whereof the occasion beyng taken onely of the Iewes the slaunder therof therfore he prooueth to be falsly and wroÌ„gfully laid to the charge of the Christians And likewise against all other lies and slaunders obiected of the Heathen against the Christians the sayd Tertullian purgeth the Christians declaring them falsly to be belied wrongfully persecuted not for any defect of theirs but only for the hatred of their name And yet notwithstaÌ„ding by the same persecutions he prooueth in the same Apologie the religion of the christians nothing to be empaired but rather encreased The more saith he we are mowen doune of you the moe rise vp The bloud of Christians is seede For what man sayth he in beholding the painfull torments and the perfect patience of them will not search and inquire what is in the cause And when he hath found it out who will not agree vnto it And when he agreeth to it who will not desire to suffer for it Thus faith he this sect will neuer die which the more it is cutdoune the more it groweth For euery man seing and wondring at the sufferance of the Saints is mooued the more therby to search the cause in searching he findeth it and in finding he followeth it Tertul in eodem Apolog. Thus Tertullian in this daungerous tyme of persecution being stirred vp of God defended the innoceÌ„cie of the Christians against the blasphemy of the aduersaries and moreouer for the instruction of the church compiled many fruitfull workes whereof some are extant some are not to be found Notwithstanding the great learning famous vertues of this worthy maÌ„ certaine errors and blemishes are noted in his doctrine as were before both of Origine Irenaeus and likewise of them were they neuer so excellent that followed them Which errors all here in order to note and comprehend were too long a matter for this story to prosecute This by the way shall be sufficient to admonish the Reader neuer to looke for any such perfection of any man in this world how singular so euer he be Christ onely excepted but some blemishe or other ioyneth himselfe withall whereof more perchaunce shall be sayd when we come to Cyprian And now to returne agayne to the order of bishops of Rome intermitted after Eleutherius afore mentioned next in the bishoprike of Rome succeded Victor who as Platina sayth died quietly in the dayes of Seuerus But Damasus Supplementum Lib. 8. and such as folow the common Chronicles affirme that he died a Martyr after he had sitten x. or as some say xij yeares This Victor was a great styrreâ— as partly before is signified in the controuersie and contention of Easterday For the which he would haue proceded in excommunication against the churches of Asia had not Irenaeus then bishop of Lions with the counsaile of other his brethren there asseÌ„bled repressed his intended violence As touching that coÌ„trouersie of Easter in those dais of the primitiue Church the originall thereof was this as Eusebius Socrates Platina and other record First certain it is that the Apostles onely being intentiue and attendaunt to the doctrine of saluation gaue no heed nor regard to the obseruation of dayes times neither bound the Church to any ceremoniâ—s and rites except those things necessary mentioned in the Actes of the Apostles as strangled and bloud which was ordayned then of the holy Ghost notwithout a most vrgent and necessary cause touched partly in the history before For when the murdering and bloud of Infants was commonly obiected by the Heathen perseâ—utors agaynst the Christians they had no other argumeÌ„t to help theÌ„selues nor to refell the aduersarie but only their own law by the which they were commauÌ„ded to abstaine not onely from all mens bloud but also from the bloud of all coÌ„mon beastes And therefore that law seemeth by the holy Ghost to be geuen also to the same end continued in the Church so long as the cause that is the persecutions of the Heathen Gentiles continued Beside these we read of no other ceremonies or rites which the Apostles greatly regarded but left such things free to the libertie of Christians euery man to vse therein his own discretion for the vsing or not vsing thereof Whereupon as concerning all the ceremoniall obseruations of dayes tymes places meates drinks vestures and such other of all these things neither was the diuersitie among men greatly noted nor any vniformitie greatly required In so much that Irenaeus writing to Victor of the tradition of dayes and of fastings and of the diuersitie of these things then vsed among the primitiue fathers saith Nihilo tamen minus omnes Illi pacem inter se retinuerunt retinemus etiamnuÌ„ leiunij dissonantia fidei concordiam commendat c. That is Notwithstanding all this varietie all they kept peace among themselues yet we keepe it still and this difference of fasting among vs commendeth more the concord of faith And so long did the doctrine of Christian libertie remaine whole sounde in the Church till the tyme of Victor which was about the yeare of our Lord 200. Although the diuersitie of these vsages began something before also in the dayes of Pius and Anicetus about the yere of our Lord 163. to be misliked yet restraint hereof was not so much vrged before as in the tune of Victor And yet neither did the violeÌ„ce of Victor take such place but that the doctrine of Christian libertie was defended and maintained by meanes of Irenaeus and other and so continued in the Church till after the Councell of Nice And thus much concerning the doctrine of Christian libertie of the differences of rites and ceremonies Now to returne to Victor agayne to shew what diuersitie there was in obseruing the day of Easter and how it came thus is the story First in the tyme of Pius and Anicetus an 163. the questioÌ„ of Easter day began first to be moued at what tyme Pius by the reuelation of Hermes decreed the obseruatioÌ„ of that day to be chaunged from the wonted maner of the 14. day of the moone in the first moneth vnto the next Sonday after After him came Anicetus Soter and Eleutherius Bishops of Rome which also determined the same Agaynst these stode Melito Bishop of Sardis Polycarpus and as some thinke Egesippus with other learned men of Asia which Polycarpus being sent by the brethren of Asia came to Rome as is aforesayd to coÌ„ferre with Anicetus in that matter wherin when they could not agree after long debating yet notwithstanding they did both coÌ„municate together with reuereÌ„ce departed in peace And so the celebration of Easterday remained Adiaphoron as a thing indifferent in the Church till the time of Victor Who folowing after Anicetus and hys fellowes and chiefly stirring in this matter endeuoured by all meanes and might to draw or rather subdue the Churches of Asia vnto hys opinion thinking moreouer to
Oswyne either being not able or not willing to ioyne with him in Battaile caused hym traiterously to be slaine And so Oswy with his sonne Egfride raigned in Northumberland alone In the time also in the house of this Oswy king of NorthuÌ„berland was a certaine man named Benedict who was the bringer vp of Bede from his youth tooke him to his institution wheÌ„ he was but seuen yere old so taught him during his life This Benedict or Benet descending of a noble stocke and rich kinne in good fauour with Oswy forsoke seruice house and al his kindred to serue Christ weÌ„t to Rome where he had bene in his life time v. times and brought from thence bookes into Monasteries wyth other things which he thought then to serue for deuotion Thys Bennedict surnamed Byshop was the fyrst that brought in the arte and vse of glasing into this lande For before that glasse windowes were not knowen either in churches or in houses In the raigne of the foresaid Oswye and Egfride hys sonne was Botulphus Abbot which builded in the East part of Lincolne an Abbey Also Aidanus Finianus Colmannus with iii. Scottish Bishops of Northumberlande holy men held with the Britaines against the Romish order for the keeping of Easter daye Moreouer Cutbertus Iarumannus Cedda and Wilfridus liued the same time who as I iudge to be Byshops of an holy conuersation so I thought it sufficient here only to name them As touching their miracles wherefore they were made Saintes in the Popes calender seing they are not written in the Gospel nor in my Crede but in certaine old chronicles of that age so they are no matter of my faith notwithstanding as touching there conuersation this I read and also do credite that the Clergy both of Britaine Englande at that time plied nothing that was worldly but gaue theÌ„ to preching and teaching the word of our Sauiour and followed the life that they preached by giuing of good ensample And ouer that as our histories accord they were so voyd of couetousnes that they receiued no possessions or territories as was forced vpon them About this season or not much before vnder the raigne of Oswy Oswyne kynges of Northumberlande an other Synode or Councell was holden against the Brytaines and the Scottish bishops for the ryght obseruyng of Easter at Sternehalt At what time Agilbertus Byshop of westsaxons came to Northumberlande to instyture Wilfride Abbot of Rypon where this question for Easter day began to be moued For Colmannus then Byshop of NorthuÌ„berland followed not the custome of Rome nor of the Saxons but followed the Brytaynes and the Scottish Bishops his predecessors in the same sea before Thus on the on side was Colmannus the Archbyshop of Yorke and Hilda the Abbes of Sternhalt which alleaged for them the doinges and examples of their predecessours both godly and reuerend byshops as Aidanus Finianus Archbishops of that sea of Yorke before them and diuers moe Who had vsed alwaies to celebrate the Easter from the xiiij day of the first moneth till the xxviij of the same And specially for that S. Iohn yâ— Euangelist at Ephesus kept and obserued that day c. On the otherside was Agilbert bishop of westsaxons Iames the Deacon of Paulinus aboue mentioned Wilfride Abbot of Ripon and King Alfride Oswyes sonne with his Queene holding on the same side The full contentes of which disputation here followeth according as in the story of Beda at large is described with their reasons and argumentes on both sydes as insueth c. The question of Easter and of shauing and other Ecclesiasticall maters being moued it was determined that in the Abbey which is called Streneshalch of the which Hilda a deuout woman was Abbes a conuocation should be had and this question there determined To the which place came both the kinges the father and the sonne Byshop Colman with his clergy of Scotland Aigelbert wyth Agathon and Wilfride Priestes Iames and Roman were on their sides Hilda the Abbes with her company was on the Scottish part And the reuerend Byshop Cedda was appointed Prolocutor for both parties in that Parliament King Oswye begaÌ„ first with an Oration declaring that it was necessary for such as serued one God to liue in one vniforme order and that such as loked for one kingdome in heauen should not differ in celebration of the heauenly sacraments but should rather seeke for the true tradition follow the same This said he commaunded his Byshop Colman to declare what the rite and custome was in thys behalfe that he vsed and from whence it had the originall Then Colman obeying his princes coÌ„maundement sayd the Easter which I obserue I receaued of my auncestors that sent me hether a Bishop The which all our forefathers being men of God did celebrate in like maner left it should be couteÌ„ned or despised of any man it is manifestly aparant to be the very same which the holy Euangelist S. Iohn a disciple especially beloued of the Lord did customably vse in al churches and congregations where he had authoritie When Colman had spoken manye thinges to this effect the king coÌ„maunded Aigelbert to declare his opinion in this behalfe and to shew the order that he then vsed from whence it came by what authoritie he obserued the same Aigelbert requested the king that his scooler Wilfride a Priest might speake for him in as much as they both with the rest of hâ—â— clergy were of one opinion herein and that the said Wilfride coulde vttey his minde better and more plainely in the Englishe toung then he himselfe could Then Wilfride at the kings coÌ„maundements began on this sort and sayd The Easter which we keepe wee haue seene at Rome whereas the holye Apostles Peter Paule did liue and teach did suffer and were buried The same also is vsed in Italy and in Fraunce the which couÌ„tries we haue traueled for learning and haue noted it to be celebrated of them all In Asia also and in Aphricke in Egipt and in Greece and finally in all the world the same maner of Easter is obserued that we vse saue onelye by these here present with their accomplice the Pictes the Britanes with the which two yet not altogither agreing they condescend striue foolishly in this order against the vniuersal world To whom Colman replied saying I maruel you wil cal this order folish that so great an Apostle as was worthy to lie in the Lordes lap did vse whom all the world doth wel know to haue liued most wisely and Wilfride aunswered god forbid that I should reprooue S. Iohn of folye who kept the rites of Moses law according to the letter the Churche being yet Iewishe in manye pointes and the Apostles not as yet able to abdicate al the obseruations of the law before ordained as for example yâ— could not reiect
Images inuented of the Diuel the which all men that beleue on Christ ought of necessitie to forsake and detest least they should be an offence to those Iewes that were amongst the Gentiles For this cause dyd S. Paule Circumcise Timothie for this cause did hee sacrifice in the temple and did shaue his head with Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth all which thinges were done to none other purpose then to eschue the offeÌ„ce of the Iewes Hereupon also said Iames to Paule thou seest brother howe many thousand Iewes do beleue all these be zealous notwithstanding of the law Yet seing the Gospell is so manyfestly preached in the worlde it is not lawfull for the faithfull to bee Circumcised neither to offer sacrifice oâ— carnall things to God Therefore Iohn according to the custome of the law the xiiij day of the first moneth at euening did begin the celebration of the feast of Easter nothing respecting whether it were relebrated in the Sabboth or in any other feriall day But Peter when hee preached at Rome remembring that the Lord did arise from death on the first day after the Sabboth giuing thereby an hope to the world of the resurrection thoughht good to institute Easter on the day not after the vse and precepts of the law that was the xiiij day of the first moneth Euen so Iohn looking for the Moone at night if it did arise the next day after were Sonday which was then called the Sabboth then did he celebrate the Easter of the Lord in the euening like as wee vse to do eueÌ„ at this day But if Sonday were not the next day after the xiiij day but fel on the xvi day or xvij or on any other day vnto the xxi he taried alwayes for it and did begin the holy solemnitie of Easter on the euening nexte before the sabboth And so came it to passe that Easter was alwaies kept on the Sonday and was not celebrated but from the xv day vnto the xxj Neither doth this tradition of the Apostle breake the law but fulfilled the same In the which it is to be noted that Easter was instituted froÌ„ the xiiij day of the first moneth at euening vnto the xxj day of the same moneth at euening the which manner all S. Iohns successours in Asia after his death did follow and the Catholike Church throughout the whole worlde And that this is the true Easter and onely of all Christians to be obserued it was not newly decred but confirmed by the Councell of Nice as appeareh by the Ecclesiasticall history Wherupon it is manifest that you Colman do neither folow the example of S. Iohn as ye thinke nor of S. Peter whose tradition you do willingly resist nor of the church nor yet of the gospel in the celebration of Easter For S. Iohn obseruing Easter according to the preceptes of the law kept it not on the first daye after the Sabboth But you precisely keepe it onely on the first day after the Sabboth Peter did celebrate Easter from the xv daye of the moone to the xxj day but you keepe Easter from the xiiij vnto the xx day so that you begin Easter oftentimes the xiij day at night of which maner neither the law nor the Gospell maketh any mention But the Lord in the xiiij day either did eate the olde passouer at night or els did celebrate the sacraments of the new Testament in the remeÌ„braunce of his death and passioÌ„ You doe also vtterly reiect from the celebration of Easter the xxj daye the whiche the law hath chiefly willed to be obserued And therfore as I saide in the keeping of Easter you neither agree wyth S. Iohn nor with Peter nor with the lawe nor yet with the Gospel Then Colman againe aunswered to these things saying Did then Anatholius a godly man and on much coÌ„mended in the foresaid Ecclesiasticall history agaynst the law the Gospell who writeth that the Easter was to be kept froÌ„ the xiiij day vnto the xx or shal we thinke that Columba our reuerend father and his successors being meÌ„ of God who obserued the Easter after this maner did against the holye Scripture where as some of them were men of such godlines and vertue as was declared by their wonderful miracles And I hereby nothing doubting of their holines do endenor to fallow their life order dyscipline Then saide Wilfride it is certaine that Anatholius was both a godly and a learned man and worthy of great commendation but what haue you to do with him seyng you obserue not his order For he following the true rule in keping his Easter obserueth the circle of xix yeares The which either you know not or if you do you coÌ„temne the common order obserued in the vniuersal church of Christ. And moreouer the saide Anatholius doth so count the xiiij day in the obseruation of Easter as he confesseth the same to â—e the xv day at night aâ—ter the maner of the EgiptiaÌ„s and likewise noteth the xx day to be in the feast of Easter the xxi in the euening the which distinctioÌ„ that you know not by this may appeare for that you keepe the Easter on the xiij daye before the full Moone Or otherwise I can aunswere you touching your father Columba and his successors whose order you say you follow moued therto by their miracles on this wise that the Lorde will aunswere to many that shall say in the day of iudgement that in his name they haue prophesied cast out deuils haue done many miracles c. that he neuer knew theÌ„ But God forbid that I should say so of your fathers bicause it is much beter to beleue wel of those we know not then ill WherevpoÌ„ I deny not but they were the seruaunts of God and holy men the which loued the Lord of a good inteÌ„t though of a rude simplicitie And I thinke that the order whiche they vsed in the Easter did not much hurt them so long as they had none amongst them that could shew theÌ„ the right obseruation of the same for them to follow For I thinke if the truth had beene declared vnto them they woulde as well haue receiued it in this mater as they did in others But you and your felowes if you refuse the order of the apostolicall sea or rather of the vniuersal Church which is confirmed by the holy scripture without al doubt you doe sinne and though your forefathers were holy meÌ„ * what is their fewnes being but a corner of an IlelaÌ„d to be preferred before the vniuersall Churche of Christ dyspersed throughout the whole world And if Columba your father ours also being of Christ were mighty in miracles is he therefore to bee preferred before the Prince of the holy Apostles to whom the Lord said thou art Peter and vpon this rocke will I builde my Church and the gates of hell shal not preuayle against it
sunne beames Item in making whole the altarstone of Marble brought from Rome Ite in drawing a length one of the timber peces which wente to the building of the temple in Malmesbery Item in sauing the Mariners at douer c. As concerning these and such other myracles which William Malmesbery to hym attributeth I can not consent to him therein but thynke rather the same to be Monkishe deuises forged vpon their Patrons to maintaine the dignitie of their Houses And as the Authour was deceaued no doubt in beleuing such fables himselfe so maye he likewise deceaue vs through the dexteritie of his style and fyne handling of the matter but that father experience hath taught the worlde nowe a dayes more wisedome in not beleuing such practises this Aldelmus was Byshoppe of Schyrborne which sea after was vnited to the sea of Winton In which Church of Winchester the like miracles also are to be read of Byshop Adelwod and S. Swithune whom they haue canonized likewise for a Saint Moreuer neare about the xxv yeare of Iue by the report of Bede S. Iohn of Beuerley which was then Byshop of Yorke died and was buried at the porche of the Minster of Deirwod or Beuerley In the which portch it is recorded in some Chronicles that as the said Iohn vpon a time was praying being in the portch of S. Michaell in Yorke the holy Ghost in the similitude of a Doue sat before him vpon the altar in brightnes shining aboue the sunne This brightnes being sene of other first commeth one of his Deacons running vnto the portche who beholding the Bishop their standing in his praiers and all the place replenished with the holy ghost was strokeÌ„ with the light therof hauing al his face burnt as it were with hote burning fire Notwithstanding the Bishop by and by cured the face of his Deacon againe charging him as the storye saith not to publishe what hee had seene duryng hys lyfe time c. which tale semeth as true as that we read about the same time done of S. Egwyne in Polychron Abbot of Eusham and Byshop of Worcester then called Wyctes who vpon a time when he had fettered both his feete Inyrons fast locked for certaine sinnes done in his youth and had cast the key therof in the sea afterward a fish brought the key againe into the ship as he was saying homeward from Rome But to leaue these Monkishe phantasies and returne into the right course againe of the story In the time of this foresaide Iue began first the right obseruing of the Easter day to be kept of the Pictes and of the Britaines In the obseruation of which day as is largely set foorth in Bede and Polychron Lib. 5. cap. 17. and 22. three thinges are necessary to be obserued the full Moone of the first Moneth that is of the month of March Secondly the Dominical Letter Thirdly the Equinoctiall day which Equinoctiall was wont to be counted in the East church and especially among the Egiptians to bee about the 17. daye of Marche So that the full Moone either vppon the Equinoctiall day or after the Equinoctiall day being obserued the next dominicall day following that full moone is to be taken for Easter day Wherin is diligeÌ„tly to be noted two thinges First the fulnes of the Moone must be perfectly ful so that it be the beginning of the third weke of the mooue which is the 14. or 15. day of the moone Secondly is to be noted that the said perfect fulnes of the moone beginnyng the thirde weeke must happen either in the very euening of the Equinoctial day or after the Equinoctial day For els if it happen either on the Equinoctiall day before the euening or before the Equinoctial day then it belongeth to the last moneth of the last yeare and not to the first moneth of the first yeare and so serueth not to be obserued This rite and vsage in keping Easter day being receiued in the Latin church began now to take place amoÌ„g the Pictes Britaines through the busie trauaile of Theodorus Cuthlacus but namelye of Elbert the holy Monke as they terme him and of Colfrid Abbot of Sirwin in Northumberlande which wrote to Narcanus or Naitonus the King of Pictes concerning the same who also among other thinges writeth of the shauen crownes of Priestes saying that it was as necessary for the vow of a MoÌ„ke or degre of a Priest to haue a shauen crowne for restrainte of their lustes as for any Christen man to blesse him against spirits when they come vpon him Bede Lib. 5. The coppy of which letter as it is in Bede I haue here annexed not for any great reason therin conteined but only to delite the Reader with some pastime in seing the fond ignorance of that Monkish age the copy of the letter thus proceedeth ¶ Of the shauing of Priestes out of the fift booke of Beda the xxi chap. COncerning the shauing of Priests wherof you wryte also vnto me I exhort you that it be decently obserued according to the Christian faith We are not ignorant that the Apostles were not al shauen after one maner neither doth the Catholicke Church at this day agree in one vniforme maner of shauing as they do in faith hope and charity Let vs consider the former time of the Patriarches and we shall finde that Iob an example of patience euen in the very point of his afflictions did shaue his head and he proueth also that in the time of his prosperitye he vsed to let his heare grow And Ioseph an excellent Doctour executor of chastity humilitie pietie and other vertues wheÌ„ he was deliuered out of prison seruitude was shauen wherby it appeareth that whilst he abode in prisoÌ„ he was vnshauen Behold doth these being men of god did vse an order in the habite of their body one contrary to the other whose consciences notwithstanding within did wel agree in the like grace of vertues But to speake truely and â—rely the difference of shauing hurteth not such as haue a pure faith in the Lord sincere charity towardes their neighbor especially for that there was neuer any controuersie amongst the Catholike fathers about the diuersitie thereof as there hath beene of the difference of the celebration of Easter and of faith But of all these shauinges that wee fynde either in the Churche or els where there is none in mine opinion so much to be followed embraced as that which he vsed on his head to whoÌ„ the Lord said thou art Peter and vpon this rocke I will builde my Church and the gates of hel shall not preuaile against it I will gyue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen And contrarywise there is no shauing so much to be abhorred and detested as that which he vsed to whom the same S. Peter said thy money bee with thee to thy destruction because thou
folowyng the same So Baptisme and the Supper of the Lord be as testimonies and profes that by our fayth only in Christ we are iustified that as our bodyes are washed by water and our life nourished by bread and wine so by the bloud of Christ our sinnes be purged and the hunger of our soules releued by the death of his body Upon the same fayth riseth also outward profession by mouth as a declaration thereof Other thinges also as fruites and effectes do follow after fayth as peace of conscience ioy in the holy Ghost inuocation patience charitie mercy iudgement sanctification For God for our fayth in Christ his sonne therfore geueth into our hartes his holy spirite of comfort of peace and sanctification whereby mans hart is moued to a godly disposition to feare God to seek him to call vpon him to trust vnto him to stick to him in all aduersities and persecutions to loue him for hys sake also to loue our brethren to haue mercy and compassion vpon them to visite them if they be in prison to breake bread to them if they be hungry and if they be burdened to ease them to clothe them if they be naked and to harbour them if they be houseles Mat. 25. with such other spirituall exercises of pietie and sanctification as these which therefore I call spirituall because they proceede of the holy spirite and law of God which is spirituall And thus haue ye a Catholicke Christian defined first after the rules of Rome and also after the rule of the Gospell Now conferre these Antitheses together and see whether of these is the truer christian the ceremonial man after the Church of Rome or the spirituall man with his fayth and other spirituall fruites of pietie following after the same And if ye say that ye mixt them both together spirituall thinges with your corporall ceremonies to that I aunswere agayne that as touching the end of remission of sinnes and saluation they ought in no case to be ioyned together because the meane cause of all our saluation and remission is onely spirituall and consisteth in fayth and in no other And therefore vpon the same cause I come to my question agayne as I began to aske whether the Religion of Christ be a mere spirituall religion and whether in the Religion of Rome as it is now is any thing but onely mere corporall thinges required to make a catholicke man And thus I leaue you to your aunswere IN turning ouer the first leafe of this booke which is pag. 2. col 1. and in the latter end of the same colume thou shalt finde gentle Reader the argument of Pighius Hosius wherein thus they argue That forsomuch as Christ must needes haue a catholicke Church euer continuing here in earth which all men may see wherunto all men ought to resort and seeing no other church hath endured continually from the Apostles visible here in earth but only the church of Rome they conclude therefore the Church onely of Rome to be the right Catholicke Church of Christ. c. In aunswering whereunto this is to be sayd that forsomuch as the medius terminus of this argument both in the Maior and Minor consisteth onely in the word visible and vnknowne if they meane by this word visible in the Maior that Christes Church must be seene here to all the world that all men may resort to it it is false Likewise if they meane by the same word visible in the Minor that no other Church hath bene seene and known to any but onely the Church of Rome they are likewise deceiued For the true Church of Christ neyther is so visible that all the worlde can see it but onelye they whiche haue spirituall eyes and bee members thereof nor yet so inuisible agayne but suche as be Gods elect and members therof doe see it and haue seen it though the worldly eyes of the most multitude cannot so doe c. Wherof read more in the protestation aboue prefixed to the church of England Foure considerations geuen out to Christian Protestantes professours of the Gospell with a briefe exhortation inducing to reformation of life ¶ The first consideration AS in the page before foure questions were moued to the Catholick Papists to answere them at theyr leysure so haue I here to the Christian Gospellers foure considerations likewise for them to muse vpon with speede conuenient THe first consideration is this euery good man well to weigh with himselfe the long tranquillitie the great plenty the peaceable libertie which the Lord of his mercy hath bestowed vpon this land during all the reigne hetherto of this our Souereigne and most happy Queene ELIZABETH in such sort as the like example of Gods aboundant mercies are not to be seene in any nation about vs so as we may well sing with the Psalme in the Churche Non fecit taliter omni nationâ— opes gloria suae non manifestauit eis first in hauing the true light of Gods gospel so shining among vs so publickly receiued so freely preached with such libertie of conscience without daunger professed hauing withall a Prince so vertuous a Queene so gratious geuen vnto vs of our owne natiue country bred and borne amongst vs so quietly gouerning vs so long lent vnto vs in such peace defending vs agaynst such as would els diuoure vs briefly what could we haue more at Gods hand if wee woulde wish or what els could we wish in this world that we haue not if this one thing lacked not grace to vse that well which we haue ¶ The second consideration AS these thinges first are to be considered concerning our selues so secondly let vs consider likewise the state and tymes of other our countrymen and blessed Martyrs afore past what stormes of persecutions they susteined what little rest they had with what enemies they were matched with what crosses pressed vnder what Princes vnder what Prelates they liued or rather dyed in the dayes of King Henry the 4. king Henry 5. King Henry 7. King Henry 8. Queene Mary c. vnder Boâ—er Bishoppe of London Gardiner Bishoppe of Winchester Cholmley Story Bishoppe Arundell Stokesley Courtney Warham At what time children were caused to set fire to their fathers The father adiured to accuse the sonne the wife to accuse the husband the husband the wife brother the sister sister the brother examples whereof are plenty in this booke to be seene pag. 774. ¶ The third consideration THirdly let vs call to mynd considering thus with our selues These good men and worthy Martyrs in those dangerous daies tastyng as they did the heauy hand of Gods sharpe correction beginning commonly with his owne house first if they were aliue now in these Alcion daies vnder the protection of such a peaceable prince O what thanks would they geue to God how happy would they count themselues hauing but halfe of that we haue with freedome onely of conscience and safetie of lyfe Or if in
Abdias and other although they doe not all precisely agree in the tyme. The wordes of Hierome be these Simon Peter the sonne of Iona of the prouince of Galile and of the Towne of Bethsaida the brother of Andrew c. After hee had bene Byshop of the Church of Antioch and had preached to the dispersion of them that beleued of the Circumcision in Pontus Galacia Capadocia Asia and Bithinia in the second yeare of Claudius the Emperour whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 44. came to Rome to withstand Simon Magus and there kept the priestly chayre the space of 25. yeares vntill the last yeare of the foresayd Nero which was the 14. yeare of hys raygne of whome he was crucified hys head being downe and his feete vpward himselfe so requiring because he was he sayd vnworthy to be crucified after the same forme and maner as the Lord was c. Egesippus prosecuting this matter something more at large and Abdias also if any authoritie is to be geuen to hys booke who following not onely the sense but also the very forme of wordes of Egesippus in this Hystory seemeth to be extracted out of him and of other authors sayth that Simon Magus being then a great man with Nero and his president and keeper of hys life was required vppon a tyme to be present at the raysing vp of a certayne noble young man in Rome of Neros kindred lately departed Wheras Peter also was desired to come to the reuiuing of the sayd personage But when Magus in the presence of Peter could not doe it Then Peter calling vpon the name of the Lord Iesus dyd rayse him vp and restored him to hys mother wherby the estimation of Simon Magus began greatly to decay and to be detested in Rome Not long after the sayd Magus threatned the Romaynes that he would leaue the Citie and in their light flye away from them into heauen So the day being appoynted Magus taking hys winges in the Mounte Capitolinus began to flye in the ayre But Peter by the power of the Lord Iesus brought him downe with his winges headlong to the ground by the whiche fall hys legges and ioyntes were broken and he thereupon dyed Then Nero sorrowing for the death of him sought matter agaynst Peter to put hym to death Which when the people perceiued they entreated Peter with much a doe that he would flye the Citie Peter through their importunitie at length perswaded prepared himselfe to auoyd But comming to the gate he sawe the Lord Christ come to meete him to whom he worshipping sayd Lord whether doest thou goe To whome he aunswered and sayd I come agayne to be crucified By this Peter perceauing hys suffering to be vnderstanded returned backe into the Citty agayne And so was he crucified in maner as is before declared And this out of Egesippus Eusebius moreouer writing of the death not onely of Peter but also of his wife affirmeth that Peter seeing his wife goyng to her Martyrdom belike as he was yet hanging vpon the crosse was greatly ioyous and glad thereof who crying vnto her with a loud voyce and calling her by her name bade her remember the Lord Iesus Such was then saith Eusebius the blessed bonde of Mariage among the Saintes of God And thus much of Peter Paule the Apostle which before was called Saule after his great trauail and vnspeakable labours in promooting the Gospell of Christ suffred also in this first persecution vnder Nero and was beheaded Of whom thus writeth Hierome in his Booke De viris illustr Paule otherwise called Saule one of the Apostles yet out of the number of xij was of the tribe of Beniamin and of a towne of Iewrie called Gisealis which towne beyng taken of the Romains he with his parents fled to Tharsus a town of Cilicia Afterward was sent vp by his parents to Hierusalē and there brought vp in the knowledge of the law at the feete of Gamaliel and was at the death of Stephen a doer And when he had receiued letters from the high Priest to persecute the Christians by the way going to Damascus was stroken downe of the Lordes glory and of a persecutor was made a professor an Apostle a Martyr a witnesse of the Gospell and a vessell of election Among his other manifold labors trauails in spreading the doctrine of Christ he wan Sergius Paulus the Proconsul of Cyprus to the faith of Christ whereupon he tooke his name as some suppose turned from Saulus to Paulus After he had passed through diuers places and countries in his laborious peregrinations he tooke to him Barnabas and went vp to Hierusalem to Peter Iames and Iohn where he was ordained and sent out with Barnabas to preach vnto the Gentils And because it is in the Actes of the Apostles sufficiently comprehended concerning the admirable conuersion conuersation of this most worthy Apostle that which remaineth of the rest of his history I will here adde how the sayd Apostle Paule the 25. yere after the passion of the lord in the second yeare of Nero what tyme Festus ruled in Iewrie was sent vp in bondes to Rome where he remaining in his free hosterie two yeares together disputed daily against the Iewes proouing Christ to be come And here is to be noted that after his first answer or purgation there made at Rome the Emperor Nero not yet fully confirmed in his Empire yet not bursting out into those mischiefs which histories report of him he was at that tyme by Nero discharged and dismissed to preach the Gospell in the West partes and about the coastes of Italy as he himselfe writing vnto Timothie afterward in his second apprehension in his second Epistle witnesseth saying In my first purgation no man stoode with me but did all forsake me the Lord lay it not to their charge But the Lord stood with me did comfort me that the preaching of his word might proceed by me that all the Gentiles might heare and be taught and I was deliuered out of the Lions mouth c. In which place by the Lion he plainly meaneth Nero. And afterward likewise saith I was deliuered from the mouth of the Lion c. And againe the Lord hath deliuered me out from all euill workes and hath saued me vnto his heauenly kingdom c. speaking this because he perceiued thē the tyme of his Martyrdome to be nere at hand For in the same Epistle before he saith I am now offred vp and the tyme of my dissolution draweth on Thus then this worthy preacher and messenger of the Lord in the 14. yeare of Nero and the same day in which Peter was crucified although not in the same yeare as some write but in the next yeare following was beheaded at Rome for the testimonie of Christ and was buried in the way of Ostia The yeare after the passion of the Lord 37. He wrote ix Epistles to seuen
with like grieuous torments At the sight wherof one Calocerius seeing their so great pacience in so great torments cried out with these wordes Verè Magnus Deus Christianorum That is verily great is the God of the Christians Which woordes being heard forthwith he was apprehended and being brought to the place of their executioÌ„ was made partaker of their Martyrdome Ex Ant. Equilin The history of Nicephorus maketh mention of Anthia a godly woman who committed her sonne Eleutherius to Anicetus bishop of Rome to be brought vp in the doctrine of Christian faith who afterward beyng Bishop in Apulia was there beheaded with his foresayd mother Anthia Onomast Iustus also and Pastor two brethen with like Martyrdome ended their liues in a citie of Spaine called Gomplutum vnder the said Hadrian the Emperour Likewise Symphorissa the wife of Geâ—ulus the Martyr with her vij children is said about the same time to suffer who first was much and oft beaten scourged afterward was hanged vp by the haire of her head At last hauing an huge stone fastened vnto her was throwne headlong into the riuer after that her seuen childreÌ„ in like maner with sundry diuers kindes of punishment diuersly were martyred by the tirants The story of M. Hermannus and Antoninus and other report of Sophia with her three children also also of Serapia and Sabina to suffer vnder the said Emperour about the yeare of our Lord 130. As concerning Alexander bishop of Rome with his ij Deacons also with Hermes Quirinus Saphyra and Sabina Some writers as Bede and Marianus Scotus recorde that they suffred vnder Traianus Others againe as Otto Frisingensis with like mo report that they suffred in the iiij yeare of this Emperour Hadrian but of these Martyrs sufficiently hath bene sayd before While Hadrian the Emperour was at Athens he purposed to visite the countrey of Eleusina and so did where he sacrifising to the Gentiles Gods after the maner of the Grecians had geuen free leaue libertie whosoeuer would to persecute the Christians Whereupon Quadratus a man of no lesse zeale excellent as of famous learning being theÌ„ Bishop of Athens and Disciple of the Apostles or at least succeding incontinent the age of the Apostles and following after Publius who a litle before was martyred for the testimony of Christ did offer vp and exhibite vnto Hadrian the Emperour a learned and excellent Apologie in the defence of the Christian Religion Wherein he declared the Christians without all iust cause or desert to be so cruelly entreated and persecuted c. The like also did Aristides an other no lesse excelleÌ„t Philosopher in Athens who for his singular learning and eloquence being notified to the emperor and comming to his presence there made before him an eloquent Oration Moreouer did exhibite vnto the said Emperour a memorable Apologie for the christians so ful of learning and eloquence that as Hierome sayth it was a spectacle and admiration to men in his tyme that loued to see wit and learning Ouer and besides these there was also an other named Serenus Granius a man of great nobility who likewise did write very pithy graue letters to Hadrian the Emperour shewing and declaring therein to be consonant with no right nor reason for the bloud of innocents so to be geuen to the rage and fury of the people and so to be condemned for no fault onely for the name and sect that they followed Thus the goodnes of God being mooued with the prayers and constant labour of these so excellent men so turned the hart of the Emperour that he beyng better informed concerning the order profession of the christians became more fauorable vnto them And immediatly vpoÌ„ the same directed his letters to Minutius Fundanus as is partly before mencioned Proconsul of Asia willing him froÌ„ henceforth to exercise no more such extremitie against the Christians as to condemne any of them hauing no other crime obiected against them but onely their name The copy of which his letter because that Iustine in his Apologie doth alleage it I thought therefore to expresse the same in his owne wordes as followeth The letter of Hadrian the Emperour to Minutius Fundanus I Haue receiued an Epistle writen vnto me from Serennius Granianus our right worthy and welbeloued whose office you do now execute Therefore I thinke it not good to leaue this matter without further aduisement and circumspection to passe least our subiects be molested and malicious sycophants boldned and supported in their euill Wherefore if the subiects of our prouinces doe bring forth any accusation before the iudge agaynst the Christians and can prooue the thing they obiect against them let them doe the same and no more and otherwise for the name onely not to impeach them nor to cry out against them For so more conuenient it is that if any man will be an accuser you to take the accusation quietly and iudge vpon the same Therfore if any shall accuse the Christians and complaine of them as malefactors doing contrary to the law then geue you iudgement according to the qualitie of the crime But notwithstanding who so euer vpoÌ„ spite and maliciousnes shal commence or cauil against them see you correct and punish that man for his vnordinate and malicious dealing Thus by the mercifull prouidence of God some more quiet and rest was geuen to the Church although Hermannus thinketh these Alcione dayes did not very long continue but that the Emperour changing his Edict began to renue agayne persecution against gods people albeit this soundeth not to be so by the wordes of Melito in his Apologic to Antoninus hereafter ensuing In the meane tyme this is certain that in the dayes of this Hadrian the Iewes rebelled agayne spoyled the country of Palestina Against whom the Emperour sent Iulius Seuerus who ouerthrew in Iurie 50. castels and burnt and destroyed 980. villages and Tounes and slue of the Iewes 50. thousand so that with famine sickenes sword and fire Iuda was almost desolate But at length Hadrian the Emperour which otherwise was named Aelius repaired and enlarged the Citie agayn of Hierusalem which was called after his name Aeliopolis or Aelia Capitolina the inhabitaunce whereof he graunted only to the Gentiles and to the Christians forbidding the Iewes vtterly not to enter into the Citie After the death of Hadrian who died by bleeding at the nose succeded Antoninus Pius about the yeare of our Lord 140. and raigned 23. yeres Who for his clemency and modest behauiour had the name of Pius and is for the same in histories commended His saying was that he had rather saue one Citizen then destroy a thousand of his aduersaries At the beginning of his raigne such was the state of the Church as Hadrian his predecessour had left it as in which although there was no Edict set forth to persecute the Christians yet the tumultuous rage of the Heathen
loue his Religion become a christian for that is not written yet thus much he obtained that Antoninus writing to his Officers in Asia in the behalfe of the Christians required and coÌ„maunded them that those Christians which onely were founde giltie of any trespasse should suffer and such as were not conuicted should not therfore onely for the name be punished because they were called Christians By these it is apparant with what zeale and faith this Iustinus did striue against the persecutors which as he said could kill onely but could not hurt This Iustinus by the meanes and malice of Crescens the Philosopher as is before declared suffered Martyrdome vnder Marcus Antoninus Verus a little after that Polycarpus was martired in Asia as witnesseth Eusebius Lib. 4. Here is to be gathered how Epiphanius was deceiued in the time of his death saying that he suffered vnder Rusticus the president and Adrian the Emperour being of xxx yeares of age which indeede agreeth not neither with Eusebius nor Ierome nor Swide nor other moe which manifestly declare and testifie how he exhibited his Apology vnto Antoninus Pius which came after Adrian Thus hast thou good Reader the liâ—e of this learned blessed martir although partly touched before yet now more fully amply discoursed for the better commendatioÌ„ of his excellent notable vertues of whose small ende thus writeth Photius saying that he suffering for Christ died cheerefully with honor Thus haue ye heard the whole discourse of Iustinus and of the blessed Saints of Fraunce Vetius Zacharias Sanctus Maturus Attalus Blandina Alexander Alcibiades with other recorded and set foorth by the writing of certaine Christian brethren of the same Church place of Fraunce In the which foresaid writing of theirs moreouer appeareth the great meekenes and modest constancie of the said martirs described in these words such folowers were they of christ who when he was in the forme of God thought it no robbery to be equal with god being in the same glory with him that they not once nor twise but oft times suffered martyrdome taken againe from the beastes bearing wounds tearinges and skarres in their bodies yet neither woulde counte them selues Martirs neyther woulde they suffer vs so to cal theÌ„ but if any of vs either by word or letter woulde call them Martirs they did vehementlye rebuke them saying that the name of martirdome was to be gyuen to Christ the faithfull and true martir the first borne of the dead the captaine of life testifiyng moreouer that martirdome belongeth to such who by their martirdome were already passed out of this life and whom as christ by their worthy confession hath receiued vnto him selfe and hath sealed vp their Martirdome by their ende finished As for theÌ„ which were not yet consuÌ„mated they said they were not worthy the names of martirs but only were humble and worthy confessours desiring also their brethren with teares to praye without ceasing for their confirmation Thus they performing in deede that whiche belonged to true Martirs in resisting the heathen with much lybertie and great patience without all feare of man being replenished with the feare of God refused to be named of their brethren for martirs And after in the said writing it followeth more they humbled themselues vnder the mightye hand of God by which they were greatly exalted Then they rendred to all men a reason of their faith they accused no man they loosed all they bounde none And for them which so euill did intreate them they praied following the example of Stephen the perfect Martir which sayde O Lord impute not their sinne to them And after againe Neither did they proudly disdaine against them which fell but of such as they had they imparted to them that lacked bearing toward them a motherly affection shedding their plentifull teares for them to God the Father and prayed for their life and saluation and as God gaue it them they also did communicate to their neighbours And thus they as conquerers of all thynges departed to God They loued peace and leauing the same to vs they went to God neither leauyng any molestation to their mother nor sedition or trouble to their brethren but ioye peace concorde and loue to all Out of the same writyng moreouer concernyng these Martyrs of Fraunce afore mentioned is recorded also an other history not vnworthy to be noted taken out of the same booke of Eusebius cap. 3. Which history is this There was among these constaunt and blessed Martirs one Alcibiades as is aboue specified which Alcibiades euer vsed a very straight died receiuing for his foode and sustenaunce nothing els but only bread and water when this Alcibiades now â—eing cast into prison went about to accustome the same straightnes of diet after his vsual maner before it was reueiled by God to Attalus afore mentioned one of the said company being also the same time imprisoned after his first conflict vpon the scaffolde that Alcibiades did not well in that hee refused to vse and take the creatures of God also thereby ministred to other a pernicious occasion of offensiue example Whereupon Alcibiades being aduertised reformed began to take al thinges boldly and with giuing thankes whereby may appeare to all scrupulous consciences not only a wholesome instrucion of the holy Ghost but also here is to be noted how in those dayes they were not destytute of the grace of God but had the holy spirite of God to be their instructor Haec Euseb. The foresaide martirs of Fraunce also the same tyme commended Irenaeus newly then made minister with their letters vnto Eleutherus Bishop of Rome as witnesseth Euseb. in the x. thap of the same booke which Irenaeus fyrst was the hearer of Polycarpus then made minister as is sayde vnder these Martyrs And after their death made Byshop afterward of Lyons in Fraunce and succeded after Photinus Besides this Iustinus there was also the same time in Asia Claudius Apolinaris or Apolinarius Byshop of Hierapolis And also Melito Bishop of Sardis an eloquent learned man much commended of Tertullian who succeeding after the time of the apostles in the reigne of this Antoninus Verus exhibited vnto him learned and eloquent Apologies in defence of Christes Religion like as Quadratus and Aristides aboue mentioned did vnto the Emperour Hadrian whereby they mooued him somewhat to stay the rage of his persecution In like maner did this Apolinaris and Melito stirred vp by God aduenture to defende in writing the cause of the christians vnto this Antoninus Of this Melito Eusebius in his fourth booke making mention excerpeth certaine places of his Apologie in these wordes as followeth Nowe saith he which was neuer seene before the godly suffereth persecution by occasion of certaine Proclamations Edictes proclaimed throughout Asia for vilanous Sichophantes robbers spoylers of other mens goods grounding them selmes vpon those Proclamations and taking occasion of them robbe
excommunicate all those Byshops and churches of Asia as heretickes and schismatickes which disagreed from the Romaine order had not Irenaeus otherwise restrayned him from that doyng as is a foresayd whiche was about the yeare of our Lord .191 in the reigne of Commodus Thus then began the vniformitie of keeping that holy day to be first required as a thing necessary all they accompted as heretickes and schismatickes which dissented from the Bishop traditioÌ„ of Rome With Victor stoode Theophilus Byshop of Cesarâ—a Narcissus of Hierusalem Irenaeus of Lyons Palmas of Pontus Banchillus of Corinthe the Byshop of Dâ—â—roena and other moe All which condescended to haue the celebration of Easter vpon the Sonday because they would differ froÌ„ the Iewes in all things as neare as they might and partly because the resurrection of the Lord fell on the same day On the contrary side diuers Byshop were in Asia of whom the principall was Policrates Byshop of Ephesus who being assembled with a great multitude of Bishops and brethren of those parties by the common assent of the rest wrote agayne to Victor and to the Church of Rome declaring that they had euer from the beginning obserued that day according to the rule of Scripture vnchaunged neither adding nor altering any thing froÌ„ the same Alledging moreouer for them the examples of the Apostles and holy fathers their predecessours as Phillip the Apostle with hys three daughters at Hierapolis also Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist at Ephesus Polycarpus at Smyrna Thraseas at Eumenia Byshoppe and Martyr lykewise of Sagaris at Laodicaea Byshop and Mattyr Holy Papyrius and Melito at Sardis Beside these bishops also of his own kindred and his owne aunceters to the number of seuen which all were bishops before him he the eight now after them All which obserued saith he the solemnitie of the same day after the same wiâ—e and sort as we do now Victor being not a litle mooued herewith by letters agayne denounceth against them more bold vpon authoritie then wiâ—e in his commission violent excommunicatioÌ„ Albeit by the wise handlyng of Irenaeus and other learned men that matter was staid and Victor otherwise perswaded What the perswasioÌ„s of Irenaeus were partly may appeare in Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 26. the summe whereof tendeth to this effect That the variance and difference of ceremonies is no straunge matter in the Church of Christ when as this varietie is not onely in the day of Easter but also in the maner of fasting in diuers other vsages among the christian For some fast one day some two days some other fast moe Other there be which counting xl houres both day night take that for a ful dayes fast And this so diuers fashion of fasting in the church of Christ began not onely in this our tyme but was before among our fore elders And yet notwithstanding they with all this diuersity were in vnitie among themselues and so be we neyther both this difference of ceremonies any thing hinder but rather commendeth the concorde of fayth And bringeth forth the examples of the fathers of Telesphorus Pius Anicetus Soter Eleutherius and such other who neither obserued the same vsage themselues neither prescribed it to others and yet notwithstanding kept christian charitie with such as came to coÌ„municate with them not obseruing the same forme of things which they obserued as well appeared by Polycarpus and Anicetus which although they agreed not in one vniforme custome of rites yet refused not to coÌ„municate together the one geuing reuerence vnto the other Thus the controuersie being taken vp betwene Irenaeus Victor remained free to the time of Nicene Councell Haec ex Iren. Eusebius And thus much coÌ„cerning the controuersie of that matter and concerning the doings of Victor After Victor succeeded in the sea of Rome Zephyrinus in the dayes of the foresayd Seuerus about the yeare of our Lord .203 To this Zephyrinus be ascribed two Epistles in the first Tome of the Councels But as I haue sayd before of the decretall Epistles of other Romaine Bishops so I say and verily suppose of this that neither the countenaÌ„ce of the stile nor the matter therin contained nor the condition of the â—yme doth otherwise giue to thinke of these letters but that they be verily bastard letters not written by these fathers nor in these tymes but craftily and wickedly pact in by some which to set vp the primacie of Rome haue most pestilently abused the authoritie of these holy auncient fathers to deceaue the simple Church For who is so rude but that in considering onely the state of those terrible tymes may easily vnderstand except affectioÌ„ blind him beside a nomber of other probable coniectures to lead him that the poore persecuted bishops in that time would haue bene glad to haue any safe couert to put their heades in so far was it of that they had any lust or laisure theÌ„ to seeke for any Primacie or Patriarkeship or to driue all other churches to appeale to the sea of Rome or to exempt all Priests from the accusation of any lay man as in the first Epistle of Zephyrinus is to be seene written to the Bishops of Sicilia And likewise the second Epistle of his to the Bishops of the prouince of Egypt containing no maner of doctrine nor consolation necessary for that time but only certain ritual decrees to no purpose argueth no lesse but the said epistles neither to sauor of that man nor taste of the tyme. Of like credite also seemeth the constitution of the Patines of glasse which Damasus sayth that the same Zephyrinus ordained to be caried before the Priest at the celebratioÌ„ of the Masse Againe Platina writeth that he ordayned the ministration of the SacrameÌ„t to be no more vsed in vessels of wood or of glasse or of any other mettall except only siluer gold and tinne c. But how these two testimonies of Damasus and Platina ioyne together let the reader iudge especially seyng the same decree is referred to Vrbanus that came after him Againe what needed this decree of golden chalices to be stablished afterward in the Councell of Tybur and Rhenes if it had bene enacted before by Zephyrinus How long this Zephyrinus sate our writers do varie Eusebius sayth he died in the raigne of Caracalla and sate 17. yeares Platina writeth that he died vnder Seuerus and sate 8. yeares and so saith also Nauclerus Damasus affirmeth that he sate 16. yeares and two monthes Matthaeus author of the story intituled Flores HistoriaruÌ„ with other latter Chronicles maketh mention of Perpetua and Felicitas and Reuocatus her brother also of Saturninus and Satyrus brethren and Secundulus which in the persecution of this Seuerus gaue ouer their liues to Martyrdome for Christ beyng throwen to wild beasts and deuoured of the same in Carthage and in Affrike saue that Saturninus brought agayne from the beasts was
pretensed or rather a fable imagined or els to be the deede of Pipinus or Charles or some such other if it were euer the deede of any And thus hast thou beloued Reader briefly collected the narration of the noble actes and heauenly vertues of thys most famous Emperour Constantine the great a singulare spectacle for all Christian Princes to beholde and imitate and worthy of perpetuall memorie in all congregations of Christian Saintes Whose feruent zeale pietie in generall to all coÌ„gregations and to all the seruants of Christ was notable but especially the affection and reuerence of hys heart toward them was admirable whych had suffered any thyng for the confession of Christ in the persecutions before them had hee principally in price and veneration in so much that hee embraced and kissed theyr woundes and stripes and their eyes being put out And if any suche Byshops or any other Ministers brought to hym any coÌ„plaints one against an other as many times they did he would take theyr bils of complaint and burne them before theyr faces so studious and zealous was hys mind to haue them agree whose discord was to hym more griefe then it was to themselues All the vertuous actes and memorable doings of this diuine renowmed Emperour to comprehende or commit to hystorie it were the matter alone of a great volume wherfore contented with these aboue premised because nothing of him can be sayde inough I cease to discourse of him any further One thyng yet remaineth not to be omited wherein as by the way of a note I thought good to admonish the learned Reader suche as loue to be conuersant in reading of auncient authors that in the Ecclesiasticall hystorie of Eusebius where in the latter ende of the booke is added a certaine Oration Ad coÌ„uentum Sanctorum vnder the name of Eusebius Pamphilus here is to be vnderstaÌ„d that the sayd Oration is wrongly intituled vpon the name of Eusebius whych in very truth is the Oration of Constantinus hymselfe For the probation whereof beside the stile and matter therein contained and tractation heroycall liuely declaring the religious vaine of Constantine I alledge the very testimonie of Eusebius himselfe in his fourth booke De vita Constantini where he in expresse wordes not onely declareth that CoÌ„stantine wrote such an Oration intituled Ad Conuentum Sanctorum but also promiseth in the end of hys booke to annexe the same declaring moreouer what difficultie the interpretors had to translate the same from the Romaine speeche to theyr Grecian toung Eusebius de vita Constantini Lib. 4 pag. 211. And here an end of these lamentable doleful persecutions of the primitiue Church during the space of the 300. yeres froÌ„ the passion of our Sauiour Christ til the coÌ„ming of this Constantinus by whom as by the elect instrumeÌ„t of God it hath so pleased his almighty maiesty by his determinat purpose to giue rest after loÌ„g trouble to his church according to that S. Cyprian declareth before pag. 68. to be reueled of God vnto his Church that after darkenes and stormy tempest should come peaceable calme stable quietnes to his church meaning this time of Constantine now present At which time it so pleased the almightie that the murdering malice of Sathan should at length be restrained and he him selfe to be tied vp for a thousande yeares through his great mercie in Christ to whome therefore â—e thankes and praise now and for euer AMEN The ende of the first Booke THE SECOND BOOKE CONTAINING the next 300. yeares following with such things specially touched as haue happened in England from the time of king Lucius to Gregorius and so after to the time of king Egebert BY these persecutions hytherto in the Booke before precedent thou maiest vnderstand Christian reader how the furie of Sathan and rage of men haue done what they could to extinguish the name and religion of Christ. For what thing did lacke that eyther death coulde doe or torments coulde worke or the gates of hell coulde deuise all was to the vttermost attempted And yet all the furie and malice of Sathan al the wisedom of the world strength of men doing deuising practising what they could notwtstanding the religion of Christ as thou seest hath had the vpper hand Which thing I wish thee greatly gentle reader wisely to note and diligently to ponder in coÌ„sidering these former histories And because thou canst not consider them nor profit by them vnles thou do first read peruse them let me craue therfore thus much at thine handes to turne read ouer the said hystories of those persecutioÌ„s aboue described especially aboue all the other hystories of this present volume for thy especiall edification whych I trust thou shalt finde not vnworthy the reading Nowe because the tying vp of Sathan geueth to the Church some rest to me some leisure to addresse my selfe to the handling of other stories I minde therefore Christ willing in thys present booke leauing a while the tractation of these generall affaires pertaining to the vniuersal Church to prosecute such domesticall hystories as more neare concerne this our country of England Scotland done here at home beginning first with king Lucius with whome the faith first begaÌ„ here in this Realme as the sentence of some writers doth hold And for somuch as here may rise yea and doth rise a great coÌ„trouersie in these our Popish daies coÌ„cerning the first origine planting of the faith in this our Realme it shall not be greatly out of our purpose somewhat to stay say of this question whether the Church of England first receiued the faith from Rome or not The which although I graunt so to be yet being so graunted it little auaileth the purpose of them whiche woulde so haue it for be it so that England first receaued the Christian faith and Religion from Rome both in the time of Eleutherius theyr Byshop 180. yeares after Christ and also in the time of Austen whome Gregory sent hether 600. yeares after Christ yet their purpose followeth not thereby that we must therefore fetche our Religion from thence still as from the chiefe welhead and fountaine of all godlines And yet as they are not able to proue the second so neither haue I any cause to graunt the first that is that our Christian faith was first deriued from Rome which I may proue by vj. or vij good coÌ„iectural reasons Wherof the first I take of the testimony of Gildas our couÌ„treyman who in his history affirmeth plainly that Britaine receaued the Gospell in the time of Tiberius the Emperour vnder whome Christ suffered Lib. De victoria Aurelij Ambrosij And sayth moreouer that Ioseph of Arimathie after dispersion of the Iewes was sent of Philip the Apostle froÌ„ France to Britayne about the yeare of our Lord. 63. and heere remained in this land al his time and so with his fellowes
Episcopi mensuram omnes institutae sint exequatae per suâ—m dioecesin Et omne pondus constet secundum dictionem eius si aliquid coÌ„trouersiarum intersit discernat Episcopus Vniuscuiusque Domini proprium est necesse vt seruis condescendat compatiatur sicut indulgentius poterit Quia Domino Deo viuenti sunt aeque chari seruus liber Et omnes vno eodem pretio redemit omnes sumus Deo necessariò serui Et sic iudicabit nos sicut antè iudicauimus eos in quos potestatem iudicij in terris habebimus Et ideo opus est vt eis parcamus qui nobis parere debent tunc manutenebimur in Dei omnipotentis proprio iudicio Amen The sayde Ethelstane besides prescribed other constitutions also as touching tithes geuing where hee sayeth and proclaimeth Ego Ethelstanus Rex consilio Vâ—felmi Archiepiscopi mei aliorum Episcoporum mando praepositis omnibus in regno meo in nomine Domini sanctorum omnium vt inprimis reddant de meo proprio decimas Deo tam in viuente capitali quà m in mortuis frugibus terrae Episcopi mei similiter faciant de suo proprio Aldermanni mei praepositi mei c. That is I Ethelstane King charge and commaund all my officers through my whole Realme to geue tithes vnto God of my proper good as wel in liuing cattel as in the corne and fruites of the grouÌ„d and that my Byshops likewise of their proper goods and mine Aldermen and my officers and headmen shal do the same Item this I wil that my Bishops other headmen doe declare the same to suche as be vnder their subiection that to be accomplished at the terme of S. Iohn the Baptist. Let vs remember what Iacob said vnto the Lord Of all things that thou geuest to me I wil offer tithes vnto the Lord. c. Also what the Lord sayeth in the Gospel of S. Mathewe To him that hath it shal be geuen and he shall abouÌ„d We must also coÌ„sider how terribly it is written in bookes that if we will not offer our tenths from vs ix partes shall be taken away and only the x. part shal be left vs. c. And in the same place after that he hath assigned the Church rightes to be paide in the place whereto they belong it followeth thus Facite etiam vt mihi mea propria cupiatis quae mihi poteritis recté acquirere Nolo vt aliquid mihi iniuste cóquiratis Sed omnia vestra concedo vobis eo tenore quo mihi mea similiter exoptetis Cauete simul vobis eis quos admonere debetis ab ira Dei transgressione mea Among his other lawes ordinances to the nuÌ„ber of xxxv diuers things be comprehended pertaining as well to the spirituall as also to the temporall iurisdiction Out of the lawes of this King first sprang vp the attachement of theeues such as stoale aboue xij pence and were aboue xij yeares old should not be spared And thus much briefly concerning the historie of King Ethelstane things in his time done who reigned about the space of xvj yeares And because he died without issue therfore after him succeeded his brother Edmund the yere of our Lord. 940. who reigned vj. yeares King Edmund EDmund the sonne of Edwarde the elder by his thirde wife as is declared and brother of Ethelstane being of the age of xx yeares entred his raigne who had by hys Queene Elgina two sonnes Edwyne and Edgarus surnamed Pacificus which both reigned after him as followeth This Edmund continued his reigne vj. yeares a halfe By him were expulsed the Danes Scottes Normandes and all foreine enemies out of the land Such Cities and Townes which before were in the possession of strangers as Lyncolne Nottingham Derby Stafforde and Leycetour he recouered out of their hands Thus the realme being cleared of foreine power for a time then the king set his study and mind in the redressing and maintaining the state of the Church which all stoode then in building of Monasteries and furnishing of Churches eyther with newe possessions or with restoring the olde which were taken away before In the time of thys Edmund thys I find in an old written story borowed of W. Cary a citizen of London a worthy treasurer of moste worthy Monuments of antiquitie The name of the author I can not alledge because the booke beareth no title lacking both the beginning and the latter end But the words therof faithfully recited be these Huius regis tempore facta est dispersio Monachorum Eushmensis coenobij cum substitutione Canonicorum per Althelmum Vlricum laicos Osulphum Episcopum c. That is In the time of this King there was a scattering or dispersion made of the Monkes out of the Monastery of Eusham and Canons substituted in theyr place through the doing of Athelmus Ulricus lay men and of Osulfus Byshop c. Where as concerning this matter betwene Monkes and other of the clergie first it is to be vnderstande that in the realme of England heretofore before the time of Dunstane the Byshops seas and cathedrall churches were replenished with no monkes but wyth priestes and canons called then clerks or men of the clergy After this beginneth to rise a difference or a sect betwixt these two parties in straitnesse of life and in habite so that they which liued after a straiter rule of holines were called monkes professed chastitie that was to liue from wiues for so was chastitie then defined in those blinde daies as though holy matrimony were no chastitie according as Paphnutius did well define it in the councel of Nice The other sort whych were no monkes but priests or men of the clergy called liued more free from these monkish rules and obseruances and were then commoÌ„ly or at least lawfully maryed and in theyr life and habite came nearer to the secular sorte of other christians By reason wherof great disdaine emulation was among them in so much that in many Cathedral churches where as priests were before there monks were put in And contrary sometime where as Monkes were intruded there priests and canons againe were placed and monkes thrust out wherof more shal appere here after by the grace of Christ when we come to the lyfe of Dunstane In the meane time something to satisfie the cogitation of the reader which peraduenture either is ignorant or els would know of the first coÌ„ming in of monks into this realme and Church of England in the Saxones time this is to be noted according as I finde in old Chronicles namely in the latine history of Guliel de gestis pontificum Angl. recorded touching the same That about thys time of king Edmund or shortly after when hardnes and straitnesse of life ioyned with superstition was had in veneration and
yeres and halfe til Edwine the eldest sonne came to age This Edrede with great moderation and fidelitie to the young children behaued himselfe during the tyme of his gouernement In his tyme Dunstane was promooted through the means of Odo the Archbishop from Abbot of Glastenbury to be Bishop of Wirceter and after of London By the counsayle of this Dunstane Edrede was much ruled and too much thereto addicted In so much that the sayd Edrede is reported in stories to submit himselfe to much fond penance and castigations inflicted to him of the said Dunstane Such zelous deuotion was then in princes and more blynd superstition in bishops And here agayn is an other miracle as fantasticall as the other before forged of Dunstane That whē that Edrede beyng sicke sent for Dunstane to be hys confessor by the way Dunstane should heare a voyce declaring to him before that Edrede was already departed at the declaring wherof Dunstans horse fel immediately dead vnder hym with lye and all * King Edwine EDwine the eldest sonne of king Edmund afore mētioned after his vncle Edrede began his raigne about the yere of our Lord 955. being crowned at Kingston by Odo the Archbishop of Caunterbury Of this Edwine it is reported of diuers writers that the first day of his coronation sitting with his Lordes brake sodainly from them entred a secrete chamber to the company of a certaine woman whom he inordinately retained being as some say an other mans wife whose husband he had before slayne as other say being of his aliance to the great mislikyng of hys Lordes and especially of the Clergy Dunstane was yet but Abbot of Glastenbury who following the king into the chamber brought him out by the hand and accused him to Odo the Archbishop causing him to be separate from the company of the foresayd partie by the which Odo the king was for his fact suspended out of the Church By reason whereof the king beyng with Dunstane displeased banished him his land forced him for a season to flee to Flanders where he was in the monastery of S. Amandus About the same season the Monasticall order of Benedict Monkes or blacke monkes as they were called began to multiply and encrease here in England In so much that where before tyme other priestes Canons had bene placed there monkes were in their roumes set in and the secular priests as they then were called or Canōs put out But king Edwine for the displeasure he bare to Dunstan did so vexe all the order of the said monkes that in Malmesbury Glastenbury other places mo he thrust out the monkes and set in secular priestes in their stead Notwithstanding it was not long but these priestes and Canons were agayne remooued and the said monkes in their stead restored both in the foresayd houses and in diuers other Churches Cathedrall besides as in the next story of Kyng Edgar Christ willyng shall at more large appeare In fiue kyng Edwine beyng hated by reason of certaine his demeanours of all his subiectes especially the Northumbrians and Mercians was by them remooued from his kingly honour and his brother Edgar in his steade receiued so that the Riuer of Thamis deuided both theyr kingdomes Which Edwine after he had raigned about the terme of foure yeares departed leauing no heyre of hys bodye Wherefore the rule of the lande fell vnto Edgar his younger brother ¶ King Edgar EDgar the second sonne of Edmund and brother to Edwine being of the age of xvj yeares began his raygne ouer the realme of England in the yeare of our Lord 959. but was not crowned till 14. yeares after the causes whereof here vnder follow Christ willing to be declared In the beginning of his raigne he called home Dunstane whome king Edwine before had exiled Then was Dunstane which before was Abbot of Glastenbury made bishop of Worcester then of London Not long after this Odo the Archbishop of Cant. deceaseth after he had gouerned the Church 24. yeares After whom Brithelinus bishop of Winchester first was elected But because he was thought not sufficiēt to furnish the roome Dunstane was ordained Archb. and the other sent home agayne to his old Church Where note by the way how in those dayes the donatiō and assignyng of ecclesiasticall dignities remayned in the kings hand onely they fet their palle frō Rome as a token of the Popes confirmation So Dunstane beyng by the kyng made Archb. tooke hys iourny to Rome for his palle of Pope Iohn the 13. which was about the beginning of the Kings raygne Thus Dunstane obtayning his palle shortly after his returne agayne from Rome entreateth King Edgar that Oswaldus who as is said was made monke at Floriake and was nephew to Odo late bishop of Cant. might bee promooted to the bishoprike of Worcester which thyng to him was granted And not long after through the means of the sayd Dunstane Ethelwoldus whom stories doe fayne to be the great patrone of Monkery first Monke of Glastenbury thē Abbot of Abbendon was also made Bysh. of Winchester Of this Ethelwold Gulielmus libro de gestis pōtificum recordeth that what tyme he was a Monke in the house of Glastenbury the Abbot had a vison of him which was this How that there appeared to him in hys sleepe a certayne great tree the branches wherof extended through out all the foure quarters of the Realme which branches were al couered with many little Monkes coules where in the top of the tree was one great maister coule which in spreading it selfe ouer the other coules inclosed all the rest which maister coule in the tree top myne Authour in the interpretation applyeth to the lyfe of this Ethelwold Of such prodigious fantasies our monkish histories bee full and not onely our histories of England but also the Heathen histories of the Gentiles be stuffed with such kynd of dreames of much like effect Of such a lyke dreame we read of the mother of Ethelstane how the Moone did spring out of her wombe gaue light to all England Also of king Charles the Emperour how he was led by a threed to see the torments of hel Like wise of Furceus the Heremite mentioned in the third booke of Bede who sawe the ioyes of heauen and the 4. fires that should destroy the world the one of lying for breakyng our promise made at Baptism The second fire was of couetous The third of dissention The fourth was of the fire of impietie and wrongfull dealing Item in like sort of the dreame of Dunstane and of the same Ethelwold to whom appeared the three bishops Bristanus Birinus and Swithinus c. Itē of the dreame of the mother of this Ethelwold who beyng great with him did see a golden Egle flee out of her mouth c. Of the dreame likewise or the vision of Kyng Edgar concerning the falling of the two apples and of
the pots one being full of water the other empty c. Also of king Edward the Confessor touching the ruine of the lande by the conquest of the Normands We read also in the history of Astiages how he dreamed of Cyrus And likewise of many other dreames in the bookes of the monkes of the Ethnike writers For what cannot either the idle vanitie of mans head or the deception of the lying spirite worke by man in foreshewing such earthly euentes as happen commonly in this present world But here is a difference to be vnderstood betwene these earthly dreames speaking of earthly things and matters of humaine superstition betwene other spiritual reuelations sent by God touching spirituall matters of the Church pertayning to mans saluation But to our purpose by this dreame and by the euent which followed after it may appeare how by what meanes the multitude of Monkes began first to swarme in the Churches of England that is in the dayes of this Edgar by the meanes of these three Bishops Dunstane Ethelwold and Oswold Albeit Dunstane was the chiefest ring leader of this race yet Ethelwold beyng now Bishop of Winchester Oswald bishop of Worcester were not much behind for their partes By the instigation and counsail of these three aforesaid king Edgar is recorded in histories to build either new out of the ground or to reedifie monasteries decayed by the Danes mo then xl As the house of Ely Glastenbury Abington Burgh by Stamford Thorney Ramsey Wilton Wenton Winchtombe Thamstock in Deuonshire with diuers other moe In the settyng vp and building of the which the foresayde Ethelwold was a great doer and a founder vnder the king Moreouer thorough the motion of this Dunstane and his fellowes kyng Edgar in diuers great houses and Cathedrall Churches where Prebendaries and priestes were before displaced the priests and set in Monkes Whereof we read in the chronicle of Rog. Houeden in wordes and forme as followeth Hic namque Ethelwoldus Regem cuius eximius erat consiliarius ad hoc maximè prouocauit yt clericos à Monasterijs expelleret monachos sanctimonialesque in eis collocaret c. That is Ethelwold bishop of Winchester who was then one of the kings couÌ„saile did vrge the K. chiefly to expel Clerks out of Monasteries and in their rowmes to bestow Monks and Nunnes c. whereunto accordeth likewise Historia Iornalensis containing the like effect in these wordes Hoc anno Ethelwoldus Wint. Oswaldus Wygornensis Episcopi iussu Regis Edgari clericis de quibusdam maioribus Ecclesijs expulsis Monachos instituerunt aut de eisdem clericis alijs monachos in eisdem fecerunt Gulielmus also writing of the tyme of Dunstane maketh the matter somwhat more plain where he sayth Itaque clerici multarum Ecclesiarum data optione vt aut amictum mutarent aut locis valedicerent melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes Surgebant itaque in tota insula religiosorum monasteria cumulabaÌ„tur mole pretiosi metalli sanctorum altaria c. Thus the secular priests being put to their choise whether to chaunge their habite or to leaue theyr roumes departed out of their houses geuing place for other better men to come in Then the houses Monasterics of Religious men through all the Realme went vp apace c. After the kings mynd was thus perswaded and incited by these bishops to aduance Monkery then Oswaldus bishop of Worcester also made Archbishop of Yorke after the decease of Oskitellus sui 〈◊〉 compos effectê° as Houeden writeth hauing his sea in the cathedrall Church there of S. Peter began first with faire perswasions to assay the myndes of the Canons and priests whether they could be content to change their profession and to be made monks or no which when he saw it would not take effect he practised this pollicie with theÌ„ Nere to the said Church of S. Peter within the churchyard he erected an other Church of our Lady which when he had replenished with Monkes there he continually frequented there he kept there he sat and was euer there conuersant By reason whereof the other church was left naked and desolate and all the people gathered there where the bishop was The priests seyng themselues so to be left and neglected both of the Bishop and of the people to whome nothing remayned but shame and contempt were driuen of shame either to relinquish the house such as would not enter the Monkish profession or els to become monkes such as had nothyng els to stay vpon After the like superstition although not after the same subtletie did Ethelwold also driue out the Canons and priests from the new Monastery in Winchester afterward called Hida and placed his monkes So in Oxford and in Mildune with diuers other places moe the secular Priests with their wiues were expelled to geue place to Monkes The cause wherof is thus pretended in certaine story writers whom I see also Fabian to folow for that the priests and Clerkes were thought slack and negligent in their Church seruice and set in Uicares in theyr stead while they liued in pleasure and mispent the patrimony of the Church after their owne lust Then king Edgar gaue to the Uicars the same land which before belonged to the Prebendaries who also not long after shewed themselues as negligent as the other Wherfore king Edgar as mine authors write by the consent of Pope Iohn 13. voyded clerely the priests and ordained there monkes Although certaine of the nobles and some of the Prelates were therewith not well contented as in the chapter following may partly appeare But for so much as we haue entred into the mention of Monkes Nunnes and of their profession which I see so greatly in our Monkish stories commended lest perhaps the simple Reader may be deceiued thereby in hearing the name of monkes in all histories of tymes to be such an ancient thing in Christian life euen froÌ„ the primitiue church after the Apostles tyme both commonly recited and well receiued therfore to helpe the iudgement of the ignorant and to preuent all errour herein it shall not be vnprofitable in followyng the present occasion here geuen by way of a little digression to entermedle somewhat concerning the originall institution of monkes what they were in the old tyme which were called Monachi wherin the monkes of the primitiue tyme did differ from the Monkes of the middle time and from these our Monkes now of this latter age Moreouer wherein all these three do differ from Priests as we call them and froÌ„ men of the clergy Wherfore to aunswer to the superstitious scruple of such which alledge the old antiquitie of the name and title of monks first I graunt the name and order of Monkes to be of old continuance during neare from the tyme of 300. yeares after Christ. Of whom diuers old authors do record as Augustinus Hieronymus Basillus Magnus who was also himself one
they tell vs what ye would vs to do or els we will fall vpon you if ye retaine vs longer Then spake one of the yong men to them bidding thē go and plucke downe yonder walles pointing to certayne high wals there nigh to Rome which they did in a moment The yong men crossing them for feare of the spirites scarse recouering thē selues at length came to their maister And it followeth moreouer in the epistle of the sayd Benno to the Cardinals We haue made mention to you before of diuers colledges of the church of Rome which refused to communicate with him As Leo then Archpriest of the Cardinals Benno Vgobaldus Iohannes the Cardinal Peter Chauncellor and Cardinall beyng all instituted before this Hildebrand These three also beyng consecrated by him that is Natro Innocentius and Leo forsoke him cursing the detestable errours which he held In like case Theodinus whom he constituted Archdeacon and other Cardinals mo Ioannes surnamed Primicerius Petrus oblationarius with all that appertayned vnto them sauing one onely man And now when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him he called vnto him the lay men and made them priuy of his counsail thinking thereby to separate the bishops that they should haue no cōference with the Cardinals After that he called together those bishops and beyng garded with bandes of lay men he enforced the bishops partly for feare and partly for his manacing wordes to sweare vnto him that they should neuer disagre vnto that which he would haue done that they should neuer defend the Kynges quarell and that they should neuer fauour or obey the Pope that should in his stead be instituted Which thing beyng done he sent them by meanes of the Prince of Salernites into Campania and thus did he separate them from the company of the Cardinals from the citie of Rome And not onely the bishops but also the Priests of the citie and clarkes of inferior orders as also the laye men he bound by their othes that at no tyme nor for any cause they should condiscend vnto the king As soone as Pope Alexander was dead which dyed somwhat before night the same day contrary to the Canons he was chosen Pope of the laymen But the Cardinals subscribed not to his election For the Canons prescribe vnder payne of cursing that none should be chosen Pope before the third day after the burial of his predecessours But he by sinister meane thus clyming to the seat remoued the Cardinals of the sayd seat from being of the counsail But with what persons he consulted night day Rome well heard and saw And he now puttyng the Cardinals from hys counsaile his lyfe fayth and doctrine no man could accuse or beare witnesse off where as in the Canons is commaunded that in euery place where so euer the Pope is should be with him iij. Cardinals beyng priests ij Deacons because of his Ecclesiasticall testimony and stile of veritie of whiche Canonical decree looke gentle Reader before He violently wrested the sacred scriptures to couer his falshood which kynd of Idolatry how great it is manifestly throughout all the Scripture it appeareth Contrary to the myndes and counsaile of the Cardinals and besides the determinate order of pronouncing iudgement by the Canons he rashly did excommunicate the Emperour beyng in no Synode solemnly accused before The sentence of which excommunication after rehersal of these presents shal also be manifested Christ willing to the which excommunication saith Benno none of the Cardinals would subscribe As soone as he arose out of hys seate papall to excommunicate the Emperour the same seate beyng made but a little before with big tymber sodainly by the appointment of God was rent and shiuered in pieces so that all men might plainly vnderstand what and how great and terrible schismes that lubber had sowne against the Church of Christ agaynst the seat of S. Peter and how cruelly he had dispersed the chayre of Christ in defilyng the lawes of the Church ruling by might and austeritie in that hys so perillous and presumptuous excommunication In the description of the same excommunication he inserteth those things wherin he himselfe erred when he absolued the Emperour being vniustly excommunicate and the bishops also communicating with him to the vttermost thus cutting mangling the vnitie of the Church and those that communicated with them did as much as in him lay to make two churches Also the same bold merchaunt commaunded that the Cardinals should fast to the intent that God would reueale whose opinion was better eyther of the Church of Rome or of Berengarius touching the controuersie of the Lordes body in the Sacrament And hereby he prooued himselfe to be a manifest Infidell for that in the Nicene Councell it is written he that doubteth is an Infidell Further he sought after a signe to establish his fayth concerning the Article of the Lordes body as did Gregory to confirme the womans fayth when the consecrated bread was transubstantiated into the forme of a fleshly finger He also sent two Cardinals Attones and Cunones vnto Anastasie that with the◠Archpriest of the same Church they should begin a fast of three dayes space And that euery of them euery day during those iij. dayes should say ouer the Psalter sing Masses that Christ would shew vnto them some such like signe of his body as he did to the foresayd Gregory which thing they could not see The Emperour was oftentymes woont to goe to S. Maries church in the mount Auentine to pray Hildebrand when he had by his espials searched out and knew all the doyngs of the Emperour caused the place where the Emperour was accustomed eyther standing or prostrate on his face to pray to be marked and for money he hired a naughty pact like himselfe to gather and lay together a heape of great stones directly ouer the place in the vault of the Church where the Emperour would stande that in throwyng the same downe vpon his head he should slay the Emperour About which purpose as the hireling hasted and was busie remouing to the place a stone of great hugenes waight it broke the planke whereon it lay and the hirelyng standyng thereupon both together fell downe from the roofe to the pauement of the church and with the same stone was dasht all in pieces And after the Romaines had vnderstanding of the handlyng of this matter they fastened a rope to one of the feete of this hire lyng and caused him to bee drawen through the streetes of the Citie three dayes together in example of others The Emperour notwithstanding according to his woonted clemencie caused hym to be buried Iohannes the bishop of Portua beyng one of the secret coūsail of Hildebrand came vp into the pulpit of S. Peter amongst other things in the hearing both of the Clergy and people sayd Hildebrand and we haue committed such a fact and so
de Ou. F. Louel S de Troys I. de Artel Iohn de Montebrugg H. de Mounteserel W. Trussebut W. Trussel H. Byset R. Basset R. Molet H. Malouile G. Bonet P. de Bonuile S. de Rouile N. de Norbec I. de Corneux P. de Corbet W. de Mountague S. de Mounfychet I. de Geneuyle H. Gyffard I. de Say T. Gilbard R. de Chalons S. de Chauward H. Feret Hugo Pepard I. de Harecourt H. de Haunsard I. de Lamare P. de Mautreuers G. de Ferron R. de Ferrers I. de Desty W. de Werders H de Borneuyle Iâ—de Saintenys S. de Seucler R. de Gorges E. de Gemere W. de Feus S. de Filberd H. de Turberuyle R. Troblenuer R. de Angon T. de Morer T. de Roteler H. de Spencer R. de Saintpuinten I. de Saint Martin G. de Custan Saint Constantin Saint Leger Saint Med. M. de Cronu de S. Viger S. de Crayel R. de Crenker N. Meyuell I. de Berners S. de Chumli E. de Charers I. de Grey W. de Grangers S de Grangers S. Raubenyn H. Vamgers E. Bertram R. Bygot S. Treoly I. Trigos G. de Feues H. Filiot R. Taperyn S. Talbot H. Santsauer T. de Samford G. de Vandien C. de Vautort G. de Mountague Tho. de Chambernon S. de Montfort R. de Ferneuaux W. de Valence T. Clarel S. de Cleruaus P. de Aubermarle H de Saint Aruant E. de Auganuteys S. de Gant G. de Malearbe H. Mandut W. de Chesun L. de Chandut R Filz vrs B. viconte de Low G. de Cantemere T. de Cantlow R. Breaunce T. de Broxeboof S de Bolebec B Mol de boef I. de Muelis R de Brus. S de Brewes I. de Lylle T. de Bellyle I. de Wateruile G. de Neuyle R. de Neuburgh H. de Burgoyne G de Bourgh S. de Lymoges L de Lyben W. de Helyoun H. de Hildrebron R de Loges S. de Seintlow I de Maubank P. de Saint Malow R. de Leoferne I. de Louotot G. de Dabbeuyle H. de Appetot W. de Percy H. de Lacy G de Quincy E Tracy R de la Souche V. de Somery I. de Saint Iohn T. de Saint Gory P. de Boyly R de Saint Valery P. de Pinkeni S. de Pauely G. de Monthaut T. de Mountchesy R. de Lymozy G. de Lucy I. de Artoys N de Arty P de Grenuyle I. de Greys V. de Cresty F de Courcy T. de Lamar H. de Lymastz I de Monbray G. de Morley S de Gorney R. de Courtenay P. de Gourney R. de Cony I. de la Huse R. de la Huse V de Longeuyle P. Longespye I. Pouchardon R. de la Pomercy I. de Pountz R. de Pontlarge R. Estraunge Tho. Sauage A little aboue mention was made of the Bishops sea of Shireborne translated from thence to Salisbury The first bishop of Salisbury was Hermannus Normand who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury After whom succeded OsmuÌ„dus who finished the worke and replenished the house with great liuing much good singing This Osmundus first began the ordinarie which was called Secundum vsum Sarum an 1076. The occasion whereof was this as I find in an old story booke intituled Eulogium a great contention chanced at Glastenbury betwene Thurstanus the Abbot and his couent in the days of William Conqueror which Thurstanus the sayd William had brought out of Normandy froÌ„ the Abbey of Cadonum and placed him Abbot of Glastenbury The cause of this coÌ„tentious battaile was for that Thurstanus conteinning their Quier seruice then called the vse of S. Bregory coÌ„pelled his monkes to the vse of one WilliaÌ„ a monk of Fiscam in Normandy Wherupon came strife contentions amongst them first in wordes then from words to blowes after blowes then to armor The Abbot with his gard of harnest men fell vpon the monkes draue them to the steps of the high aulter where ii were slayne viii were wounded with shafts swords pikes The monkes then driuen to such a straight narow shift were compelled to defend themselues with fourmes and candlestickes wherwith they did wound certain of the souldiours One monke there was an aged man who in stead of his shield tooke an Image of the Crucifice in his armes for hys defence which image was wouÌ„ded in the brest by one of the bowe men wherby the Monke was saued My story addeth more that the striker incontinent vpon the same fell mad which sauoreth of some monkish addition besides the text This matter being brought before the king the Abbot was sent agayne to Cadonius and the monks by the commaundement of the king were scattered in farre countreys Thus by the occasion hereof Osmundus bishop of Salisbury deuised that ordinary which is called the vse of Sarum and was afterward receiued in a maner through all England Ireland and Wales And thus much for this matter done in the time of this king William Which William after his death by his wife Matildis or Maulde left iii. sonnes Robert Courtley to whom he gaue the Duchie of Normandy William Rufus his secoÌ„d sonne to whom he gaue the kingdome of England And Henry the third sonne to whom he left and gaue treasor and warned William to be to his people louing liberall Robert to be to his people sterne and sturdy In the history called Iornalensis is reported of a certain great man who about this tyme of kyng William was compassed about with Mise and Rattes and flying to the middest of a Riuer yet when that would not serue came to the land agayne and was of them deuoured The Bermaines say that this was a Byshop who dwellyng betwene Colen and Mentz in tyme of famine and dearth hauyng store of corne and grayne would not helpe the pouertie crying to hym for reliefe but rather wyshed hys corne to be eaten of Myse and Rattes Wherefore beyng compassed with Mise and Rattes by the iust iudgement of God to auoyd the annoiance of them he builded a tower in middest of the Riuer of Rheine which yet to this day the Dutchmen call Rattes tower but all that would not helpe for the Rattes and Myse swamme ouer to hym in as great aboundaunce as they did before Of whome at length he was deuoured William Rufus William Rufus the second sonne of William CoÌ„querour beganne his raigue an 1088. And raigned 13. yeares beyng crowned at Westminster by Lanfrancus who after his coronation released out of prison by the request of his father diuers of the English Lords which before had bene in custody It chaunced that at the death of William Conquerour Robert Courtsey his eldest sonne was absent in Almany Who hearing of the death of hys father and how William his yonger brother had taken vpon him the kingdome was therwith greatly amoued in so much that he laid his dukedome to pledge vnto his brother Henry and with that good gathered
vnto him an army and so landed at Hampton to the intent to haue expulsed his brother from the kyngdom But William Rufus hearing thereof sent to him sayre and gentle wordes promising him deditiō and subiection as to the more worthy and elder brother this thing onely requiring that seeyng he was now in place and possession he might enioy it during his life paying to him yerely iii. thousand markes with condition that which of them ouerlyued the other should enioy the kingdome The occasion of this variance betwene these brethren wrought a great dissentiō among the Normaine Lordes and Bishops both in England in Normandy In so much that all the Normain bishops within the realm almost rebelled against the king takyng part with Duke Robert except onely Lanfrancus and Wolstane Bishop of Worcester aboue mentioned an English man who for his vertue and constancie was so wel liked and fauoured of his citizens that emboldned wyth his presence prayer they stoutly maintained the City of Worcester agaynst the siege of their enemies at last vanquished them wyth vtter ruine But Duke Robert at length by the aduise of his counsaile hearing the wordes sent vnto him and wagging his dead thereat as one conceiuing some matter of doubt or doublenes was yet content to assent to all that was desired so returned shortly after into Normandy leauing the bishops and such other in the briers which were in England taking his part against the kyng This Rufus was so ill liked of the Normaines that betwene him and his Lords was oft dissention Wherfore well nere all the Normains tooke part agaynst him so that he was forced of necessitie to drawe to hym the Englishe men Agayne so couetous he was and so unmeasurable in his taskes and takings in selling benefites Abbeys and Bishoprickes that he was hated of all English men In the third yere of this king died Lancfrancus Archbishop of Cant. from whose commendation and worthines as I list not to detract any thing being so greatly magnified of Polidorus his countreyman so neyther doe I see any great cause why to adde any thing therunto This I thinke vnlesse that man had brought with him lesse superstition and more sincere science into Christes Church he might haue kept him in his countrey still haue confuted Berengarius at home After the decease of Lanfranke the sea of Cant. stoode emptie iiii yeares After the counsaile of Lancfrancus aboue mentioned wherin was concluded for translating of Bishops seas from villages into head cities Remigius bishop of Dorchester who as ye heard accompanied Lancfrancus vnto Rome remooued his Bishops sea from Dorchester vnto Lincolne where he builded the minster there situate vpon an hill within the sayd citie of Lincoln The dedication of which church Robert Archbishop of Yorke did resist saying that it was builded within the ground of his precinct But after it had his Romish dedication by Robert Blocet next bishop that followed By the same Remigius also was sounded the cloister or monastery of Stow c. In the iiii yeare of this king great tempest fell in sondry places of England specially at Winchcombe where the steeple was burned with lightning the Church walle brast through the head and right leg of the Crucifixe with the Image of our Lady on the right side of the Crucifixe throwen downe and such a stench left in the Church that none might abide it At London the force of the weather tempest ouerturned vi hundreth houses In which tempest the roofe of Bowe church was whurled vp in the wind and by the vehemence thereof was pitched downe a great deepenes into the ground King William as ye heard an exceding piller or rauener rather of Church goods after he had geuen the Bishoprike of Lincolne to his Chauncellor Robert Bleuet aboue minded began to cauil auouching the sea of Lincoln to belong to the sea of Yorke till the Bishop of Lincolne had pleased him with a great summe of money of v. thousand markes c. And as nothing could come in those dayes without mony from the king so Herbert Lolinga paying to the kyng a peece of money was made bishop of Thetford as he had payd a little before to be Abbot of Ramesey who likewise the same time remouing his sea from Thetford to the Citie of Norwich there erected the Cathedrall Church with the cloister in the said citie of Norwith where he furnished the Monkes with sufficient liuing and rentes of his owne charges besides the Bishops landes Afterward repentyng of his open and manifest simonie he went to Rome where he resigned vnto the Popes hands his bishoprike but so that incontinēt he receiued it againe This Herbert was the sonne of an Abbot called Robert for whō he purchased of the king to be bishop of Winchester wherof runneth these verses Filius est praeful pater Abba Simon vterque Quid non speremus si nummos possideamus Omnia nummus habet quod vultfacit addit aufert Res nimis iniusta nummus fit praeful Abba c. Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrād after the tyme of which Hildebrand the Germain Emperors began to loose their authoritie and right in the Popes electiō and in geuing of benefices For next after this Hildebrand came Pope Victor by the setting vp of Matilda and the Duke of Normandy with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand who likewise shewed himselfe stout against the emperor But God gaue the shrewd Low short hornes For Victor beyng poysoned as some say in his chalice late but one yeare and a halfe Notwithstanding the same imitation and example of Hildebrand continued still in thē that followed after And like as the kings of Israel folowed most part the steps of Ieroboam till the tyme of theyr desolation so for the greatest sort all Popes followed the steps and proceedings of this Hildebrand their spirituall Ieroboam in maintaining fals worship and chiefly in vpholding the dignitie of the sea against all rightfull authoritie and the lawful kingdom of Sion In the time of this Victor began the order of the Monkes of Charterhouse through the meanes of one Hugo bishop of Gracionople and of Bruno bishop of Colen Next to Victor sate Urbanus the ii by whom the acts of Hildebrand were confirmed also new decrees enacted against Henricus the Emperour In this time were two Popes at Rome Urbanus and Clemens iii. whome the Emperor set vp Under Pope Urbane came in the white Monkes of Cistercian order by one Stephen Harding a monke of Shireborne an Englishman by whom this order had his beginning in the wildernes of Cistery within the prouince of Burgoyne as witnesseth Cestrensis Other write that this Harding was the ij Abbot of that place that it was first founded by the meanes of one Robert Abbot of Molisine in Cistercium a Forest in Burgundy an 1098.
Anselmus certain bishops to moue and prooue his mynd declaring what charges and paynes the kyng had bene at in his behalfe to procure the pall for hym from Rome which otherwyse would haue stood him in great expences and that all this the king hath done for his sake Wherfore it were good reason and conueniēt that he to gratifie the king should something condescend to his request againe But with all this Anselme the stoute Archbishop would not be moued wherefore the kyng seeyng none other remedy was compelled to graunt vnto him the full right of his Archbishoprike And so the day apointed when the palle should be brought to Canterbury being caried with all solemnitie in a thing of siluer the Archbishop with a great concourse of people came forth barefoot with his priestly vestiments after a most goodly maner to meete the same And so beyng brought in was layd vppon the aulter whilest Anselme spreading ouer hys shoulders his popish vestiments proceeded vnto his popish masse Thus agreement beyng made betwene the kyng and the bishop so long as it would hold It happened the yere following the kyng with his army entred into Wales to subdue such as there rebelled against him After the victory gotten the king returned home agayne with triumph To whom Anselme thought to haue come to congratulate his prosperous successe But the king preuented hym by messengers laying to the bishops charge both the smal number euil seruice of his souldiours sent to him at hys need At the hearing hereof all the hope of Anselme was dasht who at the same present had thought to haue obtayned done many great matters with the king touching the state of the Church But here all turned contrary to his expectation In so much that he was charged against the next court of parliament to make his aunswer But he auoided that by appealing to Rome Wherfore he made his sute and friendes to the king for lisence to go to the Pope Unto the which sute the king aunswered agayne that he should not go neither was there any cause for him so to do for that both he knew him to be of so sound a lyfe that he had done no such offence where of hee needed to craue absolution at Rome neither was there any such lacke of science knowledge that he neded to borrow any counsel there In so much sayth the kyng that I dare say Pope Urbane rather hath to geue place to the wysedome of Anselme then Anselme to haue neede of Urbane Wherefore as he hath no cause to goe so I charge hym to tary And if he continue in his stubburnnes still I wil assuredly season vpon his possessions and conuert his Archbishoprike vnto my cofers for that he transgresseth and breaketh hys fidelitie and obessaunce promising before to obserue all the customes of my kyngdome Neyther is it the fashion in this Realme that any of my Nobles should goe to Rome without my sending And therefore let him sweare vnto me that he shall neyther for any greuance appeale hereafter to the sea of Rome or els let him voyde my realme Against these wordes of the king Anselme thinkyng not best to reply agayne by any Message but by worde of mouth comming himselfe personally to the kyng placeth himselfe after his order on the right hand of the Prince where he made his reply vnto the message sent to hym by the kyng Where as ye say I ought not to goe to Rome either for lacke of any trespasse or for aboundance of counsaile and knowledge in me albeit I graunt to neither of them as true yet what the truth is therein I referre it to the iudgement of God And whereas ye say that I promised to kepe and obserue your customes that I graunt but with a condition so farre to keepe them and such of them to obserue as were consonant to the lawes of God ruled with right and equitie Moreouer whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and allegeance for that contrary to your customes I appeale to the Sea Apostolicke my reuerence and dutie to your soueraigntie reserued if an other would say it that is vntrue For the fidelitie and obeisaunce that I owe to thee O King I haue it of the faith and fidelitie of God whose Vicare S. Peter is to whose seat I do appeale Farther whereas ye require me to sweare that I shal for no cause hereafter at any time appeale to Rome I pronoūce openly that a christian Prince requireth such an othe of his Archbishop vniustly For if I should forsweare S. Peter I should denye Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ then shall I be content and ready to stand to my satisfaction of my transgression to you for asking license to goe to Rome And peraduenture when I am gone the goodes of the Churche shall not so serue your temporal desires and commodities as ye wene for At these wordes of the Bishop the king and his nobles were not a little incensed defending againe that in obseruing the kinges customes there was neither condition nor any clause put in either of God or right No was sayde Anselme If so be that in your customes was neither mention made of God nor of right whereof was there mention then For God forbid that any Christian shoulde be bound to any customes which goe contrary to God and to right Thus on both sides passed much altercation betwene thē At length the king after many threatning wordes tolde him he should cary nothing out of the realme with him Well sayde the Bishop if I may neyther haue my horse nor garmentes with me then will I walke on foote And so addressed him toward his iourney all the other bishops forsaking him wherof none would take his part but if he came to them for their counsaile they sayd he was wise inough and needed not their counsaile as who for his prudence knewe best what was to be done as also for his holines was willing and able to prosecute the same that he did know As for them they neither durst nor wold stand against the king their Lord whose fauour they could not lacke for the peril that might happen both to thēselues and to their kinrede But for him because he was both a stranger and void of such wordly corruption in him they willed him to goe forwarde as he had begon their secrete consent he shoulde haue but their open voice they woulde not geue him Thus Anselmus remaining at Douer 15. daies tarying for winde at last sped him towarde his passage But his packing being secretly knowen in the court the kings officer William Warlwast preuented hys purpose searching by the kings commaundement al his trusses coffers satchels sleeues purse napkin and bosome for letters and for mony and so let him passe Who sailing into Fraunce first rested a while at Lions from thence came to Rome to complaine to Pope
when the Archdeacon would amende this thing they vtterly despised with wicked pride his warning and worthy commaÌ„dement to be receiued Then he calling together many religious men and obedient Priestes excommunicated worthely the proud disobedient that beastly despised the curse and were not afraid to defile the holy Ministerie as much as lay in them c. Unto these letters aboue prefixed I haue also adioyned an order of the sayde Anselmus touching a great case of conscience of a Monkes whipping of himself Wherein may appeare both the blind and lameÌ„table superstition of those religious men and the iudgement of this Anselmus in the same matter An other letter of Anselmus Anselmus Archbishop to Bernard Monke of the Abbey of S. Warburg greeting and prayer I Heard it sayde of your Lorde Abbot that thou iudgest it to be of greater merite when a Monke either beareth himselfe or desireth himselfe to be beaten of an other then when hee is beaten not of his owne will in the chapter by the commaundement of the prelacie But it is not so as you thinke For that iudgement that any man commaundeth to himselfe is kingly But that which he suffreth by obedience in the chapter is Monkish The one is of his owne will the other is of obedience and not of hys owne will That which I cal kingly kings rich proud men coÌ„maÌ„d to be done to themselues But that which I call moÌ„kish they take not commaunding but obeying The kingly is so much easier by how much it agreeth to the will of the sufferer But the monkish is so much the grieuouser by how much it differeth froÌ„ the wil of the sufferer In the kingly iudgement the sufferer is iudged to be his own In the monkish he is proued not to be his own For although the king or riche man when he is beaten willingly sheweth himselfe humbly to be a sinner yet he woulde not submit himselfe to this humblenesse at any other commaundement but would withstand the commander with all his strength But when a Monke submitteth himselfe to the whippes humbly in the chapter at the wil of the prelate the truth iudgeth him to be of so much greater merite by howe much he humbleth himselfe more and more truely then the other For he humbleth himselfe to God only because he knoweth his sinnes But this man humbleth himself to man for obedience But he is more lowly that humbleth himselfe both to God and man for Gods cause then he which humbleth himselfe to God only and not to Gods commandement Therfore if he that humbleth himselfe shall be extolled Ergo he that more humbleth himselfe shall be more exalted And where I sayde that when a monke is whipped that it differeth from his wil you must not so vnderstande it as though he woulde not paciently beare it with an obedient wil but because by a natural appetite he would not suffer the sorrow But if ye say I do not so much flie the open beating for the paines which I fele also secretly as for the shame know then that he is stronger that reioyceth to beare this for obedieÌ„ce sake Therfore be thou sure that one whipping of a monke by obedience is of more merite then innumerable whippings taken by his owne minde But where as he is such that alwaies he ought to haue his heart ready without murmuring obediently to be whipped we ought to iudge him then to be of a great merite whether he be whipped priuily or openly c. And thus much concerning Anselmus archb of Cant. whose stout example gaue no litle courage to Thurstinus and Becket his successors and other that folowed after to doe the like against their kings and princes as in processe hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appeare About this time An. 1105. two famous Archbishops of Mentz being right vertuous and wel disposed Prelates were cruelly and tirannously delt withall and intreated by the B. of Rome Their names were Darry and Christian This Darry hauing intelligence that he was complained of to the pope sent a learned man a special frend of his to excuse him named Arnolde one for whome he had much done and promoted to great liuing and promotioÌ„s But this honest maÌ„ Arnold in steede of an excuser became an accuser bribing the two chiefest Cardinalles with good gold by which meanes he obtained of the Pope those two Cardinals to be sent as inquisitors and only doers in that present case The which comming to Germany somoned the sayd Henry and deposed him of his Archbyshoppricke for all he could doe either by lawe or iustice substituting in his place the foresaid Arnolde vpon hope truely of the ecclesiastical gold Whereupon that vertuous honorable Henry as the storie telleth spake vnto those his peruerse iudges on this wise If I shuld appeale vnto the Apostolik see for this your vniust proces had against me perhaps the pope wold attempt nothing any more therein then ye haue neither should I win any thing by it but only royle of body losse of good affliction of mind care of heart missing of his fauour Wherfore I do appeale to the Lord Iesus Christ as to the most highest iust iudge and cite you before his iudgement there to answere me before the high iudge For neither iustly nor godly but by corruption as it pleaseth you you haue iudged Whereunto they scoffingly answered Go you first and we wil folow Not long after as the storie is the saide Darry died whereof the 2. Cardinals hauing intelligence sayd one to the other testingly behold he is goue before and we must follow according to our promise and verely they sayde truer then they were aware off for win a while they died in one day For the one sitting vpon a â—akes to ease himselfe voyded out all his intrails into the draught and miserably ended his life The other gnawing of the fingers off his handes and spitting them out of his mouth al deformed in deuouring himself died And in likewise not long after the ende of these men the foresaid Arnold most horribly in a sedition was slaine and certaine daies lying stinking aboue the grouÌ„d vnburied was open to the spoyle of euery rascall harlot The Hystoriographer in declaring hereof crieth vpon the cardinals in this maner O ye Cardinals ye are the beginning and authors hereof Come ye hether therefore come ye hether and heape and cary vnto your couÌ„tries the deuil and offer yourselues to him with that money whereof ye haue bene most gluttonous and insatiable About the same time and yeare when king Henry began his raigne Pope Paschalis entered his papacie succeding after Urbanus about the yeare of the Lorde 1100 nothing swaruing from the steps of Hildebrand his superiour This Paschalis being elected by the Cardinals after that the people had cried thrise S. Peter hath chosen good Raynerus He than putting on a purple vesture atice vpon his head
life commeth therof Also of the vnconsiderate promotion of euill Prelates and of their great negligence in correcting and reformyng the euill demeanour of the people Item of the great wantonnes lasciuiousnes in their seruauts and families concerning their excessiue wearing of apparell Item complaineth also of the outragious and excessiue gaynes that Prelates and other vnder them take for their seale especially of officials scribes such like which geue out the seale they care not how nor wherfore so they may gayne money He complaineth in like maner that prelates be so slack and negligent in looking to the resideÌ„ts in their benefices Farther lamenteth for the rash geuing of benefices to parlons vicars and curates not for any godlines or learning in them but for fauour or friendship or intercession either els for hope of some gayne whereof springeth this great ignorance in the Church After this he noteth in prelates how they wast and expend the goods of the church in supersluities or vpon theyr kinsfolke or other worse wayes which should rather be spent vpon the poore Nextly in the x. chapter he coÌ„plaineth for that through the negligence of men of the church especially of the church of Rome the bookes and monuments of the old Councels also of the new are not to be found which should be reserued and kept in all cathedrall Churches Item that many prelates be so cold in doing their duties Also reprocheth the vnchast and voluptuous demeanor of Ecclesiasticall persons by the example of Storkes whose nature is saith he that if any of their company leauyng his owne mate ioyneth with any other all the rest flieth vpon him whether it be he or she beateth hym and plucketh his fethers off what then sayth he ought good prelates to do to such a person of their company whose filthinesse and corrupt life both defileth so many and stinketh in the whole Church Againe forasmuch as we read in the booke of Esdras lib 2. cap 9 that he purging Israel of strange womeÌ„ began first with the priestes So now likewise in the purging correcting of all sortes of men first the purgation ought to begin with these according as it is written by the prophet Ezechiel Begin first with my sanctuary c. Moreouer how that in the tyme of Phillip kyng of Fraunce the whole Realme was interdited for that the kyng had but one woman in stead of his wife which was not his wife by law And againe â—eyng in these our dayes the king of Portingale hath bene sequestred from his dominion by the authoritie of the church being thought not sufficient to gouerne what then ought to bee sayd to that Prelate which abuseth other mens wiues virgines and Nunnes which also is found vnable insufficient to take vpon him the charge of soules About the yeare of our Lord 1128. the orders of the knights of the Rhodes called Joannites also the order of Templars rose vp After Honorius next in the same vsurpation succeded Pope Innocentius 2. an 1130. But as it was with hys predecessours before hym that at euery mutation of newe Popes came new perturbations and commonly neuer a Pope was elected but some other was set vp against him sometymes 2. sometymes 3. Popes togethey so likewise it happened with this Innocentius for after he was chosen the Romains elected another pope named Anacletus Betwixt these two Popes was much ado and great conflicts through the partaking of Rogerius Duke of Sicile takyng Anacletus part agaynst Innocentius vntil Locharius the Emperour came who rescuing Innocentius droue Rogerius out of Italy Our stories recorde that king Henry was one of the great helpes in setting vp and maintayning this Pope Innocentius against Anacletus Gisburnens Amongst many other things this Pope decreed that whosoeuer did strike a Priest or Clerke beyng shauen he should be excommunicate and not to be absolued but only of the Pope himselfe About the tyme of doyng of these thynges beyng the yeare of our Lord 1135. king Henry being in Normandy as some say by taking there a fall froÌ„ his horse as other say by taking a surfet in eating Lampries fell sicke died after he had raigned ouer the realme of England 35. yeres and odde monethes leauyng for his heyres Matilde the Empresse his daughter with her young sonne Henry to succeed after hym to whom all the Prelates and Nobilitie of the Realme were sworne But contrary to their oth made to Molde in the presence of her father before William the Archbishop of Cant. and the nobles of the realme crowned Stephen Erle of Boloyne and sisters sonne to king Henry vpon S. Stephens day in Christmas weeke Which Archbishop the next yeare after dyed beyng as it was thought iustly punished for his periury And many other lordes which did accordingly went not quite without punishment In like iustice of punishmeÌ„t is numbred also Roger bishop of Salisbury who contrary to his othe beyng a great doer in the coronation of Stephen was apprehended of the same kyng and miserably but iustly extermined A certaine written English story I haue which addeth more and faith that king Stephen hauing many foes in diuers quarters kepyng there holdes and castels agaynst him went then to Oxford tooke the Bishop of Salisbury and put a rope about his necke so led him to the castle of Uice that was his and commanded them to render vp the castle or he would slay and hang their Bishop Which Castle beyng geuen vp the kyng tooke the spoyle thereof The like also he did to the Bishop of Lyncolne named Alexander whom in lyke maner he led in a rope to a Castle of the Bishops that was vpon Trent and bad them deliuer vp the Castle or els he would hang their Lord before the gate Long it was before the castle was geuen vp yet at length the king obtaining it there entred and tooke all the treasure of the Bishop c. Roger Houeden Fabian alleagyng a certayne olde Authors whom I cannot finde referreth a great cause of this periury to one Hugh Bigot Steward sometyme with king Henry Who immediatly after the death of the sayd Henry came into England and before the sayd Archbishop and other Lordes of the land tooke wilfully an othe and sware that he was present a little before the kings death when king Henry admitted for his heyre to be king after him Stephen his nephew for so much as Molde his daughter had discontented him Wherunto the Archbishop with the other Lordes gaue to hasty credence But this Hugh sayth he escaped not vnpunished for he dyed miserably in a short tyme after Ex Fabia Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wroght not without the practise of Henry bishop of Winchester other Prelates by his settyng on which Henry was brother to King Stephen c. King Stephen THus when king Stephen contrary to his oth
mentioned it appeareth by their writings whereof I will recite some of their words which towardes the end be these Quis enim est solus ille peregrinus qui condemnationem haereticoruÌ„ Valdensium ignoret a longe retro annis factam tam famosam taÌ„ publicam tot tantis laboribus expensis sudoribus fidelium insecutam tot mortibus ipsorum infidelium solemniter damnatorum publiceque punitorum tam fortiter sigillatam c. That is Who is such a straunger that knoweth not the condemnation of Ualdenses the heretickes done and past so many yeres ago so famous so publick followed vpon so great labours expences and trauayle of the faythfull and sealed with so many deathes of these Infidelles so solemnelye being condemned and openlye punished Whereby we may see persecution to be no newe thing in the Churche of Christe when Antechrist so long before euen 300. yeares began to rage agaynst these UaldeÌ„ses In Bohemia likewise after that the same called by the name of Thaborites as Siluius recordeth suffred no little trouble But neuer persecution was stirred vp against them or any other people more terrible then was in these latter yeares in Fraunce by the French king an 1545. which lamentable story is described in Sleidan and hereafter in the proces of this booke as we come to the order of yeares shall be set forth by the grace of Christ more at large In the which persecution is declared in one towne Cabriera to be slayne by the Captayne of Sathan Minerius eight huÌ„dred persons at once without respect of women or children of any age Of whome 40. women and most of them great with childe thrust into a barne and the windowes kept with pikes and so fire set to them were all consumed Besides in a caue not farre from the towne Mussium to the number of xxv persons with smoke and fire were the same time destroyed At Merindolum the same tyraunt seing all the rest were fled away finding one yong man caused him to be tyed to an Oliue tree to be destroyed with tormentes most cruelly with much other persecution as may appeare hereafter in the history translated out of Sleidan into English But to returne agayne to higher times from whence we digressed Besides that Rinerius aboue mentioned speaketh of one in the towne of Cheron a glouer which was brought in this time to examinatioÌ„ suffred There is also an olde Monument of proces wherein appeareth 443. brought to examinatioÌ„ in Pomerania Marchia and places there about about the yeare of our Lord 1391. And thus much touching the originall doctrine and the lamentable persecutions of the Ualdenses who as is declared first began about the time of this king Henry the second Other incidences happening in the raigne of this Henry the second COncerning the first origine of WaldeÌ„ses springing in the daies of this king is sufficiently hetherto declared Now remayneth in like order of time to story also such other incidencies as chaunced vnder the raigne of the sayd king not vnworthy to be obserued keeping the order of yâ— time so neare as we may as authors do geue vnto vs. Mary the daughter of king Stephen being the Abbes of Ramessey was maryed in this kinges dayes to Mathew Earle of Bolon which maryage Thomas Becket did worke agaynst and did dissolue by reason whereof he procured him great displeasure with the sayd Earle c. an 1161. Ex Chronico Bibliothecae Cariensis The same yeare a certayne childe was crucified of the Iewes in the towne of Glocester an 1161. Iornalens After the same maner the wicked Iewes had crucified an other child befoâ—e in the City of Norwich in the dayes of Kyng Stephen an 1145. A collection was gathered through all England and Fraunce two pence of euery pound for the succour of the East Christians agaynst the Turkes an 1167. Ex eodem Babilon was taken and destroyed and neuer since repayred by Almaricus king of Hierusalem an 1170. Ex vetusto manuscripto exemplari historiae Cariensis An. 1173. almost all England was diseased with the cough Ex vetusto Chron. acephalo About which yeare also William king of Scots was taken in battayle and imprisoned in England Great warre happened in Palestina wherein the City of Ierusalem with the crosse and the king of the City other of the temple was taken of the Sarasines and most part of the Christians there either slayne or taken Cruell murther and slaughter there was vsed by the Turke who caused all the chief of the ChristiaÌ„s to be brought forth and beheaded before his face In so much that Pope Urbanus the iii. for sorrow dyed Gregory the viii next pope after him liued not 2 monethes TheÌ„ in the dayes of pope Clement iii. newes and sorrow growing dayly for the losse of Palestina and destruction of the Christians K. Henry of England Phillip the french king the duke of Burgundy the Earle of Flaunders the Earle of Campania with diuers other Christian Princes with a generall consent vpon S. Georges day tooke the marke of the crosse vpon theÌ„ promising together to take their voyage into the holy land At which tyme the storyes say the king of England receiued first the redde crosse the French king tooke the white crosse the Earle of Flaunders the greene crosse so other princes diuersly diuers coulors therby to be discerned euery one by his proper crosse But king Henry after the three yeres were expired in which he promised to performe his voyage sent to the Pope for further delay of his promise offering for the same to erect three Monasteries Which thing he thus performed In the Church of Waltham he thrust out the seculer Priestes and set in Monkes for them Secondly he repayred agayne brought in the Nunnes of Amesbury which before were excluded for theyr incontinent life And thus performed he his promise made before to the Pope an 1173. The king of Scots did his homage and alleageauÌ„ce to the King of England and to his sonne and to his chiefe Lordes promising that all the Earles and BaroÌ„s of scotland should do the like with theyr posterity Item all the Byshops and Abbots of the Church of Scotland promised subiection and submission to the Archbishop of Yorke an 1175. Nic. Triuet The custome was in this realme that if any had killed any Clerke or Priest he was not to be punished with the temporall sword but onely excommunicate seÌ„t to Rome for the Popes grace and absolution Which custome in the dayes of this king began first to be altered by the procurement of Richard Archbishop of Caunterbury an 1176. Triuet London bridge first began to be made of stone by one Peter Priest of Colechurch an 1176. Ex Chron. cuius initiuÌ„ In diebus sanctis regis Edouardi c. ex Bibliot Cariensi S. William of Paris was slain of the Iewes on
to Northhampton where he held his Parliament saluting him sayd they came from the Pope of Rome to reforme that peace of holy church And first sayd they we monish you in the popes behalfe that ye make full restitution of the goods of the land that ye haue rauished holy church of and that ye receiue Stephen the Archb◠of Cant. into his dignity and Prior of Cant. and his monkes And that ye yelde agayne vnto the Archb. all his landes and rentes without any withholding And sir yet moreouer that ye shall make such restitution to them as the Church shall thinkk sufficient Then aunswered the K. as touching the Prior and his Monkes of Cant. all that ye haue said I would gladly do and all thing els that ye would ordaine but as touching the Archb. I shall tell you as it lieth in my hart Let the Archbishop leaue his bishopricke and if the pope then shal entreat for him peraduenture I may like to geue him some other bishopricke in England And vpon this condition I will receiue and admit him Then sayd Pandulph vnto the K. holy Church was wont neuer to disgrade Archb. without cause reasonable but euer she was wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her What how now quoth the K. threaten ye me Nay sayd Pandolph but ye haue now opēly told vs as it standeth in your hart and now we will tell you what is the popes will and thus it standeth He hath wholy interdicted cursed you for the wrongs ye haue done to the holye church and to the Clergy And forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice and will come to no amendement ye shall vnderstand that from this time forward the sentences vpon you geuen haue force and strength And all those that with you haue commoned before this time whether that they be Earles Barons or Knightes or any other whatsoeuer they be we assoyle them safely from their sins vnto this day And from this time forward of what condition soeuer they be we accurse them openly and specially by this our sentence that do with you common And we assoyle moreouer Earles Barons knightes and all other maner of men of theyr homages seruice and sealties that they should do vnto you And this thing to confirme we geue playne power to the B. of Winchester and to the B. of Norwich And the same power we geue agaynst Scotland to the B. of Rochester of Salisbury And in Wales we geue the same power to the Bishops of S. Dauid and of Landaffe and of S. Asse Also Sir K. quoth Pandolph all the kinges princes and the great Dukes christened haue labored to the pope to haue licence to crosse themselues and to warre agaynst thee as vpon Gods enemy and winne thy lande and to make K. whom it pleaseth the pope And we here now assoile all those of their sinnes that will arise agaynst thee here in thine owne land Then the K. hearing this answered What shame may ye do more to me then this Pandolph agayne we say to you in verbo Dei that neither you nor any heir that you haue after this day shall be crowned So the king sayd by him that is almighty God if I had known of this thing before ye came into this lād and that he had brought me such newes I should haue made you tary out these xii monthes Then aunswered Pandolph Full well we thought at our first comming that ye would haue bene obedient to God and to holy church haue fulfilled the popes commaundement which we haue shewed and pronounced to you as we were charged therewith And now ye say that if ye had wi lt the cause of our comming ye would haue made vs tary out a whole yere which might as well say that ye would haue taken a whole yeares respite without the popes leaue But for to suffer what death that ye can ordeine we shall not spare to tell you all the popes message and will that he gaue vs in charge In an other chronicle I finde the wordes betwene the King and Pandolph something otherwise described as though the king should first threaten him with hanging if he had foreknown of his comming in To whom pādolph againe should answer that he loked for nothing els at his hand but to suffer for the Churches right Wherupon the K. being mightely incēsed departed The k. the same tune being at Northhampton willed the shirifs and bailifes to bring foorth all the prisoners there that such as had deserued shoulde be put to death to the entent as some thinke to make Pandolfus afraide Among whome was a certaine Clerke who for counterfaiting the kings coyne was also condemned to be hanged drawn quartered And moreouer by the king was commanded therby to anger Pandolfus the more as may be thought to be hanged vp hiest aboue the rest Pādolphus hearing therof notwtstanding he somwhat began to feare least he should be hanged himselfe yet with such courage as he had he went to the church to set out booke bel and candle charging that no man vnder pain of accursing should lay hands vpon the cleark Vppon this the K. and the Cardinall departed in no litle anger And Pandolfe went to Rome reported to the pope and the Cardinals what had bene done Then the pope summoned al the bishops abbots and clarkes of England to come and repaire to Rome to consult what was to be done therein This councel began the first day of October In the which councel it was decreed by the pope and his assembly that Iohn king of England should be accursed with all such as helde with him euery day so long as that Councel endured Albeit this was not yet graunted that the people shoulde be crossed to fight against him because as yet he had shed no bloud But afterward the sayd Pope Innocent seeing that K. Iohn by no meanes would stoupe vnder his subiection nor vnder the rule of his popish see he sent vnto the French king vpon remission of all his sinnes and of all that went with hym that he should take with him all the power he might and so to inuade the realme of England to destroy K. Iohn This occasion geuen Pope Innocent yet once againe commanded in paine of his great curse that no man shuld obey King Iohn neither yet keepe company with him he forbad all persons to eate and drinke with him to talke with him to commune or coūsell with him yea his owne familiar houshold to do him any kinde of seruice either at bed or at boord in church hall or stable And what folowed therof The greater parte of them which after such sort fled from him by the ordinance of God of diuers and sundry diseases the same yeare died And betweene both nations English and French sell that yeare great amitie but secret subtil and false to the bitter betraying of England Neither was the pope
of priuate tythes He ordayned the receauing once a yeare at Easter Vnto the papal decretals he added the decree Omnis vtriusque sexus c. Also the reseruation of the sacrament and the goyng with the bell and light before the Sacrament was by hym appoynted In the sayd Counsell of Laterane he also ordayned that the Canon of the Masse should be receaued with equall authoritie as thoughe it had proceeded from the Apostles theÌ„selues He brought in transubstantiation looke in the decretals Titulo 1. De summa Trinit fide Catholica cap. firmiter credimus Item the sayd Innocentius the 3. ordayned that none should mary in the third degree but only in the fourth degree and so vnder The sayd Pope styrred vp Otho agaynst Phillip the Emperor because the sayd Phillip was elected Emperor agaynst his will Vpon that occasion wherof followed much warre and slaughter in Germany And afterward against the sayd Otho whome he had made Emperour he set vp Fredericke K. of Cicile and caused the archb of Mayence to pronounce hym excommunicate in all hys titles and to be deposed of hys Empire For the which cause the Princes of Germany did inuade hys byshopricke spoyling and burning hys possessioÌ„s The cause why the pope so did accurse and depose hym was for that the sayd Otho did take and occupy cittyes townes castles which the pope said appertayned to hym Item the sayd pope ordayned that if any prince offended one an other the correction should appertayne vnto the Pope In thys Councell of Laterane were Archbishops and Primates 61. Byshops 400. Abbots 12. Priors and Conuentuals 800. besides other Embassadors Legates Doctors and Lawyers an innumerable sort c. In the history of Hermanus mutius we read how in the yeare of our Lord. 1212. in thys popes tyme diuers noble men and other in the countrey of Alsatia contrary to the tradition of the Romish Popes dyd holde that euery day was free for eating of flesh so it be done soberly Also that they did wickedly which restrayned Priests and ministers from their lawfull wyues for the which cause as is in the foresayd author by this poore Innocentius the 3. and hys byshops an hundreth of them in one day were burned and Martyred Some other historyes as Nauclerus recordeth also that at the same tyme many were in the Cittye of Millaine of the sayd doctrine which vsed to send collects vnto the foresayd sainctes of Alsatia Ex Nauclero In the cronicle of Gualter Hemingford otherwise called Gisburnensis it is recorded that in the dayes of this K. Iohn and pope Innocent began the two sectes orders of Friers one called the preachers order or black Fryers of S. Dominike The other called the Minorites of S. Frances The preachers or blacke Fryers order began of one Dominike a Spaniard about the parts of Tholous who after he had laboured 10. yeares in preaching agaynst the Albingenses and such other as did hold agaynst the churche of Rome afterward comming vp to the Councell of Lateran with Fulco B. of Tholouse desired of the foresayd Innocent the 3. to haue his order of preaching Fryers coÌ„firmed which the pope a great while refused to graunt at length he had a dreame that the Church of Laterane was ready to fall Which when he beheld fearing much forrowing thereat commeth in this Dominicke who with his shouldiours vnderpropped the church and so preserued the building therof froÌ„ falling c. And right well this dreame may seeme verified for that Fryers haue bene alwayes the chief pillers vpholders of the popes church Vpon this the pope waking out of hys dreame called Dominike to him and graunted his petition And so came vp this Woluish order of the Dominickes I call it Woluish for that hys mother when she was great with this Dominicke dreamed that she had in her wombe a wolfe which had a burning torch in his mouth The which dreame the preachers of that order do greatly aduaunce and expounded to their orders glory as well as they can Neuerthelesse howsoethey expound it they can make a wolfe but to be a wolâ—e and this a Woluish order The rule which they follow semeth to be taken out of S. Augustine as who should say that Christes rule were not inough to make a Christian man Their profession standeth vpon 3. principall pointes as thus described Charitatem habentes humilitatem seruantes paupertatem voluntariam possidentes That is hauing charitie holding humilitie and possessing wilfull pouerty Their habite and clothing is blacke The order of the Minors or Minorite Friers descended from one Francis an Italian of the city AsisiuÌ„ This Assisian Asse whoÌ„ I suppose was some simple and rude Idiot hearing vpon a tyme how Christ sent forth his disciples to preach thought to imitate the same in himself and his disciples and so left of shoes had but one coate that of a course clothe In steade of a latchet to hys shoe and of a girdle he tooke about him a hempen corde and so apparelled his disciples teaching them to fulfil for so he speaketh the perfection of the gospell to apprehend pouerty to walke in the way of holy simplicitie He left in writing to hys disciples and followers hys rule whiche he called Regulam Euangelicam 1. the rule of the Gospell as though the Gospell of Christ were not a sufficient rule to all Christen men but it must take hys perfection of Frantick FraÌ„cis And yet for all that great presumtion of this Francis and notwithstanding this hys rule sounding to the derogation of Christes Gospell he was coÌ„firmed by this pope Innocent Yea and such fooles this Frauncis sound abroad that not onely he had followers of hys doltish religion both of the nobles and vnnobles of Rome but also some there were which builded mansions for hym hys Fryers This Frauncis as he was superstitious in casting all things from hym as hys girdle girding a corde abouthim so in outwarde chastising of himselfe so straight he was to hys fleshe leauing the ordinary remedye appoynted by God that in wynter season he couered hys body with Ise and Snow He called pouerty hys Lady he kept nothing ouer night So desirous he was of Martyrdome that he went to Syria to the Souldane whiche receaued him honourably wherby it may be thought that surely he told him not the truth as S. Iohn Baptist dyd in Herods house For truth is seldome welcome in courts aud in the world But it is hard to make a martyr of hym which is no true confessor I will here passe ouer the fable howe Christ and hys sayntes dyd marke hym with fiue woundes These Franciscane or beggyng Fryers although they were all vnder one rule and clothing of S. Frauncis yet they be deuided in many sectes and orders some go on treen shoes or Pattins some barefooted some regulare Franciscanes or obseruauntes some Minors or Minorites other be called
Oxforde aboue mentioned where the king kept his Courte Symon Langton Archbishop of Canterbury held a Councell where was condemned and burned a certayne Deacon as Nic. Triuet sayth for apostasie Also an other rude country man who had crucified him selfe superstitiously bare about the woundes in his feete handes was condemned to be closed vp perpetually wtin walles Ex Nic. Triuet About which yeare also AlexaÌ„der kyng of the Scots maryed Iohanne sister to king Henry Not long after began the new building of the minster of Salisbury Whereat Pandulphus the Popes Legate layd the fiue first stones One for the Pope suche was the fortune of that Churche to haue the Popes stone in hys foundation the second for the yong king Henry the third for the good Earle of Salisbury The fourth for the Counties The fift for the Byshop of Salisbury c. Which was about the same yeare aboue mentioned an 1221. Ex Chron. Do. Sal. In the same yeare about S. Iames tyde fell a dissention betwene the Citizens of London men of Westminster the occasioÌ„ wherof was this A certein game betwene these two parties was appoynted to try whether parte in wrastling could ouercome the other Thus in striuing for maistry ech part contending agaynst the other as the maner is in such pastime it happened the LoÌ„diners to get the uictory and the other side was put to foyle but especially the stuard of the Abbot of Westminster Who beyng not a litle confounded therwith begaÌ„ to forethinke in his minde how to be reuenged agayne of the Londiners WherupoÌ„ an other day was set which was at LaÌ„mas that the LoÌ„diners should come agayn to wrastle and who so had the victory should haue the belweather which was the price of the game appointed As the parties were thus occupied in their play the stuard sodenly bringeth vpon the Londiners vnwares a company of haruest meÌ„ prepared for the same before letteth driue at the Londiners Who at length beyng wounded and greeuously hurt after much bloudshed were driuen backe agayne into the Citie This contumely thus beyng receaued the Citizens egerly stroken with ire and impacience ran to the common vell and by that ringing therof assembled their commons together to consult with themselues what was to be done in the case so contumelious wherin when diuers sentences were giuen diuersly Serle the same tyme Maior of London a wise discrete man gaue this counsaile that the Abbot of Westminster should be talked withal who if he would rectifie the iniurie done and satisfie for the harme receiued it should be to them sufficient But contrary onâ— Constantine a great maÌ„ then in the Little of London in much heat exciting that people gaue this sentence that all the houses of the Abbot of Westminster but especially the house of the steward shold be cast downe to the ground In fine that which he so vnaduisedly counsailed was as madly performed for the furious people according to his couÌ„saile so did This tumultuous outrage as it coulde not be priuye comming to the knowledge of Hubert de Burgo Lord chief iustice of england aboue mentioned he comming with a sufficient streÌ„gth of armed souldiours to the City of London seÌ„t to the Maior Aldermen of the city to will them to come vnto him Who so obeying his commaundement required of theÌ„ the principall beginners of the ryot To whome Constantine there being present answered that he woulde a warrant that which was done sorrowing moreouer that they had not done more then they did in that matter The iustice vpon the same his confession commaunded him with 2. other wtout any further tumult to be taken And so with the same two was haÌ„ged offering for his life xv thousand markes c. The sayd Hubert Erle of Kent Lord chiefe iustice although he was a faythfull trusty officer to hys prince had the whole guiding of the realme in his own hands the king as yet beyng in hys minoritie yet afterwarde what indignation he sustained for this his seueritâ—e and other thinges both of the nobles of the commons how sharpely he was tossed and trounsed of hys prince woÌ„der it is to see as in his due place time by the Lords leaue hereafter shall appeare Haec'ex Mat. Parisiens And for somuch as meÌ„tion hath bene made of the wraÌ„gling betwene the coÌ„moners of LondoÌ„ of Westminster both time occasion bringeth me in remembraunce somthing to speake likewise of the Ecclesiasticall conflictes among churchmeÌ„ nothing inferiour in my minde nor lesse worthy to be noted then the other For so I read in Mat. Parisiens and in Flor histor that at what time this wrasfling was among the Citizens for the sheep the like conteÌ„tion kindled flamed betweene Eustace Byshop of London the chapter of Paules on the one side the Abbot of Westminster with his Couent on the other side about spirituall iurisdiction subiectioÌ„ to wit whether the monastery of Westminster were exempted from the subiection iurisdiction of the B. of LondoÌ„ or not Which controuersie at last coÌ„ming into comprimis was coÌ„mitted to the arbitrement of Stephen Archb. of Canterbury Phillip Bishop of Wintchester Thomas of Merton Richard prior of Dunstable And at length was thus agreed that the monastery of Westminster should be vtterly exempted froÌ„ the iurisdiction of the bishop of London And that Stanes with the appurtenaunce therto belonging should appertayn to the Monastery of Westminster Also that the Manure of Sunnebury should be due proper to the Church of S. Paule and also the Church of S. Margarite with all the landes belonging to the same to be exempted from all other iurisdiction but onely to the Bishop of Rome And so was this matter decided an 1222. Ibidem Floro histor The same yeare as writeth Mat Parisiens horrible tempestes with such thrundring lightning whirlewindes went through all the land that muche harme was done Churches steeples towers houses diuers trees with the violeÌ„ce of winds were blown vp by the rootes In Warwickeshyre a certeine wife with eight other in her house were slayne In Grantham the Church was set on fire by lightning most terrible with suche a stincke left there behinde that no man could after a long tyme abide it The author addeth that manifest markes of the tempest did remayne long after in that Monastery to be seene Some also write that firie Dracons and spirites were seene then flying in the ayre An. 1223. Phillip the French king dyed after whoÌ„ hys sonne Ludouicke succeeded in the crown To whom kyng Henry seÌ„ding his message and desiring him to remember his promise and couenaunt made in rendring agayne the landes lost in Normandy coulde obtayne nothing at hys hands WhereupoÌ„ Richard Earle of Cornewale also William the kinges vncle Earl of Salisbury with diuers other nobles made ouer into Fraunce where they
Siria c. Secondly how in processe of time through occasion of the Bishop of Romes tyranny and violent oppressiō this ring of equality being broken all flew in pieces the East church from the west the Greekes from the Latines and that which was one before now was made two vnitye turned to division vniuersality to singularity and free cōsent to dissention Thirdly here is also to be noted after this pitiful breach of equality how many what great natiōs departed frō the communion of the Church of Rome and especialy about this time aboue specified of pope Gregory 9. an 1230 so that both before and after that time many coūcels were holden and many thinges concluded in the westchurche whereunto the one halfe of Christendome lying in the east partes did neuer agree and contrary many councelles holden with them which in the Latine church were not receiued So that the church now as she lost the benefit of vniuersail consent so also she lost the name Catholicke Whereupon this question is to be asked that when the coū cell of Lateran vnder Pope Innocent 3. ordeined the doctrine of transubstantiation and auricular confession here in the westchurch without y◠free consent of the eastchurch whether the same doctrine is to be counted Catholicke or not Fourthly in the departing of these churches from the Bishop of Rome here also is to be noted that the same churches of the Greeks notwithstanding they sequestred themselues and fel out with the church of Rome and that iustly yet they kept theyr vnity still with theyr God and reteined stil the true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is the true and sincere doctrine of fayth ready to debate and try the trueth of their religion by the scriptures as they here in theyr own writings desire to haue the truth examined according as ye haue heard Wherefore the church of Rome hath done them open wrong which being offred so gently to try and to be tryed by the trueth of Gods word not onely would stand to no triall nor abide conference but also hath excōmunicated them as heretickes whiche appeare here to be more orthodorasticall christians then they themselues Fiftly these things thus standing then haue we to cōclude that the church of Rome falsely pretendeth it selfe to be catholicke For if the name of Catholicke must needes import an vniuersall consēt of the whole how can that be catholick where the consent of so many famous and true christian churches hath bene lacking furthermore wher the consent that hath bene amongest themselues hath rather bene coacted then any true or free consent Which is easy to be proued For let these fires and fagottes cease let kinges and princes leaue to presse theyr subiects with the popes obedience but let the scripture and the bishops alone euery one his own Dioces to gouerne their stock after the rule of Gods word and how few be there in this west end of y◠world from you that would not doe the same that these Grecias Ethiopians and Syrians haue done before vs And thus much by the occasion of this Patriarches letters sēt to pope Gregory cōcerning the Grecians Whose doings when I consider as I can not but cōmend their wisdome iudge their state happy and blessed in shaking off from their neckes the miserable yoke of the popes tyranny so on the other side considering with my self the wretched thraldome of these our churches here in the west part of the world vnder the bishop of Rome I can not tell whether more to maruell or to lament their pitiful state who were brought into such oppression slauery vnder him that neither they could abide him nor yet durst cast him of So vntollerable were his exactions so terrible was his tyranny his suspensions excommunications much like to a mad mans dagger drawen at euery trifle that no christen patience could suffer it nor natiō abide it Again so deep did he sit in their consciences falsly beleuing him to haue the authority of S. Peter that for cōscience sake neither king nor Caesar durst withstand him much less poore subiects once mute agaynst him And although his takings and spoylings namely in this realm of england were such that neither the laity nor spiritualty could beare them yet was there no remedy beare thē they must or els the Popes sentence was vpon them to curse them as blacke as pitch In reading the historyes of these crimes any good hart would lamēt and rue to see the miserable captiuity of the people what they suffered vnder this thraldome of the Bishop of rome whereof part hath bene shewed before more God willing shall follow hereafter and some part here presently I mind to expresse * A briefe table or declaration of the Popes unreasonable gatherings exactions and oppressions in the Realme of England ANd first to begin with the elections of the Byshops Abbots Deanes and Priors within this realme it can not be told what mas of mony grew to the popes coffers thereby especially in this kinges dayes for so much as in his time lightly no election hapned either of Archbishopp Bishop Abbot or any roome of dignity but when the Couent or Chapter had chosen one to their minde the king who had maried a stranger and sought therefore to prefer strangers would set vp an other By reason whereof whē the other part was sayne to appeale to Rome and there to plead the case no small riuers of english mony besides expences and trauel by the way went flowing to the popes sea And though the election went neuer so cleare yet the new elect must needes respect the holy father with some gentle reward and further by his othe was bound euery 3. yeares either in his owne person or by another to visit Limina Apostolorum So in the house of S. Albones when Iohn Herford was elected Abbot their publick electiō was not enough but for the confirmation of the same the Monkes were fayne to send Reynold the Phisitiō Nicholas a Monk to Rome with a sufficient vag of mony through the mediation whereof the election might stand and the new Abbot sworne euery third yere by himself or another to visit the doresels of the Apostles An other such like contention happened betweene the king and monkes of Winchester about the election of W. Rale whom the Monkes had chosen but the king refused willing to place a stranger and therfore sent to Rome his messengers Theobald a Monke of Westminster and M. Alexāder a Lawyer with no small somme of mony to euacuate the election of the foresayd W. Rale Commaunding moreouer that y◠gates of Winchester should be shut against him and no man so hardy there to receiue him in his house whereupon the sayd w. being excluded after he had sayd his curse vpon the whole citty of Winchester made his repayre to Rome wherefore 8000. Markes being promised to the pope his bishoprick spite of the
they haue brast in farther vppon vs and nowe haue preuailed so farre as neither the power of the Pope nor of all Christendome is able to driue them out as hereafter by sequele of story is further to be declared In the meane time to retourne where before we left when the french king comming thus to the pope at Lions to entreat for the Emperor could finde no fauour he tooke his leaue and with great heauinesse departed setting forwarde on his iourney to Marsilia and so failed to the Ille of Cyprus where he remained all that winter so that falling into penury and lacke of victuall he was faine to send to the Uenetians and other Islands by for helpe of prouision The Uenetians gently sent vnto him 6. great ships laden with corne wine other victuals requilite besides the reliefe of other Islands mo But especially Fredericke the Emperor vnderstanding of their want so turnished the French campe with all plentie of necessaries that it had aboundance Whereupon the French king mâ—oued with the kindnes of the Emperour wrote his speciall letters to the Pope in the Emperours behalfe but the hard heart of the Pope would not relent Blanchia the Kinges mother in France hearing what the emperor had done to her sonne sent him most hearty thanks with presents and rewardes manifold Math. Paris fol. 226. In this meane time about the beginning of October the French men got Damiata being the principall force or holde of the Saracens in all Egypt All. 124. 9. fol. 228. After the winning of Damiata the Prince and people of the Saracens being astonied at the losse thereof offered to the Christians great grounde and possessions more then euer belonged to Christendome before so that they might haue Damiata to them restored again But the pride of the crie of Artoys the kings brother woulde in no case accept the offers of the Saracens but required both Damiata and Alexandria the chiefe Metropolitane Citie of all Egypt to be deliuered vnto them The Saraceus seeing the pride gredines of â— French men in no case could abide it which turned after to the great detriment of our Christians as in the ende it prooued Ex Mat. Paris fol. 229. First in the Isle of Cyprus and in the iourney before died the Erle of Palatine one of the 12. peeres of France also the Earle of S. Paul and Blesse who had vnder him 50. ensignes Which were all after hys death scattered abroade and dispersed Also died Ioannes de Denis a valiant Captaine wyth many other noble personages both men and women which by altering the aire and diet there deceased fol. 229. The next yeare eusuing which was 1250. about Ashewednesday the French men issuing out of their tentes by the City of Damiata flew vpon the Saracens which besieged them and so after a great number of the ennemies staine with victorie and great spoyles returned to theyr tentes againe Nowe within the Citie of Damiata was the Queene wyth her Ladies the Popes Legate and bishops wyth a garrison of horsemen and footemen for the defence of the Citie strongly appoynted The next day the Frenchmen supposing to haue the like hande of the Saracens as they had the day before gaue a fresh assault vppon them but in that coÌ„flict the Saracens had so strongly appoynted themselues that the French men lost tenne times more then they got the day before so after a great slaughter of their men retired to their tents againe whereupon the Saracens began to take great harte courage against our men stopping also the passages round about the Citie of Damiata that no vitaile could passe vnto them In like maner the Soldan also gathering all the galeys about Alexandria and all the lande of Egypt so inclosed the Sâ—as that no intercourse should be to them by water fol. 231. At length after long talke and consultation betweene them on both sides the Soldan aduised them betune to resigne to hym the Citie of Damiata wyth the furniture which they found therein they should haue all the countrey about Ierusalem with all the captiues of the Christians frendly restored vnto them Wherwith the Christians sayde hee ought to be countented and to seeke no farther but onely to haue the lande of Ierusalem which beyng grnnted to them they shuld not encroch into other lands and kingdomes whereto they had no right Thys forme of peace as it liked well the meaner forte of the poore souldiours and diuers other of the sage counsaile and nobilitie so the proude Earle of Artoys the kings brother in no cause woulde assent thereto but still required the Citie of Alexandria to be yelded to them Whych the Egyptians by no meanes would agree vnto From that time the French army being compassed by sea and by lande began euery day more and more to be distressed for lacke of victual and famine being driueÌ„ to that miserie that they were faine to eate their owne horsses in the Lent time which should haue serued them to other vses Neither could any Christian nor Frederick being deposed by the Pope be able to send them any succour Furthermore the more miseryes the christians were in the more fiercely did the Saracens presse vpon them on euery side detesting their forward wilfulnes In so much that diuers of the Christian souldiours not able to abide the affliction priuely conueyed themselues as they coulde out of the campe to the Saracens who were gladly receaued and relieued and some suffered still to keepe their faith Some marrying wiues amongst them and for hope of honor did Apostatate to their law and so wrought no little harme to the Christians The Soldane being perfectly instructed by these fugitiues of all things belonging to the kings armie sent hym woord in derision asking where were all hys mattockes forckes rakes hys sithes plowes and harowes whych he brought ouer with him or why he did not occupie them but let them lie by hym to rust and canker All thys and much more the King with his Frenche men were faine to take well in woorth It happened shortly after that thys Soldan died being poisoned of his own seruants which was to the Christians a more heaping of theyr miseries For albeit the saide Soldan had bene a cruell tyrant to the Christians yet was he hated of his owne people whereby his strength was the lesse After whom succeeded an other much more cruell who as he was better loued so hee became muche stronger by a generall confederacie of all the Saracens which were in the East parts ioyning now together So that when the Christians desired nowe to haue the forme of peace before profered be precisely denied them And so the Frenche hoste which at first began to be feared by their pride and ouermuch gredines grew more more in contempt amongst their enemies and now was vtterly despised The Christians thus seeing all thinges to
dyed which was shortly after the birth of Fredericke committed the protection of him to Constantia his wife to Phillip his brother chiefe gouernour of Hetruria and to the Byshop of Rome then Innocentius the third Constantia not long after the death of Henry her husband being sickely and growing into age and thereby not so well able to gouerne the troubles and vnquiete state of the Empire resigned and willed by her testamēt the safety both of her sonne Fredericke and also of his dominions to the protectiō and gouernment of Innocent 3. thinking thereby safely to haue prouided c. This pope Innocent assone as he had the protection of the young Emperor his Segniories became in stead of a patron and protector to him to hys dominions both an enemy and cōspiratour The examples are many One is he perswaded Sibill the late wife of Tancredus whō Henry put from the kingdome of Sicile to recouer the same agayne and that she should there unto require Phillip the French kinges ayde whereupō one waltherus being of noble house of the Earles of Brenno which in the prouince of Barrencecis had great liuing and marying with Ateria the eldest daughter of Tacredus once king of Sicile as is said now by the instigation counsell ayd of the french king with the pope well hoping to recouer the kingdom entred and inuaded with great power Campania Apuha At which tyme also the same worthy protectour Innocentius the third sent his legates with letters of excōmunication agaynst all those that woulde not admit and take the sayd Waltherus for their king In other was that where the princes Electors and other nobles as before is sayd had promised by their othe to Henricus that they woulde make Fredericke hys sonne Emperor after his discease whō the Pope saw to put their indenour therunto to bring it to passe absolued thē all frō the othe which they had taken and geuen for the election of Fredericke the Emperour as one not content he shoulde obtain the same And further he raysed slaunders and defamations agaynst Phillip whom the electors had chosen to gouerne the Empire during the minoritie of Frederick hys nephew He wrote hys Epistle which is yet extant to the Duke Barthold of Zaringia to be Emperor who for that he gaue place to Phillip he went about to procure that Otho the sonne of Hēry Leo should be made Emperor the the Princes Lords electors of Germany wold crown him forthw t after the maner of Aquisgrane He depriued al such Bishops as he knew to fauour Phillip as Emperor in the defence of hys nephewes right But Phillip whose cause was better his skill in martial affayres greater in power strength mightier after diuers and great cōflicts the maruellous disturbaunce and vastation of the whole Empire by Gods helpe put the other to the worse All which calamities and mischiefes Conradus Lichtenanus at that tyme liuing in his Annales most pitifully complayneth of and accuseth the Bishop of Rome and his adherentes to be the chiefe authors and deuisors of this great and lamentable mischiefe as such that for to make themselues rich by the spoyle thereof sought by all meanes and desired the same Not long after a peace was concluded betwene Phillip Otho and Phillip reconciled again to the pope who within a while after betwene Otho and him was murdered in his chamber and slayne And then was Otho agayn brought to the Imperiall seate and newe elected for Emperour with the counsell and consent of this Innocent the thyrd and so continued till that a great variaunce and discorde chaunced to ryse betweene the sayd Otho the pope Whereupon Innocentius soughe by all meanes howe agaynst him likewise hee might worke mischiefe and bring him to hys end The occasion of this sodayne chaunge and alteration my author maketh no mentiō of but that Otho now being of great power inuaded and destroyed these dominions of Frederick as Flamminia Picenum Umbria Hetruria but chiefly Campania and Apulia for that those properly appertayned to the inheritaunce of Fredericke Thus you see how first by the counsell and consent of Pope Innocentius and by his instigation besides his secret conspiracies this good Fredericke and hys domininions were hurt and indamaged Then agayne through his default what damage he sustayned by Otho who by him and hys meanes was made so strong as he was notwithstanding the great trust he was put in for the protection both of Fredericke and his dominions At this tyme. Fredericke was come to the age of xx yeares who in hys youth by the prouision of Constantia his mother was so well instructed in letters and in other artes and vertues so imbued that at these yeares there appeared and did shyne in hym excellent giftes both of wisedome and knowledge He was excellently well scene in the Latine Greeke tongues although at that time learning began to decay barbarousnes to encrease He had also the Germayn tong the Italian tongue and the Saracen tongue He day exercised and put in practise those vertues which nature had planted in him as pietie wisedome iustice and fortitude in so much that well he might be compared and accompted amongest the worthiest and most renowmed Emperours hys predecessours Fazellus the historician of Sicilia in this tyme writeth that Fredericus was agayne after this had in great honor and estimation with Innocētius but yet notwithstanding he had no sure confidence in him for that he had the suspected name of Fredericke hys graundfather often in remembrance and for that occasion was much desirous to haue him farre from Italy When Fredericke had gathered his power he purposet to set vpon Otho his enemy of which thing Otho hearing as he was painfull in trauell came out of Italy with his army into Germany thinking to haue met Frederick at the riuer of Rhene and to haue stopped his passage but he was deceiued of his expectation and Fredericus was crowned as the maner of Aquisgrane is before he came And after that Fredericke in the winter tyme tooke hys iorny to Francosert and after many meetinges in Norico had and that Otho was dead he set the Empire in a stay and the whole coūtry of Germany he in a maner appealed And then with all hys nobles and princes he returned to Rome and of Honorius the third was with great solemnitie consecrated and called Augustus whiche Honorius succeeded Innocentius 3. in the Papall Sea and was a great helpe to Fredericke although he loued hym not in this behalfe to reuenge hym selfe vpon Otho After the consecration of Fredericke the second he gaue many great and liberall giftes as well to the Byshop of Rome hymselfe as also to the court of Rome besides Also he gaue assured by his Charter to the Church of Rome the Dukedome of Fundanum For by the vnsatiable couetousnes of the Romish
1255. in the month of August Ex Gualt Gisburn At length the childe being sought found by the mother being cast in a pit 32. of those abhominable Iewes were put to executioÌ„ wherof Mathew Paris reciteth a long storie The same or like fact was also intended by the like Iewes at Norwich 20. yeres before vpon a certaine childe whom they had first circumcised deteined a whole yere in custodie intending to crucifie him for the which the Iewes were sent vp to the tower of LoÌ„don of whom 18. were hanged the rest remained long in prison Ex Cestrens lib. 7. Of this wicked Iewish people I find also in the boke of Flor. hist. that about this yere of our Lord 1255. they began first to be expelled out of Fraunce by the commaundement of the French king being then in Palestina warring against the Turkes By the occasion that it was obiected then by the Turke against him and other Christian princes for the reteining the Iewes amoÌ„gst theÌ„ which did crucify our sauiour and warring agaynst them which did not crucifye him Ex Flor. Hist Of these Iewes moreouer king Henry the same yere 1255. exacted to be geuen vnto him 8000. markes in paine of hanging Who being much agreued therwith complayning that the king went about their destruction desired leaue to be geuen theÌ„ of the king that they might depart the realm neuer to returne agayne But the king committed the doing of that matter vnto Earle Richard his brother to enforce them to pay the mony whether they would or no. Moreouer of the same Iewes mention is made in the story intituled EulogiuÌ„ Of the Iewes in Northhampton who had amoÌ„g theÌ„selues prepared wilde fire to burn the city of LondoÌ„ For the which diuers of theÌ„ were takeÌ„ burned in the time of Lent in the said city of NorthhamptoÌ„ which was 2. yeres before about the yere of our Lord. 1253. Ex Eulogio And for so much as mention here is made of the Iewes I cannot omit what some English storyes write of a certaine Iew who not long after this time about the yeare of our Lord. 1257. fell into a priuy at â—uekesbury vpon a Sabboth day which for the great reuerence he had to his holy Sabboth would not suffer himselfe to be plucked out And so Lord Richarde Earle of Glocester hearing thereof would not suffer him to be drawne out on sonday for reuerence of the holy day And thus the wretched superstitious Iew remaining there till Monday was found dead in the dong And to note the blinde superstitioÌ„ of that time not only among the Iewes but also among the christians to omit diuers other storyes as of Walter Gray Archbish. of Yorke who comming vp to the ParliameÌ„t at LondoÌ„ an 1255. with vnordinate fasting did so ouercharge nature pyned himselfe as the story meÌ„tioneth did so drye vp hys braine that he losing therby all appetite of stomack going to Fulham there within 3. dayes died as in the compiler of Flor. Hist. is both storyed and reprehended Let this also be adioyned which the forenamed author and in the same yere is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce who diyng in FrauÌ„ce an 1255. left in bequest of his testameÌ„t 600. marks for lands to be purchased to the house of MertoÌ„ for God to be serued there perpetually pro anima eius omnium fideliuÌ„ i for his soules health and all faythfull soules As who would say Christian fayth were not the ordinary meanes sufficient to saluation of faythfull soules without the quire seruice of the Monkes of Merton Ye haue heard it often complained before how the vsurped power of the Pope hath violeÌ„tly and presumptuously encroched vpon the Church of England in geuing conferring benefices and prebends to his Italians and strangers to the great damage and ruine of Christes flock manifold waies This violent iniury oppression of the Pope as by no lawfull and gentle meanes could be reformed so by occasion meanes inordinate about this time it began somwhat to be brideled The matter whereof was this as it is in the collector of Flor. Hist. recited In the dayes of the raigne of this king 44. The Byshop of London named Fulco had geuen a certaine prebende in the Church of S. Paul to one master Rustandus the Popes messenger heere in Englande Who entring into the profession of the graâ—e friers shortly after dying on the other side of the sea the Pope immediatly conferred the sayd prebend to one of his specials a like straunger as the other was before About the same instant it befel that the bishop also of London deceased wherby the byshoprick now vacant fell into the kings handes Who hearing of the death of the forenamed Rustandus gaue the sayd prebendship geuen of the Pope before to one Iohn Crakehale his vnder treasurer Who with all solemnitie tooke his installation vnknowing as yet that it was bestowed of the Pope before It was not loÌ„g after as time grew but this being noised at Rome forthwith commeth downe a certaine Proctor named Iohn Gras wyth the Popes embulled letters to receaue the collation of the benefice by his commission procuratory geuen by the Pope wherin Iohn Crakehale had bene already installed as is aforesaide by the kings donation This matter comming in trauise before Boniface Archbishop of Cant. hee inquiring and searching which donation was the first finding the popes graunt to be the former gaue sentence with him against the king so that in conclusion the Romane clearke had the aduauntage of the benefice although the other had long enioyed the possession therof before Thus the popes man being preferred and the Englishman excluded after the partie had bene inuested stalled after the vse and maner hee as thinking to be in sure possession of his place attempted with the rest to enter the Chapter house but was not permitted so to do wherupon the popes clerke geuing place to force and number went toward the archbishop to complaine This being knowne certaine recluses pursued him and so being compassed about one in the thicknesse of the throng being neuer after knowne sodenly rushing vpon him a â—itle aboue his eies so pareth of his head yâ— he fell downe dead The same also was done to an other of his felowes in fleing away This hainous murder being famed abroad strait inquirie therof was made but the deede doer could not be knowen Although great suspition was laide vpon Crakhale the kings Chaplein yet no proofe could be brought But moste men thought yâ— bloudy fact to be done by certaine ruffians or other light persons about the City or the Court disdaining belike that the Romanes were so enriched wyth Englishmens liuings by whome neyther came relief to any Englishman nor any godly instruction to the flocke of Christ. And therefore because they sawe the Church and realme of England in such subiection and
our king Indictione prima the 9. yeare of hys popedome the daies of thursday and friday aforesayd these noble men being present the Lordes of Auia and Bolone the Lordes Martins and other Earles named afore Mathewe Dotera Peter the Lorde chamberlane Phillip the Lord of Wirtmos and Henry of Bolone knight and also M. Philip Archdeacon of Bengem Nicholas archdeacon of Remem William treasurer of Anioy Philip Beaspere Rainolde of Burbon and Iohn Montagre and many mo both clearkes and other specially required and called to be witnesse to this After these things thus in the Parliament decreed and agreed the Prelates of the cleargie consulting with themselues what was to be done in so doutfull a matter and dreading the Popes displeasure for this which was done already to cleare thēselues in the matter contriued among themselues a letter to the Pope partly to certify him what there was done and partly also to abmonish him what he should do the tenour of which their letter conteined these wordes following The forme of a Letter which the Prelates of France as well secular as religious sent to Boniface that hee should cease his enterprise wherein he proceeded against the King ¶ To the most holy Father and their dearest beloued Lorde the Lord Boniface the chiefe Bishop of the holy Romish churche and the vniuersall Churche his humble and deuout Archbyshops Abbots Priors Conuentuals Deanes Prouosts Chapters Couents and Colledges of the Cathedrall and collegiate churches regular and secular of all the Realme of France being gathered together doe offer most deuoute kissinges of your blessed feete WE are compelled not without sorrowe of heart and bitter teares to signifie vnto your holinesse that the most famous Prince our most deare Lorde Phillip by the grace of God the noble king of Fraunce when he heard and saw the Apostolicall letters sealed which were sent to him of late from your behalfe by the worshipfull man the Cardinall of Narbo your Notarie messenger and were presented by the same Cardinall to him certaine other of his barons Vpon the sight and perusing of which so bloudy letters being read and declared to them sitting by hym both our Lorde the king and the barons themselues were highly moued with great maruelling and great trouble In so much that the sayd our Lord the king by the aduice of his barons commanded to be called afore him the other barons then absent and vs also that is to wete al Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors conuentuals deanes prouosts chapters conuents and Colledges as well of Cathedrall or collegiate churches regular and secular also all the vniuersities and communalties of the townes of hys Realme that wee Prelates Barons Deanes Prouostes and two of the learnedst of euery Collegiate and Cathedrall Churche shoulde appeare personally and shoulde procure the rest likewise to appeare by their Stewarde Officers and sufficient proctours wyth full and sufficient Commission at the appoynted place and terme Further when we and the other Ecclesiasticall persons aforesayd and also the barons stewards officers and proctours and other of the comminalty of the townes that were thus called and when according to the forme of the foresaide calling by the kings commaundement we stoode afore the king this wednesday the tenth of this present of Aprill in S. Maries Church in Paris Our Lord the king caused to be propounded openly and plainely to all men that it was signified to him from you among other things by the foresayd Cardinal letters that for his kingdome which hee and his auncetours hetherto doe acknowledge they holde of God only now ought in temporalties to be subiect to you and holde of you and that ye were not content with these so maruellous and strange wordes and not heard of from the beginning of the world of any dwellers within the same realme but that ye went about to put them in practise And that ye called to appeare afore you the prelates of the sayd realme and doctors of diuinitie and such prosessours of both lawes as were borne with in the saide realme for the correcting and amending of such excesses faultes arrogancies wrongs and harmes as ye pretend to be done to the ecclesiasticall Prelates and persones ecclesiasticall both regular and secular abiding within the Realme els where by our lorde the king himselfe and his officers or bailiffes by his peeres Earles Barons and other nobles with the communaltie people of the saide realme To the intent by this meanes the foresaid realme might be made strong with pretious rewels and durable treasures which are to be preferred before the bucklers or any armour of strong men that is to say by the wisedome of Prelates and wise men others through whose ripe faithful counsell and circumspect foresight the realme might be ruled and gouerned the faith might be stablished the ecclesiasticall Sacramēts might be ministred iustice might be executed which by them being robbed of their goodes and richesse and vtterly spoyled is in a doubtfull case and in ioepardie of miserable decay for euer to be destroyed Among these and diuers other griefes which were done by you and the Romish church to him to his realme and the French church both in reseruing and wilfull ordering of Archbishopprickes Byshoprickes and bestowing of great benefices of the Realme vpon straunge and vnknowen persons yea and oft vpon suspect persons neuer beeing at the churches or benefices aforesayde By reason whereof the decay of Gods worship ensued the godly wils of the founders and geuers are defrauded of their godly purpose the accustomed almes geuing is withdrawen from the poore of the sayd Realme the pouerishing of the Realme followeth and churches runne in daunger to be defaced while they remaine destitute of seruice the Prophets being taken away the fruites of them that serue them be appoynted to the commoditie of straungers And while prelates haue not to geue yea to reward men for their desertes noble men whose auncestors founded the Churches and other learned men cannot haue seruants and that for these causes deuotion began to be colde there was none at these dayes that would stretch out a liberall hand towardes the Churches and farthermore by the premisses an euill example was giuen Also he complayned of newe taxes of pensions newly laid on the Churches of immeasurable bondages exactions diuers extortions with other preiudiciall hurtful nouelties by which the generall state of the Church is chaunged in geuyng suffraganes as helpers to the higher prelates whereby neyther the Byshops themselues nor the suffraganes can doe their dueties but for them they might runne with giftes to the Apostolicall see He complayned also of diuers causes and some articles long since but true in the time that they were presented that were done and be done continually and also not purposing to suffer so great a disheriting of him aud his successours from the realme and so manifest a griefe they coulde not suffer any longer the euident losse of the
conferred all his counsailes This as it seemed straunge vnto the Lordes and Earles so it inflamed their indignation so much against this Peter that through the exciting of the Nobles the Byshops of the land did proceede in excommunication against the said Gauerston vnlesse he departed the land Upon the occasion whereof the King the same first yeare of his raigne being greeued wyth the Byshoppes wryteth to the Pope complaining that they had proceeded to excommunication of the sayde Peter vnlesse he departed the realme within a time certaine The which letter of the king what answere againe the king had from the pope I finde not set down in storie Ouer and besides it befell in the said first yeare of the king that the Byshoppricke of Yorke being vacant the king gaue the office of the treasour to one of his owne clearkes wherof the pope hauing intelligence wryteth to the King commaunding him to call backe the same gift and with all citeth vp to Rome the sayd clearke there to answere the matter to a nephewe of one of his Cardinals vpon whom he had bestowed the sayd dignitie whereunto the king maketh answere Quod citationes huiusmodi illorum executio c.. i. That if such citations and the execution of the same should procede to the impeachement of our kingly iurisdiction and to the preiudice of our lawful inheritance and the honor of our crowne especially of the deciding of suche matters which principally concerne our estate should be prosequuted in any other place then within thys our Realme by any manner of wayes c. Certes although we our selues would winke thereat or through sufferaunce permit matters so to passe our hands yet the states and nobles of our kingdom who vpon allegeance are obliged and sworne to the protection and defence of the dignitie of the crowne of England will in no wise suffer our right and the lawes of the lande so to be violated Besides this the foresaid pope wrote to the king complaining that by certaine councellours of king Edwarde his father lying sicke vtterly ignoraunt thereof a certaine restraint was geuen out charging his nuncios and Legates whō he had sent for the gathering of the first fruites of the benefices vacant wythin the realme not hereafter to entermeddle therewith c. whereunto the king maketh answere Gidelicet Pater Sanctis Datum fuit vobis intelligi c. In English thus Most holy Father it hath ben geuen you to vnderstand otherwise then the truth of the matter is for most true it is in dede that the foresaide inhibition was ratified by good acte of Parliament holden at Karlin vpon certain causes concerning the execution of such collections the said our father not onely being not ignorant but also witting willing and of his owne meere knowledge agreeing to the same in the presence not only of his owne Erles Barons and states and commons of the Realme but also your legates and liegers being called thereunto Item vpon other letters brought from the Pope to the king for the enstalling of one Peter de Subaudia his kinseman into the Bishoppricke of Worcester being then vacant and withall requiring that if the sayd Peter would not accept thereof the election shoulde be referred to the Priour and Couent of the same place The king therewith grieued maketh answere by his letters to the Pope and sundry his Cardinals Quod cum electiones de futuris prelatis in ecclesiis Cathedral c. That for so much as elections of prelates to be placed in cathedral churches within his kingdome are not to be attempted without his licence first had and obtained c. Therefore he coulde not abide that any such straunge and vnaccustomed reseruations should or could take place in his Realme without manifest preiudice of his kingly estate requiring further that hee woulde not cause any suche nouelties to be brought in into hys kingdome contrary to that which hys auncestors before him haue accustom ed to doe Thus the time proceeded at length the Parliament appoynted came An. 1310. which was the fourth of thys kings raigne The articles were drawne by the nobles to be exhibited to the king which articles were the same conteined In magna charta and de foresta aboue specified wyth such other articles as his father had charged him with before to wit that he should remoue frō him and his Court all aliens and peruerse counsellours And that all the matters of the common wealth should be debated by common counsaile of the Lordes both temporall and spirituall and that he should stirre no warre out of England in any other foreine realme without the common assent of the same c. The king perceiuing their intent to be as it was in deede to sonder Peter Gaueston from his cōpany and seeing no other remedy but nedes must yeld and graūt his consent agreed that the said Gaueston shuld be banished into Ireland And so the Parliament breaking vp the Lordes returned to their owne well appeased although of the other articles they could not speede yet that they had driuen Peter Gaueston out of the Realme at this time it did suffice them Thys Peter Gaueston was a certaine Gentlemans sonne of Wasconie whom being young king Edward the first for the good seruice his father had done hym in hys warres receiued to his Court and placed hym with hys sonne Edwarde nowe raigning Who in processe of time growing vp with him incēsed and prouoked him to much outrage and wantōnesse By whose occasion first he began in his fathers dayes to breake the parke of Walter bishop of Chester then Chancelour of England and after executor to the king For the which so doing the king as is partly touched before imprisoned his sonne and condemned this Peter to perpetuall banishment Notwithstanding the young king after the death of his father as yee haue heard sent for this Gaueston againe And with all so persecuted this foresayd Bishop that he clapt him in the tower and seised vpon al his goods Moreouer caused most strait inquisition to be made vppon him for guiding his office wherein if the least crime might haue ben found it would haue cost him his life And thus much of Peter Gaueston and of his origine Now to the matter The king thus separated from his old compere that is from the companie of Peter Gaueston nowe exiled into Ireland continued in great mourning and pensiuenesse seeking by all meanes possible howe to call him home againe and conferring with such as were about hym vpon the same Who did insinuate to the king that for somuch as the Earle of Glocester was a man well loued and fauored in all the realme if a marriage might be wrought betwixt his sister and Peter Gaueston It might be a meane both for him to obtaine more frendship and for the king to haue his desire To make short Peter Gaueston in all hast was sent for the marriage through the kings procuring
English men Upon the Friday folowing they which were besieged in the towne of Calis seeing the king to be retyred vpon whose helpe they trusted being also in great penury famine for lack of victuals otherwise in much misery vehemently distressed surrendered the towne to the kinges handes who like a mercifull Prince onely deteining certeine of the chiefe the rest with the whole coÌ„mons he let go with bagg baggage diminishing no part of their goods shewing therein more Princely fauour to them then they did of late in Queene Maries dayes vnto our men in recouering the sayd towne of Calis agayne After the winning thus of Calis as hath bene premised king Edward remaining in the sayd towne a certaine space was in consultatioÌ„ concerning his voyage proceding farther into Fraunce But by meanes of the foresayd Cardinals truce for a certayne time was takeÌ„ and instrumentes made so prouided that certayne noble meÌ„ as well for the french K. as for the king of England should como to the Pope there to debate vpon the Articles Unto the which king Edward for peacesake was not greatly disagreing Which was an 1347. Ex Tho. Walsingh The next yeare folowing which was an 1348. fell a sore plague which they call the first generall pestilence in yâ— realme of England This plague as they say first springing froÌ„ the East so spreading westward did so mightely preuaile here in this land beginning first at Dorcester the countryes thereabout that euery day lightly 20. some dayes 40. some 60. moe dead corses were brought layd together in one pitte This beginning the first day of Angust by the first of Nouember it came to LondoÌ„ Wheras the vehement rage therof was so hoate and did increase so much that from the first day of February til about the beginning of May in a Churchyard then newlye made by smithfield aboue 200. dead corses euery day were buried besides them which in other Churchyardes of the Cittye were layd also At leÌ„gth by the grace of Christ ceasing ther it proceded from thence to the Northparts Where also the next yeare after an 1349. it swaged After this in the next yeare insuing an 1350. the towne of Calis was by treason of the keper of the Castle almost betrayed and wonne from the English men Within the compasse of which yere dyed Philip the French king After whom king Iohn his sonne succeeded in the crowne Who the next yeare after vnder false precence of frendship caused the Constable of FrauÌ„ce Erle of Ewe to be beheaded who being taken prisoner before in warre by English men and long deteined in prison in England was liceÌ„sed by king Edward to visite his country of Fraunce In the same yere the town of Gwines was takeÌ„ by EnglishmeÌ„ while the keepers of the hold were negligent and a sleepe The yeare next folowing the Marshall of Fraunce with a great army was put to flight by Syr Roger Bentele Knight and Captayne in Britaine hauing but onely 600. Souldiours with him In this battell were taken 9. Knightes Esquires and Gentlemen 140. The French men Britaines by this victory were exceedingly discouraged and there pride cut downe In the yere after was Henry first made Duke of LaÌ„caster which before was Earle of Derby and Lancaster Also diuers good ordinaunces were appoynted in the Parliament at Westminster Which afterby auarice and parciall fauour of the head men were agayne vndone Concord and agreement about the yeare 1354. began to come well forward instruments were drawne vpon the same betwene the 2. kings But that the matter being brought vp to Pope Innocent 6. partly by the quareling of the FreÌ„ch men partly by the winking of the Pope which euer held with the French side the conditions were repealed which were these That the king of England all the Dukedome of Aquitanie with other lands there should be to him restored without homage to the French king And that king Edward agayn should surrender to him all his right and title which he had in Fraunce whereupon rose the occasion of great war and tumult which folowed after betwene the two Realmes It folowed after this the yeare of our Lord. 1355. that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king that king Iohn his sonne had grauÌ„ted the Dukedome of Aquitine to Charles his eldest sonne Dolphin of Vienna sent ouer Prince Edward with the Earle of Warwick of Salisbury of Oxford and with them a sufficient number of able souldiors into Aquitania Where he being willingly receiued of diuers yâ— rest be subdued partly by force of sword partly receiued submitting themselues to his protection Not long after this in yâ— same yere word being brought to king Edward that Iohn the FreÌ„ch king was ready to meet him at S. Omers there to geue him battayle gathered his power set ouer to Calis with his 2. sonnes Leo nell Earle of Wilton and Iohn of Gaunt Earle of Richmond with Henry Duke of Lancaster c. who beyng come to S. Omers the French king with a mighty army of his francklings hearing of his coÌ„ming the nerer he approched to them the further they retyred backe wasting destroying behind them to the inteÌ„t that the english army in pursuing theÌ„ should finde no victuals By reasoÌ„ wherof king Edward folowing him by yâ— space of 9. or 10 dayes vnto HadeÌ„ wheÌ„ neither he could â—inde his enemy to fight nor victuals or forage for his army he returned vnto Calis where warre agayne being offered in the name of the king vpon vnstable conditions and yet the same not performed king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy froÌ„ Calis crossed the seas into England where he recouered agayne the towne of Barwicke which the Scots before by subtle traine had gotten At which time was grauÌ„ted vnto the king in Parliament 50. s. for euery sacke or packe of woll that should be caried ouer for the space of 6. yeares together By the which graunt the king might despend euery day by estimation aboue 100. marks sterling And for as much as euery yere 100000. sacks of woll were thought to be exported out of the Realme the sum thereof for 6. yeres space was esteemed to mount to 1500000. pouÌ„d sterling The same yeare when king Edward had recouered Barwick and subdued Scotland Prince Edward being in Gascony made toward the FreÌ„ch king Who notwithstanding by the way all bridges were cast downe great resistaunce made yet the victorious Prince making way with his sword after much slaughter of the Frenchmen many prisoners taken at length ioyning with the French king at Poytiers scarse with 2000. gaue the ouerthrow to the French king with 7000. men of armes and mor. In which conflict the French king himselfe and Philip hys sonne with L. Iames of Bourbon the Archb. of Senon II Earles 22. Lordes were
is now lately dead and the maister here of the Dominike Friers is not now present Wherfore we dare not determine in such a weighty cause touching the priuileges of our order without the presence of them And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin excused and not to be so lightly stirred against vs for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity c. The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth whithe is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye vpon which day it was determined likewise that one of the dominicke Friers should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or gray Friers and so he did tending to the same end as the other frier in the other church had done before Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto whereof we read in the Gospell Facti sunt amici Herodes Pilatus in ipsa die It was not long after that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uniuersity againe were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time Which being done and the assembly meeting together an other Sermō was made by a Diuine of the Uniuersity whose theame was Prope est Dominus omnibus inuocantibus eum in veritate c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis who prosecuting the rest of the Theame and comming to the word in veritate deuided it in three parts according to the common glose of the decretals Est verum vitae doctrinae iusticiaeque Primum semper habe duo propter scandala linque Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law and by euidēt demonstratiō of experience that the Friers first had no verity of life because they were full of hypocrisy neither had they verity of doctrine because in their hart they bare gall and in theyr toung hony neither verity of iustice because they vsurped other mens offices And thus concluding with the same caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges with the constitution aboue specified And so expoūding place by place did argue and proue that the sayd constitution in no part was euacuat or infringed by that priuilegies aforesayd Which thing being declared he added moreouer that where as the Friers say sayd he that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges I graunt it to be true when word came to me thrise thereof I went to the Pope reclayming requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked But the next day after it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad vpon weighty affayres so that then the matter had no end After that we sent also other messengers with our letters for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed but they lye therein For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters from the chief of the court of Rome sealed with their seales which letters we haue diuers times presented to our king wil shortly shew them vnto you all In the which letters the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges either to be vtterly abrogate or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope At last the sayd Bishop required desired of all there of what Dioces or countrey so euer they were that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges and send them abroad into their coūtries that all men might see what they were and how far they did extēd In fine the matter comming into open disputation it was cōcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers in this wise that after his sentence the Prelates were in the truer part c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis ¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuilegies graūted by popes to the Friers to intermedle in matters of Parish churches As to heare confessiōs to preach and teach with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor to bury within their houses and to receiue impropriations c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in fraūce but also came ouer to englād The whole discourse therof more ample Christ willing shal be declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing when we come to the story of Armachanus About what time yere this brawle was in the Uniniuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there as hath bene declared the like contētion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed 1354. saue onely that the strife amōg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies so it went no farther then brawling wordes and matter of excōmunication but this tumult rising of a dronken cause proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes The first originall wherof began in a tauerne betwene a scholer the good man of the house Who falling together in altercatiō grew to such heat of words that the student contra ius hospitij poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot Upon this occasion geuen estsoones parts began to be taken betwene townes men the scholers In somuch that a grieuous sedition conflict folowed vpō the same wherin many of the townes men were wounded to the number of 20. slayn Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued Vpon the second day certain religious and deuout persōs ordeined a solemne processiō general to pray for peace Yet notwithstanding all that procession as holy as it was it would not bring peace In the which procession the skirmish stil waxing hoat one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen for succour in his flight came running to the Priest or Frier which caried about as the maner was the pixe thinking to finde refuge at the presēce of the transubstātiated God of the aultar there caried inboxed Notwithstanding the God there not presēt or els not seing him or els peraduēture being a sleepe the scholer foūd there small helpe For the townesmen in the heate of the chase forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstātiation folowed him so hard that in the presēce of the pixe they brake his head woūded him greuously This done at length some peace or truce for that day was taken The
great default at prouisions commyng from Rome wherby straungers were enabled wtin this realme to enioy ecclesiastical dignities shew diuers inconueniences ensuing thereby namely the decay of daily almose the transporting of the treasure to nourish the kings enemies the discouering of the secrets of the realme the disabling and impouerishing of the clerkes within this realme They also shew how the pope had in most couert wyse graunted to two new Cardinalles wythin thys Realme and namely to Cardinall Peragotz aboue ten thousand markes of yerely taxes They therfore required the kyng and nobles to finde some remedy for that they neuer could ne would any longer beare those straunge oppressions or els to helpe them to expell out of thys realme the Popes power by force Hereupon the King Lords and commōs sent for the act made at Carliel in the 35. yere of king Edward y◠first vpon the lyke complaint thereby forbidding that any thyng shoulde be attempted or brought into the Realme whych should tend to the blemishing of the kings prerogatiue or to the preiudice of hys Lords or commons And so at thys time the statute called the acte of prouision was made by common consent whych generally forbiddeth the brynging in of any Bulles or such trinkets from the Court of Rome or the vsing enioying or allowing of any such bil processe instrument or such ware as therby at large doth appeare Whereof sufficiently is touched before pag. 353. The penalty of whych statute afterwarde followed in the next parliament An. Reg. Ed. 18. tit 32. the whych penalty was this the transgressors thereof to lie in perpetuall prison or to be foriured the land And that al iustices of assize gaile deliuery and yer and determiner may determine the same Required withall that the same act of prouision should continue for euer Item that the sayd 18. yeare of the raigne of king Edward tit 34. it was moreouer propoūded that if any archbyshop or any person religious or other doe not present wtin 4. monthes some able clerke to any dignitie where any person hath obtayned from Rome any prouision Bul c. but surcease the same that then the Kyng may present some able clerke Item propounded in the sayd Parliament an 18. Reg. Ed 3. that if any Byshop elect shall refuse to take any suche byshoprikes other then by such Bull that then such elect shal not enter ne enioy hys temporalties without his speciall licence Also that the king shall dispose all such benefices and dignities of such aliens his enemies as remain in the coūtrey of hys enemyes and employ the profites therof to the defence of the realme Moreouer propounded that commissioners be sent to all the kings portes to apprehend all such persons as shal bring in any such instrument frō Rome and to bring them forthwyth before the counsaile to answere thereto Propounded farthermore that the Deanry of Yorke which is to be recouered by iudgemēt in the kyngs court may be bestowed vpon some able man within the realme who will maintaine the same agaynst hym meanyng the Cardinall who holdeth the same by prouision frō Rome being the enemy to the king and to the realm and that the profites may be emploied to the defence of the realme The kynges aunswere To all whych petitions aunswere was made in forme followyng It is agreed by the King Earles Barons Iustices other wise men of the Realme that the petitions aforesayd be made in sufficient forme of law according to the petitions aforesayd ¶ Note in thys answere of the kyng good reader that at the graunt hereof the consent of the byshops is neyther named nor expressed with the other Lords of the Parliament and yet the Parliament standeth in hys full force notwythstanding Notes of the Parliament holden in the 20. yeare of king Edward 3. TO passe farther in the 20. yeare of the kings reigne in the Parliament holden the same yere it was propoūded that all alien Monkes should auoyde the Realme by the day of S. Michael and that theyr liuings shuld be disposed to young English scholers The liuings of these the king tooke to hys handes Item that the king may take the profites of all others strangers liuings as Cardinals and others during their liues The profites of whō were also in the kings hands That such aliens enemies as be aduanced to liuyngs here in England being in their owne countreys shomakers tailers or chamberlaines to Cardinals shuld depart before Michaelmas and theyr liuynges disposed to poore English scholers The lyuings also of these remayned in the kings handes The commons denied to pay any paiment to any cardinals lying in Fraunce to entreat of war or peace which also was graunted of the kings part as reasonable Item propounded and fully agreed that the yearely aduauncement of two thousand markes graunted by the pope to two Cardinals out of the prouinces of Canterb. and Yorke should be restrained and suche as shall pursue therfore to be out of the law Lykewise enacted and agreed that no Englysh man should take any thing in ferme of any Alien religious ne buy any of their goods nor be of theyr counsaile on payne of perpetuall imprysonment Enacted further that no person should bryng into the realme to any Byshop or other any Bul or any other letters from Rome or from any Alien vnlesse he shewe the same to the Chauncelour or warden of the Cinque ports vpon losse of all he hath Finally in the end of the said Parliament the bishops were commaunded before the next conuocation to certify into the Chancery the names of such Aliens of their benefices and the values of the same Notes of the 25. yeare of kyng Edward the third THe Parliament of the 25. yeare was begon the 6. day of February the 25. yeare of king Edwarde 3. In the which parliament beside other matters mo was propoūded that remedy might be had against the popes reseruations by which brocage and meanes the pope receiued the first fruits of all Ecclesiastical dignities A more consumption to the Realme then all the kings warres Also the like remedy myght be had against suche as in the Court of Rome presume to vndoe any iudgement geuen in the kinges courte as if they enforced to vndoe the lawes of the realme Wherunto it was answered that there was sufficient remedy prouided by law Notes of the 38. yeare of king Edward the third IN the Parliament holden at Westminster the 38. yeare of Edward 3. in the vtaues of Hillary Symon Byshop of Ely being Lorde Chauncelour it was required by the kings owne mouth declared to the whole estates How daily citations false suggestions were made to the pope for matters determinable in his courtes wtin the Realme and for procuring prouisions to Ecclesiasticall dignities to the great defacing of the ancient lawes to the spoyling of his crowne to the daily conueying away of the
and consent as wel of them as of vs and so declared that some of those conclusions were heretical and some of them erroneous repugnant to the determination of the Church as here vnder are described Wee will and commaund your brotherhoode and by vertue of holy obedience straightly enioyne all and singular our brethren and Suffraganes of our body and Church of Canterbury that with all speedye diligence you possible can you likewise enioyne them as we haue enioyned you and euery of them And that euery one of them in their Churches other places of their Citie and Dioces doe admonish and warne and that you in your Church and other Churches of your Citie and Dioces do admonish and warne as we by the tenor of these presents do admonish and warne the first time the second time and the third time and yet more straightly doe warne assigning for the first admonition one day for the second admonition an other day for the third admonition canonicall and peremptorie an other day That no man from hence forth of what estate or cōdition soeuer do hold preach or defend the foresayd heresies and errors or any of them nor that hee admitte to preach any one that is prohibited or not sent to preach nor that he heare or hearken to the heresies or errours of him or any of them or that he fauour or leane vnto hym either publiquely or priuely But that immediatly he shonne hym as he would auoide a Serpent putting forth most pestiferous poison vnder paine of the greater curse the which we commaund to be thundered against all and euery one which shal be disobedient in this behalfe and not regarding these our monitions after that those 3. dayes be past which are assigned for the canonical monition and that their delay fault or offence committed require the same That then according to the tenour of these wrytings wee commaund both by euery one of our felowe brethren our Suffraganes in their Cities and Dioces and by you in your City and Dioces so much as belongeth both to you and them that to the vttermost both ye and they cause the same excommunications to be pronounced And furthermore wee will and commaunde our foresayd felowe brethren and all singular of you a part by your selues to be admonished and by the aspersion of the bloud of Iesus Christ we likewise admonish you that according to the institution of the sacred Canons euery one of them in their Cities Dioces bee a diligent inquisitour of this hereticall prauitie and that euery one of you also in your Cities and Dioces be the like inquisitor of the foresayd heretical prauitie And that of such like presumptions they and you carefully and diligently inquire and that both they and you according to your dueties and office in this behalfe wyth effect do procede against the same to the honor and praise of his name that was crucified and for the preseruation of the Christian faith and Religion Here is not to be passed ouer the great miracle of gods diuine admonition or warning for when as the Archbyshop and suffraganes with the other Doctours of diuinitie and lawyers with a great company of babling Friers religious persons were gathered together to consult as touching Iohn Wickleffes bookes and that whole secte When as they were gathered together at the Gray fryers in Lōdon to begin their busines vpon S. Dunstons day after dinner about 2. of the clocke the very houre instant that they should go forward with their businesse a wonderfull and terrible earthquake fell through out al England wherupon diuers of the suffraganes being feared by the strange and wonderfull demonstration doubting what it shuld meane thought it good to leaue of from their determinate purpose But the Archbyshop as chiefe captaine of that army more rash and bold then wise interpreating the chaunce which had happened cleane contrary to an other meaning or purpose did confirme strengthen their harts and minds which were almost daunted with feare stoutly to proceede and go forward in theyr attempted enterprise Who then discoursing Wickliffes articles not according vnto the sacred Canons of the holy Scripture but vnto theyr owne priuate affections and traditions pronounced and gaue sentence that some of them were simply and plainely hereticall other some halfe erroneous other irreligious some seditious and not consonant to the Church of Rome Item the 12. day of Iune in the yeare aforesaid in the chamber of the Friers preachers the foresayd M. Robert Rigges Chauncelor of the vniuersitie of Oxford Thomas Brightwell professors of diuinitie beyng appoynted the same day and place by the foresayde reuerend father in God Archbyshop of Canterbury appeared before hym in the presence of the reuerend father in God Lord William by the grace of God Byshop of Winchester and diuers others doctours and bachelers of Diuinitie and of the Canon and ciuill lawe whose names are before recited And first the sayd Chauncelor by the said Lord Archb. of Cant. being examined what his opinion was touching the foresayd articles Publiquely affirmed and declared that certaine of those conclusions were hereticall and certaine erronious as the other doctors and clerks afore mentioned had declared And then immediately next after hym the foresaid Thomas Brightwel was examined which vpon some of the conclusions at first somewhat staggered but in the end being by the sayd Archbishop diligently examined vpon the same did affirme and repute the same to be hereticall and erroneous as the foresayd Chancelor had done An other Bacheler of Diuinitie also there was named N. stammering also at some of those conclusions but in the end affirmed that hys opinion therein was as was the iudgement of the foresayd Chauncelour and Thomas as is aboue declared Whereuppon the sayde Lord Archb. of Cant. willing to let and hinder the perill of such heresies errours Deliuered vnto the foresayd Chauncelour there being publiquely read his letters patents to be executed the tenour whereof in these wordes doth folow WIlliam by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicall see To our welbeloued sonne in Christ the Chancelor of the vniuersitie of Oxford within the diocesse of Lincolne greeting grace and benediction The prelates of the Church about the Lordes flocke committed to their charge ought so much to be more vigilāt as that they see the wolfe clothed in sheepes attire fraudulētly go about to worow and scatter the sheepe Doubtles the common fame brute is come vnto our eares c. Vtin mandato praecedenti We will therefore and commaunde straightly enioyning you that in the Church of our blessed Lady in Oxforde vpon those dayes the which accustomably the Sermone is made as also in the schooles of the sayde Vniuersitie vppon those dayes the Lectures be read ye publish and cause by others to be published to the clergie and people as well in their
sayd Henry was voyde and of none effecte and commaundement geuen that the sayd Henry shoulde be restored and admitted agayne to his former lectures and scholasticall actes and to his pristine state as you knowe To the intent therefore that this decree aforesaid shoulde be more duely executed of your part we heare by these presentes straightly charge and commaund you That you speedily reuoking agayne all your processe against the sayd Henry in the vniuersitie aforesayd with all other that followed thereof doe admitte and cause to be restored agayne the sayd Henry to his scholasticall actes his accustomed lectures and pristine estate without all delay according to the forme of the decree and determination aforesayd Enioyning you moreouer and your commissaries or deputies and your successoures and all other maisters regent and not regent and other presidentes officers ministers and scholers of the vniuersitie aforesayd vpon your faith and legeance you owe vnto vs that you doe not impeache molest or greeue or cause to be greued any maner of way priuy or apertly the sayd Frier Henry for the causes premised or Frier Peter Stokes Carmelite for the occasion of his absence from the vniuersitie or Fryer Stephen PackingtoÌ„ Carmelite or any other religious or secular person fauouring them vpon the occasion of any eyther word or deed whatsoeuer concerning the doctrine of maister Iohn Wickliffe Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repindon or the reprose and condemnation of their herefies and erroures or the correction of their fauourers But that you doe procure the peace vnitie and quiet within the sayd vniuersitie and chiefly betweene the religious and secular persons and that you with all diligence nourishe encrease and preserue the same to the vttermost of your strength And that you in no case omitte to doe it accordingly vppon the forfaytures of all and singular the liberties and priuiledgies of the vniuersitie aforesayd Witnesse my selfe at Westminster the 14. day of Iuly Mention was made as you heard a little before how M. Rigges Vicechancellor of Oxford comming vp wyth M. Bryghtwell to the archb of Cant. was there straightly examined of the conclusions of Wickliffe Where he notwithstanding through the helpe of the B. of Wint. obtayned pardon and was sent away agayn with commaundementes and charges to seeke out all the fauorers of Iohn Wickliffe This commaundement being receaued Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington being priuily warned by the sayd Vicechauncellor in the meane season coÌ„ueied them out of sight and fled to the Duke of LaÌ„caster for succour help but the Duke whether for feare or what cause els I cannot say in the end forsooke his poore and miserable clientes In the meane time while they were fled thus to the Duke great search and inquisition was made for them to cite and to apprehend them where so euer they might be found Wherupon the archb of W. Courtney directed out his letters first to the Vicechauncellor of Oxford then to the Bishop of London named Rob. Braybrokeâ— charging them not onely to excommunicate the sayd Nicholas and Phillip within their iurisdiction and the sayd excommunication to be denounced likewise throughout all the dioces of his suffraganes but also moreouer that dilligent search and watch should be layd for them both in Oxâ—orde and in LondoÌ„ that they might be apprehended requiring moreouer by them to be certified agayne what they had done in the premisses And thys was written the 14. day of Iuly an 1382. Ex Regist. Vnto these letters receaued from the archbishop dilligent certificat was geuen accordingly as well of the Byshop of London his part as also of the Vicechauncelloâ— the tenour whereof was this * The letter certificatorie of the Vicechauncellor to the Archbishop TO the reuerend father in Christ Lord William Archbishop o Caunterbury Primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolique see Rob. Rigges professour of diuinitie and Vicechancellor of the vniuersitie of Oxforde greeting with due honour Your letters bearing the date of the 14. of Iuly I haue receaued By the authoritie wherof I haue denounced and caused to be denounced effectually the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip to haue bene and to be excommunicate publikely and solemnly in the Church of S. Mary and in the schooles and to be cited also personally if by any meanes they might be apprehended according as you commaunded But after dilligent search layd for them of my part to haue them personally cited and apprehended I coulde not finde neyther the sayd M. Nicholas not M. Phillip who haue hyd or conuayed themselues vnknowing to me as here is well knowne Whereof I thought here to geue signification to your Fatherhoode Sealed and testified with the seale of mine office From Oxford the 25. of Iuly In yâ— meane time Nicholas Herford and Repington being repulsed of the Duke and destitute as was sayde of his supportation whether they were sent or of theyr owne accorde went to the archbish it is vncertayne This I finde in a letter of the foresayd archbishop contayned in his register that Repington the the 23. day of October the same yeare 1382. was reconciled agayne to the Archbishop and also by his generall letter was released and admitted to his scholasticall actes in the vniuersitie And so was also Iohn Ashton of whom Christ willing more shall follow hereafter Of Nicholas Herford all this while I finde no speciall relation In the meane time about the 23. of the month of September the sayd yeare the king sent his mandate to the Archbishop for collecting of a subsidie and to haue a conuocation of the clergie sommoned against the next parliament which should begin the 18. day of Nouember The Archb. likewise on the 15. day of October directed his letters monitorie as the maner is to Robert Braybroke bishop of London to geue the same admonition to al his suffraganes and other of the Clergie within his prouince for the assembling of the conuocatioÌ„ aforesayd All which done and executed the parliameÌ„t begon being holden at Oxford the 18. day of Nouember where the conuocation was kept in the Monastery of Frideswide in Oxforde In the which conuocation the Archbishop with the other bishops there sitting in their Pontificalibus declared two causes of that their present assembly whereby sayth he to represse heresies which began newly in the realme to spring and for correcting other excesses in the Churche The other cause sayd he was to ayde and support the king with some necessary subsidie of mony to be gathered whiche thus declared the conuocation was continued till the day following which was the 19. of Nouember At the sayd day and place the Archbishop with the other Prelates assembling themselues as before The archbishop after the vsed solemnitie willed the procuratoures of the clergy appoynted for euery dioces to consult within themselues in some conuenient seuerall place what they thought for theyr partes touching the redresse of thinges to be notified and
and sanctuary shal a people with their Captain that shal come with them destroy whose end shal be vtter desolation and after the end of the war a determined destruction Now he shall in one weeke confirme his couenaunt towardes many and in the halfe weke shal the offring and sacrifice cease and in the temple shall there be an abhomination of desolation and euē to the fulfilling vp of all and to the end shal the desolation continue It is plaine manifest that this prophecy is now fulfilled For the people of Rome with their Captaine destroyed Ierusalem euen to the grounde and the people of the Iewes was slayne and scattered And the abhomination that is the Idol of desolation was placed of Adrian in the last destruction in Ierusalem in the holy place that is to say in a place of the tēple And from that time hetherto haue passed neare about 1290. dayes taking a day for a yeare as Daniel takes it in hys prophecies and other prophets likewise For Daniel speaking of 62. weekes doeth not speake of the weekes of daies but of yeares So therfore when he sayth From the time that the continual sacrifice was taken away c. 1290. dayes must be taken for so many yeares from the tyme of the desolation of Ierusalem euen vnto the reuealing of Antichrist and not for 3. yeares and an halfe which they say Antichrist shall raigne And againe whereas Daniel sayd How long till the ende of these marueilous matters it was aunswered him For a time and times and halfe a time Beholde also how vnfitly they did assigne this time by 3. yeares and a halfe which they say Antichriste shall raigne For when as it is sayde a time times and halfe a time there is a going downeward from the greater to the lesse from the whole to the part because it is from a time to halfe time If therefore there be a going downeward from the whole to the part by the middest which is greater then the whole it selfe the going downewarde is not meete nor agreeing And thys is done when as it is sayd that a time times and halfe a time is a yeare two yeares and halfe a yeare Wherfore more fitly it is sayd that a time times and halfe a time doth signifie 1290. yeares as is before sayde in the chapter preceding Thus therefore is the prophecie of Daniel falsly applied to that imagined Antichrist Likewise is the proces of the Apocalips applied to the same imagined Antichrist too much erroneously Because that the same cruell beast which came vp out of the sea hauing 7. heads and 10. hornes to whome there was power geuen ouer euery tribe people and toung and the power geuen for the space of 42. monethes Thys beast doth note thē Romaine Emperors which most cruelly did persecute the people of God aswell Christians as Iewes For whē as the condēnatiō of the great whore sitting vpon the many waters was shewed to Iohn he saw the same woman sitting vpon the purple coulored beast full of the names of blasphemy hauing 7. heads and 10. hornes and he saw a woman being dronken with the bloud of the Saintes and Martyrs of Iesu. And the angell expounding and telling him the mistery of the woman and the beast that caried her sayde That 7. heades are 7. hilles and are 7. kinges Fiue are fallen one is the other is not yet come when he shall come he must reigne a short time And the 10. hornes whiche thou sawest are 10. kinges who haue not yet taken theyr kingdome but shall receiue theyr power as it were in one hour vnder the beast And finally he sayth y◠woman whō thou sawest is the great Citty which hath the kingdome ouer the kings of the earth And it is manifest that the City of Rome at the time of this prophecy had the kingdom ouer the kings of the earth And this City was borne vp vpholden by her cruell beastly Emperors who by theyr cruelty and beastlynes did subdue vnto thēselues in a maner all the kingdomes of the world of a zeale to haue lordship ouer others and not vertuouslye to gouerne the people that were theyr subiectes seeing that they thēselues did lacke all vertue and drew backe others from the fayth and from vertue Wherfore what cruell beast comming vp out of the sea doth rightly note the Romain Emperors who had power ouer euery language people and coūtry And the power of this beast was for 42. moneths because that from the first Emperor of Rome that is to say Iulius Cesar vnto the ende of Fredericke the last Emperour of Rome there were 42. monethes taking a moneth for 30. dayes as the monethes of the Hebrues and Grecians are and taking a day alwayes for a yeare as commonlye it is taken in the Prophetes By whiche thinges it may playnely appeare how vnfitly this prophecy is applied to that imagined Antechrist and the 42. moneths taken for three yeares and an halfe which they say he shall reigne in agaynst the saying of the Prophetes because that dayes are taken for yeares As in the 1. of the Apocal. They shall be troubled 10. dayes Which do note the most cruel persecution of Dioclesian against the Christians that endured 10. yeares And in an other place of the Apocalips it is written of the smoke comming vp out of the bottomles pit Out of which pit there came foorth Grashoppers into the earth and to them was power geuen as scorpions haue power to vexe to trouble men 5. moneths Now it is manifest that from the beginning of the Friers minours and preachers to the time that Armachanus began to disclose and vncouer their hypocrisie and their false foundation of valiant begging vnder the pouertie of Christ were 5. monethes taking a moneth for 30. dayes and a day for a yeare And to Ezechiel were dayes geuen for yeares Wherfore it is an vnfit thing to assigne the 42. moneths being appoynted to the power of the beast vnto 3. yeares and a halfe for the reigne of that phantasticall and imagined Antichrist specially seing that they do apply to his reigne y◠1290. dayes in Daniel which make 42. moneths and in the Apocalips they assigne hym 42. moneths It is plaine that the Psalterie and the harpe agree not And therfore seing that it is sufficiently shewed that the same fabling tale of that imagined Antichrist to come is a fable and erroneous Let vs goe forward to declare whether Antichrist be already come and yet is he hid from many and must be opened and disclosed wythin a litle while according to the truthe of the holy Scripture for the saluation of the faithfull And because that in the first conclusion of mine aunswere I haue conditionally put it who is that Antichrist lying priuie in the hid Scriptures of the Prophets I will passe on the declaration of that cōclusion bringing to light those things whych lay hid in
the time thus passed the people and Cardinals were in great expectation waiting when the Pope according to his othe would geue ouer wyth the other pope also And not long after the matter began in deede betwene the two Popes to be attempted by letters from one to another assigning both day and place where and whē they should meete together but yet no effect did folow This so passing on great murmuring was among the Cardinals to see their holy periured father so to neglecte his othe and vow aforenamed In so much that at length diuers of them did forsake the Pope as being periured as no lesse he was sending moreouer to kings and princes of other lands for their counsell and assistance therein to appease the schisme Amongest the rest Cardinall Bituriensis was sent to the king of Englande who publishing diuers propositions and cōclusions remaining in the registers of Thomas Arundell disputeth that the pope ought to be subiect to lawes and councels Then K. Henry moued to write to Gregory the pope directeth his letter here vnder ensuing which was the yeare of our Lorde 1409. The contents of the letter be these The letter of king Henry the fourth to Pope Gregory 12. MOst blessed father if the discrete prouidence of the Apostolike sea would call to mind with what great pearils the vniuersall world hath ben damnified hetherto vnder pretēce of thys present schisme and especially would consider what slaughter of Christen people to the number of two hūdreth thousand as they say hath bene throughe the occasion of warre raised vp in diuers quarters of the world and now of late to the number of thirty M. souldiours which haue bene slaine through the dissention moued about the Bishopricke of Leodium betwene two set vp one by the authoritie of one Pope the other by the authoritie of the other Pope fighting in campe for the title of that Bishoprike Certes yee would lament in spirite be fore greeued in minde for the same So that with good conscience you wold relinquish rather the honour of the sea Apostolike then to suffer such horrible bloudshed heereafter to ensue vnder the cloake of dissimulation followinge herein the example of the true mother in the booke of kings who pleading before Salomon for the right of her childe rather would depart from the childe then the childe shoulde bee parted by the sword And although it may be vehemently suspected by the new creation of 9. Cardinals by you last made contrary to your othe as other men do say that you do but little heede or care for ceasing the schisme Yet farre be it from the hearing and noting of the world that your circumspect seat shoulde euer be noted distained with such an inconstancie of minde whereby the last errour may be worse then the first Ex Chron. D. Albani part 2. ¶ King Henry the 4. to the Cardinals ANd to the Cardinalles likewise the sayde King directeth an other letter wyth these contentes heere following Wee desiring to shewe what zeale wee haue had and haue to the reformation of peace of the Churche by the consent of the states of the Realme haue directed to the Byshop of Rome our letters after the tenoure of the copie herewith in these presentes enclosed to bee executed effectually Wherefore we seriously beseeche your reuerende colledge that if it chaunce the sayde Gregory to be present at the councell of Pise and to render vp hys Popedome according to your desire and hys owne othe you then so ordaine for hys state totally that chiefly God may be pleased therby and that both the sayde Gregory and also wee which loue intierly hys honor and commodity may haue cause to geue you worthely condigne thankes for the same Ibid. This being done in the yere of our Lorde 1409. afterward in the yere next folowing an 1410. the Cardinals of both the Popes to witte of Gregorius and Benedictus By common aduise assembled together at the citie of Pise for the reformation of vnity and peace in the Churche To the which assembly a great multitude of Prelates and bishops being conuented a newe Pope was chosen named Alexander 5. But to thys election neither Gregorius nor Benedictus did fully agree Whereby there were 3. Popes together in the Romaine churche that is to vnderstande not 3. crownes vpon one Popes head but 3. heads in one Popish churche together This Alexander being newly made pope scarcely had well warmed his triple crowne but straight geueth out full remission not of a fewe but of all maner of sinnes whatsoeuer to all them that conferred any thing to the monastery of◠Bartlemew by Smithfeld resorting to the saide church any of these dayes following to wit on Maundy thursday good Friday Easter euen the feast of the Annunciation from the first euēsong to the latter But thys Pope which was so liberall in geuing remission of many yeares to other was not able to geue one yere of life to himselfe for within the same yere he died In whose stead stept vp Pope Iohn 23. In the time of this Alexander great stirre began in the country of Bohemia by the occasion of the bokes of Iohn Wickliffe which then comming to the hands of I. Husse and of other both men women especially of the lay sort and artificers began there to doe much good In so much that diuers of them not onely men but women also partly by reading of those bookes translated into their tounge partly by the setting forwarde of Iohn Husse a notable learned man and a singulare preacher at that time in the vniuersitye of Prage were in short time so ripe in iudgement and prompt in the scriptures that they began to moue questions yea and to reason wyth the Priestes touchyng matters of the Scriptures By reason whereof complaint was brought to the sayd Pope Alexander the fifte who caused eftsoones the forenamed Iohn Husse to bee cyted vp to Rome But when hee came not at the Popes citation then the sayde Pope Alexander addressed hys letters to the Archbyshop of Suinco Wherein he straightly charged him to prohibit and forbid by the authority Apostolicall all manner of preachings or sermons to be made to the people but onely in Cathedrall Churches or Colledges or Parish churches or in Monasteries or els in theyr Churchyardes And that the articles of Wickliffe shoulde in no case of any person of what state condition or degree so euer be suffered to be holdē taught or defended eyther priuily or apertlye Commaunding moreouer and charging the sayde Archbyshop that wyth foure Bachelers of Diuinitie and two Doctours of the Canon lawe ioyned vnto hym would proceede vpon the same and so prouide that no person in churches schooles or any other place should teach defend or approoue any of the foresayd Articles So that who so euer should attempt the contrary should be accounted an hereticke And vnles he
shall reuoke solemnly and publikely the sayde articles and shall for euer abiure the bookes wherein the foresayde articles be contained so that they may be vtterly abolished out from the eyes of the faithfull the same to be apprehended and imprisoned all appellation set apart the help also of the secular arme being called thereunto if nede shall require c. These were the contentes of this mighty fierce bull of Pope Alexander Against the whych bull on the other side Iohn Husse iustly complaining excepteth againe and obiecteth manye things as appeareth in his boke intituled De Ecclesia cap. 18. Where he declareth thys mandate of the pope to stande directly against the doings and sayings both of Christ and of his Apostles Considering how Christ himself preached to the people both in the sea in the desert in fields in houses in synagoges in villages and the Apostles also in all places did the same the Lord mightely working in them He declared moreouer the said mandate or bul of the pope to redound vnto the great detriment of the church in binding the word of God that it might not haue his free passage Also the same to be preiudicial vnto chappels newly erected for the word of God to be preached in them Wherfore sayeth he from thys commaundement or mandate of Pope Alexander I did appeale vnto the sayd Alexander being better informed and aduised And as I was persecuting my appeale the Lord Pope sayth Iohn Husse immediately died Then the Archbishop of Suinco aforesayde to whome this present bul was directed whē he saw the proces buls and mandates of the bishop of Rome to be thus cōtemned of Iohn Husse and hys fellows neyther hauing any hope of redresse in winceslaus the king which semed to neglect the matter went out of hys countrey into Hungarie to complaine vnto Sigismonde kyng of Hungarie and brother to the sayd Winceslaus But this quarelling Archbyshop whether before as the Bohemians say or after as Syluius sayeth that he had spoken with Sigismond immediatly there by the iust iudgement of God died in Hūgary as the story saith for sorrow Wherby a little more liberty and quiet was geuen by the Lord vnto hys Gospel newly beginning to take rote among the Bohemians Albeit this tranquility there did not long continue without trouble and persecution neither coulde it in those furious daies and raigne of Antichrist For after this Alexander aforesayde succeeded Pope Iohn 23. Who likewise playing hys parte in this tragedy bent all his might and maine to disturbe the Bohemians as more heereafter Christ willing shal be declared in further processe of our history comming to the yere of our Lord. 1413. Thus the poore Christians as ye see like to the seely Israelites vnder the tyrāny of Pharao were infested and oppressed in euery place but especially heere in England and that so much the more here because that the king not like to Winceslaus went ful and whole wyth the pope and his prelates against the Gospellers By reason wherof the kingdome of the Pope and hys members here in this realme began to be so strong that none durst stirre or once mute agaynst them The Byshops hauing the king so full on their side armed moreouer wyth lawes statutes punishments imprisonments sword fire and fagot raigned and ruled as they listed as kings and princes wythin thēselues So strong were they of power that no humaine force was able to stande against them so exalted in pride and puft vp in glory that they thought all things to be subiect to their reuerent maiesties What so euer they set foorth or decreed it must of all men be receyued and obeyed And such was their superstitious blindnesse and curious vanitie that whatsoeuer toy came once in their fantasye it was straightwayes determined and stablished for a lawe of all men to be obserued were it neuer so friuolous or superstitious As wel appeareth by Thomas Arundell Archb. of Cant. and other who hauing now a litle laisure from slaying and killing the innocēt people Martyrs and Confessors of the Lord hauing nowe brought their enemies as they thought vnder feete began to set vp themselues and to inuent newe customes as the guise is of the Popes church euer to intrude into the church of God some ceremony or custome of their owne making whereby the Churche of Christ hath bene hitherto exceedingly pestred So likewise this Thom. Arundel thinking the church yet not sufficiently stuffed with ceremonies and vaine traditions of men bringeth in a new found gaud commonly called the tolling of Aues in honour of our Ladye wyth certaine Aues to be saide and daies of pardon to be geuen for the same For the ratification wherof vnder the pretence of the kings request he directed his mandate to the Byshop of London well stuffed wyth woordes of I dolatry as by the reading thereof may appeare in forme of termes as followeth * A mandate of Tho. Arundel directed to the Bishop of London to warne men to say certayne prayers at the tolling of the Aues or ringing of Curphew THomas c. To the right reuerend our brother the Lorde Robert by the grace of God bishoppe of London greeting c. While we lift our eyes rounde about vs and beholde attentiuely with circumspect consideration how the most high woorde that was in the beginning with God chose to him an holy and immaculate virgin of the kingly stocke in whose wombe he tooke true flesh by inspirall inspiration that the mercifull goodnesse of the sonne of God that was vncreate might abolish the sentence of condemnation which all the posterity of mankind that was created had by sinne incurred Amongst other labours in the vine of the Lorde of Sabaoth we song to God our sauiour with great ioy in him carefully thinking that though all the people of the Christian religion did extol with voices of praises so worthy a virgin by whō we receiued the beginnings of our redemptiō by whom the holy day first shined to vs which gaue vs hope of saluation And although all the same people were drawen to reuerēce her which being a happy virgin cōceiued the sonne of God the king of heauen the redemer and sauiour of all nations ministring light to the people that were miserably drowned in the darkenesse of death We truely as the seruaunts of her owne inheritance and such as are wrytten of to be of her peculiar dower as we are by euery mans confession acknowledged to be we I say ought more watchfully then any others to shewe the endeuours of our deuotion in praising her Who being hetherto mercifull to vs yea being euen cowardes would that our power being as it were spred abroad euery where through all the coastes of the world shoulde with a victorious arme feare all foreine nations That our power being on all sides so defended with the buckler of her protection did subdue vnto our victorious standards and made subiect
much as we haue found by diuers actes done brought forth and exhibited by sundry euidences signes and tokens and also by many most manifest proues the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastle knight and L. Cobham not onely to be an euident hereticke in his owne person but also a mighty maintainer of other heretickes agaynst the fayth and religion of the holy and vniuersall church of Rome namely about the two sacramentes of the aultar and of penaunce besides the popes power and pilgrimages And that he as the childe of iniquitie and darcknes hath so hardened his hart that he will in no case attend vnto the voyce of his pastor Neyther will he be allured by straight admonishmentes not yet be brought in by fauourable wordes The worthines of the cause first wayed on the one side and his vnworthines agayn cōsidered on the other side his faults also aggrauated or made double through his damnable obstinacie we being loth that he which is nought shoulde be worse and so with his contagiousnes infecte the multitude by the sage counsel and assent of the very discrete fathers our honourable brethren and Lordes Byshops here present Richard of London Henry of Winchester and Bennet of Bangor and of other great learned and wise men here both doctours of diuinitie and of the lawes canon and ciuill seculers and religious with diuers other expert men assisting vs we sententially and diffinitiuely by this present writing iudge declare condemne the sayd syr Iohn Oldcastle Knight and Lord Cobham for a most pernitious and detestable hereticke conuicted vpon the same and refusing vtterly to obey the Church agayne committing him here from hencefoorth as a condemned hereticke to the secular iurisdiction power iudgement to doe him thereupon to death Furthermore we excommunicate and denounce accursed not onely this hereticke here present but so many els besides as shall hereafter in fauoure of his errour either receaue him or defend him counsell him or help hym or any other way mayntayne hym as very fautours receauers defenders counsaylers ayders and mayntayners of condemned heretickes And that these premisses may be the better knowne al faithfull Christen men we commit it here vnto your charges geue you straight commandement therupon by this writing also That ye cause this condemnation and diffinitiue sentence of excommunication cōcerning both this heretick and his fautours to be published throughout all diocesses in Cities towns villages by your curates and parish priests at such time as they shal haue most recourse of people And see that it be done after this sorte As the people are thus gathered deuoutly together let the curate euery where goe into the pulpit and there open declare and expound this excesse in the mother tongue in an audible and intelligible voyce that it may be perceiued of all men and that vpon the feare of this declaration also the people may fall from theyr euill opinions conceiued nowe of late by seditious preachers Moreouer we will that after we haue deliuered vnto each one of you bishops which are here present a copy hereof that ye cause the same to be written out agayne into diuers copies and so be sent vnto the other byshops and Prelates of our whole Prouince that they may also see the contentes thereof solemnly published within theyr diocesses and cures Finally we will that both you and they signifie agayne vnto vs seriously and distinctly by your writinges as the matter is without fayned colour in euery poynt performed the day wheron ye receaued this processe the time when it was of vs executed and after what sort it was done in euery condition according to the tenour hereof that we may knowe it to be iustly the same A copy of this writing sent Thomas Arundel the archbishop of Caunterbury afterward from Mydstone the x. day of Octobr within the same yeare of our Lord 1413. vnto Richard Clifford the bishop of London which thus beginneth Thomas permissione diuina c. The said Richard Clifford sent an other copy thereof enclosed within his owne letters vnto Robert Maschall a Carmelite frier which was then bishop of Herforde in Wales written from Haddam the 23. day of October in the same yeare and the beginning thereof is this Reuerende in Christo pater c. This Robert Mascall directed an other copye thereof from London the 27. day of Nouember in the same yeare enclosed in his owne commission also vnto his archdeacon and and Deanes in Hareforde and Shrewsbury And this is therof the beginning Venerabilibus discretis vitis c. In like maner did the other bishops within their diocesses After that the archbishop had thus read the bill of hys condemnation with most extremitie before the whol multitude The Lorde Cobham sayd with a moste cheerefull countenaunce Though ye iudge my body whiche is but a wretched thing yet am I certayne and sure that ye can do no harme to my soule no more then could Sathan vppon the soule of Iob. He that created that will of his infinite mercy and promise saue it I haue therein no manner of doubt And as concerning these articles before rehearsed I will stand to them euen to the very death by the grace of my eternall God And therwith he turned him vnto the people castyng hys handes abroad and saying with a very loude voyce Good Christen people for Gods loue be well ware of these men For they will els beguile you and leade you blindling into hell with thēselues For Christ sayth plainly vnto you If one blinde man leadeth an other they are like both to fall into the ditche After this he fell downe there vpon his knees thus before thē all prayed for his enemies holding vp both hys handes and his eyes towardes heauen and saying Lorde God eternall I beseeche thee of thy great mercies sake to forgeue my pursuers if it be they blessed will And then hee was deliuered to syr Robert Morly and so led forth again to the tower of London And thus was there an ende of that dayes worke Whyle the Lord Cobham was thus in the Tower he sent out priuely vnto his friendes And they at his request wrote this little bill here following causing it to be set vp in diuers quarters of London that the people should not beleeue the slaunders and lyes that his enemies the Byshops seruauntes and priestes had made on him abroade And thus was the letter FOr as much as Syr Iohn Oldcastle knight and Lorde Cobham is vntruely conuicted and emprisoned falsly reported and slandered among the common people by his aduersaries that he should otherwise both thinke speak of the sacramentes of the churche and specially of the blessed sacrament of the aultar then was written in the confession of his beliefe which was indended and taken to the clergy and so set vp in diuers open places in the cittye of London Knowne
com coÌ„paruit Ideo presentibus coronatoribus com predicti vtlagatâ— fuit per quod inquiratur de terra catallis suis. ¶ Notes or considerations vpon the Inditement and Commission aboue prefixed Die Mercurij proximo post festuÌ„ Epiphaniae c. ¶ First here is to be noted considered good reader the day and date of geuing out the Commission then of the Verdict presented by the Iurers which was both in one day that is on the Wednesday next after the Epiphanie in the first yeare of the reigne of kyng Henry 5. which was the x. day of the moneth of Ianuary as the date of the Commission sayth an 1413. after the vse of EnglaÌ„d or after the Romish vse an 1414. So that after the vse euer we count whether it be an 1413. or els an 1414. the Dominicall letter begynning at the first day of Ianuary to chauÌ„ge must needes be G. for the yeare so necessarily make Wednesday next after the Epyphanie to be the x. day of the sayd moneth of Ianuary Thus then this present Wednesday which was the tenth day of the moneth being well noted and borne in minde on the which day both the Commission was directed also the Verdict presented let vs now proceede further in the foresayd Iuditement It foloweth Per SacrameÌ„tum xij iuratorum extitit praesentatum c. ¶ If there had bin true dealing in this the Iurers should haue bene named But it is not like that there was euer any such Inditement found by any Iurers and therefore they did best not to name the Iurours least they would haue denied this Iuditement to be their Acte it foloweth more in proces of the Inditement Et dictum Ioan. Oldcastel Regentem Eiusdem regni constituere c. ¶ If there were no other argument this were sufficient to disproue the manifest vntruth of this surmised Inditement When as the king was not yet gone to Fraunce nor determined to go how could they conspire then to make a Regent For the king went in Iuly folowing vidz the second yeare of his raigne leauing behinde him the Queene his mother in law for Regent whereby it may be gathered that this matter was vntruly entred and stolen into the Records with an antedate or els at the least there appeareth manifest vntruth that they should conspire to make a Regent when a Regent was not thought vpon vnlesse it were all ready run into the heads of the Cleargie who shortly after fearing their temporalities as Caxton saith perswaded the King to make warres in Fraunce This word Regent therefore proceedeth of the secret spirit of the Cleargy and maketh the whole matter very suspicious to be grounded altogether vpon the malice of the Cleargie and their vntrue surmises It foloweth moreouer Quasi gens sine capite in finalem destructionem c. ¶ Now doth this stand with that goeth before that they conspired to make a Regent except you will say that to make a Regent is to be a people without an head It foloweth Cum quam pluribus rebellibus dicti regis ignotis ad numerum viginti millium hominum c. ¶ A straunge matter that they should knowe of the conspiracie of twentie thousand and yet knowe of no moe names of the rebels but the Lord Cobham onely or one or two mo And all the rest were ignoti Priuatim insurgentes c. ¶ This smelleth of the Cleargies owne penning without any great aduise of learned counsaile for otherwise such as had bene herein skilfull would neuer haue put in priuatim insurgentes Die Mercurij proximo post festum Epiphaniae D. anno R.R. praedicto c. ¶ This Wednesday next after the Epiphanie was the x. day of the moneth of Ianuary and the same day when both the conspiracie was put in execution and the same day when the commission was giuen out to enquire also when the fact was by enquirie presented Whereby it may seeme a strange thing that so great a conspiracy knowne beforehand was not suppressed nor enquired of by any commission but ouely by a commission bearing date of the same day vpon which day by the purport of the Inditement the conspiracie should haue bene put in execution by open rebellion as it is aforesayd Praedictum D. nostrum Regemfratres suos videl Thomam Ducem Clarentiae Ioannem de Lancastre Humfredum de Lancastre c. ¶ If the kings learned counsaile had dealt in this Inditement as in case of treason they should haue done if it had bene a matter of truth they would neuer haue handled it so slenderly and wrongly as to name the Dukes of Bedford and of Gloucester Iohn of Lancaster and Dumfrey of Lancaster who were made Dukes in the 13. yeare of the raigne of King Henry the fourth their father as appeareth by Caxtones Chronicle Et ibidem versus campum praedictum modo guerrino arriati proditorie modo insurrectionis contra ligeantias suas equitauerunt ad rebellandum dictum D. nostrum regem c. ¶ This is falsified by plaine euidence of histories And Cope hymselfe confesseth no lesse For he so sayth and confesseth page line That Sir Iohn Oldcastle was not there in person but onely that his consent and good will was there Againe seeing this equitation or riding toward Saint Giles field was vpon the Wednesday next after the feast of Epiphany as in this Inditement and processe of outlawry is aboue testified which was the tenth daye of Ianuary and commission also the same day was charged and the Iewry moreouer impanelled the same daye yet no Iewrer named Item the verdict the same day presented how all these can concurre together and all in one day let the reader after he haue well considered the matter vse his iudgement therin not only whether it be like but also whether it be possible Ouer and beside all this it is to be noted that if thys matter had bene truely and duly handled as touching the reason then had it not bene needefull to haue brought sir Iohn Oldcastle into the Parliament house before the Lords to haue had his iudgement For by the outlawrie if it had bene true he was 〈◊〉 and without ame more adde should hauâ— had iudgement in the Kings Bench as a Traytor But the chiefe Iustice knowing the handling of the matter durst not belike enterprise so far Wherefore iâ— was deuised that he should certifie the record 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 which he did together with the Bishops 〈◊〉 filed to the â—ecord which was verie strange And thereupon the Lords gaue such a iudgement as was not due for a Traytor For that they gaue no iudgement that he should be drawne hanged and set downe aliue and then 〈◊〉 weâ—led and quarâ—ered which is the iudgement of a Traytor And albeit the Parliament might haue attainteâ— him without any more ado And by the same Act of atteinder
counsaile you that you submit your selfe vnto the sentence and mind of the Councel as you did promise in the prison and if that you wyll do so it shall be greatly both for your profite and honour And the Emperour hymselfe began to tell hym the same tale saying Albeit that there be some which say that the 15 day after you were committed to prison you obtayned of vs our letters of safe conducte notwithstāding I can well proue by the witnes of many Princes and noble men that the sayd sase conducte was obtayned and gotten of vs by my Lord de Dube and de Clum before you were parted out of Prage vnder whose garde we haue sent for you to to the end that none shold do you any outrage or hurt but that you shold haue full liberty to speake freely before all the Councell and to answere as touching your fayth and doctrine and as you see my Lords the Cardinalles and Byshops haue so dealt with you that we doe very well perceaue theyr good will towardes you for the whych we haue great cause to thanke thē And for somuche as diuers haue told vs that we may not or ought not of right to defend anye man which is an hereticke or suspecte of heresie therefore now we geue you euen the same Councell which the Cardinal of Cambray hath geuen you already that you be not obstinate to mayntayne any opinion but that you do submit◠your selfe vnder such obedience as you owe vnto the authoritie of the holy Councell in all thinges that shall be laid against you and confirmed by credible witnesses The which thing if you do according to our Counsaile we will geue order that for the loue of vs and of our brother the whol realme of Boheme the Councell shall suffer you to depart in peace with an easie and tollerable penance satisfactiō The which thing if you do contrariwise refuse to do the presidentes of the Councell shall haue sufficient wherwithal to proceede agaynst you And for our part be ye well assured that we will sooner prepare and make the fire with our own handes to burne you withall then we wil endure or suffer any longer that you shal maintayn or vse this stifnes of opinions which you haue hitherto mayntayned and vsed Wherfore our aduise and councell is that you submit your self wholy vnto the iudgement of the coūcell Vnto whome I. Hus answered in this sort O most noble Emperour I render vnto your highnes most immortall thankes for your letters of safeconduct Uppon this L. Iohn de Clum did break him of his purpose and admonished him that he did in no poynt excuse himselfe of the blame of obstinacie Then said I. Hus O most gentle lord I do take God to my witnes that I was neuer minded to mayntain any opinion euer obstinately and that for this same intent and purpose I did come hether of myne owne good will that if any man could lay before me any better or more holy doctrine then mine that then I would chaunge myne opinion without anye further doubt After he had spoken and sayde these thinges he was sent awaye with the Sergeantes The morow after which was the viii day of Iune the uery same company which was assembled the day before assembled now againe at the Couent of the Franciscaues And in this assembly were also I. Husse hys friends Lord de Dube and Lord de Clum and Peter the Notary Thether was Iohn Hus also brought in his presence there were reade about 39. Articles the which they sayde were drawne out of his bookes Hus acknowledged all those that were faythfully and truly collected and gathered to be his of the which sort there were but very few The residue were counterfayted and forged by his aduersaryes specially by Stephen Palletz the principall authour of this mischiefe for they could finde no such thinge in the bookes out of the which they sayde they had drawne and gathered them or at the least if they were they were corrupted by flaunders as a man may easely perceiue by the number of Articles These be the same Articles in a matter whiche were shewed before in the prison to Iohn Hus and are rehearsed here in an other order Howbeit there were more Articles added vnto thē and other some corrected enlarged But now we will shew them one with an other and declare what the sayde Hus did aunswere both openly before them all as also in the prison for he left his aunsweres in the prison briefly written with hys owne hand in these wordes I Iohn Hus unworthy minister of Iesus Christ master of Arte and Bachelour of Diuinitie do confesse that I haue written a certayne small treatise intituled of the church the copy whereof was shewed me by the Notaryes of the three Presidentes of the Councell that is to saye the Patriarche of Constantinople the Byshop of Castle and the Byshop of Libusse the whiche deputies or presidentes in reprose of the sayd treatise deliuered vnto me certayne articles saying that they were drawne out of the sayd treatise and were written in the same The first Article There is but one holy uniuersall or Catholicke Church which is the vniversall company of al the predestinate I doe confesse that thys proposition is mine and is confirmed by the saying of S. Augustin vpon S. Iohn The second article S. Paule was neuer any member of the deuill albeit that he committed and did certayne actes like vnto the actes of the malignant Churche And likewise S. Peter which fell into an horrible sinne of periurie and deniall of his mayster it was by the permission of God that he might the more firmely and stedfastly rise a gayne and be confirmed I aunswere according to Sainct Augustine that it is expedient that the elect and predestinate should sinne and offend Hereby it appeareth that there is two maner of seperations from the holy church The first is not to perdition as all the elect are deuided from the Church The second is to perdition by the which certayne heretickes are through theyr deadly sinne deuided from the Church Yet notwithstanding by the grace of God they may returne agayne vnto the flocke and be of the sold of our Lord Iesus Christ of whome he speaketh himselfe saying I haue other sheep which are not of thys fold Iohn xx The third article No part or member of the Churche doth depart or fall away at any time from the bodye for so much as the charitie of predestination whiche is the bond and chayne of the same doth neuer fall Thys proposition is thus placed in my booke As the reprobate of the church proceed out of the same yet are not as partes or mēbers of the same for so much as no part or member of the same doth finally fall away because that the charitie of predestination which is the bond and chayne of the same doth neuer fall away This is proued by the
maiesty doth heere vse it Then sayde the Cardinall of Florence Iohn Hus you shall haue a forme of abiuration which shal be gentle and tollerable inough written and deliuered vnto you and then you will easily sone determine with your selfe whither you will do it or no. Then the Emperour repeating againe the wordes of the Cardinall of Cambray said thou hast heard that there are two waies layd before thee First that thou shouldest opēly renounce those thy errors which are now cōdēned and subscribe vnto the iudgement of the Councel wherby thou shouldest try and find their grace and fauour But if thou proceed to defend thy opiniōs the Councell shal haue sufficient wherby according to their lawes ordinances they may decree and determine vpō thee To whom Iohn Hus answered I refuse nothing most noble Emperour whatsoeuer the Councell shall decree or determine vpō me This only one thing I except that I do not offend God and my cōscience or say that I haue professed those errors which was neuer in my mind or thought for to professe But I desire you al if it may be possible that you will grant me further libertie to declare my mind and opiniō that I may answere as much as shall suffice as touching those things which are obiected against me and speciallie cōcerning ecclesiasticall offices and the state of the ministerie But when as other men began to speake the Emperor himselfe began to sing the same song which he had song before Thou art of lawfull age said the Emperor thou mightest haue easily vnderstand what I saide vnto thee yesterday and this daye for wee are forced to giue credit vnto these witnesses which are worthy of credit for so much as the Scripture saith that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all truth is tried How much more then by so manie witnesses of such worthy men Wherfore if thou be wise receiue penance at the handes of the Councell with a contrite hart and renounce the manifest errors and promise by an othe that from henceforth thou wilt neuermore teach or preach againste them The which if thou refusest to do there are lawes and ordinances whereby thou shalt be iudged of the Councell Heere a certain very old Bishop of Pole put to his verdict He saide the lawes are euident as touching hereticks with what punishment they ought to be punished But Iohn Hus constantly answered as before in somuch that they saide he was obstinate and stubborne Then a certaine well fed priest and gaily apparelled cried out vnto the presidents of the Councell sayeng he ought by no meanes to be admitted to recantation for he hath written vnto his frends that although hee do sweare with hys tong yet he will keepe his mind vnsworne without othe wherefore he is not to be trusted Unto this slander Iohn Hus answered as is said in the last Article affirming that he was not guilty of any errour Then said Palletz to what end is this protestation for so much as thou saiest that thou wilt defend no error neyther yet Wickliffe and yet doest defend him When he had spoken these words he brought forth for witnes 9. Articles of Iohn Wickliffes and red thē openly afterward he saide When as I and M. Stanislaus in the presence of Ernestus of Austrich duke of Prage preached against thē he obstinately defended the same not only by his sermōs but also by his bookes which he set forth The which except you do here exhibite we will cause them to be exhibited So said the Emperor also Unto whome Iohn Hus answered I am very well contented that not onely those but also all other my bookes be brought forth and shewed In the meane time there was exhibited vnto the Coūcell a certaine Article wherein Iohn was accused that he had slaunderously interpreted a certaine sentence of the Popes the which he denied that he did saieng that he neuer sawe it but in prison when as the Article was shewed him by the Commissioners And when he was demaunded who was the authour thereof he aunswered that hee knew not but that he hard say that maister Iessenitz was the author thereof What sayd they then do you thinke or iudge of the interpretation thereof Then aunswered Iohn Hus what should I say therunto when as I said I neuer saw it but as I haue heard it of you Thus they were all so greuous and troublesome vnto him that he waxed faint wearie for he had passed all y◠night before without sleepe through the paine of his teeth Then was there another Article read in the which was conteined that three men were beheaded at Prage because that through Wickleffes doctrine and teaching they were contuinelious and slanderous against the Popes letters and that they were by the same Hus with the whole pompe of the Scholers and with a publike conuocation or congregation caryed out to be buryed by a publicke Sermon placed amongst the number of Saints And the same Doctour Naso of whome you haue heard certaine testimonies already recited affirmed the same to be true and that he himselfe was present when as the king of Boheme commanded those blasphemers so to be punished Then said Iohn Hus both those partes are false that the King did command any such punishment to be done and that the coarses were by me conueyed with any such pompe vnto their sepulture or buriall wherefore you do both iniury vnto me and the King Then Palletz confirmed the affirmation of Doctour Naso his fellow with this argumēt for they both laboured to one end and purpose That it was prouided by the Kings commaundement that no man should once speake against the Popes Bulles And these three spake against the Popes Bulles Ergo by vertue of the kings commaundement they were beheaded And what Iohn Husse his opinion and mind was as touching these men it is euident inough by hys booke intituled Of the Church wherein he writeth thus I beleeue they haue read Daniell the Prophet where as is said And they shall perish with sword and fire and with captiuitie and many shall fraudulently craftely associate themselues vnto thē And afterward he saith how is this fulfilled in these two lay men who not cōsenting but speaking against the fained lies of Antichrist haue offred their liues therfore and many other were ready to do the same and many were fraudulently associate vnto them which being feared by the threatnings of Antichrist are fled and haue turned their backes c. When these things were read one looking vpon another as though they had bene all in a maruellous strange study they held their peace for a certaine space For this Palletz the foresaide Doctour Naso had also added that Iohn Hus in an open Sermon had inflamed stirred vp the people against the Magistrates in so much that a great number of the citizens did openly set themselues against the magistrates and
a yeare before hys burning the said William Tailour appeared again in the conuocation before the Archbishop being brought by the Bishop of Worcester being complained of to haue taught at Bristow these Articles folowing First that whosoeuer hangeth any scripture about his necke taketh away the honor due onely to God geueth it to the Deuill Secondly that no humaine persone is to be worshipped but onely God is to be adored Thirdly that the Saints are not to be worshipped nor inuocated Upon these Articles the sayde William Tailour being examined denied that he did preache or hold them in way of defending them but only did commune and talke vpon the same especially vpon the second and third article only in way of reasoning and for argument sake And to iustify his opiniō to be true in that which he did hold he brought out of his bosome a paper or libell wrytten wherein were contained certaine Articles wyth the testimonies of the Doctours alleaged and exhibited the same vnto the archbishop Who then being bidde to stande aside the Archbyshop consulting together with the byshops and other prelates what was to be done in the matter deliuered the wrytinges vnto M. Iohn Castle and Iohn Rikinghale the two vicechauncelors of Oxforde and Cambridge and to Iohn Langdon monke of Canterbury Who aduising with themselues and with other deuines about the Articles and allegations on the monday following presented the sayde Articles of William Tailour to the Archbishop and Prelates as erroneous and hereticall Wherevppon William Tailour being called before them in conclusion was contented to reuoke the same and for hys penaunce was by them condemned to perpetuall prison Notwithstanding through fauour they were contented that he should be released from his carceral indurance in case hee woulde putte in sufficient surety in the kinges Chancerye and sweare that he shall neuer holde or fauour any such opinions hereafter And thus the sayde William Tailor apoynted to appeare the next Wednesday at Lambeth before the Archbishoppe to take his absolution from his long excommunication during the time from Thomas Arundell appeared againe before him where he laying a side his Arunlousa that is his cloke his cap and stripped vnto hys doublet kneeled at the feete of the Archbyshop Who then standing vp and hauing a rodde in hys hande began the Psalme Misere c. hys chaplaines aunswering the second verse After that was sayde the Collect Deus cui proprium c. with certaine other prayers And so taking an oth of him the Archbishop committed him to the custodie of the Byshop of Worcester to whome power and authority was permitted to release him vpon the conditions aforesaide And thus was William Tailour for that time absolued being enioyned notwythstanding to appeare at the next conuocation whēsoeuer it shuld be before the said Archbishop or his successour that should follow him In the meane time while William Tailour was thus in the custody of the Bishop of Worcester there passed certaine wrytings betweene hym and one Thomas Smith priest at Bristowe in the which wrytings William Tailour replied against the sayd Thomas concerning the question of worshipping Saints Upon the occasion of which reply being brought to the hands of the byshop of Worcester William Tailour began a newe to be troubled was broughte againe before the publicke conuocation of the cleargy by the said bishop of Worcester to aunswere vnto his wrytings This was an 1422. the 11. day of Februarie Unto the which conuocation the sayd William being presented his wrytings were read to him which he woulde not nor could not deny to be of his owne hand wryting The tenour and effect of whose wryting onely tended to prooue that euery petition and prayer for any supernaturall gift ought to be directed to God alone to no creature All be it in this his wryting he did not vtterly deny that it was not lawfull in no respecte to pray to Saintes and bringeth for the same Thomas Aquine but onely in respect of that worship whych is called Cultus latriae And further so prosecuteth his minde herein that he semeth little or nothing to differ from the superstition of the papists as most plainely appeareth by his owne wordes saying Nunquam tamen negaui aut negare intendo merita aut sanctorum suffragia tam beatorum quam viantium tam viuis quam mortuis ad hoc dispositis quantum possunt suffragari vel proficere quia hoc est elicibile ex Scriptura quae non fallit ex consona ratione c. And moreouer hee inferreth the example of Moses who prayed vnto God alleadging the merites of Abraham Isaac and Iacob which were deade c. And furthermore passing from the testimony of Hierome and alledging the example of Steuen sayeth Quod nunc magis exauditur pro veneratoribus suis quam tunc exauditus est pro lapidatoribus And at length he commeth to this cōclusion proouing by S. Austen in this maner Ne igitur cum impijs idolatris in veteri testamento in circuitu ambulemus nunquam deueniendo ad centrum sanū est quod faciamus secundum consilium Apostoli sic dicentis Accedamus cum fiducia ad thronum gratiae eius vt misericordiam consequamur gratiam inueniamus in auxilio oportuno c. That is And therfore least we runne about in circles with the wicked and wyth the idolaters of the old Testament and neuer come to the center therfore it is wholesome good counsaile that we followe the minde of the Apostle saying Let vs resorte wyth boldnes vnto the throne of his grace that we may obtaine mercy and finde grace in time or oportune helpe c. Thus much out of the foresayde wryting of W. Tailor I haue excerped to the intent that the indifferent reader vsing his iudgement herein may see how litle matter was in this wherefore he should be condemned by the Papists And yet notwythstanding the same wryting being deliuered by the archbishop to the four orders of Friers of London to be examined was founde erroneous and hereticall in these poyntes 1. First that euery prayer which is a petition of some supernaturall gift or free gift is to be directed onely to God 2. Item that prayer is to be directed to God alone 3. Item to pray to any creature is to commit idolatry 4. Also an other opiniō there was much like to the other to make vp the fourth so that although all these opinions agreed in one yet to make vp a number euery order of the foure sortes of Friers thought to finde out some matter to offer vp to the Archb. against him least one order shoulde seeme more cunning or pregnant in finding out more then could an other or els perchaunce least any of them should seeme to fauor the party in bringing nothing against him as the rest had done The burning of William Tailour Priest When the Saterday was come which was the 20. day of
place in euery of the foresayd appoynted dayes which tapers the last sonday after theyr penance finished we will that the sayde Iohn Thomas do humbly and deuoutly offer vnto the high aultar of the parish church of Alborough at the tyme of the offertory of the high Masse the The description of the penance of Tho. Pye and Iohn Mendham same day and that either of them going about the market place aforesayd shall make foure seueral pauses or stayes and at euery of those same pauses humbly and deuoutly receiue at your handes three displinges Therefore we straightly charge and commaunde you and either of you ioyntly and seuerally by vertue of your obedience that euery sonday and market day after the recept of our present commaundement you do effectually admonishe and bring foorth the sayde Thomas Pye and Iohn Mendam to begin and accomplishe theyr sayde penance and so successiuely to finish the same in maner and forme afore appoynted But if they wil not obey your monitions or rather our commaundementes in this behalfe and begin and finish their sayd penance effectuallye you or one of you shall cite them peremptoryly that they or eyther of them appeare before vs or our Commissary in the chappell of our palace at Norwich the 12. day after the citatioÌ„ so made if it be a court day or els the next court day folowing to declare if they or any of them haue any cause why they should not be excommunicate for theyr manifest offence in this behalfe committed according to the forme and order of lawe and further to receiue such punishmeÌ„t as iustice shall prouide in that behalfe And what you haue done in the premisses whether the sayde Thomas and Iohn haue obeyed your admonitions and performed the said penance or no we will that you or one of you which haue receiued our sayd commaundement for the execution thereof do distinctly certify vs betwene this the last day of Nouember next comming Dated at our palace of Norwich vnder our Commissaryes seale the 8. day of October an 1428. This gentle Reader was for the most part the order of theyr whole penaunce howbeit some were oftentimes more cruelly handled after theyr penance they were banished out of the dioces and other some more straightly vsed by longer imprisomeÌ„t wherof we will briefly rehearse one or two for example Iohn Beuerley alias Battild IOhn Beuerley alias Battild a labourer was attached by the Vicar of Sowthereke the parish priest of Waterden and a lawyer and so deliuered vnto Mayster Wil. BernaÌ„ the Byshops Commissary who sent him to the Castle of Norwich there to be kept in irons wheras afterward he being brought before the commissary and hauing nothing proued agaynst him he took an othe that euery yeare afterward he should confesse his sinnes once a yere to his curat and receiue the Sacrament at Easter as other Christians did and for his offence was enioyned that the Friday and Saterday next after he should fast bread and water and vpon the Saterday to be whipped from the pallace of Norwich going round about by Tomelands by S. Michaels Church by Cottle rew and about the market hauyng in his hand a waxe candle of two peÌ„ce to offer to the image of the Trinity after he had done his penaunce And for so much as he confessed that he had eateÌ„ flesh vpoÌ„ Easter day and was not shriuen in all lent nor receiued vpon Easter day the iudge enioyned him that he shoulde fast Tuesday Wednesday and Friday in Whitsonweke hauing but one mealt a day of fish and other whitte meates and after hys penaÌ„ce so done he should depart out of the dioces neuer come there any more Iohn Skilley of Flixton Miller IOhn Skilley of Flixton Miller being apprehended and brought before the bishop of Norwich the 14 day of March 1428. for holding mayntayning the Articles aboue written was therupon conuict and forced to abiure and after his abiuration solemnly made which here to anoyd tediousnes we omit he had a most sharpe sentence of penance pronouced agaynst him the effect wherof being briefly collected was this That forsomuch as the said Skilley was conuict by his owne confession for holding and mayntayning the Articles before written and for receiuing certain good and godly meÌ„ into his house as sir Wil. White priest and Iohn Wadden whom they called famous notorious and damnable heretickes and had now abiured the same being first absolued from the sentence of excommunication which he had incurred by meanes of his opinions he was enioyned for penaunce 7. yeares imprisonment in the monastery of Langley in the dioces of Norwiche And forsomuch as in times past he vsed vpon the Fridayes to eate flesh he was enioyned to fast bread water euery Friday by the space of that 7. yeares to come and that by the space of 2. yeares next immediately after the 7. yeares expired euery wednesday in the beginning of LeÌ„t euery Maundy thursday he should appeare before the bishop or his successor or coÌ„missary for the time being in the cathedrall church of Norwich together with the other penitentiaryes to do open penance for his offences Besides these there were diuers other of the same coÌ„pany which the same yeare were forced to like abiuratioÌ„ penaÌ„ce And so to proceed to the next yeare following which was 1429. there ensueth a great nuÌ„ber in the same register which were examined and did penaunce in like sorte to the number of 16. or 17. In the number of whom was Iohn Baker otherwise called Usher Tunstall who for hauing a booke with the Pater noster the â—ue and Creed in English and for certayn other articles of fasting confession and inuocation contrary to the determination of the Romish Church after much vexation for the same was caused to abiure and sustayne such penaunce as the other before him had done The story of Margery Backster ANother was Margery Backster wife of Wil. Backster Wright in MarthaÌ„ the same yere accused against whom one Ioane wife of Cliffelande was brought in by the bishop and coÌ„pelled to depose and was made to bring in in forme following First that the sayde Margerye Backster did informe this deponent that she should in no case sweare saying to her in english dame beware of the Bee for euery Bee will sting and therefore take heede you sweare not neyther by God neither by our Lady neither by none other saynt if ye do contrary the Bee will sting your tongue and venome your soule IteÌ„ this deponeÌ„t being demauÌ„ded by the said Margery what she did euery day at church she answered that the kneled down said 5. Pater nosters in worship of the crucifixe as many Aue Maries in worship of our Lady whoÌ„ Margery rebuked saying you do euill to kneele or pray to such Images in the churches for God dwelleth not in such churches neither shall come downe out of heauen will geue
make the Pope subiect vnto the Church for it is conuenient that the lesse perfect be subiect vnto the more perfect There be also many other testimonies reasons wherof we will now somewhat more entreate If authoritie be sought for sayth S. Hierome for I willingly occupie my selfe in his senteÌ„ces as in a most fertile field the world is greater then a Citie What then I pray you Hierome Is the Pope mighty because he is head of the Church of Rome His authoritie is great notwithstanding the vniuersall Church is greater which doth not onely coÌ„preheÌ„d one Citie but also the whole world Hereupon it followeth that if the Churche be the mother of all faithfull then she hath the Bishop of Rome for her sonne Otherwise as S. Augustine saith he can neuer haue God for his father which will not acknowledge the Church for his mother The which thing Anacletus vnderstandyng called the vniuersal Church his mother as the writers of the Canons do know And Calixtus sayth as a sonne he came to doe the will of his father so we do the will of our mother which is the Church Whereby it appeareth that how much the sonne is inferiour to the mother so much the Church is superiour or aboue the Bishop of Rome Also we haue sayd before that the Churche was the spouse of Christ the Pope we know to be a Vicare but no maÌ„ doth so ordaine a Vicar that he maketh his spouse subiect vnto him but that the spouse is alwayes thought to be of more authoritie then the Vicar for somuch as she is one body with her husbaÌ„d but the Vicar is not so Neither will I here passe ouer the wordes of S. Paule vnto the Romaines Let euery soule sayth he be subiect vnto the higher powers Neither doth he herein except the pope For albeit that he be aboue all other meÌ„ yet it seemeth necessary the he should be subiect to the Church Neither let him thinke himselfe hereby exeÌ„pt because it was said vnto Peter by Christ whatsoeuer thou bindest c. In this place as we wil hereafter declare he represeÌ„ted the person of the Church for we finde it spoken afterward vnto theÌ„ Quaecunque ligaueritis super terraÌ„ ligata eruÌ„t in coelis i. Whatsoeuer ye shal binde vpoÌ„ earth shall be also bounde in heaueÌ„ And furthermore if all power be geueÌ„ of Christ as the Apostle writeth vnto the CorinthiaÌ„s it is geuen for the edifiyng of the Church not for the destruction therof why then may not the Church correct the Pope if he abuse the keyes and bring all thinges vnto ruine Adde hereunto also an other argument A man in this life is lesser then the aungels for we read in Mathew of Iohn Baptist that he whiche is least in the kingdome of heauen is greater then he Notwithstanding Christ sayth in an other place that amongest the children of women there was not a greater then Iohn Baptist. But to proceede meÌ„ are forced by the exaÌ„pâ—e of Zacharias to geue credite vnto auÌ„gels least through their misbelief they be striken blind as he was What more The Bishop of Rome is a maÌ„ Ergo he is lesse then the aungels and is bound to geue credite to the aungels But the aungels learne of the Church and do reuereÌ„tly accorde vnto her doctrine as the Apostle writeth vnto the EphesiaÌ„s Ergo the pope is bouÌ„d to do the same who is lesse then the aungels and lesse then the Churche whose authoritye is suche that worthely it is compared by S. Augustine vnto the Sunne that lyke as the Sunne by his light doth surmount all other lightes so the church is aboue all other authority and power Wherupon S. Augustine writeth thus I would not beleue the Gospel saith he if the authority of the church did not more me thereunto the which is not in any place souÌ„d to be spoken of the bishop of Rome who representing the Church and being minister thereof is not to be thought greater or equall to hys Lorde and maister Notwythstanding the wordes of our Sauiour Christ do specially proue the Byshop of Rome to be subiect to the church as we will hereafter declare For he sending Peter to preach vnto the church sayd go and say vnto the Church To the confirmation of whole authoritye these wordes do also pertaine hee that heareth you heareth me The which wordes are not onely spoken vnto the Apostles but also vnto their succesaurs and vnto the whole Church Wherupon it foloweth that if the Pope do not harken geue eare vnto the Church he doeth not geue eare vnto Christ consequently he is to be counted as an Ethnicke Publicane For as S. Augustine affirmeth when as the Church doth excommunicate he which is so excommunicate is bounde in heauen and when the Church looseth he is loosed Likewise if he be an heretike which taketh away the supremacie of the Churche of Rome as the Decrees of the councel of Coustance doth determine how much more is he to be counted an hereticke which taketh away the authoritye from the uniuersall Church wherein the Church of Rome and all other are conteined Wherefore it is now euident that it is the opinion of al men before our daies if it may be called an opinion which is confirmed by graue authors the the Pope is subiecte vnto the vniuersall church But this is called into question whether he ought also to be iudged of the general Councel For there are some which whether it be for desire of vaine glory or that thorough their flattery they looke for some great reward haue begon to teach new and strange doctrines and to exempt the byshop of Rome from the iurisdiction of the generall Councel AmbitioÌ„ hath blinded them wherof not only this present Schisme but also all other Schismes euen vnto thys day haue had their originall For as in times past the gredy desire ambition of the papacy brought in that pesriferous beast which through Arrius then first crept into the church euen so they do specially norish and mainteine this present heresie whych are not ashamed to begge Of the which number some cry out say the workes of the subiects ought to be iudged by the Pope but the Pope to be reserued only vnto the iudgemeÌ„t of God Others said that no man ought to iudge the high and principall Seate and that it can not be iudged either by the Emperour either by the Clergy either by any king or people Other affirme that the Lord hath reserued vnto himselfe the depositions of the chiefe Bishop Others are not ashamed to affirme that the Byshop of Rome although hee cary soules in neuer so great number vnto hell yet hee is not subiect vnto any correction or rebuke And because these their words are easily resolued they runne straight waies vnto the Gospell and interprete the wordes of Christ not according to the sense and meaning of the holy Ghost
by his interpreter the they all should be of good cheare For the Emperours safe conduict should be obserued and kept eueÌ„ to the vttermost neither should the Patriarck nor any other once violate the libertie or take away the assurance granted by the Emperour Notwithstanding he desired the patriarche that he would call backe hys wordes agayne not to speake any more in such sort But that famous father being nothing at all moued or troubled coÌ„mitted his whole minde vnto Iohn de Bacheistein auditor of the chamber a man both graue and eloquent to be declared Who affirmed that the patriarches minde was not to threaten anye man or disturbe the libertie of the councell but to moue the fathers vnto Constancie that they should be mindefull of the reformation which they had promised vnto the whole world and not so say one thing to day an other to morrow for if they would so do it were to be feared least the lay tie seeing themselues deluded and dispayring of reformacion should rise agaynst the Clergy Therfore he monisheth the fathers to foresee and prouide for the perill that they shoulde not depart from the Councell nothing being determined or done and finally he desired pardon if in his wordes he had offended eyther agaynst the Councel PanormitaÌ„ or any other maÌ„ Wherby he declared it to be true which is commonly sayd that Humilitie is the sister of nobilitie both which did very excellently appeare in this man Yet for al this could not the humilitie of the patriark stop or staye their noyse or cryes For as often as mention was made of reading the Concor datum great noyse and rumours were stil made for to stop the same Then Amodeus archbishop of Lyons and primate of al Fraunce a man of great reuerence and authoritie being touched with the zeale of fayth whiche he sawe there to be stopped and suppressed sayd Most reuerend fathers I haue nowe a great occasion for to speake for it is now 7. yeares or more that I haue bene amongst you yet haue I neuer seene the matter at that poynt whiche it is now at most like vnto a miracle for euen presently I doe behold most woÌ„derfull signes of miracles for it is no smal matter that the lame do walke the dumme do speake and that poore men preach the Gospel Wherupon I pray you commeth this sodayne chaunge Howe happeneth it that those which lie lurking at home are now sodenly start vp Who hath geuen hearing to the deafe and speache to the dumme Who hath taught the poore men to preach the gospell I do see here a new sorte of prelates come in whiche vnto this preseÌ„t haue kept silence and now begin to speak Is not this like to a miracle I would to God they came to defend the truth and not to impugne iustice But this is more to be marueiled at then any miracle that I doe see the best learned men of all impugne our coÌ„clusions which are most certayn and true And they which now reproue them in times past allowed them You are not ignoraunt howe that Lodouicus the Prothonotarye preached these verities at Louain and at ColleÌ„ brought them from thence confirmed with the authoritie of the Uniuersities Wherfore albeit that he be now changed yet is the truth in no poynt altered And therefore I desire you beseech you all that ye will not geue eare vnto these men which albeit they are most excelleÌ„tly learned yet haue they no constancy in them which doth adorn all other vertues When he had ended his Oration Lodouicus the Prothonotary rising vp sayde It is most true that I brought those verities but you do cal them verities of fayth which addition semeth very doubtful vnto me When he had spoken these wordes Cardinall Arelatensis requred that the Concordatum of the twelue men should be read and many whispered him in the care that he should go forward and not aulter his purpose Then Panormitan as soone as the Concordatum began to be read rising vp with his companions and other Arragons cryed out with a loud voyce saying You fathers do contemne our requestes you contemne kinges Princes and despise Prelates but take heede least whilest that ye despise all men you be not despised of all men You would conclude but it is not your part for to conclude We are the greater part of Prelates we make the Councell it is our part to conclude and I in the name of all other prelates do conclude that it is to be deferred delayed With this worde there sprang suche a noyse and rumour in the Councell as is accustomed to be in battaile with the sound of Trumpets and noyse of horsemeÌ„ when as two armies ioyne Some cursing that which Panormitan went about other some alowing the same So that diuersitie of minds made diuers contentions Then Nicholas Amici a Diuine of Paris according vnto his office sayd Panormitan I appeale froÌ„ this your conclusion to the iudgement of the councell here present neither do I affirme any thinge to be ratified whiche you haue done as I am ready to proue if it shall seeme good The contrary part seemed nowe to bee in the better place for they had already concluded The other part had neither coÌ„cluded neither was it seene how they could conclude amongest so great cryes and vprores Notwithstanding amongest al this troublous noyse Iohn Segouius a singular Diuine of the vniuersitie of Salamantine lacked not audieÌ„ce for the whol couÌ„cel was desirous for to hear him wherfore al meÌ„ as soon as he rose vp kept silence he perceiuing that they were desirous to heare him speak begaÌ„ in this sort Most reuerend fathers the zeale and loue of the house of God forceth me nowe to speake and I woulde to God that I had ben either blind this day not to haue sene those thinges whiche haue happened or that I had bene deafe that I should not haue heard those words which haue bene spoken Who is it that is so stony or hard harted which caÌ„ abstayne from teares when as the authoritie of the church is so spoyled libertie taken away both from vs and the councell that there is no place geue vnto the veritie O sweet Iesu why hast thou forsaken thy spouse Behold and look vpon thy people and helpe vs if our requestes are iust We come hether to prouide for the necessitie of the Church we require nothing for our selues â—our desire is only that truth might appeare We trusted now to haue concluded vpon the verities which were sometimes alowed in the sacred deputations The Oratours of the Princes are present require the conclusions to be deferred But we be not vnmindful of those thinges which Ambrose wrote vnto Ualentinian the Emperour in this maner if we shall intreate vpon the order of the holy Scripture and auncient times past who is it that will deny but that in case of faith I
vereties which were examined that therby the temeritie of the EugeniaÌ„s might be repressed which verities albeit they were 8. in number yet was it not the Fathers inteÌ„t to conclude vpon them al but onely the three first euen as I also saith he here do conclude in the name of the Father the sonne and the holy Ghost When he had finished his Oration with a cheerful and mery countenaunce rising vp he departed Some of them kissed him and some of them kissed the skirtes of his garmentes A great number followed him and greatly commended his wisedome that being a Frenche man borne had that day vanquished the Italians which were men of great pollicy Howbeit this was all mens opinion that it was done rather by the operation of the holy Ghost then by the Cardinals owne power The other of the contrary faction as men bereft of their mindes hanging downe theyr heades departed euery man to his lodging They weÌ„r not together neither saluted one an other so that their countenaunces declared vnto euery man that they were ouercome Something more also is reported of Panormitane that when he came to his lodging was gone vnto his chamber he complained with himself vpon his king which had compelled him to striue agaynst the truth and put both his soule and good name in daunger of loosing and that in the middest of his teares and complayntes he fell a sleepe and did eate not meate vntill late in the euening for very sorow for that he had neither ignorauntly neither vnwillingly impugned the truth After this there was great consultation amongest the Eugenians what were best to be done in this matter Some thought good to depart and leaue the Councel other some thought it meeter to tary and with at endeuour to resist that nothing should further be done agaynst the Eugenians this opinion remained amongest them The next day after being the 15. day of Aprill the Archbishop of Lyons and the bishop of Burgen calling together the prelates into the Chapter house of the great church began many thinges as touching peace The Bishop of Burgen perswaded that there shuld be deputations appoynted that day vnto whoÌ„ the Archbishop of Lyons shoulde geue power to make an agrement Unto whome aunswere was made as they thought very roughly but as other iudged geÌ„tly but not withstanding iustly and truely For they sayd there could be no vnitie or concorde made before the aduersaries confessed their fault and asked pardon therefore The day following the sayd Byshop of Burgen with the other Lombards and Cathelans went vnto the Germaines and from thence vnto the Senate of the citie speaking much as touching the prohibiting of Schismes The Germaynes referred themselues to those thinges which the deputation should determine The Senate of the Citie as they were great meÌ„ of wisedom which would do nothing without dilligent aduise and deliberation answered that the marter pertayned not vnto them but vnto yâ— Counâ—or The fathers whereof were most wise men and were not ignoraunt what pertayned vnto the Christen fayth and if there were any daunger toward it shuld be declared vnto the Councell and not to the Senate For they beleue that the Elders of the Councell if they were premonished would foresee that there should no hurt happen as for the Senate of the Cittie it was there duety onely to defend the fathers and to preserue the promise of the citie with this answere the byshop of Burgen departed In the meane time the fathers of the councell had drawen out a forme of a decree vpon the former conclusions and had approned the same in the sacred deputations By this time the Princes Orators were returned from the assembly at Mentz holding a Councel among themselues they had determined to let the decree The 9. day of May there was a generall conuocation holdeÌ„ wherunto all meÌ„ resorted either part putting forth himselfe vnto the coÌ„flict The Princes Ambassadours were called by the bishop of Lubecke and Conrade de Winsperg the protectour into the quier and there kept whereas they intreated of a vnity and by what meanes it might be had and there they taryed longer then some thought to doe the whiche matter gaue occasion to bring thinges well to passe beyond al expectation The onely forme of the decree was appoynted to be concluded that day whereupon as soon as Cardinall Arelatensis perceiued the congregation to be full and that the twelue men had agreed and that there was a great expectation with sileuce he thought good not to delay it for feare of tumult but commanded by and by the publick coÌ„cordaunces to be read wherein this was also contayned that the Cardinall Arelatensis might appoynt a Session when soeuer he would Which being read he being desired by the promotors concluded according as the maner of custome is The Ambassadours of princes being yet it in the Duier as soone as they vnderstoode how the matter passed being very much troubled vexed they brake of theyr talke imputing all thinges to the bishop of Lubecke which of purpose had kept them in the Duier and protracted the time Wherupon they entring into the congregation filled the church full of complayntes First of all the Oratour of Lubecke complayned both in his owne name and the name of the protectour as touching the conclusion required that the councell woulde reuoke the same If that might be graunted he promised to intreate a peace and to be a protector betweene the Councell and the Ambassadours of the Princes But the Archbyshop of Turnon said that it seemed vnto him euery maÌ„ to haue free libertie to speake against that law whith shold be promulgate vntill the Session wheÌ„ the Canons shuld be consecrated and receiue their force wheÌ„ as the bishops in their poÌ„tificalibus after the reading of the decree in the Session should aunswere that it pleased them otherwise the demaund which was made by the promoters in the Session to be but vayne and for that the coÌ„clusious were not yet allowed in the Session and therefore he sayd that he might without rebuke speake somewhat as touching the same and that it was a great and hard matter and not to be knit vp in such a short time and that he had the knowledge thereof but euen now notwithstaÌ„ding that he being an Archbishop ought to haue knowne the matter that at hys return home he might informe the king also instruct those which were vnder him And that he and his fellowes before any Session should be would both heare be heard of others Neither doth it seeme good vnto him that the Session should be holdeÌ„ before report were made of those things which the Ambassadours of the Princes had done at Mentz which would peraduenture be such as might altter and chaunge the mindes of the fathers Then the Byshop of Concen Ambassadour of the king of Castell which was also lately returned from Mentz a man
Friderike Marques of Brandēberge and Iohn Duke of Bauaria bound themselues of their owne good will The like also did William Duke of Bauaria at the request of the Councell Likewise also did the Councel and the Emperour Sigismūd Furthermore promise was made that all the Princes and Cities shoulde do the like thorough whose dominion they should come and the Citie of Basill also The copie of which safeconduict was afterward sent vnto Prage This also was required by the Bohemians that if it were possible the Emperour should be present at the Councell This conuention at Egra continued xxj daies But the Bohemiās albeit they heard the Coūcels Ambassadours make great promises yet did they not fully giue credit vnto them Whereupon they chose out two Ambassadours Nicholas Humgolizius Iohn Zaczenses which should go to Basill diligently enquire out all thinges These men Conrade Bishop of Ratisbone and Conrade Seglauer Deane of Esteine brought vnto Cattelspurg where as the Marques dwelt being sente out by the Synode a little before to enquire whether the Bohemian Ambassadours woulde come or not When they were come vnto Biberacke one being ouercurious enquired of one of the Bohemian Ambassadours of what Countrey he was He aunswered that he was a Zaczen There said he are most execrable heretickes and noughty men c. Who for that slaunderous word as a breaker of the truce was straightway carried to prison and there shoulde haue suffered more punishment if the Bohemian Ambassadours and the Abbot of Ebera had not intreated for him When they came vnto Basill they were honourably receiued wyth wine and fish They tarried there fiue daies and a halfe The tenth day of October they came vnto the Synode which was assembled at the Friers Augustines These Ambassadours when as they were returned home with the Chartour of the Synode and declared those things which they had seene and that the matter was earnestly handled without fraud or disceipt there were Ambassadours chosen to be sent vnto the Councell both for the kingdome of Boheme and the Marquesdome of Morauia which comming vnto Tusca were brought from thence with xxxij horse diuers noble men vnto Chambia From thēce they came to Swenkendorph and so vnto Noremberg where as beside their entertainement of wine fish xxij horsemen accompanied thē vnto Ulmes from thence they of Ulmes brought thē vnto Biberacke and Sulgotia there Iames Tunches a Knight receiuing them brought them to Stockacum and from thence the hands of the Duke of Bauaria brought thē vnto Schafhuse There they taking ship the fourth day of Ianuary came vnto Basill the ix day of the same moneth What were the names of these Ambassadours of the Bohemians which were brought vp with 300. horse and how they were receiued at Basill mention is made before pag. 675. When as they came vnto the Synode Cardinall Iulian made an Oration that whatsoeuer was in any place in doubt the same ought to be determined by the authority of the Councell for somuch as all men are bounde to submit themselues to the iudgement of the holy Church which the Generall Councell doth represent Which Oration was not allowed of all the Bohemians Then Rochezanus made an Oration requiring to haue a day appointed whē they should be heard which was appointed the xvj day of the same moneth Upō which day Iohn Rochezanus hauing made his preface begā to propound the first Article touching the Communion to be ministred vnder both kindes and disputed vpon the same by the space of three daies alwaies before noone Then Uenceslaus the Thaborite disputed vpō the second article touching the correctiō and punishing of sin by the space of ij daies After whome Uldaricus priest of the Orphanes propounded disputed vpon the third Article by the space of ij dayes touching the free preaching of the worde of God Last of all Peter Paine an English man disputed iij daies vpō the fourth article touching y◠ciuill dominion of the Clergy and afterward gaue copies of their disputations in writing vnto the Councell with hartie thanks that they were heard The three last did somewhat inuey against the Councell Commending Iohn Hus Iohn Wickliffe for their doctrine Whereupon Iohn de Ragusio a Diuine rising vp desired that he might haue leaue to aunswere in his owne name to the first article of the Bohemians The Councell consented thereunto so that by the space of viij daies in the fore noone he disputed therupō But before he began to answer Iohn the abbot of Sistertia made an oration vnto the Bohemians that they should submit themselues to the determination of the holy church which this councell doth represent This matter did not a little offend the Bohemians Iohn Ragusinus a diuine after Scholers fashion in his answere spake often of heresies and of heretickes Procopius could not suffer it but rising vp with an angry stomacke complained openly to the councel of this iniury This our countreymā saith he doth vs great iniury calling vs oftētimes heretickes Whereunto Ragusinus answered for somuch as I am your coūtrymā both by toung and nation I do the more desire to reduce you againe vnto the Church He was a Dalmatian borne and it appeareth that the Dalmatians going into Boheme tooke their name by their coūtrey which they possessed It came almost to this point that through this offence the Bohemians woulde depart from Basill and could scarsly be appeased Certaine of the Bohemians would not heare Ragusinus finish his disputation After him a famous Diuine one Egidius Carlerius Deane of the Church of Cambrey answered vnto the second article by the space of iiij dayes To the third article answered one Henricus surnamed Frigidum ferrū iij. daies together Last of all one Iohannes Polomarius maister of the requests of the pallace aunswered vnto the fourth article likewise by the space of three daies so that the long time which they vsed in disputations seemed tedious vnto the Bohemians Notwithstanding this answere the Bohemians still defended their articles specially the first insomuch as I. Rochezanus did strōgly impugne Ragusinus answer by the space of vi daies But forsomuch as one disputation bred another and it was not perceiued how that by this meanes any concord could be made the prince William Duke of Bauaria Protector of the Councell attempted another remedie that all disputations being set apart the matter should be friendly debated There were certain appointed on either part to intreate vpō the concord who comming together the eleuenth day of March those which were appointed for the Councell were demanded to say their mindes It seemeth good said they if these men would be vnited vnto vs be made one body with vs that this body might then accord declare and determine all maner of diuersities of opinions and sects what is to be beleeued or done in them The Bohemians when they had a while paused sayd this way seemed not apt
your fatherly reuerēces would vouchsafe to permit at the least the Gospels Epistles and Creede to be song read in the Church in our vulgare tong before the people to moue thē vnto deuotion for in our Slauon language it hath bene vsed of old in the Church and likewise in our kingdome Item we require you in the name of the saide kingdome and of the famous Vniuersitie of Prage that your fatherly reuerences would vouchsafe to shew such diligence and care towards the desired reformation of that Vniuersitie that according to the maner and forme of other Uniuersities reformed by the Church Prebends and collations of certaine benefices of Cathedrall and Parish Churches may be annexed and incorporate vnto the said Uniuersitie that thereby it may be increased and preferred Item we desire you as before as hartily as we may also sauing alwaies your fatherly reuerēce require you and by the former cōpositions we most instātly admonish you that with your whole minds and endeuours with all care study your reuerēces will watch seeke for that long desired most necessary reformation of the Church Christian Religion and effectually labour for the rooting out of all publike euils as well in the head as in the members as you haue often promised to do in our kingdome in the cōpositions as our fourth Article touching the auoiding of all publicke euils doth exact and require There were certaine answeres prouided by the Councel to these petitions of the Bohemiās which were not deliuered vnto thē but kept backe for what purpose or intent we knowe not Wherefore because we thought them not greatly necessary for this place also to auoid prolixitie we haue iudged it meet at this present to omit them Thus haue ye heard compendiously the chief principal matters intreated done in this famous Councell of Basill And here to cōclude withall we haue thought good to declare vnto you for the aid helpe of the ignorant people whych iudge many things to be of lōger time continuāce then in deed they be thereupon haue established a great parte of their opinions how that toward the latter end of thys Coūcell that is to say in the xxxvi Session of the same holdē the xvij day of September in the yeare of our Lord 1439. the feast of the Conception of our Lady was ordeined to be holden and celebrate yearely In like case also in the xliiij Session of the same Councell holden the first day of Iuly an 1441. was ordeined the feast of the Uisitation of our Lady to be celebrate and holden yearely in the moneth of Iuly We haue also thought it good before we do end this story to annexe hereunto certaine decrees profitably and wholesomely ordeined in the said Coūcell against the inordinate geuing of the Ecclesiasticall benefices and liuings by the Pope with certaine other constitutions also fruitfull for the behalfe and edification of the Church During the time that the generall Councell at Basill was so diligent and carefull about the reformation of the Church this one thing seemed good vnto them to be prosecuted folowed with an earnest care and diligence that through euery Church apt and meete ministers might be appointed which might shine in vertue knowledge to the glory of Christ and the healthfull edifieng of the Christian people whereunto the multitude of expectatiue graces hath bene a great impedimēt and let in that they haue bin foūd to haue brought greuous troubles diuers disorders and many dangers vpon the ecclesiasticall state For hereby oftentimes scarsely apt or meete ministers haue bene appointed for the churches which are neither known nor examined and this expectation of void benefices as the old lawes do witnesse doth geue occasion to desire another mans death which is greatly preiudiciall vnto saluation besides that innumerable quarels contentions are moued amongst the seruants of God rancour and malice nourished the ambition and gredy desire of pluralities of benefices mainteined and the riches and substance of kingdomes and prouinces marueilously consumed Poore men suffer innumerable vexations by running vnto the court of Rome They are oftentimes spoiled and robbed by the way troubled afflicted with diuers plages and hauing spent their patrimony and substance left them by their parents they are cōstrained to liue in extreme pouerty Many do chalenge benefices which without any iust title yea such in deed as ought not to haue thē obtaine and get the same such I say as haue most craft and subtiltie to deceiue their neighbour or haue greatest substance to contend in the law It happeneth oftentimes that vnder the intrication of these prerogatiues antelations and such other as do associate these expectatiue graces much craft and disceit is found Also oftentimes the ministery is taken away from yong men by their ordinary geuers whiles that by the trouble of those contentions diuers discourses running to fro by meanes of those graces they are vexed troubled the Ecclesiasticall order is cōfounded whiles that euery mans authority and iurisdiction is not preserued the Bishops of Rome also by chalenging and taking vpō them too much the office of the inferiours are wythdrawen from more waighty and fruteful matters neither doe they diligently attend to the guiding and correction of the inferiors as the publike vtility doth require Al which things do bring a great confusion vnto the clergy and Ecclesiasticall state to the great preiudice and hinderaunce of Gods true worship and publicke saluation In the same Councell also diuers other constitutions were made not vnprofitable for reformation for remouing of certaine abuses disorders brought in especially by the B. of Rome as touching causes not to be brought vp and trāslated to the court of Rome Wherin it was decreed that no actions nor controuersies shuld be brought from other countries to be pleaded at Rome which were beyonde 4. dayes iourney distant from the sayde Courte of Rome a few principall matters onely excepted Also that no friuolous appeales should be made to the pope hereafter It was moreouer in the same councell decreed for the number age and condition of the Cardinals the they shuld not excede the number of 24. besides them that were alredy and that they should be frely taken out of al countries and that they should not be of kin to the bishop of Rome or to the Cardinals nor yet be blemished wyth any spot or crime Also for Annates or first fruites or halfe fruites it was there prouided that no such Annates or confirmation of elections or collation of benefices should be paide or reserued any more to the pope for the first yeres voidance All which thinges there agreed and concluded by them were afterward cōfirmed and ratified by the French king Charles 7. with the full consent of all his Prelates in his high court of Parliament in Bitures there called Pragmatica Sanctio An. 1438. whereupon
by any man whych peraduenture shall inculcate feare vnto you whereas there is nothing at all to be doubted or that doe perswade you this to be no lawful councel I know I shuld offend your holines if I shuld go about to proue the contrary but it is better that I do offend you a litle in words and profit you in my deedes for a Phisition layeth a burning corrisiue vnto the disease and healeth the sore For the medicine can not profit except it be sharpe and bitter in tast Vâ—der this hope and confidence I will not feare to declare the truth That it being knowen your holines may the better prouide both for your selfe and the church it dependeth vppon the councell of Constance whether this councell be lawfull or not If that were a true councel so is this also No man semeth to dout whether that councel were lawfull and likewise whatsoeuer was there decreed to be lawful for if any man will say that the decrees of that councel are not of force he must nedes graunt that the depriuation of Pope Iohn which was done by the force of those decrees to be of no effect If that depriuation were not of effecte Neither was the election of Pope Martine of any force which was done he being yet aliue If Martin were no true Pope neither is your holinesse which was chosen by the Cardinalles that hee made wherefore it standeth no man more vpon to defend the decrees of that couÌ„cel then your holines for if any decree of that councel be called into doubt By like meanes may all the rest of the decrees be reuoked And by like meanes shall the decrees of any other councell be of no force and effect for by like reason as the faith of one councell is weakened all the rest shal also be weakned according to S. Augustins saying in the 9. distinction capitulo Si ad scripturas Then sayeth he both the faithe and all other sacraments shall be put in doubt if that there be once any doubt made of the force and power of any councell lawfully coÌ„gregate There was a decree made in the councel of Constance intituled frequens Whereby it was ordained that the first councel after that should be holden within 5. yeres and another within 7. yeres after that again The councel of Constance being ended and the 5. yeres passed the councel of Papia or Sene was holden after which 7. yeares being also run ouer this councell is begon to be celebrate To what ende then is it expressed in the Bull of the dissolution amongest other causes that the 7. yeare is already past When as of necessitye it ought to be passed before the councell can be celebrate For these wordes from 7. yere or 5. yere signify according to the law that all partes of time should be passed and the last day looked for Wherefore it behoued that 7. yeres to be fully complete before this councel of Basil should begin Like as 5. yeares was fully expired before that the councell of Papia did begin but peradueÌ„ture some man will say that it ought to haue begun the first day after the 7. yere was expired For otherwise the terme of the councell is passed But heereunto we may answer that it is not contained in the chapter Frequens that except it were holden the first day it should not be holden at al neither can it be gathered either by the wordes or meaning For it is only required that it should be holden after 7. yeares expired but whether it be the 2. or 3. day or the 3. or 4. moneth after the 7. yere it doth satisfy the chapter Frequens For wheÌ„ the first day is come then beginneth the power and liberty to celebrate the councell but not afore but it is not prohibited to celebrate it after neither doth this word In quinquennium That is to say against 5. yeare next following which is alleaged in the chapter Frequens and semeth to be repeated Also for the 7. yeres for it is not vnderstaÌ„d that it is necessary to be holden the first day precisely after the 7. yere but because it should not be vnderstand of other 7 yeares to come For in speaking simply of 7. yere it is vnderstand of 7. yeare next ensuing Admit also that in the chapter FrequeÌ„s any of these wordes had bene ioyned with immediatly following as by by out of haÌ„d immediatly or straightwaies after or such other words yet ought they to be vnderstand with a certaine moderation and distance of time that assone as might be coÌ„uenient as these wordes are expounded by the lawes and the doctors for they are enlarged and restrained according to the subiect and diuers circuÌ„staunces of the matters and affaires For it is not by any meanes likely that it was the mindes of those which made the decree that considering the long iourneis and harde preparation of suche affaires and also the manifolde impedimentes which may happen that they woulde restraine so precise a time euen at the first daye that if it were not then celebrated it should not be holden at all for by such subtill meanes it shuld also be holden euen in the first moment and very instant after the same yere But forsomuch as wordes are ciuilly to be vnderstand this fence or vnderstanding is to farre disagreable For if any man will say then it is commaunded to be proroged that is also forbidden in the chapter frequeÌ„s He that doth so argue doth not vnderstaÌ„d himselfe nor the force of the woordes It is not proroged if it be begon the 2. or 3. month but rather a continuation or execution of that which is in their power For if it were a prorogation then for so muche as a progation doth sauour of the nature of the firste delay it could not be begon in the first month but in the 2. and 3. it is not therby concluded that it could not be begon in the first but if there had ben any prorogation made til the secoÌ„d month then it coulde not haue bene begon in the first as for example I promise to geue a hundred after Easter afore Easter it can not be required but by and by after Easter it may be required and all be it that I be not vrged for it notwythstanding I doe not cease to be bounde and if so be I bedemanded it in the 2. or 3. month after it is not therby vnderstand that ther is any prorogation made Neither doth it followe but that it might haue bene demaunded in the beginning which could not haue ben done that there had ben any prorogation made Also it is nature of prorogation to bee made before the first terme or day be passed For otherwise it is no prorogation but anew appoyntment And albeit it may be saide that then it may be long delaide it is aunswered that in thys poynt we must stande vnto the iudgement of the Churche which considering diuers circumstances wold think the time mete
and protest before God and mā that you wil be the cause of Schisme and infinite mischieues if you doe not alter change your minde and purpose Almighty God preserue your holinesse in the prosperity of a vertuous man Vnto whose feete I do moste humbly recommend me From Basil the 5. day of Iune Thus endeth the Epistle of Cardinal Iulian wrytten vnto Pope Eugenius Wherein for so much as mention is made howe that the Bohemians had promised to sende their Ambassadours vnto the Councell and as before is partly touched in the Bohemian storie their commyng into Basill and propounding of certaine articles wherein they dissented frō the Pope we doe not thinke it any thing differing from our purpose to annexe a briefe Epitome declaring the whole circumstance of their Ambassade their articles disputations and answeres which they had at the sayd councell of Basil with their petitions and answeres vnto the same Faithfully translated out of Latin by F.W. In like maner Aeneas Syluius also with his owne hand and wryting not onely gaue testimony to the authoritie of thys councell but also bestowed his labour and trauaile in setting foorth the whole storie thereof Notwythstanding the same Syluius afterward being made Pope wyth hys new honour did alter and change his olde sentence the Epistle of which Aeneas touching the commendation of the sayde Councel because it is but short and will occupy but litle roume I thought heere vnder for the more satisfying of the readers minde to inserte An Epistle of Aeneas Syluius to the Rector of the Vniuersitie of Colen TO a Christian man whiche will be a true Christian in deede nothing ought to be more desired then that the sinceritie and purenes of faith geuen to vs of Christ by our forefathers be kept of all men immaculate and if at any time any thing be wrought or attempted against the true doctrine of the Gospell the people ought with one consent to prouide lawfull remedy euery man to bring with him some water to quench the general fire Neither must we feare how we be hated or enuied so we bring the truth Wee must resist euery mā to his face whether he be Paul or Peter if he walke not directly to the truth of the Gospell which thing I am gladde and so are we all to heare that your Vniuersitie hathe done in this Councell of Basill For a certaine treatise of yours is brought hether vnto vs wherein you reprehend the rudenesse or rather the rashnesse of such which do deny the Bishop of Rome and the Consistorie of his iudgement to be subiecte vnto the generall Councell and that the supreame tribunall seate of iudgement standeth in the Church and in no one Bishop Such men as deny this you so confound with liuely reasons and trueth of the Scriptures that neither they are able to slide away like the slippery Eeles neither to cauill or bring any obiection againste you These be the wordes of Siluius Furthermore as touching the autority and approbation of the foresayd Councel this is to be noted that during the life of Sigismund the Emperour no man resisted this Councell Also continuing the time of Charles the 7. the French king the said Councel of Basil was fully wholly receiued through all France But after the death of Sigismund when Eugenius was deposed and Felix Duke of Sauoy was elected Pope greate discordes arose and much practise was wrought But especially on Eugenius part who being nowe excommunicate by the Councell of Basill to make his part more strong made 18. new Cardinals Thē he sent his Orators vnto the Germains labouring by all perswasions to dissolue the councell of Basill the Germaines at that time were so deuided that some of them did hold with Felix and the Councell of Basil other some with Eugenius and the Councell of Ferraria and some were neuters After this the French king being dead which was Charles the 7. about the yeare of oure Lorde 1444. the Pope beginneth a newe practise after the olde guise of Rome to excite as is supposed the Dolphine of Fraunce by force of armes to dissipate that Councell collected against him Who leading an army of xb. M. men in to Alsatia did cruelty waste and spoyle the countrey after that laide siege vnto Basil to expel driue out the prelates of the Councell But the Heluetians most stoutly meeting their enemies with a small power did vanquish the Frenchmen and put them to sword and flight like as the Lacedemonians onely with C C C. did suppresse and scattered all the mighty army of Xerxes at Thermopylyae Although Basil thus by the valiantnes of the Heluetians was defended yet notwithstanding the Councell thorough these tumultes could not continue by reason of the princes Ambassadours which shronke away and woulde not tary So that at lengthe Eugenius brought to passe partly through the help of Fredericke being not yet Emperor but laboring for the Empire partly by his Orators in the number of whome was Eneas Syluius aboue mentioned amongst the Germans that they were content to geue ouer both the councel of Basil and their neutrality This Fridericke of Austrich being not yet Emperour but towards the Empire brought also to passe that Felix which was chosen of the Councell of Basill to be Pope was contented to renoūce and resigne his Papacie to Nicolaus the fift successour to Eugenius of the which Nicolaus the sayde Fredericke was confirmed at Rome to be Emperour and there crowned An. 1451. As these things were doing at Basil in the meane season pope Eugenius brought to passe in his conuocation at Florence that the Emperour and the Patriarke of Constantinople wyth the rest of the Grecians there present were perswaded to receiue the sentence of the Churche of Rome concerning the proceeding of the holy Ghost also to receiue the communion in vnleauened bread to admitte Purgatorie and to yeelde them selues to the authoritye of the Romish Bishop Whereunto notwythstanding the other Churches of Grecia would in no wise assent at theyr comming home In so much that with a publike execreation they did condemn afterward al those Legates which had consented to these Articles that none of them shoulde be buryed in Christen buriall whych was Anno. 1439. Ex◠Casp. Peucer And thus endeth the storie both of the Councel of Basil and of the councel of Florence also of the Emperor Sigismund and of the schisme betwene pope Eugenius and Pope Felix and also of the Bohemians The which Bohemians notwythstanding all these troubles and tumultes aboue said did rightwel and were strong enough against all their enemies till at length through discord partly betwene the 2. preachers of the old and newe citye of Prage partly also through y◠discord of the messengers captains taking sides one against the other they made their eunemies strong and enfebled themselues Albeit afterward in processe of time they so defended the cause of their
company of souldiors to do any good yet to vse pollicy where strength did lack first he sent forth certayne light horsemen to proue the countrey on euery side with persuasions to see whether the vplandyshe people would be styrred to take king Edwards part Perceiuing that it woulde not be king Edwarde flyeth to hys shiftes dissembling his purpose to be not to clayme the crowne and kingdome but onely to clayme the Duchy of Yorke whiche was his owne title and caused the same to be published This being notified to the people that he desired no more but onely his iust patrimony and lineall inheritaunce they began to be moued with mercy and compassion toward him either to fauour him or not to resiste him and so iournying toward Yorke he came to Beuerly The Marques Mountacute brother to the Earle of Warwicke was then at Pomfret to whom the Earle had sent strayght charge with all expedition to set vpon him or els to stop his passage and likewise to the Citizens of Yorke and all Yorkeshyre to shut theyr gates and take armour agaynst him King Edward being in the streetes proceeded notwithstanding nere to Yorke without resistaunce where he required of the Citizens to be admitted into theyr Citty But so stoode the case then that they durst not graunt vnto him but contrary sent him word to approch no nearer as beloued his owne safegarde The desolate king was here driuen to a narow strait who neyther could retyre backe for the opinion of the countrey and losse of his cause neither could goe further for the present daunger of the City Wherefore vsing the same pollicy as before with louely words and gentle speech he desired the messengers to declare vnto the Citizens that his comming was not to demaund the realme of England or the title of the same but onely the Duchye of Yorke his olde inheritaunce and therefore determined to set forward neither with armie nor weapō The messēgers were not so soone within the gates but he was at the gates in a manner as soone as they The Citizens hearing his courteous answere and that he intended nothing to the preiudice of the king nor of the realme were something mitigated toward him and began to common with him from the walles willing him to withdrawe his power to some other place and they would be the more ready to ayde him at least he shoulde haue no damage by them Notwithstanding he again vsed such lowly language and deliuered so faire speach vnto them entreating them so curteously and saluting the Aldermen by their names requiring at their hāds no more but only his own towne whereof he had the name and title that at length the Citizens after long talke and debating vpon the matter partly also intised with faire and large promises fell to this cōuention that if he would sweare to be true to king Henry gentle in entertaining his citizens they woulde receiue him into the Citie This being concluded the next morning at the entring of the gate a priest was ready to say Masse in the which after receiuing of the sacrament the king receiued a solemne othe to obserue the ii articles afore agreed By reason of which othe so rashly made as shortly brokē and not lōg after punished as it may wel be thought in his posterity he obteined the city of Yorke Where he in short time forgetting his oth to make al sure set in garrisons of armed soldiors Furthermore perceiuing all things to be quiet and no stirre to be made against him he thought to foreslacke no oportunitie of time and so made forward toward Lōdon leauing by the way the Marques Mountacute which lay then with his army at Pomfrete on the right hande not fully foure miles distant from his campe and so returning to the hye waye againe wente forwarde without anye stirring to the towne of Notingham where came to him sir W. Parre sir Thomas of Borough sir Tho. Montgomery diuers else of his assured frends with their aydes which caused him by proclamation to stand to his own title of king Edward the fourth sayeng that they woulde serue no man but a king At the fame here of being blowne abroade as the Citizēs of Yorke were not a little offended that worthely so frō other townes and cities Lords and noble men began to fall vnto him thinking with thēselues that the Marques Mountagew either fauoured his cause or was afraide to encounter with the mā Howsoeuer it was K. Edward being now more fully furnished at al points came to the towne of Leicester and there hearing that the earle of Warwicke accompanied with the earle of Oxford were together at Warwicke with a great power minding to set on the Earle he remooued from thence his army hoping to geue him battaile The Duke of Clarence in the meane time about London had leuied a great hoste cōming toward the earle of Warwicke as he was by the Earle appointed But when the Earle sawe the Duke to linger the time he began to suspecte as it fell out in deede that he was altered to his brethrenes part The king auansing forward his host came to Warwicke where he found all the people departed Frō thence he moued toward Couentry where the Earle was vnto whome the next day after he boldly offered battayle But the Earle expecting the Duke of Clarence his cōming kept him within the walles All this made for the king For he hearing that his brother Duke of Clarence was not farre off comming toward him with a great army raysed hys campe and made toward him either to entreate or else to encounter with his brother When ech hoste was in sight of the other Richard Duke of Gloucester brother to thē both as arbitour betweene thē first rode to the one then to the other Whether all this was for a face of a matter made it is vncertaine But hereby both the brethren leaning all army and weapon aside first louingly and familiarly commoned after that brotherly and naturally ioined together And that fraternall amitie by proclamation also was ratified and put out of all suspition Then was it agreed betwene the iij. brethren to attempt the earle of Warwicke if he likewise would be reconciled but he crieng out shame vpō the Duke of Clarence stoode at vtter defiance From thence king Edward so strongly furnished daily encreasing taketh his way to Lōdon Where after it was knowne that the duke of Clarence was come to his brethren much feare fell vpō the Londoners casting with thēselues what was best to do The sodaynues of time permitted no long cōsultation There was at London the same time the Archbishop of Yorke brother to the Earle of Warwicke and the duke of Somerset wyth other of K. Henries counsaile to whom the earle had sent in cōmaundement a litle before knowing the weaknes of the Citie that they should keepe the Citie from their
into his owne handes by whose meanes the sayd Gemes afterwarde was poysoned as is in maner before expressed Unto these poysoned actes of the Pope let vs also adioin his malicious wickednes with like fury exercised vpoÌ„ Antonius Mancinellus which Mancinellus being a maÌ„ of excellent learning because he wrote an eloqueÌ„t oratioÌ„ against his wicked maners filthy life with other vices he therfore commaunded both his hands his tong to be cut of playing much like with him as Antonius the tirant once did with M. Cicero for writing agaynst his horrible life At length as one poyson requireth another this poysoned Pope as he was sitting with his Cardinals other rych Senatours of Rome at dinner his seruauntes vuwares brought to him a wrong bottell wherewith he was poysoned and his Cardinals about him In the time of this Pope Alexander also it happened whiche is not to bee pretermitted how that the Aungell whiche stood in the high toppe of the Popes Churche was beaten downe with a terrible thunder which thing semed then to declare the ruine and fall of the Popedome After this Pope next succeded Pius the 3. about the yeare of our Lord 1503. After whome came next Iulius the second a man so farre passing all other in iniquity that Wicelius such other of his owne friendes writing of him are compelled to say of him Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse that is that he was more geuen to warre and battayle then to Christ. Concerning the madnesse of this man thys is most certaynely knowne that at what time he was going to warre he cast the keyes of S. Peter into the riuer of Tybris sayinge that for as much as the keyes of Peter would not serue him to his purpose he woulde take himselfe to the sword of Paule Wherupon Philip MelancthoÌ„ amongest many other writing vpon the same maketh this Epigrame Cum contra Gaellos bellum papa Iulius esset Gesturus sicút fama â—etusta docet Ingentes martis turmas contraxit â—rbem Egâ—essus saeuas edidit ore minas Iratus'que sacras claues in flumina iecit Tibridis hic â—rbi pons â—bi iungit aquas Inde manustrictum Gagina diripit ensem Exclamans'que truci talia â—ocerefert Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste Quandoquidem clauis nil iuuat ista Petri. Whereupon also Gilbert Ducherius maketh this Epigrame In Gallum â—â— fama est bellum gesturus acerbum Armatum educit Iulius â—rbe manum Accinctus gladio claues in Tibridis amnem Proÿcit soeuus talia â—erba faecit Quum Petrinihil efficiant ad praelia claeues Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit ¶ The sense of these Epigrammes in English is this When Iulius Pope agaynst the French determined to make warre As fame reportes he gathered vp great troupes of men from farre And to the bridge of Tybur then marching as he were wood His holy keyes he tooke and cast them downe into the floud And afterward into his hand he tooke a naked sword And shaking it brake forth into this fierce and warlike word This sword of Paule quoth he shall now defend vs from our foe Since that this key of Peter doth nothing auay le thereto Of this Iulius it is certaynely reported that partly with his warres partly with his cursinges within the space of 7 yeares as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed Fyrst he besieged Rauenna agaynste the Uenetians then Seruia Imola Fauentia Foroliuium Bononia and other cities which he gate out of Princes handes not with out much bloudshed The Chronicles of Iohn Steban maketh mention that when this Iulius was made Pope he tooke an oathe promising to haue a Councell within two yeares but when he had no leysure thereunto being occupyed with his warres in Italy amoÌ„g the Uenetians and with the French king and in Ferraria and in other countryes 9. of his Cardinalles departing from him came to Millayne and there appoynted a Councell at the Citty of Pise amongest whome the chiefe were Bernardus Cruceius Gulielmus Prenestinus Franciscus CoÌ„stantinus with diuers others amongest whome also were adioyned the Procuratours of Maximilian the Emperour and of Charles the French king So the Councell was appoynted the yeare of our Lord 1511. to begin in the Kalendes of September The cause why they did so call this Councell was thus alledged because the Pope had so brokeÌ„ his oth and all this while he gaue no hope to haue any councell also because there were diuers other crimes whereupoÌ„ they had to accuse him Theyr purpose was to remoue him out of his seat the which he had procured through bribes and ambition Iulius hearing this geueth out contrary commaundement vnder great payne no man to obey them calleth himselfe another councell agaynst the next yeare to be begon the 19. day of Aprill The French king vnderstading Pope Iulius to ioyne with the Uenetians and so to take theyr part agaynst him couented a councell at Thurin in the month of September in the which councel these questions were proposed Whether it was lawfull for the Pope to moue warre agaynst any prince without cause Whether any Prince in defending himselfe might inuade his aduersary and deny his obedience Unto the which questions it was answered that neither the bishop ought to inuade and also that it was lawfull for the king to defende himselfe Moreouer that the Pragmaticall sanction was to bee obserued thorowe the realme of Fraunce Neyther that any vniust excommunications ought to be feared if they were founde to be vniust After this the king sent vnto Iulius the aunswere of his councell requiring him either to agree to peace or to appoynt a generalll Councell some other where where thys matter myght bee more fully decided Iulius woulde neyther of both these but forthwith accursed Charles the French king with all his kingdome At the lenth at Rauenna in a great war he was ouercome by the freÌ„ch king and at last after much slaughter and great bloudshed and mortall warre this Pope dyed in the yeare of our Lorde 1513. the 21. day of February If it were not that I feare to ouerlay this our volume with heapes of foreigne historyes which haue professed chiefly to entreat of Actes and Monuments here done at home I woulde adioine after these popes aboue rehearsed some discourse also of the Turkes story of theyr rising and cruell persecution of the sayâ—tes of God to the great anoiance and perill of Christendome yet notwithstanding certayne causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of theyr order and doinges and of theyr wicked procedings theyr cruell tyranny and bloudy victories the ruine subuersion of so many Christen Churches with the horrycle murders and captiuiâ—ye of infinite Christians to bee made playne and manifest as well to this our countrey of England as also to other nations First for the better explayning of the Prophecies of the new Testament as
good Fortune irriding and mocking the mindes and iudgemeÌ„ts of men which beleue that God by his prouidence gouerneth and regardeth the state of humaine things on earth After that this Mahumete heard of the victories and conquests of other his predecessours and had vnderstanding how Baiazetes lay eight yeares about Constantinople and could not winne it he dispraising Baiazetes and disdaining that so long time should be spent aboute the siege thereof and yet no victory gotten bent all hys studie and deuice how to subdue the same But first hauing a priuie hatred against the Citie of Athens and hauing his hands lately embrued with the bloud of his brethren this murthering Mahumete first of all taketh his vâ—age to subuert and destroy the Citie aforesaid being a famous Schoole of all good learning and discipline Against the which Citie he did so furiously rage for the hatred of good letters that he thought he ought not to suffer the foundation thereof to stand because that Citie was a good nursse and fosterer of good Artes and Sciences wherefore he commaunded the Citie to be rased and vtterly subuerted and wheresoeuer any monuments or bookes could be found he caused them to be cast into durty sinkes and the filthiest places of the Citie or put to the most vile vses that could be deuised for extirping and abolishing of all good literature and if he vnderstood any to lament the case and ruine of that noble place those he greeuously punished and put to death Thus the famous and auncient Schoole of Athens being destroied and ouerthrowne he returned his army power into Thracia where in all haste he gathering hys power together both by sea by laÌ„d with a mighty multitude compassed the Citie of Constantinople about and began to lay his siege against it in the yeare of our Lord 1453. and in the 54. day of the said siege it was taken sacked and the Emperour CoÌ„stantinus slaine As touching the cruelty and fearcenes of the Turkes in getting of this City and what slaughter there was of men women and children what calamitie and misery was there to be sene for somuch as sufficient relation with a full description thereof hath bene made before pag. 708. it shall be superfluous now to repeate the same This only is not to be omitted touching three principall causes of the ouerthrow of this City whereof was the first the filthy auarice of those Citizens which hiding their treasures in the grouÌ„d would not imploy the same to the necessary defence of their City For so I finde it in story expressed that when the Turke after the taking of the City had found not so much treasure as he looked for suspecting with himselfe as the truth was the treasures and riches to be hidden vnder the ground commaunded the earth to be digged vp and the foundations of the houses to be searched where when he had found treasures incredible what quoth he how could it be that this place could euer lacke inunition and fortification which did flow and abound with such great riches as heere is and plenty of all things The second cause was the absence of the Nauy of the UenetiaÌ„s which if they had bene ready in time might haue bene a safegard against the inuasion of the enemies A third cause also may be gathered vpon occasion incident in stories either for that the City of Constantinople fifteene yeares before did yeeld to the Bishop of Rome as is before to be seene pag. 76. or else because as in some writers it is euident that Images were there receaued mainteined in their Churches and by the Turkes the same time destroyed Ioannes Ramus writing of the destructioÌ„ of this Citie amongst other matters maketh relation of the Image of the Crucifixe being there in the high temple of Sophia which Image the Turke tooke and writing this superscription vpon the head of it Hic est Christianorum Deus 1. This is the God of the Christians gaue it to his souldiours to be scorned and commaunding the sayde Image with a trumpet to be carried through all his army made euery man to spit at it most contumeliously Wherein thou hast good Reader by the way to note what occasion of selaunder and offence we Christians geue vnto the barbarous Infidels by this our vngodly superstition in hauing Images in our temples contrary vnto the expresse commandement of God in his word For if Saint Paule writing to the Corinthians faith we knowe Christ now no more after the flesh how much lesse then is Christ to be knowne of vs in blind stockes and Images set vp in our Temples seruing for none other purpose but for the Infidels to laugh both vs our God to scorne and to prouoke Gods vengeance which by the like example I feare may also fall vpon other Cities where such Images and Idolatrous superstition is mainteined whereof God graunt Uienna to take heede betime which hath bene so long and yet is in such great danger of the Turke and polluted with so many Images and plaine Idolatric In summa to make the story short such was the cruelty of these Turkes in winning the Citie that when Mahumete had geuen licence to the souldiours three dayes together to spoile to kill and to do whatsoeuer they listed there was no corner in all Constantinople which did not either flow with Christian bloud or else was polluted with abhominable abusing of maids wiues matrones without al reuereÌ„ce of nature Of the which CitizeÌ„s some they murthered some they rosted vpon spits of some they fleyed off their skin hanging theÌ„ vp to consume with famine of othersome they put salt into their wouÌ„ds the more terribly to torment them insomuch that one of them contended with another who could deuise most strange kinds of new torments and punishments exercising such crueltie vpon them that the place where the Citie was before seemed now to be no citie but a slaughter house or shambles of Christian mens bodies AmoÌ„g the dead bodies the body also of Constantine the Emperour was found whose head being brought to Mahun 〈◊〉 he commaunded to be caried vpon a speare through the whole City for a publike spectacle decision to all the Turkish army And because he would diminish the number of the captiues which seemed to him to be very great he neuer rose from his table but he put euery day some of the nobles to death no lesse to fill his cruell minde with bloud then his body was filled with wine which he vsed so long to do as any of the nobles of that Citie was left aliue And of the other sorte also as the stories do credibly report there passed no day in the which he did not orderly slay more then three hundreth persons the residue he gaue to his rascal souldiours to kill and to do with them what they would Where is to be noted that as
Constantinus the sonne of Helena was the first Emperour of Constantinople so Constantinus the sonne also of Helena was the last Emperour thereof Not farre from the said Citie of Constantinople there was another little City called Pera once called Gallatia situated by the Sea side who hearing of the miserable destruction of Constantinople and seing the City flaming with fire sent certain of their chiesmeÌ„ with speed to Mahumete declaring vnto him that they neither had sent any helpe to the City of Constantinople neither yet wrought any detrimeÌ„t to any of his army wherefore they desired praied him that as they would gladly yeeld vnto him so he would be fauourable vnto theÌ„ and spare them not to punish the giltles with the gilty Mahumete although he was not ignoraunt that for feare rather then of any good will they submitted themselues and that they would rather resist him if they had ben able yet he receiued for that time the submission of the messengers but sending wyth them his Embassadour into the Citie he commanded also his army to follow withall and to enter with him into the City which although it was greatly suspected mâ—sliked of the Citizens yet they durst no otherwise do but suffer them to enter which beeing done the Embassadour gaue a signe to the souldiours euery man to do whatsoeuer he was bidden of whom some ranne to the walles some to the temples and Churches some to yâ— streetes houses of the City plucking all things downe to the grounde sacking and rauÌ„ging with no lesse fury and abhominable filthines then they had done at CoÌ„stantinople before sauing only that they absteined froÌ„ murther but the same day letters came from Mahumete to the Embassadour that he should spare none but destroy and murther all that euer were in the Citie which message because it seemed to the Embassadour to be too cruell forsomuch as they had yeelded theÌ„selues he staied his hand a little vntill night came In the meane time drunken Mahumete comming something to himselfe whome drunkennes had before ouercome sent his second letters to reuoke the first Where againe is to be noted the mercifull prouidence of God towardes his people in their deserued plagues by staieng the handes and brideling the fury many times of their enemies when otherwise the case seemeth to be past all remedy Mahumete thus beeing in himselfe not a little aduanced and eleuated by the winning of CoÌ„stantinople where he had now made the Imperiall seat of the Turkish dominion the third yeare next folowing to adueÌ„ture more masteries he set out to yâ— siege of Belgradum a City of Hungary lieng neare to the bankes of Danubius thinking to haue the like successe there as he had in the winning of Constantinople albeit through the Lords disposing it sel out much otherwise Within the Citie of Belgradum the same time of the siege thereof was Ioannes Huniades the valiant Captaine of whom in diuers places mentioÌ„ hath bene made before who with a sufficient strength of piked souldiours albeit in number nothing equal to the Turks army valiaÌ„tly defended the City with great courage and no lesse successe In the which siege great diligeÌ„ce was bestowed and many of the Turkes slaine AmoÌ„g whom also Mahumere himselfe being stroken with a pellet vnder the left arme was faine to be caried out of the field for halfe dead and the rest so put to flight that of the Turkes the same time were destroyed to the number or not much vnder the number of 40. thousaÌ„d besides the losse of all their ordinaunce which the Turkes in hast of their flight were forced to leaue behinde them Hieronymus Zieglerus writyng of the siege of this Belgradum addeth moreouer that wheÌ„ Mahumete was at the siege therof seyng the towne to be so small wâ—ake of it selfe that it could not be won with all his great multitude he staryng and faryng like a mad man commaunded all his brasen peeces to be layd to battare downe the walles and Towers of the Towne So that the Christians within the walles were vehemently distressed for the siege continued both night and day without intermission AmoÌ„g the rest of the Christians which defended the towne Hieronymus Zieglerus maketh mentioÌ„ of a certaine Bohemian much worthy of his condigne coÌ„mendation Who beyng vpon the walles and seyng a Turke with a baÌ„ner or ensigne of the Turkes to be gotteÌ„ vp by the sight wher of the whole Towne was in daunger to be coÌ„quered and taken runneth vnto the Turke and claspyng him about the middle speakyng to Iohn Capistranus standyng by low asking him whether it were any daunger of damnation to him if he of his voluntary mynde did cast himselfe with that dogge so he termed him downe headlong from the wall to be slayne with him what should become of his soule and whether he might be saued or not To whoÌ„ when the other had aunswered that hee should be saued without doubt hee estsoones tombleth him selfe with the Turke downe of the wall where by his death he saued the same tyme the lyfe of all the Citie Mahumete beyng so wounded and in dispayre of wynnyng the Citie was caryed as ye heard out of the field Who at length commyng agayne to himselfe partly for feare and partly for shame was ready to kill himselfe And thus was the towne of Belgradum at that tyme rescued through Gods prouidence by the meanes of Ioannes Hunianes and this good Bohemian This siege of BelgraduÌ„ begaÌ„ in the yeare of the Lord. 1456. and endured 46. dayes At the which siege were nuÌ„bred of the Turkes 200. thousand Of whom more then 40. thousand as is aforesayd were slayne where the victory fell to the Christians through the prosperous successe geuen of God to Ioannes Huniades Capistranus Which Huniades not long after the sayd victory through the importune labour and trauaile in defendyng the sayd towne was taken with a sore sickenesse and thereof departed to whose valiaunt prowes and singular courage stories doe geue great land and commendation Mahumetes the Turke after this done in Europe returned into Asia to warre with Vsumcassanes a Persian one of the Turkes stocke with whoÌ„ he had three battailes The first was about the Riuer Euphrates where the Turke lost 10. thousand men and was put to the worse In the second field likewise he was discomsited The third battaile was at ArseÌ„ga where through the terrible noyse of the brasen peeces the Persian horses disturbed the caÌ„pe and so was Vsumcassanues ouercome From thence the Turke reduced agayne his power against the Christians and first subdued vnto him Synope and all Paphlagonia Also the kingdome of Trapezunce which he besiegyng both by land and water wanne from the Christians and sent Dauid the kyng of the same with his two sonnes and Calus his vncle vnto Constantinople where they were miserably and cruelly put to death all the stocke of the
to Zelymus and so beheaded whose hed being first caried about Asia for a triumph was afterward sent to the Senate of Uenice for a terrour vnto them The eldest sonne of Aladulus scaping the handes of his pursuers fled into Egypt This battaile thus fought and ended Zelymus after he had deuided the kingdome of Aladulus into three prouinces went to Lycaonia from thence to Europe there to defend the Citie of Samandria against the Christians in Hungary But the Hungarians being sone repressed by Iuno Bassa the Turkes captaine great preparation began to be made by the Turks against the confines of Seruia bordering vpō Hungary The terrour whereof stirred vp Maximilian the Emperour and Ladislaus king of Hungarie and Sigismundus Kyng of Polonie to consult together and conioyne their power for defence of Christendome But through new incumberances incident the turke leauing Europe made haste againe into Asia to renue againe his warres against the Persians who had made a vow not to geue ouer that warre before Ismael was ouerthrowne But before he entred that warre first he sent hys messengers to the Sultane of Egypte requiring hym not to entermedle in that warre for this sultane before had promised to assist the Persians against the Turke The name of the Sultane which reigned then in Egypt was Campson set vp by the Mamaluci These Mamaluci were a certain order amongst the Egyptians much like to the Ianizarites about the Turke being the childrē of christen men and after denyeng Christ were the chefest doers in y◠Sultanes court and being growne into a great multitude did degenerat into a turkish barbarity or rather became wors then Turkes This Campson vnto the messengers of the Turke gaue this aunswere againe that vnlesse he woulde leaue of his warre against Ismael and restore the sonne of Aladulus otherwise he woulde not lay downe his armor Zelymus being incensed not a little wyth this insolent aunswere of the Sultane leauing all other warres aside with great celeritie aduanced hys power against the Sultane Which Sultan partly through the falshode of his captaine Caierbeius partly by the sodeinnesse of the Turkes comming not farre from the citie of Damascus encoūtred with the turke and there ouerthrowne from his horse being a fatte and grose body and falling vnder his horse and his horse also falling vpon him was quashed in peces and so died which was the yere of our Lord. 1516. Mamalucie of whome more then a M. in thys battaile were slaine flyeng from thence to Memphis set vp Tomoumbeius in stede of Campson whose captaine Gazelles was ouercome at the City of Gaza he afterward himselfe driuen out of Memphis where a great part of the Mamaluci were destroyed Then Tomoumbeius flying ouer the floud Nilus renued his army agayne but in the ende was discomfited and chased into a marish where hee was found standing in the water vp to the chinne and so being brought to Zelymus was put to the rack and great tormentes to make him confesse where Campsons treasures were But when he would not declare he was caryed about the Towne with a halter about his necke hanged vp vpō a hie gibber for a spectacle to all Egypt which was the yeare of our Lorde 1517. And thus were the two Sultanes in Egypt destroied with the Mamaluci whych there had borne the rule in Egypt the space of 243. yeares The progenie of the whych Mamaluci remaining of the warres the Turke commaunded in pryson gates of Alexandria to be cut in peces Zelymus frō thence triumphing departed to Constantinople entending to spend the rest of his time in persecuting the Christians But in that meane space he was stroken with a cankerd sore rotting inward and died after hee had raigned 7. yeares like a beast in the yeare of our Lord. 1520. The raigne of this Turke was but short in number of yeres but in number of his murthers and cruel bloudshed it might seme exceeding long which liued more like a beast then a mā for he neuer spared any of hys frends or kinred His father first he poysoned his brethren and al his cosins he quelled leauing none of all his kinred aliue Moreouer his chief and principal captaines for smal occasions he put to death as Mustapha Calogere Chendeme Bostāg hys sonne in law and Iunobassa It is said moreouer that he entended the poysoning of his owne sonne Solyman sending vnto him a shirt infected with poison because he seemed something freely to speake against the cruel demeanor of his father But by the meanes of hys mother the gifte being suspected was geuen to an other which was his Chamberlaine who putting on the shirt was strucken with the poyson therof and therewith all died As touching thys Turke Zelymus by the way heere may be noted how the secret prouidēce of the Lord kept hym occupied with hys Turkish warres at home while that the reformation of christian religion here in Europe the same time begō by Martin Luther might the more quietly take some roring without disturbance or interruption For so it appeareth by the computation of time that in the dayes of this Zelymus Martin Luther first began to write against the Popes indulgences which was in the yeare of oure Lord. 1516. Solymannus the 12. after Ottomannus SOlymannus the onely sonne of Zelymus succeded after hys fathers death who in the first beginning seemed to some to be simple and shepish and not mete for the turkish gouernmēt Wherfore certain of his nobles cōsulting how to depose him entended to set vp an other Emperour In which conspiracy especially are named Caierbeius Gazelles This Caierbeius was he that betraied before Campson the Sultane of Egypt to Zelymus as is aforesayde who nowe also being in consultation with Gazelles other about this matter detected thē also vnto Solyman Wherfore the sayd Gazelles and his fellowes being thus detected were put to death by Solyman declaring thereby that he was not so shepish as he was thought of them to be as also by his acts afterward did more appeare Solymannus after thys execution done vpon the conspiratours taking his voiage into Europe first besieged Belgradum which being a Citye in Hungarie was the strongest forte of all the Romaine Empire and the chiefe defence at that time of al christendom which also being assaulted before time by Amurathes the 2. was valiantly defended by Ioannes Huniades as is aboue specified But here nowe lacked suche a one as Huniades was For the kingdome of Hungary at that time was vnder y◠gouernment of Ludouicus a yong king vnexpert and of a simple wit Whom other Princes specially the couetous church men did so pil and pol that they left hym nothing but only the bare name and title of his kingdom Wherby he being vnfurnished both of men and mony was vnable to match with such an enemie An other vauntage also the Turkes had in besieging of
vnder the hilles side did so set vpon them that they slew a great number of them the rest being driuen to take the riuer whome with stones and shot likewise they destroyed and so retired backe into the Citie againe By thys victorie the Captaine Rogendorffius began to be terrible to the Turkes For in the same skirmish as after was knowen was slayne of them so many that of 5000. and 300. horsemen and footemen scarse 140. escaped aliue Solyman disdayning at this repulse thought to proue an other way so bringing his power toward the gate called the kings gate there making his trenches bulwarkes plāted his ordināce with the violence wherof the walles were so battered shaken that no man was able there to stand Wherefore the Turke seeing 2. great breaches made in the wal cōmaunded his souldiors couertly in the darck smoke of gunnepouder to prease into the City The like also was done at the scottish to wer whereby the city was inuaded in 2. sundry places at one time The Uiēnians at the first freshly began to withstand thē new souldiors still cōming in the place of them that were slaine and hurt and so this assault continuing more thē 6. houres together our mē beganne at length to languish faint not onely in strength but also in courage wherby the Citie had bene in great daunger of loosing had not the two foresaid Capitaines Rogendorffius in the one place and the Earle of Salme in the other place manfully encouraged the souldiors to abide the brunt and to beare out a while the violence of the Turkes promising that immediately they should haue ayde from Ferdinandus In the meane time the Turkes came so thicke for gredines of the victory scaling climing and fighting vpō the walles that had it not bene for the prease and throng of the great multitude of the Turkes comming so thicke that one of them could not fight for an other Uienna that same day had bene taken and vtterly lost But by the pollicy of the captaines geuing a signe within the city as though new souldiors were called for our men began to be encouraged the Turkes hartes to be discomfited When Solymannus saw his army the second time repulsed he began to attempt a new way purposing by vndermining to ouerthrow the city in the which work specially he vsed the helpe of the Illyrians of whome he had a great number in his campe expert in that kinde of feare These Illyrians beginning to breake the earth at the gate Carinthia and comming neare to the foundations of the Tower which they by strength of hand attēpted to break could not worke so closely vnder the groūd but they were perceiued by certayne men aboue which were skilfull expert in that kind of matter who cōtrariwise vndermining against thē filling their trēches as they wēt with gūpouder conueyed their traine that when fire should be set vnto it the violence thereof should brast out by the trenches of the enemies which done sodenly the ground beneath made a great shaking so that the tower did cleane asunder and all the vnderminers of the Turks woorking in their trēches were smothered and destroyed which came to the number as it was supposed afterwarde of 8000. persones in so much that yet till thys day a great number of deade mens skuls are found in the ground When Solyman saw that this way also would not serue and had priuy intelligence that the walles about the gates of Stubarium were negligently kept and that hee might haue there more easy entrance secretly he conueyeth about 10. garrisons of fresh soldiours in such sort as the townes men should not perceiue them who came so sodenly vpon them that they had filled the ditches and were vpon the top of the fortresses and munitions before that our men were aware of them or coulde make themselues ready to resist them For although there was no lacke of soldiors wythin the Citie yet for somuch as the whole brunt of the siege did lye specially at the 2. gates aforesaide from whence the soldiors which were there warding could not be wel remooued for a shifte the rescuers which wythin the Citie were ready for all sodaine aduentures were sent to the walles by whose comming those fewe whych kept the enemies of before being sore hurted and woūded were succoured and sent to surgery and thus the sayed assault continued terrible and doubtfull vntill the darcke night commyng vpon them they could not wel know the one from the other In thys vickering were counted of the Turkes to be slayne more then 5000. Then the Captaine Rogendorffius commendyng the valiant standing of his souldiours misdoubting with him selfe as it happened in dede that the Turks would not so geue ouer but would set vppon him the next day with a fresh assault prouiding wyth all diligence for the purpose made vp the breaches of the walles prepared all things necessary for resistaunce The next morning following whych was some thing darke and mistie the Turkes thinking to preuent our men with their sodain comming began again busily to bicker vpon the toppe of the walles It would require a longe tractation heere to describe the great distres and danger that the city those 3. daies following was in During all the whych time there was no rest no intermission nor diligēce lacking either in the enemies fighting against the City either in our men in defending the same For the Turkes besides the multitude of the great ordinance wherwith as wyth a great tempest of gunshot they neuer ceased still battering the walles and beating the munitions of the Citie sent also such heapes multitudes of the Turkes to the scaling and climing the walles that vnneth wyth all the ordinance and shot of the city either the violence of them could be broken or the number of them diminished til at last the soldiors of the Turkes perceiuing themselues able by no meanes to preuaile but onely to runne in daunger of life and to do no good began to wrangle among themselues grudging and repining against their dukes and captaines imputing the whole cause onely to them that the City was yet vntaken seeing there was in them neither diligence nor good will lacking and so ceased the siege for that time After this when Solymannus had purposed in hym selfe with his last and strongest siege to try against the city the vttermost that he was able to doe and had encouraged hys soldiers to prepare thēselues in most forcible wise therunto the soldyers shewed thē selues much vnwilling to returne againe from whence they were so often repulsed before by reason wherof great commotion begā to rise in the Turkes campe The rumour wherof when it came to Solymans eares he sendeth his grand captaine to kepe all the souldiers in order and obedience or if they would be stubborne to compell them whether they would or not to accomplish his commandement Who comming to the
Byshops Chaūcellour which cruelly cōdemned the innocent may offer a terrible spectable to the eyes of all Papisticall persecutours to consider and to take example which the liuing God graunt they may Amen The name of the Towne where she was martyred was as is sayd Chepyngsadbery The name of the woman is not as yet come to my knowledge The name of the Chauncellour who condēned her was called D. Whittington The time of her burnying was in the raigne tyme of K. Henry 7. orderly therfore in this place time to be inserted Wherein is to be noted moreouer the oportunitie of this present history brought to my hands that in such cōuenient season as I was drawyng toward the ende of the foresayd kynges raigne so that it may appeare to them which behold the oportunitie of things not to be without Gods holy wil prouidence that this foresayd example should not lye hid vnremembred but should come to light knowledge and that in such order of placing according as the due course of our story hetherto kept requireth After this godly woman and manly Martyr of Christ was condemned by the wretched Chaūcellour aboue named D. Whittington for the faithfull profession of y◠truth which the Papistes then called heresie and the tyme now come whē she should be brought to the place and paynes of her martyrdome a great concourse of all the multitude both in the towne and countrey about as the maner is in such tymes was gathered to behold her end Among whō was also the foresayd Doct. Whittington the Chauncellour there present to see the execution done Thus this faythfull woman and true seruaunt of God cōstantly persisting in the testimony of the truth committing her cause to the Lord gaue ouer her life to the fire refusing no paynes nor tormentes to keepe her conscience cleare vnreproueable in the day of the Lord. The sacrifice beyng ended the people began to returne homeward commyng from the burning of this blessed Martyr It happened in the meane tyme that as the Catholicke executioners were busie in slaieng this sely lambe at the townes side a certayne Butcher within the towne was as busie in slaieng of a Bull which Bull he had fast bounde in ropes ready to knocke him on the head But the butcher belike not so skilfull in his arte of killing beastes as the Papistes be in murthering Christians as he was lifting his axe to strike the Bull failed in hys stroke and smit a little too low or else how he smit I knowe not This was certayne that the Bull although somewhat greued at the stroke but yet not strooken downe put his strength to the ropes and brake lose from the butcher into the streete the very same tyme as the people were comming in great prease from the burning Who seeing the Bull comming towardes them and supposing him to be wilde as was no other lyke gaue way for the beast euery man shifting for himselfe as well as he might Thus the people geuing backe and making a lane for the Bull he passed through the throng of them touching neither man nor childe till he came where as the Chauncelour was Against whome the Bull as pricked with a sodeine vehemēcie ranne full but with his hornes and taking him vpon the paunch gored him through and through and so killed him immediately carieng his guts and trailing them with his hornes all the streete ouer to the great admiration and wonder of all them that sawe it Although the carnall sence of man be blinde in considering the workes of the Lorde imputing many tymes to blinde chaunce the thyngs which properly pertayne to Gods only praise and prouidence yet in this so straunge and so euident example what man can be so dull or ignorant which seeth not heerein a plaine miracle of Gods mighty power and iudgement both in the punishing of this wretched Chauncelour and also in admonishing all other like persecutours by his example to feare the Lord and to abstaine from the like crueltie Now for the credite of this story least I be sayde vpon mine owne head to commit to story things rashly which I can not iustifie therefore to stop such cauelling mouths I will discharge my selfe with authority I trust sufficient that is with the witnesse of him which both was a Papist and also present the same time at the burning of the woman whose name was Rowland Webbe which Rowland dwelling then in Chippingsadbery had a sonne named Richard Webbe seruant sometime to Maister Latymer who also enduring with him in time of his trouble sixe yeares together was himselfe emprisoned and persecuted for the same cause Vnto the which Richard Webbe being now aged then yong the foresaid Rowland his father to the entent to exhort him from this sect of heresie as he then called it recited to him many times the burning of this woman and withall added the story of the Bull aforesayd which he himselfe did see testifie This Richard Webbe is yet liuing a witnes of his owne fathers wordes and testimonie which I trust may satisfie all indifferent Readers except onely such as thinke no truth to be beleeued but that only which is in their Portues ¶ Verses touching the same Tho. Hatcherus MIra legis quicunque legis portenta nefandi Exitus vt poenas addita poena luat Vera legis Domini cuicunque potentia nota est Vt delinquentes ira seuera premat Saepè fit vt fusus cumuletur sanguine sanguis Saepè fit vt poenis obruatira nouis Omnia sunt Domini dextrae subiecta potenti Qui ciet arbitrio bruta hominesque suo Carnificis taurus luctando corniger ictus Euitans sracto fune repentque fugit Fortè viam quâ turba frequens confluxerat antè Faeminea vt cernat membra perire rogo Taurus ijt fertur quâ confertissima turba Laesus at ex tanta solus vnus erat Solus vnus erat rapidos qui misit in ignes Et miserè paruum sparsit ouile Dei Et quasi consultò ferretur praeterit omnes Cornibus hunc tollit proterit hunc pedibus Ille iacet madido foedatur sanguine corpus Eruta perque vias viscera sparsa iacent Quis non à Domino nutu qui temperat orbem Cogitet haec fieri non repetendo tremat Vitio terribiles comitatur iusta procellas Sera licet certis passibus illa venit And thus much concerning the state of the Churche Wherein is to be vnderstand what stormes and persecutions haue bene raised vp in all quarters against the flocke and congregation of Christ not only by the Turkes but also at home within our selues by the Byshop of Rome and his retinue Where also is to be noted in the daies and reigne of this king Henry the vij how mightely the working of Gods Gospell hath multiplied and increased and what great numbers of men and women haue suffered for the same with vs