letter jod was wanting for in the foresaid word jod is not wanting but superfluous QUEST XLVI Of the instruments belonging to the candlesticke Vers. 38. THe snuffers and snuf-dishes 1. There were two kind of instruments which belonged unto the golden candlesticke the snuffers wherewith the lampe was purged the word malecâ—chaim is taken also for tongs wherewith coales are taken out of the fire Isay 6. and because snuffers are as it were little tongs to the like purpose they are called by the same name Oleaster The other instrument Iunius thinketh served to cleanse the dropping of the lampes Lyran. So also Tostatus thinketh they were certaine vessels containing water to quench the snuffe in that it should not smell 3. There were also certaine pipes to every lampe wherein the oyle was put to run into the nosle or boule of the candlesticke where the lampe burned as may appeare by Zacharies description chap. 4.2 where the Prophet alluding unto the fashion of the golden candlesticke in the Temple for otherwise if he had made any new description the Jewes would not have given any credit unto him maketh mention of seven lampes and a boule that is to every one a boule to receive the oyle and of seven golden pipe Now all these are here in Moses comprehended under the name of lampes which had both their severall pannes and receptacles of the oyle and certaine little pipes and conveyances beside to powre in the oyle by Tostat. qu. 30. QUEST XLVII How much a talent was Vers. 39. OF a talent of gold 1. The scholasticall historie maketh mention of three kinde of talents the Merchants talent which was fiftie pound the Citizens talent which was 70. pound and the talent of the Tabernacle which was 120. pound Tostat. qu. 33. 2. There was also the common talent which contained 60. pound and the great talent which was 80. pound Ribera 3. Oleaster thinketh that the word here used cicar signifieth not a talent but portionem frustum a peece or portion who herein dissenteth from all Interpreters in this place and if no certaine quantitie of gold had beene named it had beene a very imperfect description to say Of a peece of gold 4. Iosephus esteemeth this talent at 100. pound Epiphanius at 125. pound but the right valuation as Rab. Salomon thinketh was 120. pound double to the common talent So also Rupertus Tostatus Ribera Lippoman And every pound contained 60. common sicles Ribera As may be gathered by comparing these places together 1 King 10.17 and 2 Chron. 9.16 For in the first place it is said Three pound of gold went 〈◊〉 a shield and in the latter Three hundred shekels went to a shield A talent of gold then by this account weighed 7200. shekels counting the talent at 120. pound and every pound at 60. shekels And a pound of gold in value is esteemed at 100. crownes and the talent at 12000. crownes Iun. Montanus then is deceived which maketh the weight of a talent to be but a thousand and eight hundred sicles therein following Camhius and Levi Getson in 1 Sam. cap. 17. 5. Now the reasons why the summe of gold is named whereof the candlesticke should be made and so not in the rest may be yeelded to bee these two both because the candlesticke was all of gold so were not the other neither the Arke nor the table and for that their measure is seâ— downe both the length and breadth and so they might ghesse how much gold might goe to the making of them by the measure but here because there is no proportion set downe of the candlesticke the gold is summed that went to the making of it Tostat. qu. 33. QUEST XLVIII Of the mysticall application of the candlesticke COncerning the application of this ceremoniall part of the Tabernacle 1. Iosephus by the seven lampes understandeth the seven Planets and the greatest in the middest sheweth the Sunne the greatest and the middlemost of the Planets 2. Tostatus by the candlesticke would have set forth the life of man and by the seven branches the seven dayes of the weeke which being multiplied doe measure out the time of mans life q. 33. 3. So Rupertus by the six branches would have insinuated the six dayes of the creation and by the shaft in the middest which made the seventh the seventh day wherein God rested 4. Beda by the three branches one way and three another thinketh to be understood the Doctors of the Church which in the old Testament did fidem sanctae Trinitatis designare c. hold the faith of the holy Trinitie But these applications are somewhat curious and against the Apostles rule Which are shadowes of things to come but the bodie is in Christ Coloss. 2.17 These types therefore and figures are shadowes of things to come not past or then present and they must be referred to Christ the bodie of them 5. Wherefore 1. this candlesticke some understand to be the Church of God as Apocal. chap. 1.2 3. the Churches are compared to candlesticks Ribera Piscator But they are single candlesticks not the candlesticke with seven lampes 2. It better therefore signifieth Christ who is the true light that inlighteneth his Church as Gregorie Quis in candelabro nisi redemptor humani generis designatur Who is expressed in the candlesticke but the redeemer of mankinde So also Beda Hastile candelabri ipse qui est caput Ecclesia debet intelligi By the shaft of the candlesticke must the head of the Church be understood Ferus also to the same purpose Candelabrum Christus qui veri luminis est sustentaculum Christ is the candlesticke who is the upholder of the true light 3. The six branches doe betoken the Apostles and Pastors of the Church which are as branches which come from Christ who is the vine as these doe issue out of the shaft or bodie of the candlesticke Marb 4. The seven lampes doe signifie the manifold gifts of the Spirit Pelargus 5. The knops and flowers the divers graces and ornaments which the Lord endueth the faithfull with Simler 6. As the candlesticke gave light unto the Tabernacle so we are in darknesse unlesse the Lord Sursum
pontificalibus the pontificall vestures or rayment being put off c. for so the word sarad signifieth to remaine to be left But this cannot bee so for in the third place the common garments for Aarons sonnes are mentioned also 3. Iunius thinketh that the curtaines and veiles of the Tabernacle are hereby signified as also those coverings wherein the Arke Altar Table with other things were folded up when the Tabernacle was removed But the curtaines and veiles are not here meant for they were made of foure colours blew silke purple scarlet fine twined linen chap. 26.1 these garments of Ministration were made only of three blew silke purple and scarlet chap. 39.1 â— Therefore the latter kind is onely here understood namely those coverings wherewith those holy things before spoken of were covered Vatabl. Borrh. Simler For such cloathes they had to wrappe them in Numb 4.6 7. The curtaines and veiles of the Tabernacle are before understood vers 7. under the name of the Tabernacle which is taken either generally for the coverings boords and pillars whereof the Tabernacle consisted and so it is called â—hel or more specially for the curtains only which is properly called miscan chap. 26.1 It is taken in the generall sense here Tostat. qu. 7. As likewise chap. 31.26 where it is said thou shalt anoint the Tabernacle QUEST X. The spirituall signification of the furnishing of Bezaleel and Aholiab with gifts BY the furnishing of Bezaleel and Aholiab with excellent gifts for the worke of the materiall Tabernacle 1. Strabus understandeth here the mysterie of the Trinitie Aholiab which he saith signifieth my protection betokeneth the Father Bezaleel interpreted in the shadow of God the holy Ghost and the word or commandement to make the Tabernacle the Sonne of God But this application is curious and dangerous to prefigure the blessed and immortall Trinitie by sinfull and mortall men 2. Yet Bezaleel of Iudah doth most properly prefigure the Messiah of the tribe of Iudah upon whom the Spirit of God was the Spirit of wisdome the Spirit of understanding c. and of knowledge Isai. 11.2 who should be the spirituall builder of the Church Borrh. Marbach 3. And by the inferiour workmen the Apostles are signified the Euangelists Pastors and Ministers who as inferiour workmen under the chiefe builder Christ Iesus doe edifie the Church So Saint Paul saith 1 Cor. 3.10 As a skilfull master builder I have laid the foundation Againe as here Bezaleel and Aholiab and many other were filled with the Spirit of wisdome for the worke of the outward Tabernacle so the Apostle saith Ephes. 4.11 He gave some to be Apostles some Prophets and some Euangelists and some Pastors and Teachers for the gathering together of the Saints for the worke of the Ministerie and for the edefication of the bodie of Christ And so as Hierom well saith Iudais perdentibus architectos omnis aedificandi gratia translata est ad Ecclesiam The Jewes having lost their workmen all the grace of building is transferred to the Church cap. 3. in Isaiam QUEST XI Why the precept concerning the Sabbath is here renued Vers. 13. NOtwithstanding keepe yee my Sabbaths Divers reasons may be yeelded why the Lord maketh rehearsall here of that precept of sanctifying the Sabbath 1. Quia segnes admodum tardi sumus ad cultum Dei Because we are slow and backward in Gods service Gallas 2. Because they were now appointed to begin the worke of the Tabernacle Ne crederem sibi 〈◊〉 esse die Sabbati aedificare Lest they might thinke that it was lawfull for them to build upon the Sabbath day the Lord in this place giveth them charge even in this busie and necessarie worke to keepe the Sabbath Lippoman Tostat. Lyrâ—n Pelarg. Iun. As likewise chap. 34.21 both in earing time and in harvest they are charged to keepe the Sabbath lest they might take themselves to be excused by the necessitie of these works Oleaster 3. Seeing they were not to keepe the ceremoniall lawes untill they came into the land of 〈…〉 omitted for the paschal lambe was but once sacrificed in the wildernes Cajetan 4. Beside the Lord hereby would teach them the right use of the Tabernacle which conâ—â—â—ed in their comming together there especially upon the Sabbaths to serve the Lord. And therefore these two are put together Levit. 23.30 Yee shall keep my Sabbaths and reverence my Sanctuarie and the Lord complaineth by his Prophet Ezech. 23.38 They have defiled my Sanctuarie and prophaned my Sabbaths Simler Pelarg. 5. This charge also renued ad supplet ionem omissâ—rum for the supplie of some things omitted because it was not expressed before what punishment hee should have that did violate the Sabbath which is declared here that hee should die the death and it was put in execution Numb 15. upon the man that gathered stickes upon the Sabbath Tostat. Lyran. QUEST XII Why it was more forbidden to labour in the building of the Sanctuarie upon the Sabbath than for the Priests to sacrifice AMong other reasons before alleaged why mention is here made of sanctifying the Sabbath this was one that the people might be here admonished to forbeare even from the workes of the Sanctuarie upon the Sabbath But then it will be thus objected seeing the Priests did violate and breake the Sabbath as one blessed Saviour saith Matth. 12.5 and were blamelesse as in killing the sacrifices and doing other things thereunto belonging why it was not as lawfull to labour in the building of the Sanctuarie also upon the Sabbath Hereunto answer may be made that there was great difference betweene the sacrifices which the Priests offered upon the Sabbath and other things belonging to their service and the other works of the Sanctuarie 1. The Lord commanded the one namely that sacrifices should be offered upon the Sabbath and that double to any other day for upon the other daies they sacrificed a lambe in the morning and another at night But upon the Sabbath two lambes were appointed for the morning sacrifice and two for night Numb 28.9 And the holy fire upon the Altar was commanded never to go out Levit. 6.13 this fire then they kept upon the Sabbath bringing and laying wood to preserve it These works they had the Lords word and warrant for But for the other they had not nay they were forbidden all kind of worke and labour upon the Sabbath saving those which the Lord himselfe excepted concerning the service of the Sabbath therefore these also in building and framing the things appertaining to the Tabernacle were likewise inhibited 2. The Priests are said to violate the Sabbath in their sacrifices and other Sabbath works but not properly because they did such things upon the Sabbath which if they had not been permitted yea commanded of themselves had tended to the violating of the Sabbath so they did breake it materialiter materially but not formaliter formally he breaketh the Sabbath formally who doth that which is expressely forbidden to bee
Because the seventh day is determined wherein he rested then consequently they were six daies wherein he was making the world 2. Mention is made of the evening and morning therefore the day and night one succeeded another 3. And seeing light was created the first day and light and darknesse could not be at once in the same hemisphere the one therefore must needs successively follow the other 2. But yet although God made the world successively in respect of the daies which one succeeded another and all was not made in one day Yet Tostatus opinion is not to be received that in some of the works of the creation God did agere persuccessionem worke by succession and in time and did not produce the creatures in instanti in an instant The first second and fourth daies worke he granteth were done in an instant but the third daies worke was done successively the winde helping to drie it which is said to have moved upon the waters And the plants and trees were brought out of the earth in time God giving such great strength and force to the earth to bring them forth As he giveth instance of some herbs as 〈◊〉 parsely that will grow out of the ground in the space of two houres Likewise in the creation of man hee thinketh it is probable that the Angels made his bodie of the slime of the earth and the Lord breathed in the breath of life Contra. 1. That God created 〈…〉 Psal. 33.9 he spake and 〈…〉 2. That was not the winde which moved upon the 〈…〉 as in the same Psalme vers â— the Spirit is called the breath of Gods mouth By 〈…〉 Lord were the heavens made and all the host of them by the breath of his mouth 3. Neither did God use the helpe of the Angels in the framing of mans bodie he did it himselfe for when he said Let us make man in our image he consulted not with the Angels but with the blessed Trinitie for he was created in the image of God Genes 1.27 nor in the image of Angels for then Christ when he was made man should have taken upon him the nature of Angels which the Apostle denieth Hebr. 2.16 And it is directly said that God Iehovah made the man of the dust of the earth Genes 2 7. but Iehovah is not given unto any Angell it is a name peculiar unto God QUEST XIX How the Lord is said to have rested and from what Vers. 17. IN the seventh day he ceased and breathed 1. Which is a metaphor taken from those which when they have sore laboured doe breath and take aire Oleaster Not that God was wearied with the works of the creation but he onely left creating all things being finished which he intended to make and he did it for our instruction that we by his example might keep an holy rest 2. God then ceased from creating of another world Osiand or from creating any new workes for then the creation had not been perfect if any thing had been wanting neither could it have been said God saw all that hee had made and loe it was verie good Gen. 1.31 3. But he ceased not both from preserving that which hee had made which is no new worke but that was continued during all the six daies and is exercised still Tostat. For God is not like to a builder of an house or carpenter of a ship which having finished his worke so leaveth it but Gods providence still watcheth over that which he hath made Gallas Likewise the Lord ceaseth not from making particular works daily for he doth wonderous things and miraculous thorow the world sed non creat novas species he doth not create now any new kind Marbach 4. Then here appeareth the error of certaine Hebrewes which thinke that the Sabbath which is called Saturns day was appointed first to bee kept because that is an unluckie planet and unfortunate and therefore it was not fit to undertake any businesse upon that day for the reason appeareth to be this because God rested upon the seventh day and they will not say that God was afraid to doe any thing upon Saturns day Tostatus quest 11. 5. Againe hence is gathered a firme reason for the continuance and perpetuitie of the Sabbath because God did not create the heaven and earth only for the sonnes of Iacob but for all men Quibus ex aquâ— Creator est nemiâ—em ergo ab isto Sabbatisâ—â— excludi c. To whom he is a Creator alike and therefore no man is to be exempted from the keeping of the Sabbath Lippoman QUEST XX. What workes are to be rested from upon the Lords day what not ANd as God rested not from all kind of workes upon the seventh day so neither are all kind of workes unlawfull now to be done upon the Lords day of rest The workes that men attend are of two sorts either naturall or voluntarie 1. Naturall workes are not forbidden to be done as to eat drinke sleepe so they be done in order and measure 2. Voluntarie works are either good or evill evill workes are at all times unlawfall much more upon the sabbath 3. Good workes are either sacred or civill and politicall the sacred are either immediatly belonging to the worship of God as the duties of the first Table which principally are to be done upon the Lords day 4. Or they are such workes as are mediatly referred unto God as the workes of mercie the duties of the second Table which also if occasion so require are to bee done upon this day as to visite the sicke to helpe those that are in danger 5 The politike workes follow as the workes of mens vocation merchandise making of warre all which must be intermitted upon the Lords day and therefore that commandement beginneth with Remember that men aforehand should thinke of the Lords day and not deferre any of their busines till then but vrgent necessitie constraining such things may be done then as the Macchabees did fight upon the Sabbath and the Disciples of Christ being hungrie pulled the eares of corne Marbach QUEST XXI Whether Moses received the directions concerning the Tabernacle in the first or second fortie daies Vers. 18. THus when the Lord had made an end of communing with Moses c. 1. R. Salâ—m whom Lyranus followeth understandeth this communing or speech of God with Moses only of the former charge concerning the Sabbath not of all the declaration before going which concerned the making of the Tabernacle which hee thinketh was done in Moses second going up to the Lord after the people had made the golden calfe and so he thinketh the historie to be transposed 2. Contra. 1. First as sometime in Scripture the order of time is changed and the historie transposed when there is any apparant cause to meet with some inconvenience which otherwise might follow so to imagine any such transposing where there is no such necessitie were to bring in such an uncertaintie into the sacred storie as
that we should never know in what order any thing was done 2. Beside the manner of speech used by way of transition vers 12. when the Lord began againe to speake of â—actifying the Sabbath afterward or then or further the Lord spake unto Moses c. sheweth that this speech followed immediately upon the other communing which the Lord had with Moses concerning the Tabernacle 3. The space of time even fortie daies while Moses communed with God sheweth that God had conference with Moses about more things than the morall and judiciall lawes rehearsed chap. 20 21 22 23. 4. And the second fortie daies was an unfit that for Moses to receive all these instructions in for then he fell downe 〈…〉 nights before the Lord Deut. 9. â—5 to intreat him for the people there was not then such opportunitie for Moses to receive those directionâ— all the time being 〈…〉 unto God Tostat. qu. â—3 QUEST XXII Why Moses stayed fortie daies with God in the 〈◊〉 WHen the Lord had made an end Which was after fortie daies 1. Because all this time needed not be spent in promulgation of the former lawes which might have been delivered in a shorter time the Hebrewes thinke that Moses further received then their Cabala which if they indeed did understand to be the mysticall doctrine of the Messiah they therein should not thinke amisse but the Jewish Cabala hunteth after letters and syllables and doth gather mysteries out of them which hath no warrant from Moses 2. During then this time beside the receiving of these lawes and instructions Moses no doubt was exercised in the meditation of them and made perfect in the sense and understanding thereof as likewise the mysterie of the blessed Messiah was now revealed unto him 3. And although the Lord by the illumination of his Spirit could in one day have inspired Moses with the knowledge of all these things yet it pleased God that Moses should continue in this exercise the space of fortie daies for these two ends 1. That he himselfe might hereby be more assured of his calling and by this continuall meditation be throughly prepared and made fit 2. And that the people by this miraculous worke of Moses abode with God fortie daies without meat and drinke might be induced to receive Moses message and ministerie with greater reverence Simler QUEST XXIII Why the Lord gave the written law HE gave him two Tables of the Testimonie 1. the Lord gave not the written law to the ancient Fathers but deferred it till Moses time because as the Apostle saith lex non est posita justiâ— the law is not given unto the righteous habebaâ—â— in semetipsis justitiam legis they had in themselves the law of righteousnesse but after that this law of righteousnes grew into oblivion extincta esset in Egyptâ— and was as extinguished in Egypt c. it was necessarie to be renued by the written law Irenaeus 2. Lex data est ut per â—am lux qua in nobis est accendatur c. The law was given that thereby the light which was in us should bee increased Cyril The light of nature being dimmed it was to be cleared and renued by the law 3. Ambros addeth further Lex quid operatur nisi ut omnis mundus subditâ—s fieret Deo c. What else doth the law worke but that all the world should bee subjected unto God c. for by the law commeth the knowledge of sinne 4. Hierom giveth another reason why the written law was given which was first written in all mens hearts because Iudei se solos accepisse legem gloriantur c. The Jewes only boast that they received the law hereby is signified that seeing the law commandeth nothing which was not before imprinted in the heart by the instinct of nature that they qui leges haâ— observavâ—riut c. which should observe these lawes should obtaine the reward c. whether they were Jewes or Gentiles as S. Peter saith In everie nation he that feareth God and worketh righteousnesse is accepted with him Act. 10.35 5. The law also was given to prepare men for the Messiah whose comming then more and more approached for two waies did the old law lead men unto Christ one way Testimonium de Christo perhibendo by giving testimonie of Christ as our blessed Saviour saith All things must be fulfilled which are written of me in the law the Psalmes and the Prophets Luk. 24.44 alio modo per modum dispositionis another way by way of disposing by drawing men from idolatrie and holding them to the worship of the true God and so preparing them for Christ Thomas QUEST XXIV Why the Lord gave the law to the Israelites and to no other people THis law was also given unto the Jewes rather than to any other nation 1. Not for that they only were found to continue in the true worship of God all other nations being given to idolatrie foâ— they also fell presently to idolatrie in worshipping of a golden calfe and the Lord telleth them that he did not set his love upon them for their righteousnesse 2. But the reason was because the Lord would performe his oath and promises to their fathers to make them his people Deut. 7.8 So it appeareth quod ex sola gratuita electione c. that onely by the free and gracious election of God the fathers received the promises and their children had the law given them 3. But if it againe bee asked why the Lord did chuse the fathers of whom Christ should be borne Augustine answereth Quare hunc trahat illum non trahat noli velle dijudicare si non vis errare c. Why the Lord draweth one and not another do not take upon thee to judge if thou wilt not erre 4. The law also was given unto the Israelites especially for these two reasons imponitur duris superbis c. it was imposed first upon them that were stubborne and proud De duobus enim naturalis homo superbit de scientia potentia c. A naturall man is proud of two things knowledge and abilitie or power Therefore because the Jewes might take themselves to bee wiser than other people as both having more knowledge and greater strength to do those things which were requisite God therefore gave them the morall law written both to shew their ignorance in the duties which God required as also their insufficiencie of strength imponebatur etiam lex bonis Likewise the law was given unto the good and well disposed that they thereby might be holpen to performe those duties which they desired To this purpose Thomas ibid. 5. Hierom seemeth to give another reason of giving the morall law unto the Israelites first the Lord gave them his morall law but after they had committed idolatrie than hee required sacrifices to bee offered unto him rather than to idols Auferens puram religionem mandatorum Dei concedens sanguinem victimarum
with a reservation of their punishment vers 34. 2. The divers readings Vers. 1. Gathered themselves together against Aaron B.G.L.P. upon Aaron A.H. to Aaron I.V.C.S. ghal upon or against Vers. 12. For a mischiefe B.V. rather than maliciously G.B. craftily L. with a mischievous intent I. with maliciousnes S. C. in maliciousnes A. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beraghah to a mischiefe Vers. 15. So Moses turned him B.G.I.L.V. Moses looked backe P.C. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phanah signifieth both to turne and looke but the first rather here because of the word following he went downe Vers. 18. It is not the noise which the strong make nor the noise which the weake make I. the voice of them which crie out strength or the voice of them which crie out weaknes S.A.H. better than the voice of them which answer strongly or of them which answer weakely V. or the noise of them which have the victorie or of them which are overcome G.B. or the crie of them which exhort to fight or of them which compell to flie L. Vers. 28. Three thousand men B. G. cum caeter three and twentie thousand L. very corruptly See 72. qu◠following Vers. 29. When every one shall be upon his sonne I.A.H. better than every one upon his sonne B.G. cum caeter for here the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when is omitted Vers. 32. And now whether wilt thou forgive them their sinne I. if thou wilt c. A.H. better than and now forgive them their sinne B.G. cum caeter for here the conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 im is omitted in the translation Vers. 35. Because they procured the calfe which Aaron made or made the calfe which Aaron made B.G. cum caeter for that which they did to the calfe which Aaron made I. But the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eth is seldome a signe of the Dative but of the Accusative case because they worshipped the calfe which Aaron made C. the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gashah to make 3. The questions discussed QUEST I. Whether Moses had signified unto the people when hee would returne Vers. 1. WHen the people saw that Moses tarried long c. 1. R. Salomon here is of opinion that Moses when he went away told the people that he would returne after 40. daies but they were deceived in the account and reckoned that day wherein Moses ascended so that in the end of 39. daies they then consulted to make them gods 2. Contra. But this assertion can stand by no meanes 1. It was not knowne unto Moses himselfe how long he should stay when he went from them for he himselfe staied six daies in the mount before he was called up to the top chap. 14.16 If he had set them a certaine time he would not have spoken ambiguously but plainly that they might have knowne certainly when to expect his returne 3. At the least though they had mistaken a day they would have waited for him so long after the appointed time 4. Neither could all this be done in the space of one day the people to gather their earings and Aaron thereof to make a golden Calfe and beside Aaron putteth off the solemnitie to the next day all this could not be done upon the 40. day therefore it is like that they began this wicked enterprise upon the 35. day or thereabout and that Moses had not given them any direction for his returne Tostat. qu. 2. Liran QUEST 2. Whether the Egyptians were the first beginners and motioners of this idolatrie Vers. 2. WHen the people saw 1. R. Salomon againe some what to excuse here this fact of the Israelites saith that the Egyptians which went out with the Israelites did egge and intice them and set them a worke to make this golden image as they likewise provoked the people to fall a lusting for flesh by their example Numb 11.4 2. Contra. 1. But howsoever at other times the strangers that were mingled among them might set them a murmuring it is like here that the Israelites themselves were most forward in this wicked enterprise for the name of people is given unto them whereas the other are not simplie called the people but with some other addition as chap. 12.38 A great multitude of sundrie sorts of people and Numb 11.4 A number of people that was among them fell a lusting c. 2. They themselves speake of their bringing out of Egypt by Moses but Moses brought the Israelites out the rest were not so much brought ou◠as voluntarily came forth being mingled among the people 3. The people also themselves were subject and prone to idolatrie as S. Stephen sheweth out of the Prophet Act. 7.43 yea he saith directly vers 39. that they were their fathers that said unto Moses Make us gods c. Tostat. qu. 1. 4. S. Paul also so expoundeth it of the Israelites 1 Cor. 10.7 Neither be ye Idolaters as were some of them So not all the people but onely some of them were guiltie of this sinne of idolatrie for it is like that they whom Moses armed afterward to slay their brethren were not consenting thereunto Iun. 5. The Levits vers 29. did consecrate their hands every one upon his son and brother they were then their owne brethren and consequently Israelites who were ringleaders of this mischievous exploit QUEST III. The occasions of idolatrie in generall and particularly of the idolatrie of the Israelites here Vers. 1. THat Moses tarried long c. Here we are to consider of the occasions and causes of idolatrie which are either generall or particular in this place which moved the Israelites to fall into this follie 1. The generall are these 1. Feare in extremitie and distresse maketh men run to wicked devices and to erect unto themselves gods as the mariners in Ionas ship being in danger called every one upon his god 2. Another cause is ignorant imitation of things not rightly understood as because Abraham at Gods commandement would have offered his son Isaac unto God the heathen idolaters likewise did sacrifice their owne children with bloudie hands unto their idols 3. A third cause is foolish doting love and affection as Salomon doting upon his wives was by them enticed and seduced to idolatrie It is written that Alexander so loved Ephestio that he decreed divine honour to be given him 4. A fourth cause is good hap and prosperitie as the Atheniens having obtained a victorie against the Persians at Marethe onely with the helpe of ten thousand men seeing at that time in the aire a spirit in the likenesse of Pan which terrified their enemies they afterward worshipped him and built him a Temple B. Babington 2. The particular causes and occasions of this idolatrie which deceived the Israelites were these 1. The first was absentia ducis the absence of their Captaine 2. Curiositas their curiositie that not being contented with those things which Moses had taught them must
de justitia sua gloriantibus aterna exprobratio est This iteration of these precepts is an eternall exprobration to the carnall Jewes which doe glory in their righteousnesse c. Seeing Moses still insisteth in the first principles and rudiments and carnall observations wherein Moses is unlike unto the Apostle thus writing Therefore leaving the doctrine of the beginning of Christ let us goe forward unto perfection Hebr. 6.1 4. Againe another principall cause of the institution first and now the renovation of those festivals was ut futura mysteria saltem sub umbra veneretur that the people as under the shadow might in these festivals reverence the mysteries which should be revealed in time to come Lippoman QUEST XXXVII Why some feasts and not all are here rehearsed ANd it pleased God to appoint these festivals unto the Israelites 1. That although all our life time should be consecrate to Gods praise yet quia non valet humana infirmitas because humane infirmity is not able so to doe this continuall praising of God being reserved for the next life it pleased him to content himselfe with certaine times appointed to that end Tostat. qu. 14. And this God doth also that mans dulnesse might by such solemnities be whetted and stirred up to a thankfull commemoration of his benefits Marbach 2. Here are the three principall morall feasts only mentioned the Passeover the feast of weekes and the feast of gathering fruits though they had more feasts as they are rehearsed because in these three only the people were bound to assemble together before the Lord Tostat. 3. And the Lord beginneth with the Passeover which was the first instituted and brought to their remembrance the greatest benefit of their deliverance out of Egypt And hereby was mystically signified that fine fide passioniâ— Christi c. that without faith in the passion and resurrection of Christ which was shadowed forth in the passeover none could be saved Lippoman QUEST XXXVIII Of the passeover the rites end and use thereof Vers. 18. SEven dayes shalt thou observe In the feast of the Passeover there are foure things to be observed the rite and ceremonie the end the morall use the type and figure 1. There are three things here prescribed concerning the rite and manner First they must eat unleavened bread because at that time when they came out of Egypt the Egyptians urged them to come out in haste so that they could not leaven their bread therefore in remembrance of their affliction in Egypt and their deliverance therefrom they must keepe this feast with unleavened bread and that for seven dayes from the 14. day at even untill the 21. day at even as is prescribed Exodus 12.18 the moneth also is prescribed wherein they should observe this feast in the moneth Abib which the Latine Septuagint Chalde interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the moneth of new fruits quando spica è culmis prodibant when the eares began to shoot out of the hose Vatabl. Not because the corne began then first to grow but then first began to be ripe and the â—ickle to be put unto it Tostat. This moneth fell out sometime in the moneth of March as if the new moone were before the 25. of March about which time the equinoctiall was then when the dayes and nights are alike sometime in Aprill when the aquinoctium fell out afterward for the Hebrewes began their moneths with the new moone And this moneth Abib was the first in the yeere from the which they counted the rest as the Romans did begin their moneths at March and so they called July and August Quintilis and Sextâ—lis the fift and sixt moneths this moneth Abib was also called Nisaâ— that is Nisiâ—â— the moneth of wonders because many wondrous things were done in this moneth Simler The other rites belonging to this feast are set forth at large Exod. 12. thorowout the chapter 2. The end of this feast was to call to minde the benefit of their deliverance out of Egypt and the preservation of their first borne when all the first borne in Egypt were slaine 3. The morall signification is this by leaven is understood false doctrine as our blessed Saviour giveth his Disciples warning to take heed of the leaven of the Scribes and Pharisees that is their corrupt doctrine likewise it signifieth the leaven of maliciousnesse as the Apostle sheweth 1 Cor. 5. both which by the unleavened bread they were admonished to take heed of 4. This Passeover was a type of our Saviour 1. He suffered about the same time of the yeere wherein they used to kill the Passeover 2. The paschall Lambe was without blemish and Christ was without sinne 3. It was rosted with fire to signifie the burning love of Christ. 4. The bloud of that Lambe was a signe of their corporall deliverance out of Egypt and by the bloud of Christ we obtaine spirituall deliverance Simler See more of the spirituall application of the passeover qu. 39. chap. 12. QUEST XXXIX Why the first borne males were only due unto the Lord. Vers. 19. EVery male that first openeth the wombe 1. These words male and first are not here in the text but must be inserted to explaine the text as may be gathered Exod. 13.12 The males only of the first borne were the Lords 2. And the reason hereof was 1. Because the males in their kinde were the perfitest and therefore they were only to be offered in such sacrifices as were of necessity as in their burnt offerings and vowes in their free offerings they might bring their female 2. The first borne which were slaine in Egypt both of men and beasts were males in liew whereof the Lord required the first borne And that the first borne males were only slaine in Egypt it may thus appeare 1. Because the punishment was answerable to their sinne that as they commanded all the males of the Hebrewes to be killed so the males only of the Egyptians should be destroyed 2. Though in many houses in Egypt the first borne of the house were not males yet the first borne of the maid servants must also be counted as is evident chap. 11.5 and if neither they nor the masters of the house had any first borne that were males then either the master himselfe or the servant of the house if he were the first borne was taken and so it was true that there was not an house in Egypt where there was not one dead Exod. 12.30 And as the first borne of men onely were slaine so it is like the same proportion was observed in their cattell Tostat. qu. 15 16. 3. The first borne were of two sorts of men and they were to be redeemed because their service unto God was performed when they were living not by their death the beasts were either cleane and they were to be offered their best service unto God was by their death in being sacrificed or uncleane which might either be redeemed by exchange as an asse
was brought not only gold and silver and precious stones but other things of lesse price as rams skins badgers skins and by whom they were offered by the men women and Princes to vers 30. 3. Then the institution of the workmen is expressed 1. Who they were 2. What gifts they were indued with 3. To what end not only to worke themselves but to teach others vers 35. 2. The divers readings Vers. 22. Hookes or buttons earings rings and studded girdles I. better than rings and chaines B. or rings and bracelets G.L.S.C. or rings and aprons A. the ornaments of the nether parts it is not like they offered such the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chumaz which Iunius interpreteth cingula◠bullatas studded girdles here and Numb 31.50 Vers. 34. Both him and Aholiab c. that is God hath called both him and Aholiab Iun. So also the vulgar Latine putteth it in the accusative likewise A.P. better than in the nominative as V.B.G.S.C. For so it hath no grammaticall construction with the precedent sentence 3. The questions discussed QUEST I. Why the precept of keeping the Sabbath is so often inculcate Vers. 1. IT shall be unto you the holy Sabbath of rest unto the Lord. 1. Cajetane thinketh that this is the reason why the precept of the Sabbath is here iterated because Moses propositurus ceremonialia being to propound ceremoniall Lawes beginneth with the chiefest of them which is concerning the Sabbath But the preamble vers 1. These are the words which the Lord hath commanded that ye should doe them sheweth that Moses speaketh not only of ceremoniall but morall duties also which were to be done and performed by them Marbach 2. But there are two reasons of this repetition one lest they might thinke that they might intermit the rest of the Sabbath because of the workes of the Sanctuary for the which reason this precept was urged before chap. 31. Iun. Marbach Pelarg. 3. The other reason is because this precept religionis caput totum Dei cultum continet c. doth in a manner containe the head of religion and the whole worship of God because upon the Sabbath they were taught their whole duty toward God therefore the neglect thereof would tend to the ruine and decay of all religion Gallas Simler 4. And this precept is so often inculcate to admonish us Primo omnium Dei regnum quarendum esse That first of all we must seeke the kingdome of God Osiander QUEST II. Whether it were simply forbidden the Israelites to kindle fire upon the Sabbath Vers. 3. YOu shall kindle no fire thorowout all your habitations c. 1. The Hebrewes were so strict in keeping the very letter of this Law that they thought it not lawfull to strike fire out of a stone or iron nor to light a candle but for the sicke nor to put out a fire and if they made a fire to warme them by they were not to kindle it with bellowes but with reed Oleaster And therefore the Jewes used to hire Christians to make their fires upon the Lords day Lippomnn But this their superstition was convinced by their owne practice in the Tabernacle where the Priests did keepe fire on the Lords day upon the Altar which was never to goe out 2. Some of our owne Writers thinke that by this they were forbidden to make a fire ad calefaciendum to warme them by And therefore the man that gathered stickes upon the Sabbath day was stoned to death Gallas But seeing the Sabbath was made for man that is for his good not for his hurt there was no doubt but in extremity of cold for the preservation of their health it was lawfull for them to warme them at the fire the man was put to death for gathering stickes not for kindling of a fire and he did it with an high hand that is of an obstinate minde as may be gathered Numb 15.30 3. Some thinke that only such kindling of fire is forbidden ex quo lucrum sperari posset whereof they made gaine as in furnaces and forges Vatab. But the words are generall that not only in their shops and forges but thorowout all their habitations they should not kindle a fire 4. Therefore I preferre rather Cajetanes opinion that it is not simply forbidden to kindle a fire but relativè ad coquendum with relation to the seething and dressing of their meat which asked much businesse and great preparation they were to prepare their meat the day before Exod. 16.23 which shewed a difference betweene the Sabbath and other festivall dayes wherein it was lawfull for them to dresse their meat as in the Pasch chap. 12.16 5. R. Abraham Aben Ezra did hold it lawfull to kindle a fire upon the Lords day to warme them by though not to dresse their meat whereupon the other Rabbines would have pronounced him an Heretike and they writ a booke against him under the name of the Sabbath as though the Sabbath it selfe had spoken against him But as herein Aben Ezra did hit upon the meaning of the Law yet he was deceived in another point that though it were not lawfull to kindle a fire upon the Sabbath from the rising of the Sunne to the setting thereof yet they might doe it in the night before But they used in the account of their feasts to begin from the evening before as they began the feast of unleavened bread upon the 14. day at even Exod. 16.18 They observed then their feasts according to the naturall day which contained both the day and the night not after the artificiall from Sunne to Sunne Tostat. qu. 1. 6. This precept of not kindling a fire upon the Sabbath must be understood extra casum necessitatis beside the case of necessity Marbach For otherwise to kindle a fire to dresse meat rather than to starve and to comfort the sicke was not forbidden 7. It is added thorowout their habitations that is their private dwellings for otherwise in the Tabernacle they did kindle a fire and doe other bodily workes which concerned the service of God Tostat. quaest 1. QUEST III. Why the Lord would have his Temple built sumptuously Vers. 5. LEt him bring an offering to the Lord gold silver c. 1. Moses to shew his faithfulnesse in executing Gods commandement neither adding thereto nor taking any thing therefrom repeateth in these chapters this and the rest following almost the same things verbatim which were prescribed before to be made concerning the Tabernacle chap. 25 26 27 28. Gallas And therefore the Reader is to be referred to the large treatises and questions there handled if he desireth in any thing to be satisfied 2. The people then had both silver and gold and other jewels which they brought out of Egypt with them neither had they bestowed all upon the golden Calfe 3. It so seemed good unto God that his Tabernacle should be builded sumptuously ne veri Dei cultus esset inferior gentilium cultu that
looking-glasses which R. Abraham saith were made some of brasse some of glasse whereat the Jewish women did use to attire themselves now these devout women renuntiant deleriis suis doe leave their toyes Gallas and offer these glasses for the use of the Tabernacle of these brazen or steele glasses was the Laver made Iun. QUEST IV. How the women are said to watch at the doore of the Tabernacle Vers. 8. OF the women that assembled c. the word is tzaba which signifieth to assemble as an armie 1. R. Salom. hath this conceit that these women were those which in Egypt when their husbands were kept under with labour that they were unlustie for procreation did attire and make themselves handsome by their glasses thereby to allure their husbands to have company with them not for lust but procreations sake by which meanes all that generation which made a goodly host were borne and therefore they are said to lye as it were in warfare at the doore of the Tabernacle because they were mothers of all the warriours But beside that this opinion is otherwise improbable so many thousand women could not watch at once at the doore of the Tabernacle 2. Oleaster thinketh they are so called here and 1 Sam. 2. The women that watched or warfared because they were the wives and women of those which went to war but there were six hundred thousand men of war then in Israel all their wives could not assemble together 3. The Septuagint interpret it of them that fasted the Chalde of them which came thither to pray the Latine translateth quae excubebant which kept watch 4. But the best interpretation is of such women as came thither in troopes and companies like unto an armie and had devoted themselves to Gods service leaving their vanities offered their glasses wherein they had delighted Iun. Gallas QUEST V. Of the meaning of these words the height in the breadth Vers. 18. THe height in the breadth was of five cubits 1. The Latine Interpreter thus readeth the height of five cubits but here the word which signifieth breadth is omitted 2. Some doe thus read five cubits in height and breadth so the Chalde Septuagint and Genevens But seeing the breadth and height of the curtaine was all one this had beene a superfluous addition in that sense 3. Therefore it is better thus expounded altitudo quae ex latitudine sumitur the height which is taken by the breadth Vatab. Iun. So that it is an explanation what is to bee counted the height that which is the breadth of the curtaine lying is the height of it standing or hanging QUEST VI. What ministerie of the Levites is here understood Vers. 21. WHich was appointed c. for the ministerie of the Levites by the hand of Ithamar 1. Some understand this of the appointing out of the worke by Ithamar as the chiefe and the Levites under him tanquam ratiociniae scribentibus as writing and taking the account Cajetan But as Calvin well writeth here Moses speaketh Non tantum de fabrica sed de perpetua conservatione ministerii not only of the fabricke and framing of the Tabernacle but of the perpetuall conservation and keeping of it wherein consisted the ministerie and service of the Levites 2. Tostatus by the Levites understandeth not only the inferiour sort who were properly called Levites but the Priests also So likewise Iun. And Tostatus reason is because not the Levites onely but specially the Priests did minister in the Tabernacle quest 4. But Ithamar appointed not the Priests their offices he was only set over the Levites as the Gershonites and Merarites to appoint them their services and offices when the Tabernacle was to be removed Numb 4.25 38. 3. Therefore with Lyranus Simlerus and Osiander by the Levites are better understood only the inferiour Levites beside the Priests to whom by the hand of Ithamar that is by his appointment the charge of these things was committed when the Tabernacle was to be taken downe or set up QUEST VII Whether the gold or silver only were given according to the number of the people Vers. 25. BVt the silver of them that were numbred c. That the silver only is to bee referred to them that were numbred and not the gold or other things which were offered it may bee thus shewed 1. They which were numbred were not charged to bring any gold but silver 2. The rich and poore which went under the number gave everie one alike halfe a shekel a peece but in their voluntarie offerings some offered more some lesse 3. The offering of the halfe shekel was required of everie one and never refused but for the other voluntarie offerings they were charged chap. 36. to bring no more the summe of an hundred talents and of 1775. shekels just answereth to the number of 603550. men counting for everie one halfe a shekel for 603550. halfe shekels make 301775. shekels that is an hundred talents whereof everie one contained 300. shekels and 1775. shekels Lyran. So that it is evident by this account that not the gold but silver onely was brought in according to the number of the people Tostat. qu. 5. So also Cajetan QUEST VIII When the people were first numbred 1. THis numbring of the people was not made so soone as Simlerus thinketh in the 30. chapter for that was onely the charge and commandement which God gave unto Moses in the mount who was not then come downe and it is not like that Moses numbred the people at his first comming downe because the Lord was offended with them and they were not yet reconciled 2. Therefore it is more probable that this summe of the people was not taken till Moses began the worke of the Tabernacle for it was to that end that the people should contribute toward the worke thereof Now Moses did not take this worke in hand till his second comming downe from God where hee had stayed twice fortie dayes hee went up in the beginning of the third moneth and came downe about the middest of the fourth moneth which answereth to our June and then staying a few dayes in the camp he went up againe and remained fortie other dayes with the Lord and so came downe about the beginning of the sixth moneth which is August and then this collection was made QUEST IX Whether this numbring of the people and that Numb 1. were the same NOw whereas the people were againe numbred Numb 1. some take that numbring of the people and this for all one because the verie same summe of the people is there taken 603550. Numb 1.46 which is collected here But that is no good argument for that numbring of the people following not many moneths after this and agreeing in the same number sheweth that there was no decay among the people all this time 2. Wherefore it is more like that Moses there numbred the people againe Simler as may appeare by the divers time for this numbring of the
confusion but of peace 1 Cor. 14.33 2. Doct. Our knowledge is not perfect here THe drawing of a veile before the most holy place sheweth that our knowledge is not perfect here but that when this veile is removed and we are entred into the most holy place of heaven then shall we know as we are knowne but now we see in a glasse 1 Cor. 13.12 Simler 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Of the difference of the Law and Gospell whether they differ in matter and substance BEcause the outward Court and other parts of the Tabernacle were figures of the new Testament under Christ Marbachius here taketh in hand to shew the difference betweene the old Testamenâ— and the new and that in three respects as the word Testament is diversly taken 1. The Testament first signifieth the covenant and league which God maketh with his people to bee their God and they to be his people whâ—â—ein the new and old Testament doe much differ 1. The one was given by Moses the other by Christ. 2. The one was propounded upon condition of their obedience if they kept the Law the new Testament requireth faith and beleefe 3. That was consecrated by the bloud of beasts but the new Testament is confirmed by the bloud of Christ. 4. That had but types and ceremonies which are now abolished the new Testament hath the verie body and substance 5. The one was peculiar to the Israelites only the other is generall to all beleevers 2. The old Testament and the new are distinguished in time that was before the comming of Christ the new Testament comprehendeth the time since And so they differ modo patefactionis revelationiâ— in the manner and measure of revelation and opening Gods will all things are more plainly opened in the new Testament 3. The old Testament is taken for the Propheticall writings the new for the Apostolicall and so they differ because the old receiveth light of the new and cannot well be understood without it Hitherto Marbachius proceedeth well but yet he addeth thus much further that the new Testament and the old differ in substance and matter because they have divers and contrarie effects and hee findeth fault with them which affirme that there is the same substance of their Sacraments and ours Contra. 1. The divers and contrarie effects as because the Law worketh terrour the Gospell comfort prove not a diversitie of substance the Sunne worketh contrarie effects it hardeneth the clay and mollifieth the wax yet the substance is the same the difference of the worke is in the divers nature of the things so the Law worketh terrour in respect of the infirmitie and weaknesse of our flesh the Gospell bringeth comfort our hearts being mollified by the Spirit 2. Christ is the end of the Law and the Law is a schoole-master to bring us unto Christ therfore the matter and substance is the same but the manner condition and qualities are divers 3. Saint Paul sheweth that Christ was the substance of their Sacraments as he is of ours They did all eat the same spirituall meat with us 1 Cor. 10.3 yet our Sacraments doe after a more lively manner exhibit Christ than he was represented in the Legall Sacraments 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. They that truly turne unto God must forsake their vaine delights Vers. 8. HE made the laver of the glasses of the women These devout women are content to leave their vaine toies their looking-glasses and other such delights and now resigne themselves wholly unto Gods service and thinke nothing too good to bestow upon the same So they which are truly converted unto God will forsake their vanities wherein they before delighted as Zacheus left his unconscionable and deceitfull trade wherein he had gathered much by extortion and other fraudulent meanes Luke 19. 2. Observ. We must be liberall toward the maintenance of Gods service Vers. 25. THe silver was an hundred talents c. The great liberalitie of the Israelites is here commended which gave such a great masse of silver and gold toward the building of the Tabernacle which teacheth us not to bee sparing or close handed in giving toward the maintenance of Gods house service and servants Simler Remembring what the Apostle saith He that soweth sparingly shall reape sparingly and he that soweth liberally shall reape also liberally CHAP. XXXIX 1. The Method and Argument IN this chapter 1. A rehearsall is made of the vestures and garments of the Priests which were made by the work-men as 1. The Ephod with the things thereunto belonging vers 8. 2. The brest-plate with the parts and ornament vers 22. 3. Then the robe of the Ephod with the bels vers 27. 4. Then the coats miter bonets girdles vers 30. 5. Lastly the golden plate vers 30. 2. Then it is shewed how all these things were exhibited to Moses which the work-men had made vers 42. and how Moses approved them vers 43. 2. The divers readings For the differences in the translation the Reader likewise must have recourse here to the 29. chapter wherewith this chapter agreeth both in order and in the verie words 3. The questions discussed COncerning the several garments which were made for the high Priest and for the inferior Priests the description forme and fashion of them with the mysticall signification because they are handled â—efore at large chap. 28. thither I referre the studious Reader Some questions here follow out of the second part of this chapter QUEST I. At what time the worke of the Tabernacle began and when it was finished Vers. 32. THus was all the worke of the Tabernacle c. finished 1. It is evident that the Tabernacle was all finished and made an end of in the first yeare of Israels departure out of Egypt because it was set up in the first day of the first moneth of the second yeare chap. 40.17 all the worke then was dispatched before it could be set up 2. The time also may by conjecture be gathered when this work began which was at Moses second comming downe from the mount in the end of the fifth moneth which was July or in the beginning of the sixth moneth namely August As further may bee shewed thus in the beginning of the third moneth about the fourth day of the moneth was the Law delivered in mount Sinai after that Moses was twice fortie dayes with the Lord which make above two moneths and an halfe and some dayes Moses spent among the people before his second going up when he caused the golden Calfe to be broken in peeces and burned and removed his Tabernacle without the host and caused the people to put off their best raiment and to shew their sorrow so that all this could not bee done with Moses staying twice with the Lord in the mount in lesse than three moneths namely the third fourth and fifth Then as soone as Moses was come downe with the second tables he called all the people together and charged
them with all which the Lord had commanded him and then immediately they began to worke upon the Tabernacle To this effect Tostat. qu. 3. 3. So that the whole time which was spent in the making of the Tabernacle was the space of seven moneths as Tostatus thinketh they began in the beginning of the sixth moneth and finished in the end of the twelfth But Vatablus holdeth that Moses came downe from the mount the second time about the tenth day of Tisri which answereth to our September and then in the Autumne he thinketh the Tabernacle began to be made And this seemeth to be the more probable for Tostatus to bring Moses second comming downe to the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth moneth maketh but two or three dayes betweene Moses first comming downe which was as hee thinketh about the seventeenth day of the fourth moneth namely June and his going up which hee ghesseth to have beene upon the eighteenth day and then he stayed fortie dayes more to the end of July or the beginning of August the sixth moneth But all that which is rehearsed to have beene done in the one and thirtieth Chapter which came betweene his first comming downe and his second going up as the peoples mourning in putting away their best apparrell the removing of the Tabernacle by Moses without the host his usuall conference with God in that Tabernacle all these things could not be done in the space of two or three dayes lesse cannot be well allowed than halfe a moneth so that it was in all likelihood toward the end of the sixth or beginning of the seventh moneth when Moses came downe and as soone as he came downe he began the worke of the Tabernacle 4. The place also is evident where the Tabernacle was made and set up which was while they encamped about mount Sinai where they lay almost a whole yeare for thither they came in the beginning of the third moneth in the first yeare and departed thence on the twentieth day of the second moneth in the second yeare Numb 10.11 5. They then are deceived which thinke the Tabernacle to have beene made before Moses second going up unto the Lord of which opinion are Rupertus and Calvin for it is not like if it had beene finished so long before that Moses would have deferred the setting of it up six or seven moneths See more hereof quest 12. chap. 33. with other reasons there alleaged against their opinion QUEST II. Why they brought their worke to Moses Vers. 33. AFterward they brought the Tabernacle to Moses 1. Because fuit quasi sequester c. he was as a Mediator between God and his people And therefore it was fit that as he had received the commandement from God and given them direction so hee should have the approbation of the worke Simler 2. Beside the people had chosen him themselves to goe between the Lord and them and therefore hee was meet to bee an Arbiter and Judge in these things 3. And the people in offering their worke to the judgement and approbation of Moses therein shew their obedience to Gods commandement and their faithfull diligence in performing all things as the Lord had commanded them QUEST III. How Moses is said to have blessed them Vers. 43. ANd Moses blessed them 1. Tostatus referreth this not unto the persons that wrought in the Tabernacle and brought these things but unto the things themselves which hee blessed that is as it were consecrated and applyed unto the service of God quest 3. But the consecration of these things followeth afterward When hee had set up the Tabernacle then Moses anointed and sanctified it Numb 7.1 Neither is it like that Moses seeing that they had done everie thing as the Lord commanded would dismisse the people without a publike commendation of them and an approbation of their woâ—ke 2. Vatablus understandeth that Moses blessed the people yet he thus expoundeth it laudavit eos he praised and commended them but to blesse is more than to praise or commend 3. Gallasius 〈…〉 pro gratiarum actione for Moses giving thankes unto God as holy men used to give God the praise when they had finished any great worke But here is more signified than thanksgiving unto God for Moses blessed them 4. Osiander taketh it for Moses prayer whereby hee craved of God to bestow upon them both spirituall and temporall blessings 5. Simlerus so understandeth it that Moses hereby declared unto them Deum eorum observantiam gratam habere c. that God accepted of their service 6. But as Calvin well noteth whom Marbachius followeth non fuit simplex precatio sed mercedis promissio it was not simply a prayer but also a promise of reward Moses assured them hereby that God would reâ—compence their faithfull service So also Pelargus 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. No will-worship is acceptable unto God Vers. 1. THey made the holy garments for Aaron as the Lord commanded This clause Simlerus noteth to be repeated seven times Pelargus nine severall times in this chapter which sheweth that the work-men did not swerve a jot from that direction which Moses gave them from the Lord whereby all Gods servants are admonished ut se contineant intra limites verbi Dei c. that they containe themselves within the limits of Gods word and bring nothing into the service of God of their owne invention Simler For this the Apostle calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will-worship or voluntarie religion Col. 2.23 2. Doct. Of the union of the divine and humane nature of Christ and the abundant graces conferred upon his humanitie ALL the holy garments for Aaron Aaron was herein a type of our blessed Saviour and these goodly and beautifull raiments did shadow forth those heavenly graces which were powred upon Christ beyond measure in whom the fulnesse of the Godhead dwelleth bodily Coloss. 2.9 by which uniting of the divine and humane nature Christ as man was endued with plentifull and abundant grace Here then two things are briefly to be explaned the union of these two natures of Christ in one person and the communication of these graces Concerning this blessed union 1. The humane nature of Christ assumed not the divine but the divine assumed and tooke unto it the humane nature the divine nature of Christ was a person subsisting of it selfe from all beginning in the union of the blessed Trinitie the humane had no subsistence of it selfe before it was so assumed but as soone as it began to be it was assumed into the unitie of the person of the Son of God so that this humane nature consisting of body and soule which Christ assumed became the peculiar body and soule of the Sonne of God as the Apostle saith that God purchased the Church with his owne bloud Acts 20.28 2. But in this uniting of these two natures of Christ wee must take heed of two errours 1. That by uniting them we imagine not either any of the
doe not onely bring nothing but take away from the Church such things as have been bestowed thereon are accursed Marbach As Achan was that stole the wedge of gold which should have gone to the Lords treasurie Iosh. 6.19 CHAP. XL. 1. The Method and Argument HItherto from the 35. chapter is set forth the framing and working of the Tabernacle and the things thereunto belonging now in this chapter the erection of the Tabernacle is described with the disposing of everie part thereof and the Lords approbation there are three parts of the Chapter 1. The Lord giveth Moses commandement and direction what he should doe 1. He is bid to erect the Tabernacle and to bring in every thing thereunto belonging to vers 8. 2. Hee is commanded to consecrate both the Tabernacle and the things therein with oyle vers 12. 3. Then to consecrate Aaron and his sonnes to vers 15. 2. Then the execution followeth 1. Moses setteth up the Tabernacle with the boords and coverings vers 18 19. 2. He bringeth in such things as were to be placed in the most holy place vers 20 21. then hee disposeth those things which belonged to the outward part of the Sanctuarie as the table of shew bread the candlesticke the golden Altar to vers 27. 3. He placeth such things as were in the outward Court the brasen Altar and the Laver shewing the use thereof to vers 33. And lastly hee reareth up the outward Court round about vers 33. 3. The Lords approbation followeth which was partly by an extraordinarie signe the cloud filled the Temple so that Moses could not enter vers 34. partly by an ordinarie the ascending and going of the cloud before them vers 35 36 38. 2. The divers readings Vers. 1. The Lord had spoken I. better than then the Lord spake c. B.G. cum caeter for the Lord did not speake to Moses upon the first day of the moneth but before that he should begin to set it up then Vers. 2. In the day of the first moneth even the first of the moneth G.A.P.V. better than in the first day of the first moneth B. or the first moneth the first day of the moneth L.C. or in one of the first moneth in the first day of the moneth S. For in these readings the order of the words in the originall is not kept in the season of the first moneth I. but the word is bejom in the day of the first moneth 3. The questions discussed QUEST I. When the Lord spake unto Moses to set up the Tabernacle THen the Lord spake c. 1. The Lord spake not to Moses as some thinke upon the first day of the first moneth because the Lord biddeth him upon that day to set it up the Lord would have said to day thou shalt set it up if he had spoken to Moses the same day and not have set him the day and moneth Moses indeed would have omitted no time after the Tabernacle was finished yet that sheweth not that presently upon the Lords commandement he went about it for he was to expect the time which the Lord had limited where no time is set there obedience is presently required 2. Neither yet is it like that the Lord thus spake unto Moses the next day before for then he would have said to morrow shalt thou set up the Tabernacle the day and moneth needed not to be expressed 3. Wherefore it is more probable that the Lord knowing what time all the worke of the Tabernacle should be finished spake unto Moses some few daies before that upon the first day of the first moneth he should begin to set up the Tabernacle Tostat. qu. 1. QUEST II. Why so often rehearsall is made of the Tabernacle and the parts thereof Vers. 3. THou shalt put therein the Arke of the Testimonie c. 1. Here againe in this chapter are rehearsed in order the things as they should be ordered and placed in the Tabernacle The most Interpreters omit these six last chapters as Procopius Ferus Borrhaius with other because they containe but a rehearsall of the things before described in the former chapters But seeing the Spirit of God vouchsafed so often to make mention of the same things we must not take this repetition to be unnecessarie for there is nothing in the Scripture superfluous Simler 2. And for this cause is this rehearsall made because the things before were confusedly spoken of but now they are set downe in their order how everie thing shall be placed Iun. Analys 3. And another reason of the repetition may be this here the instruments of the Tabernacle are described together with the use as the table with the bread the candlesticke with the lampes the Laver with water because presently upon the erection of the Tabernacle all these things were to be ministred in at the consecration of the Priest Tostat. qu. 3. 4. It was necessarie also that these things should be rehearsed Vt tempus erectionis Tabernaculi usus illius diceretur à Deo That both the time of erecting the Tabernacle and the use thereof should be knowne and said to be of God Cajetan QUEST III. Why all the parts of the Tabernacle are not said to be alike sanctified Vers. 9. THat it may be holy 1. Heere are divers degrees of sanctifying noted it is said of the brasen Laver only thou shalt sanctifie it of the Tabernacle thou shalt sanctifie it and it shall be holy but of the Altar it is said thou shalt sanctifie it and it shall be most holy because it was not onely sanctified in it self to holy uses but it sanctified other things as the sacrifices which were laid thereupon Cajetan 2. By this difference is signified the divers degrees of sanctification in the Church Christ is the Altar most holy by whom all his members are sanctified for their sake he sanctified himselfe upon the Altar of the crosse as our blessed Saviour himselfe saith For their sakes sanctifie I my selfe that they may be sanctified through the truth Ioh. 17.19 the Church now is sanctified but it shall not be perfectly holy till it be admitted into the heavenly sanctuarie Simler QUEST IIII. VVhether it be lawfull for one to sue for a Bishopricke or benefice or other Ecclesiasticall preferment Vers. 12. ALso thou shalt bring Aaron and his sonnes Tostatus heere moveth a question whether it be lawfull to seeke or desire any office or calling of the Church Wherein his resolution is this 1. It must be considered whether the place which is sued for bee â—nus vel honâ—s a place of burthen and labour or of honor of the first it is not unlawfull for one to offer himselfe as to take Orders so he be not unfit thereunto because to be admitted to Orders simplie is a place of labour but to sue for a Bishopricke or a benefice because the one hath honour and profit annexed the other maintenance and living he holdeth it to be a deadly sinne
And therefore it was the old use in the consecration of Bishops to aske of him that was consecrated vtrum velit Episcopatum whether he would have a Bishoprike who was twice to say nay but if any such desired a Bishopricke induceret illum ad mentiendum he that asked such question should enduce him to lie Thus farre Tostatus proceedeth well 2. But whereas that place of the Apostle will be objected If any man desireth the office of a Bishop he desireth a good worke 1 Tim. 3.1 he answereth he desireth indeed bonum opus a good worke but not bene he desireth it not well whereas the Apostle in these words as Hierom expoundeth them Ad operis desiderium non ad honoris ambitum provocat doth rather provoke and stir up unto the desire of the work not ambitiously to seek the honour c. The Apostle then in these words reprehendeth not but alloweth their desire which affect the callings of the Church rather prodesse quam praesse to profit others than to rule as Augustine saith 3. Wherefore this further may be added that in seeking or desiring the places and offices of the Church there are two extremes to be shunned the one was the fault of former times when they which otherwise were well qualified and enabled for Ecclesiasticall functions did altogether decline them and utterly refused to take that calling upon them as one Ammonius when he should have been ordained a Presbyter cut off one of his eares and threatned if they would not let him alone to cut out his tongue to make himselfe altogether unfit for that calling The other fault is incident to this age ambitiously to sue and seeke for the preferments of the Church such an one was Diatrephes who loved to have preeminence Wherefore that a meane may bee kept in desiring the places in the Church three things must bee considered 1. Hee that hath any mind to an Ecclesiasticall calling must first examine himselfe whether hee bee fitted and enabled with gifts and that in an humble opinion not in a blind selfe-love but such an one as is not furnished with gifts sinneth in putting himselfe forward to that place for the which he is not meet 2. He must propound unto himselfe as the chiefe and principall end the glorie of God and the edifiing of the people and not for maintenance or living sake offer himselfe 3. Hee must take heed that he use no indirect or unlawfull meanes by flatterie or briberie to creepe in and intrude himselfe 4. These conditions being well observed and these times withall considered wherein partly because of the great number and choice to bee had of sufficient men but most of all because vertue and learning is not duely respected and rewarded preferment is not offered unasked and undesired he that desireth a place in the Church as the Apostle saith desireth a good thing and therein is not to be discommended QUEST V. When the Tabernacle began to be set up Vers. 17. THus was the Tabernacle reared up the first day of the first moneth c. 1. Cajetane hereupon noteth that the Tabernacle was set up before one yeare was expired since their comming up out of Egypt whence they departed upon the fifteenth day of the first moneth so that there wanted fifteene daies of a full yeare This collection is verie evident out of the text and therefore Lippoman following the Septuagint had no reason to reject it 2. Simlerus thinketh that the Tabernacle which could not be set up in one day was begun to be set up before and now finished on the first day of the moneth which used to be a solemne day and it is like they kept not that solemnitie untill the Tabernacle was erected But it is evident by the text that Moses began now only to set up the Tabernacle upon the first day of the first moneth because the Lord appointeth that day for Moses to set it up in vers 2. therefore he began not before And the day wherein they began to set it up might be kept as a solemne day as well as the day wherein it was finished yet it may be thought that the feast of the new moone was not yet observed the Priests being not yet consecrated to whose office it belonged to solemnize that day with sacrifices 3. R. Salomon saith there were two erections and setting up of the Tabernacle one was quotidiana every day when it was set up in the morning and taken downe againe at night the other was stabilis erectio the sure or firme erecting of it which continued till the campe removed the first erecting of it began seven daies before but the second solemne and stable erecting was upon the first day of the first moneth Contra. This is the Rabbines owne device that the Tabernacle was every day set up and taken downe againe for it is contrarie to the text which saith that the cloud of the Lord was upon the Tabernacle by day and fire by night vers 37. untill the cloud ascended and then they went forward but if the Tabernacle were taken downe in the night the fire could not rest upon it 4. Calvine taketh this erecting of the Tabernacle for the removing of it from without the campe where it was set up and bringing of it within the host for his opinion is that the Tabernacle was set up before Moses going up the second time into the mount when he removed it without the host chap. 33.7 Contra. But that Tabernacle was not this great Tabernacle but another where Moses used to consult with God as is further shewed in the handling of that place And the great Tabernacle was made after Moses second comming downe as it is set downe in storie which without great necessitie is not to be transposed and as soone as the work was finished they brought it to Moses and then the Lord spake to Moses to set it up 5. Wherefore I encline rather to thinke that Moses according to the Lords commandement began onely upon the first day of the first moneth to set up the Tabernacle and so continued untill he had finished for in one day it was not all set up as it may be gathered chap. 7.1 VVhen Moses had finished the setting up of the Tabernacle hee did not then begin and finish in one day QUEST VI. What Testimonie was put into the Arke Vers. 20. HE tooke and put the testimonie in the Arke c. There were in and beside the Arke these foure things the tables of the Law the pot of Manna Aarons rod and the booke of the Law which Moses writ but none of these are heere understood by this Testimonie but only the tables of the Law 1. The pot of Manna was a testimonie of Gods mercie that he had fed the Israelites with the bread of heaven fortie yeares in the wildernesse but that was not this Testimonie for Aaron is bid to take the pot of Manna and put it there chap. 16.33 who was
not yet consecrated Priest 2. And for the same reason Aarons rod though it were a testimony that God had chosen Aaron his seed for the priesthood yet it was not this Testimonie for at that time when Aarons rod budded he was the high Priest but at the erection of the Tabernacle Aaron was not yet consecrated 3. Neither was the booke which Moses writ this Testimonie for that is supposed to bee the booke of Deuteronomie which was not yet written and that booke was given by Moses to the Levites by them to be put in the side of the Arke Deut. 31.26 but this Testimonie was put by Moses himselfe in the Arke 4. Therefore this Testimonie was no other than the tables of the Law called the tables of the Testimonie chap. 31.18 and 34.29 which were so named because they testified Gods will unto the people and were witnesses and testimonies of the league and covenant which the Lord made with his people Tostatus quaest 6. QUEST VII Whether the tables of the law were put into any other Arke beside the Arke of the Testament Vers. 20. HE put the Testimonie in the Arke 1. R. Salom. thinketh that the tables of the Law were put into another Arke which Moses made and when the Arke with the Mercie seate was finished then he put them into that for there were seven moneths betweene Moses comming downe with the second tables untill the Tabernacle was erected when and not before Moses put them into the Arke of the most holy place it is not like that all that time the tables were kept without an Arke and Deut. 10.5 Moses saith I made an Arke of Shittim wood and hewed two tables of stone c. There was then one Arke made before Moses hewed the tables of stone 2. But this Arke heere mentioned by Moses was none other than that which was made by Bezaleel for the tables of stone for Moses saith Deut. 10.5 there they be they were at that time long after the erecting of the Tabernacle in the same Arke before mentioned but that was the Arke of the Sanctuarie And during all that time after Moses comming downe the tables of the Law were kept in some convenient place till the Arke was made so that it is not necessarie to imagine any other Arke beside that Tostatus qu. 7. QUEST VIII When the Priests were consecrated whether at the erecting of the Tabernacle or after Vers. 27. ANd burnt incense thereon Moses did supplie the office of the Priests in burning of incense setting up the lampes offering sacrifices upon the brasen altar at the erecting up of the Tabernacle because as yet Aaron and his sonnes were not consecrated 1. Some thinke that their consecration began together with the erecting of the Tabernacle and so continued seven daies and the eigâ—th day their consecration was finished as is set forth Levit. 8.8 and then began the Princes their offerings for twelve daies together Numb 7. and some will have these seven daies to end at the first day of the first moneth of the second yeare some to begin then as Tostat. qu. 2. But neither of these can stand for as soone as Moses had made an end of consecrating the Tabernacle the Princes the same day began to offer Numb 7.2 But they offered not before the people were numbred for they were the Princes over them that were numbred Now these Princes with their people were not numbred before the first day of the second moneth of the second yeare Numb 1.1 therefore the erecting of the Tabernacle was not finished and the Priests consecrated in the space of seven daies immediately before the first day of the first moneth or immediately after 2. R. Salom. hath a conceit that there was a double erecting of the Tabernacle one was every day for seven daies in which time the Priests also had their seven daies of consecration which ended upon the first of the first moneth and then there was another solemne erection of the Tabernacle to continue when the Princes began to offer But this Rabbinicall conceit is confuted before qu. 4. neither did the Princes offer in the first but in the second moneth as is shewed before 3. Some thinke that Aaron was first consecrated before the Tabernacle that he might consecrate it and the other things thereunto belonging But it is evident in the text that Moses is commanded to anoint the Tabernacle himselfe and all things therein Simlerus 4. Yet it is not to be supposed that the whole Tabernacle and all the implements and vessels thereof were sanctified before Aaron and his sonnes were consecrated for immediately after that Moses had made an end of sanctifying the Tabernacle and the instruments therof the very same day began the twelve Princes of the tribes to offer the summe of whose offering for sacrifice was twelve bullockes twelve rammes twelve lambes for a burnt offering twelve hee-goats for a sin offering 24. bullocks 60 rammes 60. lambes 60. hee-goats for peace offerings Numb 7.8.88 all these could not bee sacrificed by Moses alone therefore it cannot be but that Aaron and his sonnes were consecrated before the Princes brought their offerings 5. I incline therefore to Iunius opinion that after Moses had consecrated the Tabernacle with the instruments thereof then last of all hee consecrated the Altar with the instruments thereof and because the Priests office was most exercised about the altar at the same time also their consecration concurred with the sanctifying of the Altar or went immediately before And this may bee gathered that the Altar was last of all consecrated and somewhat after the rest because they are distinguished the anointing of the Tabernacle and all the instruments thereof and the anointing of the Altar with the instruments thereof Numb 7.1 6. Seeing then that the Princes began to offer immediately after the Altar was anointed which was the second day of the second moneth for upon the first day of the moneth the people were numbred Numb 1.1 and they were so numbred before the offerings began Numb 7.2 it is like as Iunius well noteth upon that place that the first moneth was spent in the erecting of the Tabernacle and the consecrating thereof QUEST IX Why the Priests were commanded to wash their hands and their feet Vers. 31. SO Moses and Aaron and his sonnes washed their feet thereat c. 1. The literall reason why they were commanded to wash their hands and their feet was this that seeing it was meet that they which should handle the holy things should approach even with pure hands in respect of outward cleannesse these parts are especially commanded to be washed because the hands with handling touching of things and the feet with walking are most apt of all the parts of the bodie to gather soile 2. There might be uncleannesse also in other parts of the bodie as by nocturnall pollutions by the flux of seed and such like but in these cases the partie was uncleane sometimes onely
their mouth against heaven making the creature faulty and culpable whereas God created all things good tract 4. in Matth. But if it shall be objected that many things fall out according to the predictions of Astrologers I briefly answer that it commeth so to passe sometimes not by the dexterity of their wit and knowledge but either by the subtilty of Sathan that foretelleth what he himselfe is permitted to worke or by the credulity of such as consult with them whereby their affections give way unto the effect or by the secret disposing of Gods providence that such things should fall out for the probation of the faithfull and further confusion of misbeleevers QVEST. XXI Great Whales how said to be created Vers. 21. GOd created great whales 1. We need not because God is said here to create the whales which were made out of the water to have recourse unto that indigested matter which was made the first day of nothing Calvin So not only that is said to be created which is made of nothing but that also which is made new out of some matter as man is said afterward to bee created yet made out of the earth 2. But we deride that Jewish fable that God when he had made two great whales lest the increase of so huge a creature might tend to the destruction of the rest he did geld the male and salted the female to be meat for the just in the next world As though God did not foresee every thing before it was made and approved it being made and beside the Lord gave a blessing to all fishes and so to the whales among the rest to increase and multiply Mercer QVEST. XXII Of the great Whales Vers. 21. GReat Whales the word turmin signifieth a serpent dragon or great fish And this epithete great is not added without cause for the whale or great fish is the greatest of all living creatures Iob 41.24 In the earth there is none like him It is almost incredible what some writers report of the hugenesse of these creatures the Hebrewes write that whales have beene found of 500. stadia or furlongs in length Mercer Some have appeared in the waters of the bignesse of Islands Muscul. Pliny writeth that in the Indian sea there are certaine fish called balaenae whirlpooles quatuor jugerum of three or foure akors or furlongs in length and certaine long fish called pristes of 200. cubits and eâ—les in the riuer Ganges of 300. feet in length lib. 9. cap. 30. The same Author citeth Iuba King of Mauritania who maketh mention writing to Caius Caesar sonne of Augustus of whales in the Arabick coasts of 600. foot in length and 300. in breadth lib. 16. c. 40. Aelianus also writeth lib. 15. c. 21. that Alexander found in a caue in India a dragon supposed to be 70. cubits long they saw only his head out of the caues mouth not daring with the whole â—oast to approach neerer whose eyes appeared to be of the bignesse of a Macedonian target or shield These strange reports are found in forraine histories the truth whereof I will leave to the credit of the authors and the judgement of the readers Ambrose saith aequalia montibus corpora habere praedicantur the Whales are reported to have bodies equall to Mountaines Hexemer li. 5. c. 10. Certainly it is evident out of Scripture that these creatures of the sea are of a wonderfull bignesse as it appeareth both by that description Iob 41. His jawes are likened to doores v. 5. his scales to shields v. 6. hee maketh the sea to boile like a pot v. 2 2. As also by the story of Ionas where we reade that the Prophet was swallowed whole of a great fish and cast up againe And not to search further our owne Chronicles make mention of great fishes that have been taken as of one that was in length 22. yards being 12. foot broad betweene the eyes some of his ribs were 16. foot long his tongue 15. foot long three men might stand upright one upon another in the opening of the jawes Stow ann Elizab. 16. QVEST. XXIII Whether the fowles were made out of the water or earth Vers. 21. WHich the waters brought forth c. and every feathered fowle c. By these words it seemeth that the fowles had their beginning out of the water but the contrary is affirmed c. 2. v. 19. So the Lord God formed of the earth every beast of the field and every fowle of heaven c. To reconcile these places we neither affirme that the fowles were made of the thinner part of the water extenuated into the aire as Augustine lib. 3. in Genes ad lit c. 3. and Rupertus nor yet that they were made of mud or slime and so partly of earth partly of water as the Hebrewes not yet that they were made of the element of the water as Eugubinus in Cosmopeia nor yet that the fowles were made part of the water and part of the earth as wee see there are two sorts of them some that live in the water and some that keepe the land as Vatablus But we thinke that the fowles were created onely out of the earth Gen. 2.19 neither is the contrary affirmed here that the waters brought them forth but the Lord saith let the fowle fâ—ye upon the earth v. 20. so Iun. Cajetan Catharin QVEST. XXIV How and wherefore God is said to blesse the fish Vers. 22. ANd God blessed them c. 1. God is not said before to have blessed the herbs and trees as here hee blesseth these living creatures because the generation of living things whether it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in bringing forth young egges or wormes is a more admirable worke of nature than is seene in the increase of plants 1. In that the beasts of the earth are not blessed as here the fishes and fowles it is not because of the serpent that was to be accursed as the Hebrewes imagine but for that the abundance and number of the fishes exceedeth the other yet it must bee understood that God also blessed the rest though it bee not expressed 3. The Lord here first of all speaketh to the creatures because now he beginneth to create living things Iun. hee speaketh to them as he did to the whale to cast up Ionas not by any syllabicall voyce but by his omnipotent will and power which the creature forthwith obeyeth Mercer 4. The fishes are said to fill the waters the fowle to multiply because the fishes are more in number and they only live in the waters but the fowles live not only vpon the earth but other creatures beside 5. By the waters in the seas all other gatherings together of waters are understood but the Seas are named as the principall wherein there is greatest store of fish Iun. 6. Eugubinus here is deceived that thinketh that the fishes began to rise out of the water as soone as the Seas were gathered together and so every
day their creation was in working till the fifth day for this were to confound the workes of the creation which Moses precisely referreth to their severall dayes workes Mercer QVEST. XXV Whether all kind of creeping things were made in the beginning Vers. 25. EVery creeping thing If every kind of worme and creeping thing were created in the beginning then we refuse Augustines conceit that such creatures as are generated of dead bodies were not then made lib. 3. de Genes c. 14. For like as other perfect beasts were at the first formed out of the earth yet afterward left to their usuall generation so these creeping wormes flyes and such like might then have their creation as the rest though now ingendred by corruption of other matter Likewise wee reject Pererius conceit that thinketh those creatures which doe spring of corruption and are noysome and offensive to man not to have had their beginning then for by this reason neither should the serpent have beene created these creatures though hurtfull now to mans nature if man had not fallen should not have beene so We therefore rather allow Basils opinion that even these small beasts which doe spring from corruption now were produced in the first creation hom 7. in Genes and this is more agreeable to the text which mentioneth every creeping thing then to have beene made yet wee doe not thinke that there may not bee or is not in the world any other forme or fashion of flye or worme than was in the first creation but that the generall kind was then formed of such severall creeping things and a generall power and ability given to produce them out of such corruptible matter as is fit for their generation QVEST. XXVI Whether creatures of a mixed kind were made in the beginning ANother question also here ariseth concerning those kinds of beasts which are brought forth by a mixt generation as the mule by the mixture of the Asse and the Mare the Leopard of the Libbard and Lionesse the Lynx of the wolfe and hind whether these mixed kindes were created in the beginning Some doe thinke that they were but I hold rather the contrary with Rupertus lib. 1. de Trinitat c. 57. and for these reasons 1. because these are no new kinds but the first kinds made in the creation mixed and conjoyned together that we need not fetch their originall from the creation 2. Because wee finde it directly expressed in Scripture that Anah the sonne of Sibeon first found out mules in the wildernesse as he fed his fathers asses Gen. â—6 24 he was the first that found out the generation of mules by the unnaturall coupling of asses and mares 3. The Lord directly forbiddeth to plow with an oxe and an asse Deut. 22.10 much more unlawfull was it to couple divers kinds for generation than to yoke divers kinds together for tillage 4. By the same reason wee might fetch the patterne of other monstrous births from the creation as such whereof Plutarch maketh mention as of one Onoscâ—lis the daughter of one Aristonymus begotten of an asse and Epona begotten of a mare by Fulvius Stellus Plutarch parall 29. But these monstrous generations 〈◊〉 never by Gods creation or ordinance brought into the world but by mans wicked invention QVEST. XXVII How God made man according to his image Vers. 26. LEt us make man in our image according to our likenesse 1. We neither here approve the opinion of Ruperâ—us who by image here understandeth the second person of the Trinity by likenesse or similitude the third person namely the holy spirit lib 2. de Trinitat c. 2. for in that the Lord saith let us make man in ouâ— image the image of the whole Trinity is expressed and not the image of the father onely 2 Neither are the words so to be taken as though man was made according to the similitude of that humane nature which Christ the Sonne of God was to assume whereas the Scripture saith that Christ tooke upon him the likenesse of man Phil. 2.7 and not man his likenesse 3. We also reject the conceit of Eugubinus and Oleaster who thinke that God took upon him an humane shape when he created man and therefore said Let us make him in our image for neither did God the Father ever appeare in any such shape neither could it bee said to bee Gods image being assumed but for a time 4. Neither yet doe we distinguish these words as some of the Fathers Origen Basil Ambrose who referre image to the naturall gifts of reason understanding memory the similitude to the supernaturall gifts of grace as of holinesse righteousnesse for we see that the Apostle applieth the image to the work of grace in our renovation or regeneration Coloss. 3.10 Let us put off the old man c. seeing wee have put on the new which is renewed in knowledge after the image of him that created him Wee conclude therefore that there is no difference in the sense and meaning of these words but that one is the explication of the other QVEST. XXVIII Wherein the image of God consisteth in man ANother great question is here briefly to be discussed wherein this image of God consisteth according to the which man was created 1. Epiphanius judgeth it a matter incomprehensible because he thought that the perfect image of God is here understood without any difference or dissimilitude Epiphan haeres 70. whereas the Scripture saith not that man absolutely was made like unto God 2. Theodoret thought that man onely and not woman was created after the image of God whereas the contrary is evident vers 27. God created man in his image and then it followeth male and female created hee them signifying thereby that both were created according to his image And whereas the Apostle saith 1 Cor. 11.7 Man is the image and glory of God the woman the glory of the man he speaketh onely of the authority and preeminence given unto man wherein the image of God in that behalfe is more expressed in the man but not of the principall part of that image which as the Apostle saith consisteth in righteousnesse and holinesse according to which image the woman was created as well as the man Basil Chrysostome doe understand this image of the dominion which man hath over the other creatures Augustine of the immortality of the soule where in it is like unto God lib. de quantitat anim c. 2. Nyssenus in Hexemeron herein saith this image consisteth because the soule is capable of all goodnesse Damâ—scene because man hath free-will lib. 2. de fide c. 12. The Master of Sentences distinct 16. because man hath reason and understanding and therein excelleth all other creatures Others beside these faculties of the soule wherein the image of God is expressed doe further affirme that the likenesse is in these respects 1. Because that as all things originally are in God so also man doth participate with the nature of all creatures
not evill that Adam in abstaining from that which was good might shew his humility to his Creator 2. In that God gave Adam so easie a precept to keep only to refraine to eat of one tree having liberty to use all the rest beside not like in hardnesse and difficulty to the commandement given to Abraham to sacrifice his only sonne herein the transgression and disobedience of Adam appeared to be the greater in transgressing a precept so easie to have beene obeyed This Augustine lib. 14. de civit dei c. 15. Thirdly we answer with Tertullian that this precept though in shew but easie and light yet containeth the very foundation of all precepts and of the whole morall law for therein was contained both his duty toward God in obeying his will and love toward themselves in escaping death which was threatned if they transgressed Tertul. lib. con Iud. So that in this precept Adam might have shewed both his love toward God in his obedience faith in beleeving it should so fall out unto him if he disobeyed as God said hope in expecting a further reward if he had kept the commandement The Hebrewes here are somewhat curious as R. Isaach that if they had tasted only of the fruit and not eaten it they had not transgressed but the commandements of God doe concerne the very thought R. Levi by eating understandeth the apprehension of things spirituall which is here forbidden but we take it rather litterally and historically that God giveth them so easie a precept to try their love and obedience Mercer QVEST. XXVI How a Law is not given to a righteous man BUt the Apostle saith The law is not given to a righteous man but unto the disobedient c. 1 Tim. 1.9 And Adam was now just and righteous and therefore he needed not a law for answer whereunto I say that the law in two respects is said not to be given to a just man 1. in respect of the negative precepts as to abstaine from murther theft adultery but in regard of the affirmative precepts to retaine them in obedience and doing of good workes so the just man had need of a law and so had Adam 2. A just man need not to feare the punishment of the law as S. Paul in another place saith of the Magistrate which is the speaking or living law he is not to be feared for good workes but for evill Rom. 13.4 And in this respect so long as Adam remained in his integrity and justice the punishment in the law concerned him not 3. And a righteous man rather of a voluntary disposition than by compulsion of law yeeldeth his obedience QVEST. XXVII Why God gave a precept to Adam fore-seeing before that he would transgresse it FOurthly A question will here bee moved why the Lord gave this precept to Adam which hee knew hee would not keepe for answer whereunto first wee say that God gave him a precept which was possible to be kept and Adam had power to keep it if he would it was then not Gods fault that gave him free will but his owne that abused that gift Secondly if it be replyed why God did not give him grace and stay him from transgression I answer that God could have given him such grace and to the Angels likewise that they should not have fallen but it was fit that God should leave the creatures to their free will and not hinder the course of nature which hee had made Thirdly though God foresaw mans transgression yet that was no reason to withhold the precept for then God should neither have made the Angels nor man because he saw that some of both should bee reprobates and by the same reason God should not have given his written word because many heretikes doe pervert it to their destruction Fourthly as God foresaw mans transgression so he knew how to turne it to good as in shewing mercy to sinners and in sending Christ to restore what man had lost so that notwithstanding Gods foresight of Adams transgression he was not to forbeare to charge Adam with this commandement in regard of the great good which God also did foresee should ensue QVEST. XXVIII What kind of death was threatned to Adam Vers. 17. IN the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt die the death The first question here moved is what death God threatneth to Adam whether the death only of the body or soule or of both 1. We neither think that the spirituall death of the soule is here only signified whereby the soule is separated by sinne from God which was the opinion of Philo Iudeus lib. 2. de allegor Mosaicis and of Eucherim lib. 1. in Genes for wee see that the Lord himselfe threatned the death of the body to Adam Genes 2.19 Dust thou art and to dust thou shalt returne 2. Neither is the death of the body here onely implyâ—d as some have thought but the death of the soule by sinne also which bringeth forth the death of the body as the Apostle sheweth Rom. 5.13 Death went over all men for as much as all men have sinned There was first sinne in the soule before there followed death in the body 3. Neither doe we think that everlasting death is here excluded as Pererius seemeth to insinuate lib. 4. in Genes qu. 4. of this matter For the Apostle saith We were by nature the children of death as well as others Eph. 1.5 by Adams transgression we were the children of wrath hee therefore much more that made us so and if Adam had not by sinning made himselfe guilty of eternall death why was the promise of the Messiah presently upon his fall made unto him Gen. 1.15 whose office is to redeeme us from sinne and everlasting damnation 4. Wee therefore thinke with Augustine that by death here is understood whatsoever death either of the soule or body temporall or eternall lib. 1. de câ—vâ—â— dei c. 12. for Augustine maketh foure kinds of death the temporall death of the soule when it is for a time separated from God by sin the eternal death of the soule when it is separated from the body the temporall death of the body when it is separated from the soule the eternall death of the body in hell So Adam first died in soule by losing his innocency he died in body returning to dust he was subject also to everlasting death both of body and soule but from that he was redeemed by Christ. 5. Beside under the name of death are comprehended all other miseries calamities and sorrowes which are the forerunners of death so that we may fitly compare death to the center all other miseries as the circle or circumference about the center or as the Scripture resembleth it death is as the burning coale other sorrowes and miseries are as the sparkles that doe rise from the coale Iob 5.7 Man is borne to travaile as the sparkes flye upward QVEST. XXIX When Adam began to die SEcondly it is