Fire-works throughout the City And in favour of them the chief Portugals went the same night up and down the streets in a great Troop clad in several disguises after the manner of a Mascherade I also bore a part in the solemnity out of my devotion to the new Saint and according to the liberty which every one took of habiting himself as he pleas'd I put my self into the garb of an Arabian Gentleman of the Desart which was accounted very brave and gallant I accompany'd with Sig Antonino Son of Sig Antonio Paraccio my friend a youth of about twelve years old who was one of those who went in the day time to the Vice-Roy and I cloth'd him in a Persian Habit of mine which I had brought from Persia or rather like a noble Chizilbase Souldier very odd and brave so that we two were a sufficiently delightful spectacle to the whole City May the one and twentieth In the Morning the Bare-footed Fathers sung in their Church a solemn Mass in gratiarum actionem for the above-said Canonization of Santa Teresia upon whose praises an Augustine Father made an eloquent Sermon the Vice-Roy and a multitude of people being present thereat May the three and twentieth The Sun entring into Gemini I observ'd that the Rain begun in Goa and it happens not alike in all the Coast of India for it begins first in the more Southerly parts of Capo Comorni and follows afterwards by degrees according as places extend more to the North so that in Cambaia and other more northern parts it begins later then in Goa and the further any place lyes North the later it begins there Whence it comes to pass that in the Persian Ephemerides or Almanacks they use to set down the beginning of Parscecal or the time of Rain in India at the fifteenth of their third moneth call'd Cordad which falls upon the third of our Iune because they have observ'd it in the more Northern parts of India as in Cambaia Surà t and the like where the Persians have more commerce then in other more Southern places In Goa likewise for the most part the beginning of the Rain is in the first days of Iune yet sometimes it anticipates and sometimes falls something later with little difference 'T is observ'd by long experience that this Rain in India after having lasted some days at first ceases and there return I know not how many days of fair weather but those being pass'd it begins again more violent then ever and continues for a long time together By this Rain as I observ'd the heat diminisheth and the Earth which before was very dry and all naked becomes cloth'd with new verdure and various colours of pleasant flowers and especially the Air becomes more healthful sweet and more benigne both to sound and infirm The arm of the Sea or River which encompasses the Island of Goa and is ordinarily salt notwithstanding the falling of the other little fresh Rivers into it with the inundation of great streams which through the great Rain flow from the circumjacent Land is made likewise wholly fresh whence the Country-people who wait for this time derive water out of it for their Fields of Rice in the Island of Goa and the neighbouring parts which being temper'd with this sweet moisture on a suddain become all green Iune the first I spoke first to the Vice-Roy of Goa Don Francesco da Gama Count of Bidigucira Admiral of the Indian Sea and Grand-son of that D. Vasco de Gama who discover'd East-India in which this Don Francesco was sometimes Vice-Roy and was once taken captive in Africa with King Sebastian I delay'd seeing him so long because I was busi'd for a Moneth after my arrival in changing my Habit and providing a House so that I went not abroad besides that the Vice-Roy was likewise employ'd many days after in dispatching the Fleets which went to China and Zeilan and after they were gone he retir'd to a place out of Goa to recreate himself for many days so that I had no opportunity sooner I presented to him two Letters from Rome which I brought directed to his Predecessor in my recommendation one from Sig Cardinal Crescentio and the other from the Duke of Albaquerque then Ambassador at Rome for the Catholick King and he without reading them in my presence said that without that recommendation he should have express'd all fiting Civilities to me and that he was glad to see and know me with many other Complements and courteous offers He had no long discourse with me because many other Portugal Gentlemen of the Council and other persons of the Government expected to have Audience but when I went away he told F. Morigad the Jesuit his Confessor who introduc'd me that at a more convenient opportunity he desir'd to talk with me more at length of the things of Persia and that he would send for me and in the mean time desir'd a writing in discourse which I had made a few days before concerning the Warrs of Persia of which his said Confessor who had seen it had given him notice wherefore I gave it to him with my own hand as I had written it in my Native Tuscan Tongue and F. Morigad gave him the Translation of it made by himself into the Portugal Tongue being the Vice-Roy did not understand the Italian Iune the ninth In the Colledge of the Jesuits was pronounc'd as 't is the custom every year a Latin Oration for the Inchoation of the Readings which the vacations being ended with the hot weather begin again with the Rain and cool weather Letters from some Banians were brought to Goa signifying that the Moghòl had enounter'd with his Rebel Sultà n Chorròm and routed him and that Sultà n Chorròm after his defeat was retir'd to a strong hold in the top of a Mountain which they call Mandâ— and that his Father had besieg'd them there Iune the four and twentieth being the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist The Vice-Roy with many other Portugal persons of quality as 't is the yearly custom in Goa rode through the City in Habits of Masquert but without Vizards two and two alike or three and three and having heard Mass in the Church of Saint Iohn he came into the street of Saint Paul which they are wont to call La Carriera de' Cavalli and is the best place in Goa Here after many Companies of Canarine Christians of the Country had march'd by with their Ensignes Drums and Arms leaping and playing along the streets with their naked Swords in their Hands for they are all Foot at length all the Cavaliers run two carriers on Horse-back one downwards from the Church of Saint Paul towards the City and the other upwards running matches of two to two or three to three according as their attire agreed with their Morisco Cymiters and at last they came all down marching together in order â—â—d so went to the Piazza of the Vice-Roys Palace and so the solemnity ended
name of our blessed Saviour called there Hazaret Eesa the Lord Christ but he makes mention of it with high reverence and respect For they say of Christ that he was a good man and a just that he lived without sin that he did greater miracles then ever any before or since him nay further they call him Rha-how-Alla the breath of God but how he should be the Son of God they cannot conceive and therefore cannot believe Perhaps the Socinians first took that their opinion from these which bids them to have every thing they receive as truth to be cleared up unto them by the strength of Reason as if there were no need of the exercise of Faith And truly I must needs confess that to believe the Incarnation of the Son of God is one of the hardest and greatest tasks for Faith to encounter withall that God should be made a Man that this Man Christ should be born of a Virgin that Life should spring from Death and that from Contempt and Scorn Triumph and Victory should come c. But Christians must bind up all their thoughts as to these in that excellent meditation of Picus Mirandula saying Mirandam Dei Incarnatinem c. concerning that admirable and wonderful Incarnation of Christ the Son of God I shall not say much it being sufficient for me as for all others that look for benefit by Christ to believe that he was begotten and that he was born These are Articles of our Faith and we are not Christians if we believe them not I may seem very strange therefore that the Mahometans who understand themselves better should have such a very high esteem of our Blessed Saviour Christ and yet think us who profess our selves Christians to be so unworthy or so unclean as that they will not eat with us any thing that is of our dressing nor yet of any thing that is dressed in our vessels There are more particulars which challenge a room in this Section as their proper place but because I would not have it swell too big I shall here part it and speak further SECTION XVI Of their Votaries where of the voluntary and sharp Penances that people undergo Of their Lent and of their Fasts and Feasts c. AMong the Mahometans there are many Votaries they call Derveeses who relinquish the world and spend all their days following in solitude and retiredness expecting a recompence as they say and are very well content to suffer and wait for it in that better life Those very sharp and very strict Penances which many of this people for the present voluntarily undergo far exceed all those the Romanists boast of for instance there are some who live alone upon the tops of Hills which are clothed or covered with trees and stand remote from any Company and there spend the whole time of their following lives in Contemplation stirring not at all from the places they first fix on but ad requisita naturae crying out continually in these or the like expressions Alla Achabar c. that is God Almighty look upon me I love thee I love not the world but I love thee and I do all this for thy sake look upon me God Almighty These after they thus retire never suffer the Razer or Scissers to come again upon their heads and they let their Nails grow like unto Birds Claws As it was written of Nebuchadnezzar Dan. 4. when he was driven out from the society of men This people after their retirement will chuse rather to famish then to stir from their Cells and therefore they are relieved by the Charity of others who take care to send them some very mean covering for their bodies for it must be such otherwise they will not accept of it when they stand in need thereof and something for their bodily sustenance which must be of their coarser food otherwise they will not take it and no more of that at one time then what is sufficient for the present support of nature Some again impose long times of Fasting upon themselves and will take no food at all till the strength of Nature in them be almost quite spent And others there are amongst them they call Religious men who wear nothing about them but to hide their shame and these like the mendicant Friars beg for all they eat They usually live in the skirts or out-sides of great Cities or Towns and are like the man our blessed Saviour mentions Luk. 8. 27. about the City of the Gadarens which had Devils and wore no clothes neither abode in any house but in the Tombs And so do these making little fires in the day sleeping at nights in the warm ashes thereof with which they besmear and discolour their bodies These Ash-men will sometimes take intoxicating things which make them to talk wildly and strangely as some of our Quakers do in their strange distempers and then the foolish common people will flock about them and believing they then Prophesie hearken unto them with all attention A very great difference 'twixt that people and ours for there they call mad-men Prophets and amongst us there are many Prophets which are accounted but mad-men There are another sort among them called Mendee carried on likewise meerly by miss-takes and mis-conceivings in Religion who like the Priests of Baal mentioned 1 King 18. often cut their flesh with knives and launcers Others again I have thereseen who meerly out of Devotion put such massie Fetters of Iron upon their legs as that they can scarce stir with them and then covered with blew mantles the colour of mourners in those parts as fast as they are able go many miles in Pilgrimage bare-foot upon the hot parching ground to visit the sepulchres of their deluding Saints thus putting themselves upon very great Hardships and submitting unto extreme sharp penances and all to no purpose But to return again to those Indian Votaries who undergo such hard things and out of this mistake that they do God good service in the things they do Concerning which actings Lucretius though accounted an Epicurean and an Atheist in his first book speaks to purpose about the Error of Religion Saepius olim Religio peperit scelerosa atque impia facta oft of old Religion bred acts impiously bold The Mahometans keep a solemn Lent they call the Ramjan or Ramdam which begins the first New-moon which happens in September and so continues during that whole Moon And all that time those that are strict in their Religion forbear their Women and will not take either Meat or Drink any day during that time so long as the Sun is above their Horizon but after the Sun is set they eat at pleasure The last day of their Ram-jan they consecrate as a day of mourning to the memory of their deceased friends when I have observed many of the meanner sort seem to make most bitter lamentation But when that day of their general mourning is ended and begins to
coloured Marble which Lions are all made of Massie silver some part of them guilded with gold and beset with precious stones Those Lions support a Canopy of pure gold under which the Mogol sits when as he appears in his greatest state and glory For the beauty of that Court it consists not in gay and gorgious apparel for the Country is so hot that they cannot endure any thing that is very warm or massie or rich about them The Mogol himself for the most part is covered with a garment as before described made of pure white and fine Callico-laune and so are his Nobles which garments are washed after one days wearing But for the Mogol though his cloathing be not rich and costly yet I believe that there is never a Monarch in the whole world that is daily adorned with so many Jewels as himself is Now they are Jewels which make mens covering most rich such as people in other parts sometimes wear about them that are otherwise most meanly habited To which purpose I was long since told by a Gentleman of honour sent as a Companion to the old Earl of Nottingham when he was imployed as an extraordinary Embassadour by King Iames to confirm the peace made 'twixt himself and the King of Spain which Embassadour had a very great many Gentlemen in his train in as rich clothing as Velvets and Silks could make but then there did appear many a great Don or Grandee in the Spanish Court in a long black bays Cloak and Cassack which had one Hatband of Diamonds which was of more worth by far than all the bravery of the Ambassadors many Followers But for the Mogol I wonder not at his many Jewels he being as I conceive the greatest and richest Master of precious stones that inhabits the whole earth For Diamonds which of all other are accounted most precious stones they are found in Decan where the Rocks are out of which they are digged the Princes whereof are the next Neighbours and Tributaries to the great Mogol and they pay him as Tribute many Diamonds yearly and further he hath the refusal of all those rich stones they sell he having Gold and Silver in the greatest abundance and that will purchase any thing but heaven he wil part with any mony for any Gems beside that are precious and great whether Rubies or any other stones of value as also for rich Pearls And his Grandees follow him in that fancy for one of his great Lords gave our Merchants there twelve hundred pounds sterling for one Pearl which was brought out of England The Pearl was shaped like a Pear very large beautiful and orient and so its price deserved it should be Now the Mogol having such an abundance of Jewels wears many of them daily enow to exceed those women which Rome was wont to shew in their Star-like dresses who in the height and prosperity of that Empire were said to wear The spoils of Nations in one ear Or Lollia Paulina who was hid with Jewels For the great Mogol the Diamonds and Rubies and Pearls which are very many and daily worn by him are all of an extraordinary greatness and consequently of an exceeding great value And besides those he wears about his Shash or head covering he hath a long Chain of Jewels hanging about his Neck as long as an ordinary Gold-Chain others about his wrists and the Hilts of his Sword and Dagger are most curiously enriched with those precious Stones beside others of very great value which he wears in Rings on his fingers The first of March the Mogol begins a royal Feast like that which Abasuerus made in the third year of his Reign Esth. 1. wherein he shewed the riches of his glorious Kingdom This feast the Mogol makes is called the Nooroos that signifies nine-Nine-days which time it continues to usher in the new year which begins with the Mahometans there the tenth day of March. Against which Feast the Nobles assemble themselves together at that Court in their greatest Pomp presenting their King with great gifts and he requiting them again with Princely rewards at which time I being in his presence beheld most immense and incredible riches to my amazement in Gold Pearls Precious stones Jewels and many other glittering vanities This Feast is usually kept by the Mogol while he is in his Progress and lodges in Tents Whether his Diet at this time be greater than ordinary I know not for he always eats in private amongst his Women where none but his own Family see him while he is eating which Family of his consists of his Wives and Children and Women and Eunuchs and his Boys and none but these abide and lodge in the Kings Houses or Tents and therefore how his Table is spread I could never know but doubtless he hath of all those varieties that Empire affords if he so please His food they say is served in unto him in Vessels of Gold which covered and brought unto him by his Eunuchs after it is proved by his Tasters he eats not at any set times of the day but he hath provision ready at all times and calls for it when he is hungry and never but then The first of September which was the late Mogol's birth-day he retaining an ancient yearly Custom was in the presence of his chief Grandees weighed in a Balance the Ceremony was performed within his House or Tent in a fair spacious Room whereinto none were admitted but by special leave The Scales in which he was thus weighed were plated with Gold and so the beam on which they hung by great Chains made likewise of that most precious Metal the King sitting in one of them was weighed first against silver Coin which immediately after was distributed among the poor then was he weighed against Gold after that against Jewels as they say but I observed being present there with my Lord Ambassador that he was weighed against three several things laid in silken Bags on the contrary Scale When I saw him in the Balance I thought on Belshazzar who was found too light Dan. 5. 27. By his weight of which his Physicians yearly keep an exact account they presume to guess of the present estate of his body of which they speak flatteringly however they think it to be When the Mogol is thus weighed he casts about among the standers by thin pieces of silver and some of Gold made like flowers of that Countrey and some of them are made like Cloves and some like Nutmegs but very thin and hollow Then he drinks to his Nobles in his Royal wine as that of Ahasuerus is called Esth. 1. 7. who pledge his health at which solemnity he drank to my Lord Ambassadour in a Cup of Gold most curiously enameled and set all over the outside with stones which were small Rubies Turkesses and Emeralds with a Cover or Plate to set in it in both of pure Gold the brims of which plate and the cover were enameled and
THE TRAVELS OF Sig. Pietro della Valle A Noble ROMAN INTO EAST-INDIA AND Arabia Deserta In which the several Countries together with the Customs Manners Traffique and Rites both Religious and Civil of those Oriental Princes and Nations are faithfully Described In Familiar Letters to his Friend Signior MARIO SCHIPANO Whereunto is Added A Relation of Sir ROE's Voyage into the EAST-INDIES LONDON Printed by I. Macock for Iohn Martin and Iames Allestry and are to be sold at their Shop at the Bell in St Paul's Church-yard 1665. Imprimatur White-hall Iune 4. 1664. WILL. MORICE TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ROGER Earl of ORRERY c. My Lord IT is not more commonly then truly observ'd That the Preeminence of Excellent Things is universally attended with a proportionable Result of Benefit to those of Inferior Degree And the same may with equal verity be affirm'd of the Glory of Great Personages Your Names serve not onely to distinguish you or by the Addition of Titles to give you higher rank in the State but like the Sun communicating Light and Life together they animate and beautifie what-ever is irradiated by them Which general Consideration though it could not give me any particular Right yet it may in some sort warrant the sutableness of dedicating this Transcript to your Lordship's Name A Name which besides having been able to revive and support a long-depressed Interest in a Considerable Kingdom is so highly celebrated upon the account of other Performances as scarce to find a Parallel among those of your own or any other Orb. Nor is it a little ground of Confidence to me that what I present is neither wholly my own in any sort nor any of it otherwise then as an Interpreter nor lastly one of those refined Pieces of Invention which while your Protection is implored do with-all folicite your Iudgment But of that kind of Writings which containing Descriptions of Countries and their Customs can onely please by the Variety of the Relations and the Veracity of the Relator He whom I have interpreted was a Noble Roman Persons of which Quality as they have greater Curiosity so they have far more Advantages in reference to making of Observations in Forreign Countries than they whose chief business is Traffick and was carried onely by his own curious Genius into those Oriental parts of the World whereof he here gives an Account which is so full of delightful Variety and considerable Remarks that as after his Return his Person was dignifid with an Honourable Office in the Court of his own Prince so since his Death his Travels have no less happily travell'd and been naturaliz'd in some other Languages The other Piece hath been judg'd fit to be adjoyned as one of the Exactest Relations of the Eastern parts of the World that hitherto hath been publish'd by any Writer either Domestick or Forreign having been penn'd by one that attended Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Great Mogol Than whom 't is acknowledg'd by one of that Country that trades most into those parts none ever gave a more faithful Account thereof It remaines onely that as by this action I have tâ—ough with all the Modesty that becomes mâ— assum'd an Interest in a Great Name so 〈◊〉 also testifie the Honour and Veneration I bear to Great Worth and Rare Accomplishments which I shall do summarily and yet in the utmost importance of the words by professing my self My Lord Your Lordships in all Humble Respect and Observance G. Havers P. Scipionis Sgambati è Societate Jesu PETRO â VALLE PATRICIO RomanÌ„o Ob cineres Conjugis ex ASIA revectos AeNeadum soboles Albani sanguinis haeres Aeneae proavi quà m bene facta refers Ille senem ex Asia fertur vexisse parentem Ex Asia conjux est tibi ducta comes Par utrique fides esset nisi quòd tua major Est pietas Italûm gloria VALLIADE Ille senem extinctum Siculâ tellure reliquit Tu Romam extinctae conjugis ossa vehis THE TRAVELS OF Peter Della Valle Sirnamed The Traveller Containing a DESCRIPTION of the EAST-INDIES c. LETTER I. From Surà t March 22. Anno 1623. IN the beginning of this year at my departure from Persia I writ last to you from aboard the Ship call'd the Whale in which I was newly embarqu'd upon the coasts of that Country and had not yet begun my Voyage Since which time having sail'd over a good part of the Ocean arriv'd at the famous Countries of India travell'd and view'd no inconsiderable portion thereof by conveniency of the same Ship which brought me hither and is ready to set sail speedily towards Muchà in the Arabian Gulph and the rather for that a German Gentleman a friend of mine is embarqu'd in her with an intention to travel from thence in case he can get passage to see Aethiopia with this Letter which I recommend to him to get transmitted into Italy if possible from those Ports of the Red Sea or by the way of Cairo where they trade or by some other conveyance I come again to give you an Account of my Adventures and the Curiosities which have hitherto afforded delicious repast to my alwayes hungry Intellect To begin therefore Upon Thursday the 19 of Ianuary having dispatch'd and taken order for what was needful a little before day after the discharge of some Guns as 't is the custome at going off from any Coast we began leisurely to display our sails moving but slowly because we waited for the ship-boat which was still at shore upon whose return we unfolded all our Canvase and though with a small gale directed our course between the Islands of Ormuz and Kesom passing on the outer side of Ormuz next Arabia in regard the shallowness of the Channel towards Persia afforded not water enough for such great Ships as ours We were in company only two English Ships namely the Whale which was the Captain-ship in which I was embarqu'd commanded by Captain Nicholas Woodcock and another call'd the Dolphin which had for Captain Master Matthew Willis At noon being near Lareck and no wind stirring we cast Anchor without falling our sails and our Captain sent his long boat a shore to Lareck with two Grey-hounds which the English of Combrù had given him to catch what game they could light upon Towards night we set sail again but though the wind somewhat increas'd yet because the boat was not return'd we struck sail a little and staid for it discharging also several musket-shots to the end those that were in it might hear and see where we were And because 't was one a clock in the night and the Boat was not yet come we doubted some disaster might have befaln it in regard of the multitude of those Arabian Thieves call'd Nouteks which rob upon that Sea and frequently reside in this Island of Lareck Yet at length it return'd safe and sound and brought us abundance of Goats whereupon we again spread our sails freely to
whilst we saw them left behind And they told me that the nearer we came to India we should see more of these things The next Evening our Captain who was a little more merry then ordinary because the Captain of the Dolphin dining with us that day he had drank pretty freely in conversation discoursing with me as he was wont after Supper spoke very frankly to me concerning their affairs of Ormuz In conclusion he told me that their Treaty with the Persians stood thus That if they would deliver to the English the Fortress of Ormuz with half the revenues of the Custom-house and the City as they desir'd from the beginning then the English would people Ormuz and restore the trade as formerly keeping the same continually open with Persia and that for this purpose and also for guarding that Sea against the Portugals and other Enemies they would keep four ships in Ormuz That when this were agreed upon the English would transport a good number of people from England and whole Families with Wives and Children to dwell in Ormuz as the Portugals did before and then they would prosecute the War against the Portugals at Maschat and every where else But if these things were not agreed to they would make War no longer against the Portugals nor car'd they for the Traffick of Persia upon other terms Now should these Treaties take effect they would in no wise be advantagious for the Catholick Religion and were there no more to be fear'd the Portugals would thereby be for ever excluded from recovering Ormuz yea all the rest which they possess in those parts would be in great danger Imanculi Beig who was General of the Persians in the late Wars and with whom the English treated in Combrù concérning this affair Captain Woodcock said inclin'd to the bargain but it was not known what the Chan of Sciraz and which is more important the King would do On one side I know the Persians insisted much upon having Ormuz wholly to themselves accounting it a small matter to have gain'd with so much War and loss of men onely the half or rather less then half the Fortress being deducted which the English demanded for themselves so that the Persians would have but the same interest there as the King of Ormuz had with the Portugals and no more They conceive also that they have done little and perhaps ill should they make no greater acquisition in having onely chang'd the Portugals in Ormuz for the English and Christians for Christians that upon easier terms it might be hop'd that perhaps the Portugals after the loss of Ormuz would agree with the Persians now there was no more to lose and onely give the Persians that which the King of Ormuz a Mahometan like themselves injoy'd Moreover to the Persian no doubt the friendship of the Portugals would be more profitable in regard of the many States which they possess in India from whence they may with more facility and certainty maintain the accustomed Commerce with Persia. But on the other side to see the Portugals so worsted and the English more fortunate at least and couragious if not more strong 't is a clear case that Ormuz will never be reinhabited nor Trade set on foot again unless some Nation of the Franks which have ships and strength at sea reside there things which the Persians wholly want there being neither Mariners nor Timber in Persia about that Sea wherewith to build ships and the loss resulting to Persia by the tinguishing of this Traffick the charge of maintaining the Fortress of Ormuz without any profit and the continual danger of losing it every hour unless the English guard the Sea with their ships and help to defend it these and other like considerations may not improbably induce the King of Persia contented to have demonstrated his power and valor and chastis'd his Enemies the Portugals according to his desire to grant the English as much as they demand For he should not yield it to them upon force but out of his liberality and for his own profit give them that freely which to retain to himself as things now stand would not onely be of no advantage but of loss Peradventure he may also imagine now in the pride of his victory that as with help of the English he has driven the Portugals out of Ormuz so 't will be easie for him to expel the English too either by the help of others or else by his own Forces alone should they not comply with him However because these Treaties with the Persian are manag'd by the Company of Merchants who also made the War and not by the King of England and hitherto 't is not known whether their King approve the fact or no and will prosecute or let fall the enterprize therefore for a total conclusion besides the consent of the King of Persia they also wait the determination of the King of England and the greatest hope I have of the defeating of these projects so prejudicial to the Catholicks is this alone that the English King will not meddle in them and perhaps also prohibit his Subjects so to do as a person whom we know to be a Friend to Peace most averse from all kind of War especially with the King of Spain while the Match of his Son with the Daughter of Spain is in agitation In the mean time we began to find the Sea sufficiently rough being got wholly out of the Persian Gulph and enter'd into the open Sea term'd by the Ancients Mare rubrum and by us at this day the Southern Ocean and having pass'd not onely the Cape of Giasck but also that of Arabia which the Portugals vulgarly call Rosalgate as it is also set down in the Maps but properly ought to be call'd Ras el had which in the Arabian Tongue signifies Capo del fine or the Cape of the Confine because 't is the last of that Country and is further then any other extended into the Sea like that of Galicia in our Europe which for the same reason we call Finis Terrae On Saturday the 28. of Ianuary having taken the meridional altitude of the Sun according to daily custom and made such detraction of degrees as was necessary we found our selves twenty three degrees five minutes distant from the Equinoctial towards the North whence by consequence we had pass'd the Tropick of Cancer twenty six minutes and a half according to the opinion of the Moderns who reckon the Sun 's greatest declination where the Tropicks are twenty three degrees thirty one minutes and a half distant from the Equinoctial During the succeeding dayes we sail'd with a brisk but favourable wind and with a Sea not tempestuous but something rough Every day about the hour of noon the Sun's altitude was infallibly observ'd not onely by the Pilots as the custom is in all ships and the Captain who was a good Seaman and perform'd all the exercises of Art very well but which
Coaches to carry us to Surat there being in those Countries subject to the Moghol abundance of Coaches made after their fashion which I formerly describ'd when I saw some of them at Casbin which the Indian Ambassador gave amongst his presents to the King of Persia nor remains any thing more to be said of them but that they are at this day much like the ancient Indian Chariots describ'd by Strabo and are generally cover'd with crimson silk fring'd with yellow round about the roof and the curtains And that the Oxen which also as anciently draw the same are fair large white with two bunches like those of some Camells and run and gallop like Horses they are likewise cover'd with the same stuff but beset with many tufts or tassels and abundance of bells at their necks so that when they run or gallop through the streets they are heard at a sufficient distance and make a very brave show With these kind of Coaches in India they not onely go in Cities but also for the most part travel in the Country To the Sea side came no Coach and therefore the Captain went on foot to a Town a mile off call'd Sohali where he intended to spend the day in recreating himself amongst the Franks who have Houses there for repositing the goods which they continually send to the Sea side to be ship'd but I could not accompany him because of my Ague and therefore staid in a Tent well cover'd with Clothes upon my bed which I caus'd to be laid upon the ground waiting till the Captain sent me a Coach and Carts from the City for my goods Whilst I was lying in this place the violence of my fit was scarce over when I beheld a Cavalier appear on the shore on Horse-back cloth'd and arm'd after the Indian manner with a Scemiter and Target who came towards our Tent and stood still to speak with some person as if he inquir'd for something among us Upon his nearer approach and my better considering him I perceiv'd 't was my great friend Sig Alberto di Scilling who being return'd from Barocci whither the President had told me he was gone and hearing news of us was come from Surat to the Sea side to meet me Whereupon raising my self suddenly from the bed we received one the other with such kindnesses as are usual between two good friends who come from far and have not seen one another a long time after which sitting down together we recounted our adventures one to the other at length he much condoling my misfortunes and regretting to find me sufficiently different from what he had left me in Persia. Towards Evening came two Coaches and a Carr with which we went together to the Town Sohali where we found the two Captains of the ships waiting for us with a Collation ready prepar'd which immediately they gave us entertaining us in conversation till night and certain Indian Women of the Town publick dancers gave us some pastime by dancing to the sound of Drums Bells and other instruments of their fashion which were sounded by their Husbands with very great noise and not without disturbance of my head A little within night the Captains took leave of us and returned to their ships and we betook our selves to rest the remainder of the night in this Town because it was necessary to stay till day before we could enter into Surat the Gates of the City being shut in the night time at least that of the Dogana or Custom-house through which we were to pass They told us the way to the City was seven Cos or Corù for 't is all one and every Cos or Corù is half a Fersegna or league of Persia so that it answers to little less then two English Miles The next Morning very early we put our selves on the way towards Surat and being I conceiv'd my abode there would be but short and that when I should depart thence my way would be by Sea therefore to avoid greater trouble both of conveyance and of the Dogana or Custom-house which is known to be rigorous in Surat I left all my Trunks and gross luggage in the ship and carry'd with me onely such few things as were requisite for daily use The high-way from the Sea side to the City as 't is also generally in this province of Guzarat wherein we were is all very even the soil green all the year and about the Town Sohali grow abundance of Trees of Indian Nuts Tamarinds and other fruits Beyond the Town the Trees are not so plentiful unless near certain houses but the fields are every where either ploughed or full of living creatures feeding in them We arriv'd at the City in good time in the entrance of which there is a River call'd Tapi or Tapti which was to be pass'd over by boat On the other side of which River something on the right hand as you go into the City which hath no walls stands a Castle lately built but very ill design'd Moreover near the place where the boats land stands the Dogana or Custom-house and it took us up some time to dispatch there because they observe very narrowly all goods that are brought in although they be but Clothes for change to see whether there be any thing coming to the Customes nor will they suffer strangers to enter till they be first known and have licence as 't is also practis'd in Venice In all things they proceed with so great wariness and good order that it being known that I conducted with me the Sig ra Mariuccia although a girl very young the Capo or President of the Dogana requir'd likewise to be inform'd of her quality and gave order that she should not be conducted with any violence or other disorder otherwise in lawful things there is no difficulty either through diversity of Religion or upon any other account We were no sooner come to the Dogana but the news of our arrival was I think by Sig Alberto's means carried to the House of the Dutch many of which have Wives there which they married in India purposely to go with them and people a new colony of theirs in Iava Major which they call Batavia Nova where very great priviledges are granted to such of their Country-men as shall go to live there with Wives and Families For which end many of them for want of Europaean have taken Indian Armenian and Syrian Women and of any other race that falls into their hands so they be or can be made Christians Last year the Fleet of the Portugals which went to India was encountred at Sea and partly sunk partly taken by the Hollanders amongst other booty three Maidens were taken of those poor but well descended Orphans which are wont to be sent from Portugal every year at the King's charge with a dowry which the King gives them to the end they may be married in India in order to further the peopling of the Portugal Colonies in those parts
of the Idol Before whom upon a little hillock stands continually one of their Gioghi who among the Indians are a sort of Hermits and sometimes I have seen a Woman too standing there On high there hangs a Bell which those that come to make their foolish devotions first of all ring out as if thereby to call the Idol to hear them then they fall to their adoration which is commonly to extend both hands downwards as much as possible being joyn'd together in a praying posture which lifting up again by little and little they bring to their mouths as if to kiss them And lastly extend them so joyn'd together as high as they can over their heads Which gesticulation is us'd onely to Idols and sacred things for to men even to Kings themselves they make the same Salutation which in the Persian-Tongue they call Testim and in their Indian Sumbaia only with the right hand This ceremony being perform'd some make their prayers onely standing others prostrate themselves with their whole body groveling upon the earth and then rise again others onely touch the ground with the head and fore-head and perform other like acts of Humility After which they go about the Tree some once others oftner and then sprinkle before the Idol either Rice or Oyle or Milk or other such things which are their Offerings and Sacrifices without blood for to shed blood even for Sacrifice is not their custome but to kill any sort of Animal is counted a great sin Such as are of ability give moreover some Almes to the person attending the service of the Idol from whom in requital they receive the flowers and leaves which are about the Idol and that with great devotion kissing them and in token of reverence laying them upon their heads A-side of this Tree stands a very small Cupola or Chappel with a very narrow window for entrance I saw not what was within it but I was inform'd that Women who have no Children go in there sometimes and after they have been there become fruitful by the virtue of the place but as in false Religions every thing is imposture so 't is the opinion here that the attendants of the Idol play fine pranks in this particular either beguiling simple young Women or satisfying the more crafty whom indeed they sometimes cause to become pregnant but 't is by natural means without miracle the Priests within the Chappel supplying the defects of their Husbands Moreover on another side of this Tree stands a square low Post on which certain figures of Idols are engraven and at the foot thereof there is a little kind of trench or hole where also they pour Milk and Oyle and make divers other Oblations They are very solicitous in keeping the Tree with every bough and leaf of it not suffering it to be injur'd by animals or men nor in any wise violated and profan'd They tell a story of an Elephant who one day by chance eat but one single leaf of this Tree for which being punish'd by the Idol he dy'd within three dayes Which story I understood to be thus far true namely that the event was in this manner but 't was thought that for the reputation of the place the attendants of the Idol either poyson'd or knock'd the Elephant on the head in which Arts the Gioghi and Priests of the Gentiles use to be very dextrous The Commendator of the Dutch came one day to give me a visit and after a competent conversation carried me in his Coach a little out of the City to see one of the fairest and famousest gardens of Surà t The plot was level well contriv'd and divided with handsome streight Walks on either side whereof were planted rowes of sundry Trees of this Climate namely Ambe or as others speak Manghe before describ'd by me in my last Letters from Persia in the maritine parts whereof I saw some Trees of this kind Foufel whose leaves are like those of the Palm-tree but of a livelier and fairer green Narghil like the Palm in the leaves also and is that which we call Nux Indica and others different from what are found in our parts The plots between the several walks was full of herbs and flowers partly such as we have and partly not amongst the rest they shew'd me a Flower for bigness and form not unlike our Gillyflower but of a whitish yellow having a very sweet and vigorous scent and they call it Ciampà In a convenient place there is a square place rais'd somewhat from the ground and cover'd with large sheds to sit there in the shade after the manner of the East and here we entertain'd our selves a while and had a Collation other things in the garden worthy of remark I saw none As for the plants and strange simples of India and the whole Torrid Zone in these things very different from ours I shall say briefly once for all that they are such and so many that to write fully of them would require express volumes and make as big as those of Dioscorides and Pliny all of things unknown to us Nevertheless the curiosity of the Portugals and other Europeans who trade in these parts hath hitherto been so small that I know not any that have spoken and observ'd any thing in this kind besides the three Authors above mention'd And they have written of very few things although of those few they have written faithfully and well and I who have read them all with diligence have made some not unprofitable Notes upon them which I keep in Manuscript by me and you may see one day when it shall please God to bring us together As for the Dutch Commendator and the English President also who came frequently in this manner to carry me abroad I must not forbear to say that both of them live in sufficient splendor and after the manner of the greatest persons of the Country They go abroad with a great train sometimes also of their own men on Horse-back but especially with a great number of Indian servants on foot arm'd according to the mode with Sword Buckler Bows and Arrows For 't is the custome of servants in India whether Mahometans or Gentiles to go alwayes arm'd not onely upon a journey but also in the City and to serve in the house all day with the same weapons by their sides and never to lay them off saving at night when they go to sleep Moreover these Governours of the two Frank or Christian Nations which reside in Surà t use to have carry'd before their Coach or Horse when they ride a very high Bannerol or Streamer by a man on foot which likewise is the custome of all men of quality here and likewise to have a sadled Horse lead by hand before them And not onely they who are publick persons but any private person whatever of whatever Country or Religion may in these parts live with as much grandeur and equipage as he pleases and such is the
Knight-hood although it be that Cross than which there cannot be a greater Cognizance of Christian Religion albeit 't is worn by those Knights as a token of Nobility too 'T is enough that the Jesuits think their opinion abundantly confirm'd by the two abovesaid Reasons namely that it is rather a sign of Nobility then a Cognizance of Religion And although the same is conferr'd with many superstitious Ceremonies yet they will not have it taken away alledging for example that the Crosses of our Knights however Ensignes of Nobility are given with many Ceremonies and Rites of our sacred Religion the more to authorize them Whence it appears that the use of this Ribban may be without scruple permitted to the Indians provided these superstitious Ceremonies be lay'd aside and especially the End in which alone consists the sin changing it in that manner as the ancient Christians chang'd many Festivals and superstitions of the Gentiles into Festivals of Martyrs and other pious Commemorations And this may be done by applying e. g. the signification of the three Braids to the most Holy Trinity or in some such manner turning it to a pious and lawful use Nevertheless those of the contrary party impugn this opinion with no bad Reasons they say 't is a thing in it self of its own nature wholly unlawful to Christians as being perfectly a Gentile-superstition which is prov'd by the Ceremonies and words us'd in conferring it and that for the three Braids 't is well known they hold and wear them in honour of three of their chief false Gods and that although they be Ensigns of Nobility in the wearer yet they are withall and principally a manifest Cognizance of their Religion as Crosses are amongst our Knights wherewith who ever hath the same on his breast not onely ostentates his Nobility but also firmly profess the Christian Faith That the Gentile-Kings having honour'd with this Ensign some Mahometan their Vassal and remaining a Mahometan is no more then as if in our Countries we should grant to some Jew the priviledge of wearing a black Hat without becoming a Christian which may be done by way of dispensation and yet it cannot be deny'd but that the wearing a black one or a yellow is besides the matter of credit a Cognizance also of the Religion or Sect which a man professes Many other Reasons they alledge which I do not well remember and which no doubt will be narrowly examin'd at Rome What the determination will be I shall know more certainly at Goa and for the present thus much may suffice concerning the Opinions and Rites of the Indian-Gentiles Now in pursuance of the Narration of my Travells I am to tell you that after the seeing of the Temple and visiting the Brachman abovesaid the same day which was Saturday the 25th of February upon occasion of a Cafila or Caravan which was setting forth from Cambaia to Ahmedabà d which is the Royal Seat and Head of the whole Kingdom of Guzarà t we namely Sig Alberto Scilling and my self with our attendants were desirous to see that City and since the insecurity of the wayes allow'd us not to go alone we resolv'd to go with the Cafila And because at the same time another Cafila was setting forth for Surà t in which some of the Hollanders residing at Cambaia went with their goods which they carry'd thither in order to be shipt we all went out of the Town together and in a place without the Gate and the Suburbs were the wayes divided under the shade of certain great Trees of Tamarinds which the Indians call Hambelè where also are certain Sepulchres and a Mahometan Meschita or Temple unroof'd and without walls about saving a little wall at the front and a place markt where prayers are to be made of which sort of Meschita's many are seen in India especially in the Country we entertain'd our selves a good while with the Dutch being diverted with Musick singing and dancing by the same Women which we had the night before at our house At length taking leave they took their way towards Surà t and Sig Alberto and I with our company towards Ahmedabà d going a little out of the way to see another very famous Temple of Mahadeù The Fabrick is small and inconsiderable within there is no other Idol but that of Mahadeù which is no other but a little column or pillar of stone thicker below then at top and which diminishing by degrees ends at the top in a round Whatever 't is that would signifie thereby the name of Mahadeù they in their language is properly interpreted Great God But we had enough to laugh at when we heard that this Idol was held by the Country people for a worker of miracles and amongst other of his miracles they relate that he grows every day and becomes bigger hourly affirming that many years since he was no higher then a span or little more and now he is above two and perhaps three and thus he continues increasing every day a folly not to be believ'd but by such fools as themselves Having seen this Temple we overtook our Cafila at a Town call'd Saimà three miles distant from Cambaia where we all lodg'd that night The next Morning being Sunday the Cafila which consisted of above a hundred Coaches besides foot-men and horse-men and great loaden Wagons set forth three hours before day and staying not to rest any where according to the custom of the East which is to make but one bout of a days journey having travell'd fifteen Cos by noon or little later we lodg'd at a Town call'd Mà ter where we saw an infinite number of Squirrels leaping amongst the trees every where they were small white and with a tail less and not so fair as those of our Countries On Monday about two hours before day we resum'd our Voyage When it was day we saw upon the way every where abundance of wild Monkies of which almost all the Trees were full They put me in mind of that Army of Monkies which the Souldiers of Alexander the Great beholding upon certain Hills a far off and taking to be Menintended to have charg'd had not Taxilus inform'd them what they were as Strabo relates We found abundance of people too upon the way begging alms with the sound of a Trumpet which almost every one had and sounded and most of them were arm'd with Bows and Arrows two things sufficiently uncouth for beggars and indeed not be suffer'd by Governours since these Ruffians under pretext of begging rob frequently upon the way when they meet persons alone and unarm'd which having weapons themselves they may easily do This County was almost all woody the ground unmeasurably dusty to the great trouble of Travellers the High-ways were all enclos'd on the sides with high hedges of a plant always green and unfruitful not known in Europe and having no leaves but instead thereof cover'd with certain long and slender branches almost like our Sparagus but bigger
the right day of the Feast falls in the Moneths of great Rain so that at that time the Procession cannot be perform'd and therefore they anticipate it in this manner The Procession was made by the whole Clergy with a greater shew of green boughs then clothes and with many representations of mysteries by persons disguis'd fictitious animals dances and maskerades things which in our Countries would more sute with Villages then great Cities Two Ships are now departing by the way of Persias and therefore I have made use of this opportunity favour me to kiss the hands of all my Friends in my Name amongst which I reckon in the first place with the Signori Spina Sig r Andrea Sig Dottore and Sig Coletta upon whom and your self I pray Heaven for all felicity recommending my self to your prayers also for my safety From Goa April 27. 1623. LETTER III. From Goa Octob. 10. 1623. HAving a sit opportunity according to my desire to make an excursion from Goa farther into India more Southwards to Canarà upon occasion of this Vice-Roy's dispatching Sig Gio Fernandez Leiton Ambassador to Vanktapà Niekà a Gentile-Prince of that Province and conceiving that my journey will begin within three or four days I have therefore determin'd to write this Letter to you that it may be convey'd by the first occasion of the Ships which are now preparing for a Voyage from India into Europe for I know not certainly how far I shall tarvel nor how long I shall stay out before my return to Goa whether moneths or years As little do I know what other opportunity or convenient place I shall meet withall to write to you nevertheless I shall omit none that offers it self and in the mean time present you with the continuation of my Diary Having been here in Goa too much shut up in the House of the Jesuits On the first of May I parted from them after many civil treatments and favours receiv'd of them according to their most affectionate hospitality and went to the House prepar'd for me right over against that of Sig ra Lena da Cugna which stands between the Covents of the Bare-footed Carmelites and the Converted Nunns of S. Mary Magdalene in a remote but not inconvenient place nor far from the commerce of the City and the more acceptable to me because near the residence of Marià m Tinatin May the third The City of Goa lying as they say in the Altitude of fifteen degrees and forty minutes agreeably to the good Rule of Astronomy and the Tables of Tycho according to which F. Christoforo Brono told me this City is in a Meridian different from that of Francfurt about four hours more Eastward yet the Sun came to be in the Zenith of Goa that is in the declination of the Zenith at eleven a clock of the night following the said day speaking sutably to the Spanish and Portugal Clocks Yet at this time it was the height of Summer and the greatest heat of the year as we found by experience For there may be said to be two Summers and Winters every year in Goa and these adjacent Regions because the Sun passes over their heads and departs from them twice a year once toward the North and once towards the South May the eleventh A Portugal Gentleman coming from the Court of Spain by Land to wit by the way of Turkie and as they said in a very short time and with Letters from the Court dated in the end of the last October brought news amongst other things of the Canonization of five Saints made together in one day namely of S. Ignatio the Founder of the Jesuits S. Francesco Xaverio a Jesuit and the Apostle of the East-India S. Philippo Neri Founder of the Congregation della Vallicella whom I remember to have seen and spoken to in my Child-hood and whose Image is still so impress'd in my memory that I should know him if I saw him S. Teresia Foundress of the Bare-footed Carmelites and S. Isidoro a Country-man of Madrid We had also news of the death of the Duke of Parma Ranuccio Farnese and how the Cardinal his Brother was gone to the Government of that State during the minority of the succeeding Duke The Currier who went into Spain with the tidings of the loss of Ormùz this Portugal Gentleman said he met him at Marseilles and concerning the Marriage between Spain and England he brought no intelligence of any conclusion so that I belive the news of Ormùz lost chiefly by the fault of the English will occasion much difficulty in the Treaty of that Marriage May the seventeenth Four Italian Bare-footed Carmelites arriv'd in Goa being sent by their Fathers at Rome into Persia but having heard at Aleppo how the Fathers of Persia were troubled by the fate of those new Christians who were discover'd and slain the year before and especially that they had nothing to live upon they not knowing what to do and being terrifi'd with the Relations of divers Merchants who aggravated things sufficiently and being so advis'd by some who perhaps like not the coming of such Fathers into Persia resolv'd to come into India and to Goa to the Vicar Provincial whither they brought no fresh News from Rome having departed from thence Eleven Moneths before They came almost all sick having suffer'd much in the Desarts of Arabia and other places of the journey where they had felt great scarcity and for all this they would needs observe their Lent and Fasts by the way sustaining themselves almost solely with Dates which is a very hot food and withall the alteration of the Air very hot too and unusual to them in the hight of Summer was the occasion of their being all sick Two of them arriv'd this day and the two others the day after because they came from Mascà t in several Ships Of these four Bare-footed Carmelites within a few days three dyed and one alone after a long and dangerous sickness escap'd May the eighteenth The Bells of all the Churches of Goa rung out with a great noise and they said it was for the News of the King's Health then brought from Spain but I said I wish'd they had first recover'd Ormùz and then rung the Bells with joy for both A vain people May the twentieth The Bare-footed Carmelites would needs make particular rejoycing for the Canonization of their S. Teresia and not confound the same in one day with that of the Jesuits they sent two Portugal Children on Horse-back richly clad in riding habit as Curriers to declare with certain Verses to the Vice-Roy of Goa the Canonization of the She-Saint after which the same Boys went up and down the City with a Trumpet before them scattering other Verses to the people with the same tidings the Bells of theirs and all other Churches of the City ringing in the mean time for joy being injoyn'd thereunto by the Bishop's Order At night themselves and divers of their Friends made
things which the Vice-Roy sent for a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka and other Horses which I know not who carry'd thither to sell and the five Ships of War whereof Sig Hettor Fernandez was Chief Captain or General Nevertheless we departed from Goa the aforesaid Evening onely with our own Ship the rest being already fallen down lower toward the Sea and the Ambassador Vitulà was above a day at Pangi expecting us where we arriving the abovesaid night did not land because it was late but slept in the Vessel October the fourteenth We went a shore in the Morning at Pangi and the two Ambassadors saw one another upon the Sea-side where I being present with them Sig Gio Fernandez told the Brachman Ambassador who I was and that I went with them out of curiosity to see his King wherewith he testified great contentment but was much more pleas'd with the Pendant which I wore at my left ear as I have us'd to do for many years past for remedy of my weak sight because wearing Pendants at the ears is a particular custom of the Indians especially of the Gentiles who all wear them in both ears And because this is among the Portugals a thing not onely unusual but ignorantly by some of the ruder sort of them held for unlawful onely because 't is us'd by Gentiles therefore the Ambassador marvelled that I being of the Portugals Religion nevertheless us'd it but being told that it was not forbidden us by our Law but onely customarily disus'd and that in Europe it was us'd by many he commended the custom and bid the Portugals see how well I shew'd with that Pendant and better then they who wore none so powerful is use to endear things to the eye and make that fancy'd and esteem'd by some which others through want of custom dislike or value not This day we departed not because one of the Frigats of the Armado which was to accompany us was unprovided with Sea-men for which we were fain to stay till the day following and then were not very well provided The cause whereof was for that there was at this time a great scarcity of Mariners in Goa because the Governours of the maritime parts of the Continent subject to Idal-Scià h would not permit their Ships to come as they were wont to supply Mariners for the Portugal Armado which seem'd an argument of some ill will of that King against the Portugals of which were there nothing else theirs being weaker and more confus'd in their Government then ever and all things in bad order was a sufficient ground for remedy of which they took no other course but daily loaded themselves with nâ—w unusual and most heavy Impositions to the manifest ruine of the State taking no care to prevent the hourly exorbitant defraudations of the publick Incomes which otherwise would be sufficient to maintain the charge without new Gabels but if such thefts continue both the publick Incomes and the new Gabels and as many as they can invent will be all swallow'd up Nevertheless the Portugals are heedless according to their custom and out of a fatal blindness making no reckoning of these signs which shew the evil mind of their Neighbour Adil-Scià h think he knows nothing of these disorders and that this with-holding of his Subjects is onely an impentinence of his Officers What the event will be Time will shew But to return to my purpose Not being to depart this day we went to dine and pass the time with intention also to lodg the following night in the house of Sig Baldassar d' Azevedo who liv'd constantly in a fair House there by the Sea-side a little distant from the Villa or Fort where the Vice-Roys lodg in Pangi Whilst we were recreating our selves Sig Fernandez bethinking himself of what perhaps he had not thought of before ask'd me whether I had the Vice-Roy's Licence to go with him this Voyage and I telling him that I had not because I did not think it needful he reply'd that it was needful to be had by any means if I intended to go otherwise he could not venture to carry me for fear of giving malevolous persons occasion to criminate him by saying that he had carry'd me a stranger and without the Vice-Roy's Licence into suspected places where matters of State were to be handled in brief knowing the matter blameable and the wonted Cavils of many of his own Nation and being admonish'd by many and great troubles befallen others and particularly a Kinsman of his very innocently for very slight causes and much inferior to this he told me resolutely that without the Vice-Roy's Licence it was no-wise good either for him or me that I should go Wherefore being we were not to depart that day he advis'd me to return to the City and procured the said Licence if I intended to go and he would stay for me till the next Morning but without the Licence I must not return to take Ship nor would he by any means venture to carry me I who well understood the procedures of the Portugals and what rigor they use in their Government and to what suspitions and malevolences they are prone which cause a thousand ill usages and injustices was sensible that Sig Fernandez had reason and that the not having gotten this Licence was an inadvertency because I accounted it not necessary but to obtain it of the Vice-Roy who knew me well and had shewn himself courteous to me I look'd upon as not difficult Wherefore being loath to lose my intended Voyage as soon as I had din'd with these Gentlemen I went by boat to the City and having first given account of my business to Sig Antonio and Sig Ruy Gomez his Brother to whose House I repair'd having left that which I had hir'd and remov'd my goods to that of the said Sig ri Barocci I went with the same Sig Ruy Gomez to speak to F. Marejao a Jesuit and the Vice-Roy's Confessor and my Friend whom I desir'd as the fittest person to do it in the short time left me to get me a Licence from the Vice-Roy He went immediately to speak to the Vice-Roy about it and had the fortune to find him before he enter'd into a Congregation or Council which was to sit till night and the Vice-Roy presently writ a Licence for him with his own hand directed to the Ambassador Gio Fernandez wherein he told him that whereas I desir'd to go along with him he might carry me and shew me all kind of Civility and Honour as a deserving person with other like courteous and high expressions Having gotten my Licence I went with F. Ruy Gomez Baraccio to visit the Bishop of Coeni who in the vacancy of the See administred the Arch-bishoprick of Goa and whom I had not yet visited and understanding that he was desirous to know me and was a Prelate of great merit not onely as to Ecclesiastick matters but also in point of Government and Warr for he
took divers strong places and perform'd other exploits in India for the service of his King with great valour I would not depart without first visiting him and making my self known to him This Prelate is call'd Frà Don Sebastiano di San Pietro and is an Augustine Fryer We discours'd above an hour together concerning things of India Persia and other matters and I recommended to him with the F. Confessor the Augustine Fathers of his Religion in Persia giving him an account of their necessities and how he might help them Night being come I went to make a Collation in the House of Sig ri Barocci and when it was grown dark I return'd to imbark in the Ship which expected me and went to the Town of Pangi to find Sig Gio Fernandez and my other Companions who were very glad at my return with the Vice-Roy's Licence so favourable and courteous to me because they were loath to have gone without me and so I slept with them that night in the same House My charge Marià m Tinatin went not with me this journey because it was not expedient being I was to return to Goa but stay'd still in the House of Sig ra Lena da Cugna onely Cacciatùr went with me to serve me October the fifteenth A little before night we were ready to set sail had not we been necessitated to stay for certain Mariners till the next Morning when we went to hear Mass in a Church of Saint Agnes belonging to the Augustine Fryers and standing in the Island of Goa after which being imbark'd we stay'd a while longer waiting for the Brachman Ambassador for what reason I know not unless perhaps he was minded to make us stay for him as we had made him stay for us At length being got out of the mouth of the River we continu'd sailing all night but with a small wind Our course was always Southward almost directly and we coasted along the land at a little distance October the sixteenth In the Morning we discern'd four Ships of Malabar Rovers near the shore they call them Paroes and they go with Oars like Galeots or Foists we gave them chase for above an hour intending to fight them but we could not overtake them onely we lost much time and much of our way Night came upon us near certain Rocks or uninhabited little Islands which they call Angediva which signifies in the Language of the Country Five Islands they being so many in number We found fresh water in one of them they are all green and have some Trees We set sail from thence the same night but had little or no wind and violent rain October the seventeenth Continuing our course the next day with a very small gale we saw the bound of the States of Adil-Scià h and Venk-tapà Naieka which is onely a brackish River such as are frequent upon the Coast of India The wind was but small still so that all this day we could not arrive at Onòr but when it was night because 't is no good entring into the Port of Onòr in the dark and with ebbing water as it was now we cast Anchor and remain'd all night under an uninhabited small Rock which they call the Rock of Onòr After mid-night the Tide began to flow but yet we stirr'd not October the eighteenth About break of day we mov'd along and by the help of Oars finish'd the remainder of the way arriving at Onòr in good time This whole Voyage from Goa to Onòr is not above eighteen Leagues but it took us up so much time because we had onely a very small wind Onòr is a small place by the Sea-side but a good Port of indifferent capacity which is form'd by two arms of Rivers which I know not whether both from one or several heads running one Southward and the other Northward meet at the Fortress and are discharg'd with one mouth into the Sea The habitations are rather Cottages then Houses built under a thick Grove of Palms to wit those which produce the Indian Nuts call'd by the Portugals Coco and by the Arabians Narghil But the Fortress is of a competent circuit though the walls are not very well design'd being just as the Portugals found them made by the people of the Country It stands upon a high Hill of free stone and being very capacious not onely the Captain lives there but most of the married and principal Portugals have Houses in it very well accommodated with Wells Gardens and other conveniencies The streets within the Fortress are large and fair besides a great Piazza sufficient to contain all the people of the place in time of a siege There are likewise two Churches one dedicated to Saint Catherine and the other to Saint Anthony but ordinarily there is but one Priest in Onòr who is the Vicar of the Arch-Bishop of Goa and therefore in Lent other religious persons always go thither Out of the Fort in the Country is the Bazar or Market but a small one and of little consideration nothing being found therein but what is barely necessary for sustenance of the inhabitants Our Ambassador Sig Gio Fernandez lodg'd with us not in the Fort but without in the House of a private man and I believe it was because he had rigorous Orders from the Vice-Roy against the Captain and Commission to redress many Disorders which he had committed in his Government especially to compose matters between him and the people of the Country as also between him and the Vicar betwixt whom there were great Disorders the fault of which was charg'd upon the Captain When we were setled in our House first the Vicar call'd F. Henrico Rabelo and afterwards the Captain call'd Sig r Don Christoforo Fernandez Francisco with almost all the principal persons of the place visited Sig Gio Fernandez who presently beginning to treat of business and presenting to the Captain the Vice-Roy's Letters and Orders the Captain being terrifi'd therewith on the one side and on the other oblig'd by the civil terms of Sig Fernandez forthwith offer'd himself ready to give the Vice-Roy satisfaction in whatever he commaded and began immediately to put the same offer in effect releasing one whom he held Prisoner and performing other things which Sig Fernandez appointed him October the nineteenth The Captain inviting the Ambassador and all the company to dine in the Fort we went first to visit him and afterwards to hear Mass in Saint Catharine's Church which is the Vicar's See which being over the Ambassador visited a Gentlewoman who was a Kinswoman of the Vicar's and then retir'd in private with the Captain not without manifest signes that his re-pacification was rather upon necessity then out of good-will Causa mali tanti foemina sola fuit The original of most of the Disorders between the Captain and the Vicar they say was occasion'd by the Captain 's Wife who had banish'd out of Onòr a servant of his whom he had employ'd as his Instrument to other
but requires a boat to pass it On the Southern bank on which we came were four Cottages where we took up our station that Night enjoying the cool the shadow and the sight of a very goodly Wood which cloaths the River sides with green but above all where we lodg'd on either side the way were such large and goodly Trees such spacious places underneath for shade and the place so opacous by the thickness of the boughs on high that indeed I never saw in my dayes a fairer natural Grove amongst other Trees there was abundance of Bambù or very large Indian Canes twin'd about to the top with prety Herbs The journey of this day was three Cos or a League and half This River they say is one of those which goes to Garsopà Vitulà Sinay we found not here because he was gone before November the fourth We began in the Morning to pass our Goods over the River but because there was but one and that a small boat it was ten hours after noon before we had got all of them over then following our journey through somewhat oblique and uneven wayes like the former we found many Trees of Myrobalanes such as are brought into Italy preserv'd in Sugar It hath leaves much like that which produces Gum Arabick by me formerly describ'd different onely in this that in that of Gum Arabick the branch consisting of many leaves is much less round or oval and seems one leaf made up of many other long and narrow ones But in this Myrobalane Tree the branch is sufficiently long and the small leaves composing it in two rows on either side are somewhat larger nor is the Myrobalane Tree prickly like that of Gum Arabick The fruit is round hard of a yellowish green smooth shining of little pulp but a great stone almost round and furrow'd with six circular lines Being raw it hath an acid and astringent but in my judgment no pleasant taste but preserv'd becomes good They say it is refrigerative and purges Choler Having rested many times upon the way and in all travell'd two Leagues we ended this day's journey in the onely considerable and populous Town we had hitherto met which is call'd Ahineli We lodg'd in the Porches of a Temple of Idols which had two Porches one within the other without both low after their manner with very large Pent-houses strengthened with great Posts the Pavement rais'd high and dung'd but not lately the walls white sprinkled in the corners and ends with a sort of Rose-Oyle ill colour'd for so is their custom always in their Religious Structures The Idol was call'd Virenà Deurù the latter of which words signifies God or rather Lord being attributed also to Men of quality he stood at the upper end in a dark place with Candles before him of what figure he was I could not see well by reason of the darkness but they told me 't was a Man In the body of the Temple were many other wooden Statues of less Idols plac'd about in several places as 't were for ornament some of which were figures of their Gods others not of Gods but for ornament of several shapes Many of these figures represented dishonest actions One was of a Woman lifting up her cloths before and shewing that which Modesty oblig'd her to cover Another was of a Man and a Woman kissing the Man holding his Hand on the Womans Breasts Another had a Man and a Woman naked with their Hands at one another's shameful parts those of the Man being of excessive greatness and sundry such representations fit indeed for such a Temple But these were not figures of Gods Of Gods there was a Brahmà with five Heads and three Arms on a side sitting astride a Peacock which in their Language they call Nau Brahmà that is the Peacock of Brahmà another God was call'd Naraina with four Arms on a side Another with an Elephant's Head and two Hands to an Arm whom they call Ganesù and others Bacra-tundo that is Round-mouth for one and the same God hath divers names Another call'd Fuenà had the shape of a Man holding a naked Sword in his right Hand and a Buckler in his left Another had a Man under his Feet upon whose Head he trampled and so many others of various sorts I observ'd that all these Idols had the same cover of the Head high with many picks or peaks all ending in one long peak a strange and majestical Diadem not us'd now in India it might have been of wreath'd Linnen or Gold or other solid matter wherefore I imagine that it is a very ancient covering at this day dis-us'd unless haply it be some ensign of Divinity which I rather think because I remember to have seen at Rome almost the same Diadems upon the Heads of some Aegyptian Statues and if I forget not they were call'd Tutuli and the Idols of Tutulati as amongst us the Diadems of the Saints or as some make it three Crowns one upon another like the Regno or Pontifical Crown of our Pope In the middle of the Temple was another darker inclosure wherein stood fastned in the ground certain slender staves with others cross them in two rows making a little Steccato or Palisado of a long form and these were to hang Lamps and Tapers upon at more solemn dayes and hours A Barber whom we had with us an Indian Gentile but a Native of the Country of Adil-Scià h who was nam'd Deugi and understood something of the Portugal-Tongue could not well tell me the names of those figures and Idols of the Temple when I ask'd him because he said they were not things of his Country where they had other things and Gods and that every Country had particular ones of their own Within the circuit of this Temple but on one side of the Court as you go in were three other little Cells separate from the body of the great Temple two of which were empty perhaps not yet well accommodated but in the other was an Idol of an Ox which our Barber knew and said was also of his Country and that they call it Basuanà it was half lying or rather sitting upon the floor with the Head erect like which Ox or Basuanà stood another in the upper part of the Temple before the Tribunal of the Idol Virenà as if it stood there for his guard In the Evening the Ministers of the Temple ring a kind of Bell or Shell which was within the Temple striking it with a staff and it made a tolerable sound as if it had been a good Bell at which sound some from without assembling together they begin to sound within the Temple very loud two Drums and two Pipes or Flutes of metal after which many Tapers being lighted particularly at the Steccato above-mention'd and put in order a little quilt with a Canopy of rich Stuff which is alwayes ready in the Temple for carrying the Idol they put the principal Idol VirenÃ
a mile off to see a work which she had in hand of certain Trenches to convey water to certain places whereby to improve them I spoke to the Queen with my head uncover'd all the while which courtesie it being my custom to use to all Ladies my equals onely upon the account of being such I thought ought much rather to be us'd to this who was a Queen and in her own Dominions where I was come to visit and to do her Honour After she was gone her way I with my people enter'd into a little village and there took a lodging in an empty house belonging to a Moor of the Country and near the Palace but I caus'd my diet to be prepar'd in an other house of a neighbour Moor that so I might have the convenience of eating flesh or what I pleas'd which in the houses of Gentiles would not be suffer'd The inhabitants of Manèl are partly Gentiles and partly Malabar-Moors who have also their Meschita's there which was of much convenience to me The Name of the Queen of Olaza is Abag-deui-Ciautrù of which words Abag is her proper Name Deui signifies as much as Lady and with this word they are also wont to signifie all their gods nor have they any other in their Language to denote God but Deù or Deurù which are both one and equally attributed to Princes whereby it appears that the gods of the Gentiles are for the most part nothing else but such Princes as have been famous in the world and deserv'd that Honour after their deaths as likewise which is my ancient opinion that the word God where-with we by an introduc'd custom denote the Supream Creator doth not properly signifie that First Cause who alone ought to be ador'd by the World but signifi'd at first either Great Lord or the like whence it was attributed to Heroes and signal persons in the world suitable to that of the Holy Scripture Filii Deorum Filii Hominum and consequently that the gods of the Gentiles though ador'd and worship'd both in ancient and modern times were never held by us in that degree wherein we hold God the Creator of the Universe and wherein almost all Nations of the world always held and do hold him some calling him Causa Prima others Anima Mundi others Perabrahmi as the Gentiles at this day in India But that the other gods are and were always rather but as Saints are amongst us of the truth whereof I have great Arguments at least amongst the Indian Gentiles or if more then Saints yet at least Deifi'd by favour and made afterwards Divi as Hercules Romulus Augustus c. were amongst the Romans But to return to our purpose they told me the word Ciautrù the last in the Queen of Olaza's Name was a Title of Honour peculiar to all the Kings and Queens of Olaza and therefore possibly signifies either Prince or King and Queen or the like As for this Countries being subject to a Woman I understood from intelligent persons of the Country that in Olaza Men were and are always wont to reign and that 't is a custom receiv'd in India amongst the greatest part of the Gentiles the Sons do not succeed the Fathers but the Sons of their Sisters they accounting the Female-line more certain as indeed it is than the Male. Yet that the last King of Olaza having neither Nephews nor other Legitimate Heirs his Wife succeeded him and she also dying without other Heirs left this Abag-Deui who was her Sister to succeed her To whom because she is a Woman and the descent is certain is to succeed a Son of hers of whom I shall hereafter make mention but to him being a Man not his own Sons but the Son of one of his Sisters hereafter likewise mention'd is to succeed Not to conceal what I know of the History of this Queen I shall add that after her Assumption to the Throne upon the death of her Sister she was married for many years to the King of Banghel who now is a fugitive depriv'd of his Dominions but then reign'd in his own Country which borders upon hers Yet though they were Husband and Wife more for Honors sake then any thing else they liv'd not together but apart each in their own Lands in the Confines whereof either upon Rivers where they caus'd Tents to be erected over boats or in other places of delight they came to see and converse with one another Banghel wanting not other Wives and Women who accompany'd him where-ever he went 'T is reported that this Queen had the Children which she hath by this Banghel if they were not by some other secret and more intimate Lover for they say she wants not such The Matrimony and good Friendship having lasted many years between Banghel and the Queen I know not upon what occasion discord arose between them and such discord that the Queen divorc'd Banghel sending back to him as the custom is in such case all the Jewels which he had given her as his Wife For this and perhaps for other causes Banghel became much offended with the Queen and the rupture proceeded to a War during which it so fortun'd that one day as she was going in a boat upon one of those Rivers not very well guarded he sending his people with other boats in better order took her and had her in his power Yet with fair carriage and good words she prevail'd so far that he let her go free and return to her Country In revenge of this injury she forth-with rais'd War against Banghel who relying upon the aid of the neighbouring Portugals because he was confederate with them and as they say of many Royolets of India Brother in Arms to the King of Portugal the Queen to counterpoize that force call'd to her assistance against Banghel and the Portugals who favour'd him the neighbouring King Venk-tapà Naieka who was already become very potent and fear'd by all the Neighbours and under his protection and obedience she put her self Venk-tapà Naieka sent a powerful Army in favour of the Queen took all Banghel's Territories and made them his own destroying the Fort which was there he also made prey of divers other pety Lords thereabouts demolishing their strength and rendring them his Tributaries one of which was the Queen of Curnat who was also confedrate with the Portugals and no friend to her of Olaza he came against Mangalòr where in a battel rashly undertaken by the Portugals he defeated a great number and in short the flower and strength of India carrying the Ensigns Arms and Heads of the slain to Ikkeri in triumph He did not take Mangalòr because he would not answering the Queen of Olaza who urg'd him to it That they could do that at any time with much facility and that 't was best to let those four Portugals remain in that small place which was rather a House then a Fortress in respect of the Traffick and Wares which they
thence to Goa certain moneys of the Confraternity della Misericordia and other Provisions Hereupon the feud ceasing the mortal thunder was turn'd into joyful salutations with chearful noise of Drums and Trumpets at the sound whereof the Morning beginning to clear up seem'd also to hasten to rejoyce with us and part our erroneous fray I have mentioned this passage at large to the end the successes inconveniences counsels and resolutions ensuing suddenly thereupon may be known from all which prudent adviso's for other occasions may be deduced and also to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble Portugal Nation in these parts who indeed had they but as much order discipline and good government as they have valour Ormùz and other sad losses would not be now lamented but they would most certainly be capable of atchieving great matters But God gives not all things to all It being now broad day we set sail with the whole Cafila but by reason of contrary wind sail'd no more then three leagues and late in the evening came to anchor in the place where we hapned to be the contray Northwest wind beginning to grow more boisterous Ianuary the sixth We had the wind still contrary and having saild three other leagues at the usual hour we cast anchor near the Rocks of Baticalà On the seventh the said wind blowing somewhat favourably about noon we pass'd by Onòr and without staying discharg'd only one Gun to give notice for the Ships to come forth of the port if any were there that would accompany us for greater diligence was not needful because few come from thence In the Evening the usual contrary North-west wind arising we came to an anchor a little distant from Mirizeo At the second watch of the night a good stiff South-wind arose and in the forenoon next day we pass'd by the Rocks call'd Angediva and at night came to an anchor somewhat Southwards of Capo falso Ianuary the ninth the wind was contrary our way short and because we could not proceed forwards we cast anchor neer Rio del Sale also the next day for the same reason we could get no further then an Enieda as they speak or Bay call'd Mormogòn in the Island of Salsette contiguous to that of Goa on the South but greater and divided from the same only by a River This Island of Salsette is full of very fair Towns and abundance of Houses Above all the Jesuits have the goodliest places and 't is counted that perhaps a third part of the Island is theirs for besides three good Towns which belong wholly to them they have also dominion and government in all the other Towns too which are not theirs they have Churches everywhere Lands and store of Goods and I believe all the Parishes are govern'd by them in Spirituals with supreme Authority whence this people acknowledg more Vassallage upon the matter to the Jesuits then to the King himself The case is the same in another Island call'd Bardeos adjacent also to that of Goa but more Northward which is under the government of the Franciscans Nor is it otherwise in almost all the other Territories of the Portugals so that it may justly be said that the best and perhaps too the greatest part of this State is in the hands of Clergy-men Having anchor'd in the Bay of Mormogòn in good time and knowing that we were not to depart the night following our Captain with some others of us went ashore to see a Place and Church of the Jesuits call'd S. Andrea which they told us was hard by yet we sound it not so near but that we walk't about a league to get to it because we knew not the right way but mistook it and were fain to leap over very broad and deep ditches of water into one whereof one our Company hapned to fall to the great laughter of the rest besides many other inconveniences We found the Church large neat and well built with a fair square Court or Yard before it surrounded with handsom Stone-walls and within with some great Trees under which were Banks rais'd to sit upon in the shadow On one side of the Church was a very fair and well-built House for the Padre Rettore who hath the present superintendency thereof which Church and Building would be very magnificent not only for this place but for the City of Rome it self We stay'd a good while discoursing with the F. Rector who told us sundry news from Goa and invited us to Supper but fearing to arrive too late at the Fleet if we stay'd to sup here we wav'd the Courtesie and taking leave of him at Sun-set return'd to the place where we had left our Ships and though we had a Guide to conduct us by the best and nearest way yet we got not thither to imbarque till after two hours within night Ianuary the eleventh at our departing from the Port of Mormogòn this day in which we were to arrive at Goa the General who was wont to go in the Rear-guard being now minded to go in the middle of the Armada commanded our Ship hitherto Captain of the Vant-guard to remain behind all the rest for guarding the Rear-guard where great diligence was to to be us'd both that no stragling Ship might be in danger of being surpriz'd by Rovers or any of the Merchants Vessels slip aside to avoid paying Custom at Goa and go to unlade in other places of Counterband Wherefore having sail'd the little remainder of the way and caus'd all the other Ships to enter which were in number more then two hundred and fifty we at length enter'd the Bar or Mouth of the Rio of Goa where we anchor'd under a Port hard by without going further to the City it being the custom for no Fleets to arrive in the City without the advice and Licence of the Viceroy Here we found the Ship which alone was to go this year to Portugal already laden and ready to sail as also some Galeons in readiness likewise whether to be sent to Ormùz or elsewhere I know not Sig. Ayres de Siqueida Captain of our Ship having got leave of the General went to Goa with a Manciva or Boat which came to him for that purpose and I with Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of another Ship Sig. Manoel Leyera and some few Soldiers accompani'd him We arriv'd at Goa when it was dark night because 't is three leagues from the mouth of the Bar to the City almost directly from South to North so that there is a considerable difference between the altitude of the Pole at Goa and the mouth of the Bar. Having landed every one went to his own home and I who had no house ready for me nor yet any servant went alone as I was to lodg in the House of Sig. Antonio Baracio my friend according as himself Sig Ruy Gomes his Brother had promis'd I should when I departed from Goa As I was going thither I
hitherto both against the City which re-calls them back to Sà n Paolo Vecchio for greater convenience of the Students and against the Augustines and against the King himself who hath many times ordained their removal and the destruction of their new Colledge nevertheless maintain themselves in possession of their new and sumptuous Fabrick which also they daily inlarge and nominate San Paolo Nuovo for in India they will have all their Colledges dedicated to Saint Paul the Doctor of the Gentiles Ianuary the nine and twentieth I went together with the Signori Baracci my entertainers and other friends to see and spend a day at Guadalupe which is a place of Recreation in the Island of Goa distant from the City about two leagues populous and full of Houses and Gardens of several Portugal Signori who for pleasure go to dwell there some time of the year as you at Rome do to Frascati which is the ancient Tusculanum Guadulupe lies at the foot of a certain Precipice in a plain soil upon a spatious Lake which at one time of the year is quite dry'd up and sown with Rice so that the prospect is always very lovely because the Lake is either full of water in which grow abundance of pretty Flowers and aquatick Plants or else 't is all green with Rice which is sown before the Lake is totally dry and grows up to maturity before the Water return so that it makes a very pretty Shew and the more because this Water being collected in great rain is fed also by a small but constantly running River and though so kept there for many months yet causes not any bad affection of the Air but through the ' goodness of the Climate the Air is always better here then any where else Nor is the Sea far distant to wit the shore of the other more Southern River which forms the Island of Goa on the other side opposite to the City and the mouth of that River which makes a secure and spacious Harbour where sometimes even the greatest Portugal Shipsride and in old time the City stood there so that they call the place at this day Goa Vecchia or old Goa As we return'd we saw abundance of Villages and Palmeta's full of all sort of fruits and many fair and well-kept Churches as San Lorenzo and others within a small distance so that I had reason to judge this place to be held the most delicious of Goa Ianuary the thirtieth Being in Guadalupe in the Garden of the House where we were which belong'd to Signor Simon Gomes our Friend and Kinsman to the Sigg Baracci I saw a Canella or Cinamon Tree of which some are found in Goa but strangers 'T is as big a Tree as any not a shrub as I imagin'd some of the leaves which have a taste of Cinamon and are pleasant to be masticated I keep among my baggage to shew the same in Italy as also some of the Tree Trisoe with its odoriferous Flowers which blow every day and night and fall at the approach of day as I my self saw and observ'd of one that was planted before the Gate of our House This Flower is very like the Iasmin of Catalonia but the Canella hath a yellow one which is us'd by the Country-people instead of Saffron with their meats and upon other occasions Moreover I saw and observ'd in the Lake two sorts of Flowers one great the other very small both white with something of yellow in the midst the lesser hath no green leaves on the stalk to be seen and the inner part of the white leaves is full of thick and long Doun The greater Flower hath smooth long and strait leaves and grows on a Plant whose leaves are large and almost perfectly round swimming on the surface of the water totally expanded almost like those of a Gourd Both these Flowers have a strange property in the night they are alwayes clos'd in the day alwayes open displaying themselves at the rising and closing at the setting of the Sun besides that they are of a very excellent fragrant smell I could not keep any to shew because they are so tender and so full of moisture especially the lesser sort which is the fairest that they fade presently upon being kept in papers as the Custom is The Indians call them and tell a Fable of Brahma's being born of one of these Flowers and afterwards re-entring into one again wherein he hath spent ten-thousand years You see what fine Stories we have here I leave them with you and kiss your Hands LETTER VIII From Goa Novemb. 4. 1624. MY last I writ to you by the Ship which departed from Goa to Portugal the first of February and was the only Ship of that Kingdom that was sent hither this year On which Day the Bells rung at Goa and many rejoycings were made particularly in the Churches of the Jesuits the Augustines the Dominicans upon News brought of many Martyrs lately Martyred in Iapan amongst which were many Religious of the abovesaid Orders and particularly of Jesuits were Martyred three Italians to wit F. Carlo Spinola a Genouese of principal quality F. Camillo Costanzo a Calabrese or rather a Neapolitan of a Family whose Estate lyes in Calabria And F. Pietro Paolo a Neapolitan likewise if I mistake not February the eighth A Council of State was held concerning the Vice-Roys going to Ormùz in which I know not what was resolved because some talked one thing and some another but as for the Souldiers it was determined that all should go and he that refused was imprisoned as some were to my knowledge February the tenth As a beginning of the solemnities for the Canonization the Jesuits sung a Vespers in the Church of the Profest-house of Giesù The night following they caused a numerous Maskerade of young Students not Collegians but Out-liers to pass through the streets on Horse-back cloth'd in several rich habits and following a Standard whereon was pourtrayed the Effigies of the Saints The next day there was a solemn Mass in the same Church and a Sermon made by the F. Visitor Andrea Palmuro at which the Vice-Roy was present In the Evening upon a very great Theatre erected without the Church in the Piazza for representing many dayes together the Life of San Francesco Sciavier they caused a Squadron of young men mask'd in the habits of Peasants to dance many gallant Balls with Musick On the twelfth of February in the presence of the Vice-Roy and of all the Nobility and People of the City for whose conveniency scaffolds and seats were erected in the Piazza round about the Theatre both for Men and Women the first Act of the above-said Comedy or Tragedy as they said of the Life of Santo Sciavier was represented Of which Tragedy which was represented by about thirty persons all very richly clothed and decked with Jewels the vast and no less extravagant Machin whereinto they entered to act the rare Musick gallant Dances and various
Vice-roy according to the yearly custom in Goa upon S. Iohn's Day I hapned to meet with Sig. Luis de Mendoza General of the Fleet wherewith I went to Calecut and Sig. Bento or Benedetto or Freites Mascarenhas in a Portugal Habit who a few years before was taken by Pirats of Algiers and carried a slave to Barbary whence being redeemed and return'd into his own Country he was favourably look't upon by his King and sent again into India Captain of a Galeon This Cavalier besides the relation of his own misadventures told me how Qara Sultan who in my time was sent Embassador from the King of Persia into Spain in answer to the Embassy of Don Garcia de Silva Figueroa and travailed in the same Ship before it was taken by the Pirats died by the way having first substituted another of his company to perform his charge which other Embassador was taken with the said Ship and carried a slave into Argiers whereof notice being given to the Persian Embassador at Constantinople order was expected from thence what to do with him which not coming before this Gentleman was delivered he could not tell what the issue was but left him still a prisoner in Argiers August the fifth The Indians were to celebrate their solemn Festival of Washing and other Ceremonies accustomed to be performed at Narva and mentioned by me in the last years relation to be celebrated on the seventeenth of the same Month. And because this year the Feast-day fell twelve dayes sooner in our year then in the last I perceived that the Indian year must be Lunar or if it be Solar as I think I have heard it cannot be just or equal but to be adjusted requires some great and extravagant intercalation I went not to Narva to see the Feast because the place lies beyond the River in the Territory of the Moors who at this time stood not upon good Terms with the Portugals Neither did the Gentiles of Goa go thither for the same reason and if I was not mis-enformed they expected a safe conduct from Idal-Sciah from Vidhiapor to go thither another day August the ninth Two hours and forty minutes before Noon if the Calculation and Observation of Christofero Borano or Boro be true the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa and began to decline towards the South August the twenty fourth On which day the Feast of St Bartholomew uses to be celebrated certain Officers deputed for that purpose with other Principal Persons entrusted with the superintendency of the Fields and Agriculture offered to the Cathedral Church and afterwards also to the Vice-roy the first-fruits of the Fields to wit of Rice newly eared which is the most substantial of the fruits of the Territory of Goa I was told likewise that they made a Statue of an Elephant with Rice-straw which I know not whether they carry'd about with them or set up in some Piazza This custom is practis'd annually upon the said day because at that time precisely the said fruit begins to ripen August the twenty seventh One Galeon of four that were coming from Mascat whither they had been sent last April with Provisions arriv'd at Goa they came by the Vice-roy's Order to transport if occasion requir'd new succours to be sent to Ormuz This Ship related that the other three were possibly return'd back again to the streight of Ormuz for fear of some Dutch Vessels which hover'd thereabouts but this being driven out to Sea and having lost its company in the night was forc'd to come directly forwards It related further that Ormuz had been again besieg'd a good while by the Captains of Ruy Freira to wit first by Michel Pereira Boraglio our friend and afterwards by another whom he sent thither by turns because thereby the task would be easier to the besiegers but that at the parting of these Galleys from Mascat Ruy Freira himself was upon the point to go to the said Siege with all the Men and Vessels with oars he had which were about twenty or twenty five Galeots and many less Morisco Vessels call'd Ternata's a small preparation indeed to take Ormuz withall September the second a little before day-light The safe arrival of the annual Portugal Fleet was congratulated by all the Bells of Goa It consisted of two Merchant's Ships lesser and lighter then the Carracks which use to come other years one Galeon laden also with Merchandize and order'd to return with the same Ships in case it should not be necessary at Goa for the war and five other Galeons equip'd for war which were to remain at Goa with all the Soldiery which was numerous and good to be imploy'd as occasion should require The General of this Armada was Sig. Nugno Alvares Botelho the Admiral Sig. Giovan Pereira Cortereal to whose diligence the happy and speedy arrival of this Fleet is attributed the like not having come to pass in many years and that through the fault and greediness both of the Pilots and Merchants for before without keeping order or rule in the voyage or obedience to the General every one endeavor'd to have his Ship arrive first and alone But this Sig. Gio. Pereira Cortereal having written and presented a printed Discourse about this matter to the King his Majesty approv'd the same and gave strict charge that his Prescription should be observ'd with all exactness and hence proceeded the good success of this Voyage This Fleet brought news that the Prince of England was departed from Spain without effecting the marriage between the two Crowns because the Parliament of England would not consent to it which considering all the preceding transactions seems to me a strange case and perhaps the like hath scarce hapned between Princes unless possibly there be some unknown mysterie in the business That the Frosts having obstructed the mouth of a River in Holland had caus'd a great inundation which broke the banks or dikes whereby they keep out the sea and done much damage to the Country That twelve Ships which set forth from thence for India being beset by the Spanish Fleet of Dunkirk were partly sunk and partly shatter'd so that they could not come to India That the Catholicks in August last upon the precise day whereon Urban VIII was created Pope had obtain'd a signal victory in Germany against the Hereticks That great Fleets were preparing in England Spain and France for unknown designs That the King of Spain was at Sevil and the Queen had brought him forth a Daughter who was dead but the Daughter of the Conte di Vidigueira present Vice-Roy here in India had brought him forth a Son at which the Queen was much displeas'd with the King And that in Portugal it was expected that the Arch-Duke Leopold should go to govern that Kingdom September the fifth the other three Galeons which I said were to come from Mascat arriv'd at Goa The cause of their delay was as was rightly conjectur'd that they had discover'd an English
Ship that they first forc't her to run on shore and then burn't her It was not true that the General was slain the Ship was taken indeed but empty the Moors having had time to save most of their wealth upon Land but however they suffer'd much dammage By this accident it may be doubted whether some disgust be not likely to ensue between the Mogul and the Portugals and I know not whether it may not somewhat retard the Portugal Armada and Cafila which was ready to set sail for Cambaia November the fourth The Armada of Colletta departed from Goa to fetch provision it was to go to Cocin and therefore the newly consecrated Arch-Bishop of Serra imbarqu'd in it to go to his residence so also did F. Andrea Palmiero Visitor of the Jesuits my friend to visit that his Province and F. Laertio Alberti an Italian with many other Jesuits who came out of Europe this year to go and reside there The same day an Almadia or small Boat of Ciaul came to Goa with news of a Vessel arriv'd there from Mascat and also a Ship from Bassora both which reportted that Ormuz was in much distress by the Siege so that many Moor 's soldiers escap'd out of the Town to Ruy Freira after whose arrival the Siege proceeded prosperously for us with good order and much hope yet in case the succours were sent from Goa which Ruy Freira very importunately desir'd At Bassora they said all was quiet This will be the last that I shall write to you from Goa being ready to depart out of India if it please God within a few dayes and desirous to return to my Country where I may see and discourse with you the first object that I propound to my self at my revisiting our dear Italy However I shall not omit in my way to acquaint you with my adventures to the end my Letters may forerun me and be the harbingers of my arrival I reserve many things to tell the Sig. Dottore and Signor Colletta and those other Gentlemen my friends who I am confident accompany my prayers to God for my prosperous arrival from whom wishing of you all happinesâ— I rest c. LETTER IX From Mascat January 19. 1625. HAving determin'd to return to my Country not by way of Portugal but by that of Bassora and from thence by land to Aleppo which seem'd to me the best and shortest and having accordingly obtain'd licence of the Viceroy who in this and other matters hath always done me many favours which licence was necessary because in Goa 't is rigorosly prohibited to all to go into Europ by this way of Turky and being prepared with every thing necessary by the opportunity of the Cafila and Armada which went from Goa for Cambaia in which there was one Ship which was to go from Ciaul to Bassora I resolv'd to embarque in a Ship of the Armada that was to go to Ciaul intending there to go aboard that which was to go to Bassora In order whereunto having taken leave of all my friends and at last got the Viceroy's licence who was then at Pangi and gave me certain Letters of importance written to his King which I was to consign to the Portugal Agent at Rome that he might transmit the same to his Master on the fifteenth of November about evening I went down the River in a Mansina or Wherry to the mouth of the Sea and there went aboard the Ship I had taken whereof Francesco Gomez was Captain In this Voyage there came with me Marian Tinatin Eugenia Cingala her servant a Venetian Merchant my Friend nam'd Marc ' Antonio Lanza whom I took for my company with his servant nam'd Giovanni Michael a servant given me by Sig Antonio Baracho to accompany me to Rome a trusty person to whom he had therefore given liberty and another servant of his nam'd Giovan Boracho who was to accompany me onely to Ciaul whither also his Master Antonio intended shortly to follow him November the sixteenth Before day we set sail and met the Armada of Chebore Diu Bossaria and Ciaul Countries on the North of Goa sailing to Goa at night we cast Anchor short of the Rocks call'd Los Ilheos quemados Our course was alwayes Northwards the Land alwayes winding from us on the Right Hand November the twentieth We set sail about day-break and at three a clock after noon cast Anchor a little short of Ciaul because the wind was contrary in a Bay where there is a Village call'd Pascet here we stay'd three dayes in expectation of some ill-arm'd Vessels of the Cafila which lagg'd behind On the four and twentieth at night We enter'd the Port of Ciaul which is within the jaws of a fair River I sent my servant to look for a House and in the mean time remain'd for this night in the Ship but the next day we landed with all our Goods November the nine and twentieth News came to Ciaul that Dutch Ships were gone from Surat to Ormuz with intent to help the Persians against the Portugals it being suspected that they have made some agreement with the King of Persia to have a share of that place and to inhabit it Some said the Ships were four others that seven more were preparing at Surat with a Petache for the same design either all Dutch or Dutch and English together Be it as it will the arrival of Enemy-Ships at Ormuz before the Portugal Armada I account very prejudicial to the Portugals design upon the place for 't is difficult for Ruy Freira to hinder them only with an Armada of Oars from relieving it which may be done in one day and being done 't is sufficient to prolong the Warr and the Siege for another year And if it be true that so many Ships of those Hereticks are going not onely to Ormuz but also to Mascat and all the Coasts of India I look upon it as a matter of dangerous consequence it being rumor'd not without ground that they are agreed with the Persians to make Warr upon Mascat and to do great matters against the Portugals which God forbid December the second I went to view a Town of the Moors subject to Nizam-Sciah and his Governour Melik Ambar and because near Ciaul call'd Ciaul di Riba that is Upper Ciaul The way leading to it is fair and handsome amongst Groves of Palms and other Fruit-trees and it stands on the same bank of the River more Northwards with Ciaul of the Portugals 'T is a large Town well inhabited both by Moors and Gentiles especially near the Bazar or Market-place where the Shops afford plenty of all things necessary for Food and Clothing according to the fashion of the Country as also very fine Cotton Clothes of several sorts with other commodities which are brought thither from the more inward parts Beyond the Bazar the Houses stand not so close together but scatter'd here and there amongst Gardens or rather woods of Palmes and other Fruit-trees
way only to beg a little Rice and Bisket which we gave him at length having a good wind this day afternoon we pass'd a Cape which they call Capo falso because 't is neer and resembles the Cape Raselhhad but is not it At night we passed by the True Cape call'd by the Arabians Raselhhad that is the Cape of the Confine because 't is the last and most Southern Cape of Arabia being as they say in the latitude of twenty two degrees and a half from the Aequinoctial Northwards and distant from Mascat whither we were going forty leagues the Portugals call it corruptly Capo di Rosalgate Having pass'd this Cape we steer'd Northwest still upon the coast of Arabia which lies all the way on the left hand and enter'd the Persian Gulph but saw not the opposite Continent of Persia because for a good way inwards the Gulph is very broad Ianuary the seventh Having in the night foregoing had a good wind by day-light we were got eighteen leagues beyond the Cape near the place where the City of Calatat which Albuquerque destroy'd sometimes stood upon a good River at the foot of certain little Mountains of which almost the whole coast consists Here the wind fail'd us and having labour'd with the oar all day we got no further then Teive a place inhabited by Arabians At night we were troubled with rain which passing through all covers wetted us sufficiently and kept us from sleeping The next day we hois'd sail and had scarce dry'd our Clothes but more rain surpriz'd us and through want of wind all the day we did not get so far as Curiat which lyes eight Leagues forward and twelve short of Mascat On the eleventh of the same Moneth having no wind we made use of Oars till we came to an Anchor a little beyond Curiat and the next day hoising sail we pass'd by an Island call'd Scoglio di Curiat sailing through a narrow arm of the Sea which divides it from the Continent which is all stony and full of Cliffs like the fair Mountain Posilippo near Naples in Italy Before night we cast Anchor a little beyond for our Oars helpt the Ship but little being only serviceable to such heavy Vessels to surpass a Cape or get into a Port or the like in case of 〈…〉 d for a short way At night we weigh'd Anchor and soon afterwards cast it again having made but little way Ianuary the thirteenth Having sail'd all day and pass'd the Tropick of Cancer we enter'd the Northern Temperate Region and towards night arriv'd at the Port of Mascat which is well clos'd and encompass'd about with little Mountains but lyes open to the North-west whereby it receives much dammage The Town whereof the least part are wall'd Houses and the greatest onely sheds made of Palm-boughs stands directly in the innermost recess of the Port surrounded behind with Mountains amongst which nevertheless there want not wayes of access to it from the in-land parts so that to secure their Houses from the incursions of the Arabians they had in my time begun to raise an earthern wall but plain and weak with a few Bastions very distant one from another which wall drawn from Mountain to Mountain incloses and secures their Houses on that side as the Sea doth on the opposite and inaccessible little Mountains on the two other sides On the top of one of these Mountains on the right hand as you enter the Port stands the Castle difficult indeed to be taken by assault or otherwise then by Famine if well defended for though the wall be not very strong yet the natural situation secures it and it hath a Plat-form levell'd to the Sea whereby it defends the Port with Artillery and is descended to from the Castle by a cover'd Ladder which is very good On the other side of the Port upon another Mountain stands another Port of less consideration having been anciently the Castle yet it hath Artillery and may be of some advantage The Town is small but for its bigness sufficiently peopled especially since the loss of Ormuz from whence many repair hither The people is mix'd of Portugals Arabians Indians Gentiles and Iews It hath onely two Churches one which is the See of the Vicar who is no Priest but an Augustine Fryer one of their Covent alwayes coming to officiate there and to discharge the place of Vicar and Parish-Priest the other is of Augustine Fryers where live about four of that Order and both are dedicated to our Lady with several Titles to wit that of the Fryers Della Gratia and the other Del Rosario The Captain lives not always in the Castle by reason of the inconvenience of its situation but onely during the hotter monthes of Summer for coolness for upon the lower ground the heat is insupportable both because the Climate is of it self hot and because the dwellings lie in a low and inclos'd place encompassed as I said with Mountains which keep off all wind and reverberate the Sun more strongly besides that the Soil is dry and saltish which consequently increases the heat The Captain whom I found there was call'd Sig Martino Alfonso de Melo I also found dwelling here a Nephew or Brother's Son of the Captive King of Ormuz whose Father was also King of the same place before this Brother of his who is at this day prisoner in Persia. This Nephew they told me was call'd after his Uncle's Name Muhhamed-Sciah and the Portugals make him be acknowledg'd Prince in Arabia by all the Arabians that were lately subject to the King of Ormuz and are now exempt from the oppression of the Persians or Rebellion as nearest Kinsman and lawfullest Heir of any now at liberty to the imprison'd King At the same time of our Arrival there was also at Mascat upon his journey Hhabese-Chan Ambassador of the King of Dacan Nizam-Sciah who was returning to his Master from Persia where he had been many years with Sciah-Abbas It being night when we arriv'd at Mascat we went not ashore onely the Captain of the Ship was sent for by the Governour to speak with him and give him account of his purposes Ianuary the fourteenth Having procur'd a Lodging about noon I landed with my people and went to possess it In the Evening I visited the Veador de Fazenda or Treasurer Sig Nicolo da Silva my Friend and known to me many years in Persia who at first not knowing me was afterwards much pleas'd to see me here safe and sound Ianuary the fifteenth I visited the Captain or Governour of Mascat in whose House I found lodg'd Sig Don Francesco Contigno Covacio my Friend at Goa who upon some disgusts between himself and the Vice-Roy came in the same Armada that I did to Ciaul and from thence hither in Order to go to the siege of Ormuz Ianuary the seventeenth I was visited by the F. Provincial of the Augustines in Manil whom I had seen but not convers'd with at Goa
would sink by his side but that he would force him before he left him Morientium verba sunt prophetica his words came to pass for he himself suddenly after fell by a great Shot that came from the Caraques side The Commander of the Caraque notwithstanding the Message and Menace sent to him was still peremptory in his first answer So our Men returning Captain Ioseph himself made the three first Shot at them all which the mark being so fair and near hit them this done the Bullets began to flie on both sides our Captain cheering his Company immediately ascended the half Deck the place where Commanders use to keep in those Encounters to shew their own Gallantry and to encourage the Company under their Command where he had not been the Eighth part of an hour ere a great Shot from the Caraques quarter deprived him of Life in the twinkling of an Eye For this Captain Ioseph he was certainly one who had very much of a Man in him for years ancient who had commanded before in Sea-fights which he met withall within the Streights in the Midland Sea and near death many times in them which took others round about him while himself went off untouched After Captain Ioseph was slain the Master of our Ship continued the fight about half an hour then knowing there was another to be admitted into that prime place of Command the night approaching for that time gave over putting out a flag of Counsel to call the Captain of the Vice Admiral Captain Henry Pepwell who was to succeed and the other Commanders aboard to consult about the prosecution of this encounter The night being come we now proceeded no further The Caraque stood still on her Course putting forth a light at her Poop for us to follow her and about mid-night came to an Anchor under the Island of Mohilia which when we perceiv'd we let fall our Anchors too The Morning comn we found the Caraque so close to the Shore and the nearest of our Ships at least a League off that we held our Hands for that day expecting when she would weigh her Anchors and stand off to Sea a fitter place to deal with her And that after-noon we chested our late slain Commander putting some great shot with him into it that he might presently sink and without any Ceremony of Guns c. usual upon such occasions because our Enemy should take no notice put him overboard against the Island of Mohilia where he made his own Grave as all dead Bodies do buried not in dust but water which shall one day as well as the earth give up its dead Rev. 20. 13. when all the Bodies of Men since the world began that have tasted Death in their several Generations however after Death they have been bestowed wheresoever laid up shall be raised again And though all would not yet all must A little before night that present day the Caraque departed again to Sea we all loosed our Anchors opened our Sailes and followed The day now left us and our proud Adversary unwilling as it should seem to escape put forth a light as before for us to follow him as afterward we did to purpose The night well-nigh spent we commended again our selves and cause to God when I observed more seeming devotion in our Sea-men that Morning than at any time before or after while I kept them company who for the generality are such a kind of People that nothing will bow them or bring them on their knees but extream Hazards When this exercise was ended the day began to appear in a red mantle which prov'd bloody unto many that beheld it And now we entred upon a second encounter our four Ships resolving to take their turns one after the other that we might compel this proud Portugal either to bend or break And now Reader thou mayest suppose us speaking again to our Adversary and he to us in the harshest and lowdest of all Dialects no Arguments being so strong as those that proceed from the mouths of Guns and points of Swords Our Charles the Admiral played her part first and ere she had been at defiance with her Enemy half an hower there came another great shot from him which hitting against one of our Iron Pieces mounted on our half Deck brake into many little parts which most dangerously wounded our New Commander and the Master of our Ship with three others beside who received several hurts by it Captain Pepwells left Eye by a glance of a Piece of that broken Bullet was so Torn that it lay like Raggs upon his Cheek another hurt by a piece of the same Bullet he reeeived on his Iaw-bone and by another on his Head and a fourth hurt he received in his Leg a ragged piece of that broken shot sticking fast betwixt the two bones thereof grating there upon an Artery which seemed by his complayning to afflict him so much that it made him take very little notice of all the rest of his Hurts it being most true of bodily pains that the extremity of a greater pain will not suffer a Man much to feel and complain of that which is less as that tormenting pain of the Tooth-ach makes a man insensible of the aking of his Head and when the Gout and Stone surprize the Body at once together the torture by the Gout is as it were lost in the extremity of the Stone And thus was our New Commander welcomed to his Authority we all thought that his wounds would very suddenly have made an end of him but he lived till about fourteen moneths after and then dyed as he was returning for England I told you before that this man suffered not alone by the scattered pieces of that broken shot for the Master of the Ship had a great piece of the Brawn of his Arm strook off by it which made him likewise unserviceable for a time and three other of the common sailers received several and dangerous hurts by it likewise The Captain and Master both thus disabled deputed their Authority to the chief Master's mate who behaved himself resolutely and wisely so we continued Alternis vicibus one after the other shooting at our Adversary as at a But and by three of the Clock in the Afternoon had shot down her Main-mast by the board her Mizen-Mast her Fore-top-Mast And moreover had made such breaches in her thick sides that her case seemed so desperate that she must either yield or perish Her Captain thus distressed stood in for the shore being not far from the Island of Gaziaia we pursued as far as we durst without hazard of Shipwrack then we sent off a Boat with a flag of Truce to speak with him He waved us with another upon which Mr Connick our chief Merchant imployed in that service came up to them and being invited entred their Ship where he was civilly used and there he delivered this Message to the chief Commander and his Company that
Monarchy under the subjection of the Great Mogol divides it self into thirty and seven several and large Provinces which anciently were particular Kingdoms whose true Names which we there had out of the Mogol's own Records with their Principal Cities and Rivers their Situation and Borders their Extent in length and breath I shall first set down very briefly beginning at the North-West Yet as I name these several Provinces I shall by the way take notice of some particulars in them which are most Remarkable 1. Candahore the chief City so called it lyes from the heart of the Mogol's Territories North-West it confines with the King of Persia and was anciently a Province belonging to him 2. Cabut the chief City so called the extreamest part North of this Emperours Dominions it confineth with Tartaria the River Nilob hath its beginning in it whose Current is Southerly till it dischargeth it self into Indus 3. Multan the chief City so called it lyeth South from Cabut and Candahore and to the West joynes with Persia. This Province is fam'd for many excellent Bows and Arrows made in it The Bows made of Horn excellently glued and put together the Arrows of small Canes or Reeds both of them curiously set off by rich Paint and Varnish They which are made here are near and good than in any part of East-India besides 4. Haiacan the Province of the Balocbes who are a very stout and war-like people that dare fight I insert this because there are infinite multitudes of people in the Mogol's Territories who appear as likely as these but so low-spirited as I shall after observe that they dare not fight This Province hath no renowned City The famous River Indus call'd by the Inhabitants Skind borders it on the East and Lar a Province belonging to the King of Persia meets it on the West 5. Buckor the chief City called Buckor-Succor that famous River Indus makes its way through it and gently enricheth it 6. Tarta the chief City so called the River Indus makes many Islands in it exceeding fruitful and pleasant the Main Current whereof meets with the Sea at Sindee a place very famous for many curious Handicrafts 7. Soret the chief City is called Ianagar it is but a little Province yet very rich it lyes upon Guzarat it hath the Ocean to the South 8. Iesselmure the chief City so called it joyneth with Soret but Buckor and Tatta lye to the West thereof 9. Attack the chief City so called it lyeth on the East side of Indus which parts it from Haiacan 10. Peniab which signifieth five Waters for that it is seated amongst five Rivers all Tributaries to Indus which somewhat South of Lahore make but one Current It is a large Province and most fruitful Lahore is the chief City thereof built very large and abounds both in people and riches one of the most principal Cities for Trade in all India 11. Chishmeere the chief City called Siranakar the River Bhat finds a way through it though it be very mountainous and so creeps to the Sea 12. Banchish the chief City is called Bishur it lyeth East somewhat Southerly from Chishmeere from which it is divided by the River Indus 13. Iangapore the chief City so called it lyeth upon the River Kaul one of those five Rivers which water Peniab 14. Ienba the chief City so called it lyeth East of Peniab 15. Dellee which signifies an Heart and is seated in the heart of the Mogol's Territories the chief City so called it lyeth between Ienba and Agra the River Iemni which runneth through Agra and after falleth into Ganges begins in it This Dellee is both an ancient and a great City the Seat of the Mogol's Ancestors where most of them lyeinterred It was once the City and Seat of King Porus who was conquered about this place by Alexander the Great and here he encountring with huge Elephants as well as with a mighty Ho ast of Men said as Curtius reports Tandem par animo meo inveni periculum That he had met with dangers to equal his great mind I was told by Tom Coryat who took special notice of this place that he being in the City of Delle observed a very great Pillar of Marble with a Greek inscription upon it which time hath almost quite worn out erected as he supposed there and then by Great Alexander to preserve the memory of that famous Victory 16. Bando the chief City so called it confineth Agra to the West 17. Malway a very fruitful Province Rantipore is its chief City 18. Chitor an ancient great Kingdom the chief City so called which standeth upon a mighty high Hill flat on the top walled about at the least ten English miles There appear to this day above an hundred ruined Churches and divers fair Palaces which are lodged in like manner among their Ruines besides many exquisite Pillars of Carved Stone and the Ruines likewise at the least of an hundred thousand Stone-Houses as many English by their observation have ghessed There is but one ascent unto it cut out of a firm Rock to which a man must pass through four sometimes very magnificent Gates It s chief inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim Birds and Wild Beasts but the stately Ruines thereof give a shadow of its Beauty while it flourished in its Pride It was won from Ranas an ancient Indian Prince who was forc'd to live himself ever after in high mountainous places adjoyning to that Province and his Posterity to live there ever since Taken from him it was by Achabar Padsha the Father of that King who lived and reigned when I was in those parts after a very long siege which famished the besieged without which it could never have been gotten 19. Guzarat a very goodly and large and an exceeding rich Province it encloseth the Bay of Cambaya its chief City is Amadavaz besides it hath in it Cambaya Brodera Baroch and Surat fair Cities but the first of those I named more spacious and populous and rich then any of the other It is watered with many goodly Rivers as that of Cambaya falsly supposed to be Indus with the River Narbodah passing by Baroch and so to the Sea with the River Taplee which watereth Surat The Merchants which are the Natives of this Province trade to the Red Sea to Achin and to divers other places 20. Chandis the chief City called Brampore which is very great and rich and full of people Adjoyning to this Province lived a petty Prince called Partapsha tributary to the Mogol and this is the most Southernmost part of all his Territories 21. Berar the chief City is called Shapore the Southernmost part whereof doth likewise bound this Empire 22. Narvar the chief City is called Gehad it is watered by a fair River that much enricheth it and dischargeth it self into Ganges 23. Gwalier the chief City so called where the Mogol hath a very rich Treasury of Gold and Silver kept in this City within an
a thing not to be wondered at if we consider the great Temperance of that people in general in their eating and drinking But to proceed The Hindooes or Heathens there begin their year the first day of March The Mahometans begin theirs the tenth at the very instant as the Astrologers there ghess that the Sun enters into Aries their year as ours is divided into twelve Moneths or rather into thirteen Moons for according to them they make many payments They distinguish their time in a much different manner from us dividing the day into four and the night into as many parts which they call Pores which again they subdivide each of them into eight parts which they call Grees measured according to the ancient custom by water dropping out of one vessel into another by which there alwayes stands a Man appointed for that service to turn tâ—at vessel up again when it is all dropped out and then to strike with an hammer upon the brim of a concave piece of Metal like the inner part of a large Platter hanging by the brim on a wire the number of those Pores and Grees as they pass It hath a deep sound and may be heard very far but these are not common amongst them Neither have they any Clocks or Sun-Dials to shew them further how their time passeth We lived there some part of our time a little within or under the Tropick of Cancer and then the Sun was our Zenith or Verticle at noon-day directly over our heads at his return to his Northern bounds of which I have spoken something before The Sun-rising there was about six hours in the Morning before its appearing here so that it is twelve of the Clock with them when it is but six with us We had the Sun there above the Horizon in December when the dayes are shortest near eleven hours and in Iune when they are at their fullest length somewhat more than thirteen hours which long absence of the Sun there from the face of the Earth was very advantagious to cool both the Earth and Air. I proceed to speak SECTION XIV Of the most excellent Moralities which are to be observed amongst the People of those Nations NExt to those things which are Spiritually good there is nothing which may more challenge a due and deserved commendation than those things which are Morally and Materially so and many of these may be drawn out to life from the examples of great numbers amongst that people For the Temperance of very many by far the greatest part of the Mahometans and Gentiles it is such as that they will rather choose to dye like the Mother and her seven Sons mentioned in the second of Macchabees and seventh Chapter then eat or drink any thing their Law forbids them Or like those Rechabites mentioned Jer. 35. Where Ionadab their Father commanded them to drink no Wine and they did forbear it for the Commandement sake Such meat and drink as their Law allows them they take onely to satisfie Nature as before not Appetite strictly observing Solomon's Rule Prov. 23. 2. in keeping a knife to their throats that they may not transgress in taking too much of the Creature hating Gluttony and esteeming Drunkenness as indeed it is another Madness and therefore have but one word in their Language though it be very copious and that word is Mest for a drunkard and a mad-man Which shews their hatred of drunken distempers for none of the people there are at any time seen drunk though they might find liquor enough to do it but the very offal and dreggs of that people and these rarely or very seldom And here I shall insert another most needful particular to my present purpose which deserves a most high commendation to be given unto that people in general how poor and mean soever they be and that is the great exemplary care they manifest in their piety to their Parents that notwithstanding they serve for very little as I observed before but five shillings a Moon for their whole livelyhood and subsistence yet if their Parents be in want they will impart at the least half of that little towards their necessaries choosing rather to want themselves then that their Parents should suffer need For the Mahometans who live much upon the labours of the Hindooes keeping them under because they formerly conquered them there are many of them idle and know better to eat than work and these are all for to morrow a word very common in their mouths and the word is Sub-ba which signifies to morrow and when that day comes to morrow and so still to morrow they will set down upon their businesses to morrow will do any thing you would have them to do to morrow they will bestow any thing upon you Sub-ba to morrow Pollicitis divites most rich in promises in performances not so That being true of many of those Mahometans which Livie sometimes spake of Hannibal that he stood most to his Promise when it was most for his Profit though to do the Mahometans in general right such as are Merchants and Traders are exact in their dealings or as Plutarch writes of Antigonus the King who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as being ever about to give but seldom giving But for the Hindooes or Heathens the ancient inhabitants of East-India they are a very industrious people very diligent in all the works of their particular Callings believing that Bread sweetest and most savory which is gain'd by sweat These are for the generality the people that plant and till the ground These they which make those curious Manufactures that Empire affords working as we say with tooth and nail imploying their ears and toes as well as their fingers to assist them by holding threds of silk in the making of some things they work These are a people who are not afraid of a Lion in the way of a Lion in the streets as the slothful man is Prov. 26. 13. but they lay hold on the present time the opportunity to set upon their businesses which they are to do to day they being very laborious in their several imployments and very square and exact to make good all their engagements Which appears much in their justness manifested unto those that trade with them for if a Man will put it unto their Consciences to sell the Commodity he desires to buy at as low a rate as he can afford it they will deal squarely and honestly with him but if in those bargainings a man offer them much less than their set price they will be apt to say What dost thou think me a Christian that I would go about to deceive thee It is a most sad and horrible thing to consider what scandal there is brought upon the Christian Religion by the loosness and remisness by the exorbitances of many which come amongst them who profess themselves Christians of whom I have often heard the Natives who live near the Port where
Officer who pretends the King 's Right to them as shipwrackt goods yet most conclude that the case will not be so judg'd but that they will be restor'd to the owners upon payment of some small matter to those that sav'd them May the three and twentieth I visited the above-mention'd Bishop now arriv'd in Goa at the Colledge of San Paolo Novo He was call'd Dom Ioanno da Rocha and nominated but not consecrated Bishop of Heliopoli On the twenty sixth I visited in the Covent of our Lady della Gratia F. Fra Manoel della Madre di Dio formerly known to me in Persia and now Prior of the Covent of Sphahan who the day before arrived at Goa in a Shallop which had been long expected and judg'd lost having been seven moneths in coming from Mascat He said he came about Affairs of his Order and the Covents of Persia for besides that which I left at Sphahan they have since made one at Sciraz and another at Bassora and daily multiply yet with-all it was rumored that he was sent by the King of Persia to treat with the Vice-Roy about According the matters of Ormuz and I believe it although he spoke nothing of it himself otherwise me-thinks 't is not likely they would have let him come out of Persia without the King 's express Licence or that the King would have granted it in time of Warr unless he had come about some particular business of his He informed me that all my friends in Persia were well and so did a Letter of F Fra Giovanni to his Provincial at Goa wherein mention was made of me giving me intelligence of the well-fare of all my Friends and how Sitti Laali my Cousin had brought forth a Son whom she had nam'd Avedik from Chogia Avedik his Father's Uncle which News was stale for I knew it before my coming out of Persia and indeed all the Letters F. Manoel brought were of a very old date to me he brought none because my Friends there conceiv'd I was gone out of India into Europe May the seven and twentieth A Ship of the Portugal Fleet that was coming from Mozambique arrived in the Port of Mormogon it entred not into the River of Goa because the mouth of the River by reason of the lateness of the season was unsecure and began to be stopped for every year all the mouths of the Rivers and Ports of this Coast are fill'd with sand during the time of Rain wherein the West wind blows very tempestuously and are open'd again in September when the Rain ends The Port of Mormogon as I have elswhere said is in the same Island of Goa in the other mouth of the more Southern River where sometimes old Goa stood by which goods are convey'd by Boat from the Ships to the City but by a longer way going behind round the Island May the twenty eighth In the Evening at the time of Ave Maria the Bells of almost all the Churches of Goa saving that of the Jesuits were rung for the Beatification of two Fryers of the Order of San Domenico whereof this Ship had brought News May the twenty ninth Another Portugal Ship of the Fleet arrived and within two or three dayes after all the other Ships expected from Mozambique and in one of them the Jesuit design'd Patriarch into Aethiopia whither he with two Bishops whereof one was dead by the way and many other Jesuits was fent at the instance of the King of the same Country who they say is called Sultan Saghed and professes himself a Roman-Catholick already with great hopes of reducing all that Kingdom to the Church in short time As for the progress which the Jesuits affirm daily to be made in those Countries being I know nothing of them but by the information of others I refer you to their Annual Letters and it suffices me to have touched here what I saw concerning the same to wit the expedition of this Patriarch Bishops and many Fathers who were sent thither by several wayes attempting to open a passage into those Countries lest such Commerce might be hindred by the Turks who are Masters of some of those Passes So that the F. Visitor of the Jesuits told me they had this year sent many people for Aethiopia not onely by the Arabian Gulph and the Territories of the Turks bordering upon it but also by Cascem a Country of Arabia govern'd by Arabians themselves by Mozambique and Mombaza Countries of the Portugals in the Coast of Africk by Cafaria Angola and Congo that so by these several wayes they might send enough being the King demanded at least two hundred of their Fathers And 't is manifest that if the Conversion goes forward as they presuppose the Country is so large that there will be work enough for a greater number of Fathers and Religious Catholicks Iune the second We accompany'd with a solemn Cavalcade Sig Andrea de Quadro from the House of his God-father Sig Gasparo di Melo Captain of the City to the Jesuits Colledg where by the hands of the same Fathers was given him the degree of Master of Arts that is of Philosophy the said Fathers having by Apostolical Authority jurisdiction in India to confer the said degree and that of Doctorate for which reason I here have taken notice of this action Iune the seventh I visited in the said Colledge the Patriarch of Aethiopia one of the society nam'd Don Alfonso Luigi de Santi he told me much News from Rome and of several of my Relations whom he knew but it was stale News The Patriarch and his Fathers had been inform'd of me both by the Fathers of Goa and by a Portugal Souldier call'd Pero Lopez whom I knew in Persia and who went to Rome with my Letters where he lodg'd many dayes in my House from thence pass'd into Spain and at length return'd into India and came from Mozambique to Goa in the same Ship with the Patriarch To gratifie whose desires of seeing me upon their informations I visited him he not onely shew'd me many courtesies and offers of serving me with like ceremonious words but himself and all his Fathers enter'd into an intimate Friendship with me condition'd to hold mutual correspondence of Letters from Aethipia to Rome and where ever else I should happen to be We discours'd of many things and he inquir'd of me concerning his Voyage and how Fathers might pass at any time into Aethiopia from other parts particularly from Aegypt I inform'd him of the Aethiopick Language and some good Books for learning it c. Iune the sixteenth If I mistake not in Computation for which I refer my self to better diligence which I shall use with their Ephemerides of this year in case I can procure the same the Moors were to begin their Rasandhan or Fast of their 1633 year of the Hegira Iune the twenty fourth Being in a Window to see the careers of the Cavaliers who ran in the Street before the