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A32827 A discourse about trade wherein the reduction of interest in money to 4 l. per centum, is recommended : methods for the employment and maintenance of the poor are proposed : several weighty points relating to companies of merchants, the act of navigation, naturalization of strangers, our woollen manufactures, the ballance of trade, and the nature of plantations, and their consequences in relation to the kingdom are seriously discussed : and some arguments for erecting a court of merchants for determining controversies, relating to maritime affairs, and for a law for transferrance of bills of debts, are humbly offered. Child, Josiah, Sir, 1630-1699.; Culpeper, Thomas, Sir, 1578-1662. Small treatise against usury. 1690 (1690) Wing C3853; ESTC R8738 119,342 350

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Suppliment THE fore-going Discourse I Wrote in the Sickness-Summer at my Country-Habitation not then intending to publish it but only to communicate it to some Honourable and Ingenious Friends of the present Parliament who were pleased to take Copies of it for their own deliberate consideration and digestion of the Principles therein asserted which at first were strange to them as I expect they will be to most others till they have spent some time in thinking on them after which I doubt not but all Men will be convinced of the Tru●h of them that have not some private Interest of heir own against them external to the general Good of the Kingdom For sure I am they have a Foundation in Nature and that according to the excellent Sr William Petty's Observation in his late Discourse concerning Taxes Res nolune male Administrare Nature must and will have its course the matter in England is prepared for an Abatement of Interest and it cannot long be obstructed and after the next Abatement who ever lives fourty Years longer shall see a second Abatement for we shall never stand on even ground in Trade with the Dutch till Interest be the same with us as it is with them His Majesty was graciously pleased at the opening of the last Session of this Parliament to propose to the Consideration of both Houses the Ballancing of the Trade of the Nation to effect which in my opinion the Abatement of Interest is the first and principal Engine which ought to be set on work which notwithstanding I should not have presumed to expose it to publick censure on my own single Opinion if I had not had the concurrance of much better Judgments then my own having never seen any thing in Print for it though much against it until the latter end of Ianuary last at which time a Friend whom I had often discoursed with upon this subject met with by accident a small Tract to the same purpose Wrote near fifty years ago which he gave me and I have for publick Good thought fit to annex it hereunto verbatim The Author of the said Tract by the stile thereof seems to have been a Country Gentleman and my Education hath mostly been that of a Merchant so I hope that going together they may in some measure supply the defects of each other Another Reason that induced me to to the Printing of them together is because what he Wrote then would be the consequences of the Abatement of Interest from ten to six per cent I have I think fully proved to the Conviction of all Men not wilfully blind have been the real effects thereof and that to a greater proportion then he did premise every Paragraph whereof was Writ by me and Copies thereof delivered to several worthy Members of this Parliament many Months before ever I saw or heard of this or any thing else Writ or Printed to the like purpose What I have aimed at in the whole is the good of my Native Country otherwise I had not busied my self about it for I want not employment sufficient of my own nor have reason to be out of love with that I have The several Particulars in the beginning of this Treatise relating to Trade I have only hinted in general terms hoping that some abler Pen will hereafter be incited for the service of his King and Country to enlarge more particularly upon them Before I conclude though I have studied brevity in the whole I cannot omit the inserting of one Objection more which I have lately met with to the main design of this Treatise viz. Object It is said that the lowness of Interest of Money in Holland is not the EFFECT OF LAWS but proceeds only FROM THEIR ABUNDANCE THEREOF for that in Holland there is no Law limitting the rate of Usury Answ. I answer that it may be true that in Holland there hath not lately been any Law to limit Usury to the present rate it is now at i. e. three or four per cent although most certain it is that many years since there was a Law that did limit it to five or six at most And by consequence there would be a renewing of that Law to a lesser rate were it necessary at this time It having always been the Policy of that People to keep down the Interest of their Money three or four per cent under the rate of what is usually paid in their Neighbouring Countries which being now naturally done it is needless to use the Artificial Stratagem of a Law to Establish Answ. 2. Although they have no Law expresly limitting Interest at present yet they have other Laws which we cannot yet arrive to which do effect the same thing among them and would do the like among us if we could have them One whereof is their ascertaining REAL SECURITIES by their PUBLICK REGISTERS For we see evidently Money is not so much wanting in England as Securities which Men account Infallible a remarkable Instance whereof is the East-India-Company who can and do take up what Money they please for four per cent at any time Another Law is Their constitution of BANKS and LUMBARDS whereby private Persons that have but tollerable credit may be supplied at easie rates from the State A third and very considerable one is Their Law for Transferring Bills of Debt mentioned in the beginning of this Discourse A fourth which is a Custom and in effect may be here to our Purpose accounted as a Law is the extraordinary Frugality used in all their Publick Affairs which in their greatest Extreamities have been such as not to compel them to give above four per cent for the loan of Money Whereas it is said His Majesty in some Cases of exigency when the National Supplies have not come in to answer the present Emergencies of Affairs hath been inforced to give above the usual Rates to Gold-Smiths and that encouraged them to take up great Sums from private Persons at the full rate of six per cent whereas formerly they usully gave but four per cent otherwise in humane probability Money would have fallen of it self to four per cent But again to conclude Every Nation does proceed according to peculiar Methods of their own in the Transactions of their publick Affairs and Law-making And in this Kingdom it hath always been the Custom to reduce the Rate of Interest by a Law when Nature had prepared the matter fit for such an alteration as now I say it hath By a Law it was reduced from an unlimitted rate to ten and afterwards from ten to eight after that from eight to six And through the Blessing of Almighty God this Kingdom hath found as I think I have fully proved and every Mans Experience will witness prodigious success and advantage thereby And I doubt not through the like Blessing of God Almighty but this Generation will find the like great and good effects by the reduction of it from six to four which is now at
was formerly that Money doubles once in seven Years at 10 per Cent according to which rule 100 l. in seventy Years amounts to 102400 l. One Hundred Pounds at Ten Pounds per Cent per Annum at Interest upon Interest encreaseth thus viz.   L. S. D. AT first 100 00 00 At 3 Months it is 102 10 00 At 6 Months 105 1 03 At 9 Months 107 13 9 At 12 Months 110 07 7 At 1 Year ¼ 113 02 9 At 1 Year ½ 115 19 4 At 1 Year ¾ 118 17 4 At 2 Years 121 16 9 At 2 Years ¼ 124 17 8 At 2 Years ½ 128 00 1 At 2 Years ¾ 131 4 1 At 3 Years 134 9 9 At 3 Years ¼ 137 17 0 At 3 Years ½ 141 5 10 At 3 Years ¾ 144 16 6 At 4 Years 148 8 11 At 4 Years ¼ 152 3 1 At 4 Years ½ 155 19 2 At 4 Years ¾ 159 17 2 At 5 Years 163 17 1 At 5 Years ¼ 167 19 0 At 5 Years ½ 172 3 0 At 5 Years ¼ 176 9 1 At 6 Years 180 17 3 At 6 Years ¼ 185 7 9 At 6 Years ½ 190 5 0 At 6 Years ● 4 194 15 5 At 7 Years 199 12 10 Supposing One Hundred Pounds to double in seven Years at Interest upon Interest as aforesaid the encrease is viz.   L. At first 100 At 7 Years 200 At 14 Years 400 At 21 Years 800 At 28 Years 1600 At 35 Years 3200 At 42 Years 6400 At 49 Years 12800 At 56 Years 25600 At 63 Years 51200 At 70 Years 102400 Pag. 13. he saith That I make use of the abuse of Interest which no man pleads for annexing a Discourse against Interest writ in 1621. when it was at 10 per Cent endeavouring thereby to impose a Belief that the Gentleman who writ that Discourse was of my mind whereas it may be supposed the Author of that Book was contented with 8 per Cent because within four Years after it was brought down to that Rate and that otherwise he would have writ further it being probable that he might live till after four Years I answer That through the Mercies of Almighty God and for the good of this Kingdom that Patriot of his Country Old Sr Thomas Culpepper who I have since been assured was the Author of that Treatise did live above twenty Years after the writing thereof and then published a second Treatise which was lately Re-printed by his worthy Son which second Treatise is now to be had at Mr Wilkinson's over against St Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street which I would advise my Opposer to read and then I hope he will be more modest hereafter then to mis-call the most Natural and Rational Conclusions IMPOSINGS But lest he should not meet with the said Treatise I shall here insert a few Lines out of it to the present purpose viz. Old Sr Thomas speaking of the certain good Effects of the Abatement of Interest from 10 to 8 per Cent pag. 19. of his second Treatise saith This good success doth call upon us not to rest here but that we bring the use for Money to a lower rate which now I suppose will find no Opp●sition for all Objections which before the Statute were made against it are now answered by the Success most certainly the ben●fit will be much greater to the Common wealth by calling the Vse for Money down from 8 to 5 or 6 per Cent then it was from calling it down from 10 to 8 per Cent. I shall not Comment upon his Words but only declare that in truth I never heard of this Treatise no● of any other to the like effect when I write mine Pag. 13. the Gentle-man b●ings up his Battalia and like a stout Champion for the slie and timerous heard-of Usurers plants his main Battery against that part which I confessed to be weakest viz. that the difficulty of this Question is Whether the lowness of Interest be the cause or the Effect of Riches And he positively denies that the lowness of Interest is the Cause affirms it to be only the Effect thereof which he endeavours to prove by four Arguments which I shall particularly answer in a due place in the mean time use my own Method to prove That the Abatement of Interest by a Law in England will be a means to improve the Riches of this Kingdom And I prove it thus 1. Whatever doth Advance the value of Land in Purchase must be a procur●ng cause of Riches 2. Whatever doth Improve the Rent of Farms must be a procur●ng cause of Riches 3. Whatever doth Encrease the bulk of Foreign Trade must be a procur●ng cause of Riches 4. Whatever doth Multiply domestick Artificers must be a procur●ng cause of Riches 5. Whatever doth Encline the Nation to Thriftiness must be a procur●ng cause of Riches 6. Whatever doth Employ the Poor must be a procur●ng cause of Riches 7. Whatever doth Encrease the Stock of People must be a procur●ng cause of Riches Now that the abatement of Interest will advance the value of Land I prove first by Experience for certainly Anno 1621. the currant price of our Lands in England was twelve Years purchase and so I have been assured by many antient Men whom I have queried particularly as to this Matter and I find it so by purchases made about that time by my own Relations and Acquaintance and I presume that any Nobleman or Gentleman of England by only commanding the Stewards of their Mannors to give them Lists out of the Records of any Mannors or Farms that their Grand-Fathers or Fathers bought or sold fifty Years past will find that the same Farms to be now sold would yield one with another at least treble the Mony and in some cases six times the Mony they were then bought and sold for which I submit still to the single and joynt Judgments of the honourable Members of both Houses of Parliament who being the greatest Owners of our Territory are in their private as well as in their politick Capacities the most proper and experimental Judges of this Case if the Antient of them will please to recollect their Memories and the Younger will please to be informed by their Elder Servants and if this be so it cannot be denied but the abatement of Interest by a Law hath greatly advanced Lands in purchase as well as improved Rents by meliorating the Lands themselves those improvements by marling limeing draining c. having been made since Money was at 8 and 6 per cent which 10 per cent could not bear And to prove that Lands were then at twelve Years purchase I have the written Testimony of that incomparable worthy Person Sr Thomas Culpepper Senior who page 11. of his first Treatise expresly affirms That Land was then at twelve Years Purchase who being himself a grave and antient Parliament Man and dedicating his Book to the then Parliament whereof he was then a Member cannot without horrible uncharitableness be presumed
Records against Experience and against Reason to which I doubt not but their Lordships will be able to give a full confutation out of their own Memorials before this be made publick And for the Reason of it will any Man believe that our Fathers were so stupid as to lay out their Money in Land not to see it again in twenty years when at single Interest at ten per cent they might double their Money in 10 years at Interest upon Interest in seven years I have been told by a person of very great Honour that this Gentleman himself in his private discourse confesseth that the Abatement of Interest will advance the value of Land but he questions whether it will encrease Trade certainly a needless scruple to any Man that shall deliberately consider the inseperable affinity that is in all Nations and at all times between Land and Trade which are Twins and have always and ever will wax and wane together It cannot be ill with Trade but Land will fall nor ill with Lands but Trade will feel it But in regard this Gentleman is so miserably mistaken in the Trades of Spain and Portugal which he reckons as lost I think it may be useful to inform him and others better what Trades are really lost and enquire how we came to loose them and what Trades we still retain and why and of both as briefly as I can because I have said something of them in the following Treatise Of Trades lost 1. The Russia Trade where the Dutch had last year 22 Sail of great Ships and the Engilsh but one whereas formerly we had more of that Trade then the Dutch 2. The Green-land Trade where the Dutch and Hamburgers have yearly at least 4 or 500 Sail of Ships and the English but one the last year and none the former 3. The great Trade of Salt from St Vuals in Portugal and from France with Salt Wine and Brandy to the East-lands 4. All that vast and notorious Trade of Fishing for white-Herrings upon our own Coast. 5. The East-Country Trade in which we have not half so much to do as we had formerly and the Dutch ten times more then they had in times past 6. A very great part of our Trade for Spanish-Woolls from Bilvao These Trades and some more I could name the Dutch Interest of 3 per cent and narrow limitted Companies in England have beat us out of 7. The East-India Trade for Nutmegs Cloves and Mace an extraordinary profitable Trade the Dutch Arms and Sleights have beat us out of but their lower Interest gave strength to their Arms and acuteness to their Invention 8. Their great Trade for China and Iapan whereof we have no share is an effect of their low Interest those Trades not being to be obtained but by a long process and great disburstments destitute of present but with expectation of future Gain which 6 per cent cannot bear 9. The Trades of Scotland and Ireland two of our own Kingdoms the Dutch have bereaved us of and in effect wholly engrossed to themselves which their low Interest hath been the principal engine though I know other accidents have contributed thereunto whereof more hereafter 10. The Trade for Norway is in great part lost to the Danes Holsteners c. by reason of some clauses in the Act of Navigation whereof more in due place 11. A very great part of the French Trade for Exportation is lost by reason of great Impositions laid there upon our Draperies 12. A great part of the Plate-Trade from Cadiz is lost to the Dutch who by reason of the lowness of their Interest can afford to let their Stocks lie before-hand at Civil and Cadiz against the arrival of the Spanish Flota who sometimes are expected 3 6 9 and 12 Months before they come especially since the late interruptions that our Iamaica Capers have given them by which means they engross the greatest part of the Silver whereas we in regard our Stocks run at a higher Interest cannot so well afford to keep them so long dead It is true the English have yet a share in this Trade by reason of some after recited natural advantages viz. Woollen-Manufactures Tin Lead Fish c. inseparably annexed by God's Providence to this Kingdom It is true likewise that the Peace at Munster hath much furthered the Dutch in that affair but as true it is that their lower Interest hath enabled them to make a much greater improvement and advantage in Trade by that Peace then ever they could otherwise have done 13. The Trade of Surranham since the Dutch got possession of that Country in the late War is so totally lost to the English that we have now no more Commerce with that Country then we should have if it were sunk in the Sea so severe and exact are the Hollanders in keeping the Trades of their own Plantations intirely to their own People 14. The trade of Menades or new-New-York we should have gained instead of the former since we got possession of that place in the late War if the Dutch had not bin connived at therein at first which now I hope they are not for if they should be it would not only be to the intire loss of that Trade to England but greatly to the prejudice of the English trade to Virginia because the Dutch under pretence of trading to and from New-York carry great quantities of Virginia Tobacco directly for Holland 15. The English Trade to Guiny I fear is much declined by reason that Company have met with Discouragements from some of our Neighbours Note That most of the afore-mentioned Trades are the greatest Trades in the World for the employment of Shiping and Sea-men 2 dly That no Trades deserve so much care to procrue and preserve and encouragement to prosecute as those that employ the most Shiping although the Commoditities transported be of small value in themselves For first they are certainly the most profitable for besides the gain accrewing by the Goods the Freight which is in such Trades often more then the value of the Goods is all profit to the Nation besides they bring with them a great access of Power Hands as well as Money many Ships and Seamen being justly the reputed Strength and Safety of England I could mention more Trades that we have lost and are in the High-way to loose but I shall forbear at present for fear this Porch should prove too big as also for other Reasons The Trades we yet retain are 1st For Fish the Trade of Red-Herrings at Yarmouth Pilchards in the West-Country and Cod-fish in New-found-land and New-England 2dly A good part of the Turkey Italian Spanish and Portugal Trades Our Trades to and from our own Plantations viz. Virginia Barbadoes New-England Iamaica and the Leward Islands If any shall here ask me How it comes to pass that the Dutch low Interest hath not cashered us of these Trades as well as the former I shall answer first generally and
a Knavish design of the Citizens to advance themselves who are too proud already and that if it go forward it will undo all the Country Gentlemen in England And if one speak with the City Vsurers they will be as ready to affirm that this is a plot carried on only by Noblemen and Gentlemen whose Estates are all in Land for their own advantage and that it will spoil all the Trade of the Kingdom being a project at one instant to take off just one third of all Mens Estates that are personal and add the same proportion to all such whose Estates are real which in effect is to Impoverish all the Younger and Enrich all Elder Brothers in England So that out of the Mouthes of the greatest and wisest Adversaries to this principle it may be justly concluded that though singlely they deny the truth of it yet joyntly they confess it To conclude there is nothing that I have said or that I think any other can say upon this occasion but was said in substance before by old Sr Thomas Culpepper though unknown to me who had an ampel and clear sight into the whole nature of this Principle and the true effects and consequences of it Truth being always the same though Illustrations may vary nor can any thing now be objected against the making a Law for a further abatement of Interest but the same that was objected in those times wherein the former Statutes past so that why my Opposer should cavil at the doing of that by a Law in England now which he seems to ●ike well if it could be done I know no real cause except it be that in truth he is wise enough to know that a Law in England will certainly do the Work as it hath done formerly and in consequence his own private Gain will be retrenched Before I concluded I think it necessary for caution to my Country-men to let them know what effects these discourses have had on others when I wrote my first Treatise Interest was in the Island of Barbadoes at 15 per centum where it is since by an Act of the Country brought down to 10 per cent a great fall at once and our weekly Gazets did some Months past inform us that the Sweeds by a Law had brought down their Interest to 6 per cent neither of which can have any good effects upon us but certainly the contrary except by way of emulation they quicken us to provide in time for our own Good and Prosperity I have now done with this Controversie and therein discharge my Duty to my native Country and though Ignorance Malice or private Interest may yet for some time oppose it I am confident the Wisdom of my Country-men will at length find their true and general Interest in the Establishment of such a Law which as to my own particular concernments signifies not two Farthings whether they do or not CHAP. II. Concerning the Relief and Employment of the Poor THis is a calm Subject and thwarts no common or private Interest amongst us except that of the common Enemy of Mankind the Devil so I hope that what shall be offered towards the effecting of so universally acceptable a Work as this and the removal of the innumerable Inconveniences that do now and have in all Ages attended this Kingdom through defect of such provision for the Poor will not be ill taken although the Plaister at first essay do not exactly fit the Sore In the Discourse of this subject I shall first assert some particulars which I think ar●●greed by common Consent and from thence take occasion to proceed to what is more doubtful 1. That our Poor in England have always been in a most sad and wretched condition some Famished for want of Bread others starved with Cold and Nakedness and many whole Families in all the out Parts of Cities and great Towns commonly remain in a languishing nasty and useless Condition Uncomfortable to themselves and Unprofitable to the Kingdom this is confessed and lamented by all Men. 2. That the Children of our Poor bred up in Beggery and Laziness do by that means become not only of unhealthy Bodi●s and more then ordinarily subject to many loathsome Diseases whereof very many die in their tender Age and if any of them do arrive to years and strength they are by their idle habits contracted in their Youth rendered for ever after indisposed to Labour and serve only to stock the Kingdom with Thieves and Beggars 3. That if all our impotent Poor were provided for and those of both Sexes and all Ages that can do Work of any kind employed it would redound some Hundreds of Thousands of Pounds per annum to the publick Advantage 4. That it is our Duty to God and Nature so to Provide for and Employ the Poor 5. That by so doing one of the great Sins for which this Land ought to mourn would be removed 6. That our fore-Fathers had pious Intentions towards this good Work as appears by the many Statutes made by them to this purpose 7. That there are places in the VVorld wherein the Poor are so provided for and employed as in Holland Hambrough New-England and others and as I am informed now in the City of Paris Thus far we all agree The first Question then that naturally occurs is Question How comes it to pass that in England we do not nor ever did comfortably Maintain and Employ our Poor The common Answers to this Question are two 1. That our Laws to this purpose are as good as any in the World but we fail in the execution 2. That formerly in the days of our pious Ancestors the work was done but now Charity is deceased and that is the reason we see the Poor so neglected as now they are In both which Answers I humbly conceive the Effect is mistaken for the Cause For though it cannot be denied but there hath been and is a great failure in the Execution of those Statutes which relate to the Poor yet I say the cause of that failure hath been occasioned by defect of the Laws themselves For otherwise what is the reason that in our late times of Confusion and Alteration wherein almost every Party in the Nation at one time or other took their turn at the Helm and all had that Compass those Laws to Stear by and yet none of them could or ever did conduct the Poor into a Harbour of security to them and profit to the Kingdom i. e. none sufficiently maintained the Impotent and employed the Indigent amongst us And if this was never done in any Age nor by any sort of Men whatsoever in this Kingdom who had the use of those Laws now in force it seems to me a very strong Argument that it never could nor ever will be done by those Laws and that consequently the defect lies in the Laws themselves not in the Men i. e. those that should put them in Execution As to the second
English Cloth and from whose Territories we receive great quantities of Currance purchased with our ready Money It seems to me advantagious for England that that Importation as well as the Importation of wrought-Glasse drinking-Glasses and other Manufactures from thence should be discouraged it being supposed we can now make them as well our selves in England The Trade for Cannary-Wines I take to be a most pernitious Trade to England because those Islands consume very little of our Manufactures Fish or other English Commodities neither do they furnish us with any Commodities to be further Manufactured here or re-Exported the Wines we bring from thence being for the most part purchased with ready Money so that to my apprehension something is necessary to be done to compel those Islanders to spend more of our English Commodities and to sell their Wines cheaper which every Year they advance in Price or else to lessen the Consumption of them in England I have in this last Discourse of the Ballance of Trade as well as in my former confined my self to write only general Heads and Principles that r●late unto Trade in general not this or that particular Trade because the several Trades to several Countries may require distinct and particular considerations respecting the time place competitors with us and other circumstances to find out wherein our advantages or disadvantages lie and how to improve the former and prevent the latter but as this would be too great a Work for one Man so I fear it would make this too great a Book to be well read and considered But in the Preface to this Treatise I have briefly mentioned many particular Trades that we have lost and are loosing and by what means and many Trades that we yet retain and are encreasing and how it happens to be so which may give some Light to a clearer Discovery and Inspection into particular Trades unto which Ingenious Men that have Hearts to serve their Country in this so necessary Work at this time may add and further improve by the advantage of Abilities to express their Sentiments in a more Intelligible and Pausible Stile but when I and others have said all we can A low Interest is as the Soul to the Body of Trade it is the Sine qua non to the Prosperity and Advancement to the Lands and Trade of England CHAP. X. Concerning PLANTATIONS THE Trade of our English Plantations in America being now of as great Bulk and ●mploying as much Shiping as most of the Trades of this Kingdom it seems not unnecessary to Discourse more at large concerning the Nature of ●lantations and the good or evil consequences of t●em in relation to this and other Kingdoms and the rather because some Gentlemen of no mean Capacities are of Opinion that his Majestie 's Plantations abroad have very much prejudiced this Kingdom by draining us of our People for the confirmation of which Opinion they urge the Example of Spain which they say is almost ruined by the Depopulation which the West-Indies hath occasioned to the end therefore a more particular Scrutiny may be made into this ma●ter I shall humbly offer my Opinion in the following Propositions and then give those Reasons of Probability which presently occur to my Memory in confirmation of each Proposition 1. First I agree That Lands though excellent without Hands proportionable will not enrich any Kingdom 2. That whatever tends to the D●populating of a Kingdom tends to the ●mpoverishment of it 3. T●at most Nations in the civilized Parts of the World are more or less Rich or Poor proportionably to the Paucity or Plenty of their People and not to the Sterility or Fruitfulness of their Land● 4. I do not agree that our People in England are in any considerable measure abated by reason of our Foreign Plantations but propose to prove the contrary 5. I am of Opinion that we ●ad immediately before the late Plague many more People in England then we had before the Inhabiting of Virginia New-England ●●rbadoes and the rest of our American Plantations 6. That all Colonies or Plantations do endamage their Mother-Kingdoms whereof the Trades of such Plantations are not confined by severe Laws and good executions of those Laws to the Mother-Kingdom 7. That the Dutch will reap the greatest advantage by all Colonies issuing from any Kingdom of Europe whereof the Trades are not so strictly confined to the proper Mother-Kingdoms 8. That the Dutch though they thrive so exceedingly in Trade will in probability never endamage this Kingdom by the growth of their Plantations 9. That neither the French Spaniard nor Portugeez are much to be feared on that account not for the same but for other causes 10. That it is more for the advantage of England that New-found-Land should remain Vnplanted then that Colonies should be sent or permitted to go thither to Inhabit with a Governour Laws c. 11. That New-England is the most prejudicial Plantation to the Kingdom of England I. That Lands though in their Nature excellently good without Hands proportionable will not enrich any Kingdom This first Proposition I suppose will readily be assented to by all judicious persons and therefore for the proof of it I shall only alledge matter of Fact The Land of Palestine once the Richest Country in the Vniverse since it came under the Turks Dom●nion and consequently unpeopled is now become the Poorest Andaluzia and Granada formerly wonderful Rich and full of good Towns since dis-peopled by the Spaniard by Expultion of the Moors many of their Towns and brave Country Houses are fallen into Rubbish and their whole Country into miserable Poverty though their Lands naturally are prodigiously Fertil A Hundred other Instances of Fact might be given to the like purpose II. Whatever tends to the populating of a Kingdom tends to the emprovement of it The former Proposition being granted I suppose this will not be denyed and of the means viz. good Laws whereby any Kingdom may be populated and consequently enriched is in effect the substance and design of all my foregoing Discourse to which for avoiding repitition I must pray the Reader 's retrospection III. That most Nations in the civilized parts of the World are more or less Rich or Poor propo●tionable to the paucity or plenty of their People This third is a consequent of the two former Propositions and the whole World is a witness to the Truth of it The seven united Provinces are certainly the most populous tract of Land in Christendom and for their bigness undoubtedly the richest England for its bigness except our Forrests Wastes and Commons which by our own Laws and Customs are bared from Improvement I hope is yet a more populous Country than France and consequently richer I say in proportion to its bigness Ita●y in like proportion more populous than France and richer and France more populous and rich than Spain c. IV. I do not agree that our People in England are in any considerable