the auersion and natural alienatiōn of that people from the Inglish and their ancient inclination to ioyne with the Frēch Irish against vs maketh it yery probable that that subiection of theirs to the crowne of Ingland vvould not loug indure as by expetience we haue feene since the tyme of king Edward the first vvhen after the death of their king Alexander the third without issue they chose king Edward to be their king deliuered their townes and fortresses into his hands did sweare him fealty receaued his deputy or viceroy as Polidor at large declareth And yet al this serued afterward to no other effect but only slaughter bloodshed and infinyt losses and charges of Ingland Thirdly they saye that if the king of Scots should come to possesse the crowne of Inglād he cannot choose at least for many yeares but to stand in great ielousy of so many other competitors of the Inglish blood royal as he shal finde in Ingland against whom he must needes fortifie him selfe by those other forayne natiōs that may be presumed to be most sure vnto him though most contrary by natural inclination least tollerable in gouermēt to Inglish men as are the Scots of whom he is borne and danes vvith vvhom he is allyed and French of vvhom he is descended and of the vnciuil part ofIreland vvith vvhom one great piece of his realme hath most coniunction the authority sway of which fower nations in Ingland and ouer Inglish-men vvhat trouble it may worke euery vvise man may easely coniecture Besides that the Scots-men themselues specially those of the nobility do openly professe that they desire not this coniunction and subordination vnto Ingland which in no wise they can beare both for the auersion they haue to al Inglish gouerment ouer them as also for that their liberties are far greater as now they liue then in that case it would be suffred their king coming heerby to be of greater power to force them to the forme of Inglish subiection as no doubt but in tyme he would And seing the greatest vtility that in this case by reason and probability can be hoped for by this vnion is that the Scotish nation should come to be aduanced in Inglād and to be made of the nobility both temporal and spiritual of the priuy councel and of other lyke dignities of credit and confidence for otherwise no vnion or amitie durable can be hoped for and considering that the king both for his owne safetie as before hath bin said as also for gratitude and loue to his owne nation and allied frends must needs plant them about him in chiefe place of credit vvhich are most opposite to Inglish natures and by litle litle through occasion of emulations and of controuersies that vvil fal out daylie betwixt such diuersity of nations he must needes secretlie begin to fauour and fortifie his owne as we reade that William Conqueror did his Normannes and Canutus before him his Danes to the incredible calamity of the Inglish nation though otherwise neither of them vvas of themselues either an euil king or enimye to the Inglish blood but driuē hereunto for their owne saftie and for that it vvas impossible to stand neutral in such national contentions if al this I say fel out so then as vve know it did and our ancestors felt it to their extreme ruine what other effect can be hoped for now by this violent vnion of nations that are by nature so disunited and opposite as are the Inglish Scotish Irishe Danishe Frenche other on them depending vvhich by this meanes must needs be planted together in Ingland And if vve reade that the vvhole realme of Spayne did refuse to admitt S. Lewis king of France to be their king in Spayne to vvhom yet by law of succession it vvas euident confessed by the spaniards themselues as their chronicler Garibay writeth that the right most clearly dyd appertayne by his mother lady Blanch eldest daughter and heyre of K. Alonso the nynth and that they dyd this only for that he vvas a Frenchman and might therby bring the french to haue chiefe authority in Spayne and if for this cause they did agree together to giue the kingdome rather to Ferdinando the third that was sonne of Lady Berenguela yonger sister to the said lady Blanch and if this determination vvas thought at that tyme to be vvife and prouident though against al right of lineal succession and if vve see that it had good successe for that it indureth vnto this day what shal vve say in this case say these men vvhere the king in question is not yet a S. Lewis nor his title to Ingland so cleere as that other vvas to spayne and the auersion betwixt his nation and ours much greater then vvas that betwixt the french and Spanish thus they do reason Agayne we heard out of the discourse made by the Ciuilian before how the states of Portugal after the death of their king Don Ferdinando the first of that name vvho left one only daughter and heyre named lady Beatrix married vnto Iohn the first king of Castile to whō the succession of Portugal vvithout al controuersie did apertaine they rather determyned to chose for their king a bastard brother of the sayd Don Fernando named Iohn then to admitt the true inheretor Beatrix vvith the gouerment of the Castilians by vvhom yet they being much the richer people the Portugals might hope to reape far greater vtility then Inglish men can do by Scotland considering it is the poorer country and nation And this is that in effect which these men do answere in this behalfe noting also by the way that the Romās themselues vvith al their power could neuer bring vnion or peace betweene thease two nations of Ingland Scotlande nor hold the Scots and North-Irish in obedience of any authority residing in Ingland and so in the end they vvere enforced to cut them of to make that famous walle begun by Adrian and pursued by other Emperours to diuide them from Inglād and barre them from ioyning as al the vvorld knoweth and much lesse shal any one king liuing in Ingland now hold them al in obedience let him be of vvhat nation he vvil and this for the vtility that may be hoped by this vnion But now for the other pointe alleaged by the fauourers of Scotland about establishmēt of true religion in Ingland by entrance of this king of Scots these other mē do hold that this is the vvoorst and most dangerous pointe of al other considering vvhat the state of religion is in Scotland at this day and how different or rather opposite to that forme which in Ingland is mainteyned and vvhen the Archbishopes bishopes deanes archdeacons and other such of ecclesiastical and honorable dignities of Ingland shal consider that no such dignity or promotion is left now standing in Scotland no nor any cathedral
at his pleasure without law as Titus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for which cause the senators at length 〈◊〉 him and cut him in smal peces And aftervards they were greatly greeued at the entring of Seruius Tullius their sixt king for that he gaue the crowne by fraude and not by election of the senate and special approbation of the people as he should haue done but most of al they were exasperated by the proceeding of their seuenth kinge named Lucius Tarquinas surnamed the proud who for that as Liuius faith he neglected the lawes of gouerment prescribed no him by the common wealth as namely in that he consulted not with the senate in matters of great importance for that he made war peace of his owne head for that he appoynted to himselfe a gard as though he had mistrusted the people and for that he did vse ininstice to diuers particuler men and suffred his children to be insolent he was expelled with al his posterity and the gouerment of Rome changed from a kingdome vnto the regiment of consuls after two hundreth yeares that the other had endured And thus much for those kingdomes of Italy and Greece And if likewise we wil looke vppon other kingdomes of Europe we shal see the very same to wit that euery kingdome countrey hath his particuler lawes prescribed to their kings by the common vvealth both for their gouerment authority and succession in the same for if we behold the Romā Empire it selfe as it is at this day annexed to the Germaine electors though it be the first in dignity among christian Princes yet shal we see it so restrayned by particuler lawes as the Emperor can do much lesse in his state then other kings in theirs for he can nether make vvarr nor exact any contribution of men or money therunto but by the free leaue and consent of al the states of the Germayne diet or parlament and for his children or next in kynn they haue no action interest or pretence at al to succed in their fathers dignity but only by free electiō if they shal be thought vvorthy Nay one of the chiefest poynts that the Emperor must sweare at his entrance as Sleydan writeth is this that he shal neuer go about to make the dignity of the Emperor peculiar or hereditary to his family but leaue it vnto the seuen electors free in their power to chuse his successor according to the law made by the pope Gregory the fyfth and the Emperor Charles the fourth in this behalfe The kingdomes of Polonia Boemia do go much after the same fashion both for there restrainte of power and succession to their kings For first touching their authority they haue great limitation nether can they do any thing of great moment without the consent of certayne principal men called Palatines or Castellans nether may their children or next of blood succede except they be chosen as in the Empire In Spayne France and Ingland the priuileges of kings are far more eminent in both thes points for that both their authority is much more absolute and their next in blood do ordinarily succede but yet in different manner for as touching authority it semeth that the kings of Spayne and France haue greater then the king of England for that euery ordination of thes two kings is law in it selfe without further approbatiō of the common wealth which holdeth not in England where no general law can be made without consent of parlament but in the other pointe of succession it appeareth that the restraint is far greater in thos other two countries then in Ingland for that in Spayne the next in blood cannot succede be he neuer so lawfully descended but by a new approbation of the nobility and bishops and states of the Realme as it is expresly set downe in the two ancient councelles of Tolledo the fourth and fifth In confirmation wherof we see at this day that the king of Spaynes owne sonne cannot succede not be called Prince except he be first sworne by the said nobility and states in token of their new consent and so we haue seene it practized in our dayes towards three or fower of King Philips children which haue succeded the one after the other in the title of Princes of Spaine and at euery chainge a new oth required at the subiects handes for their admission to the said dignity which is not vsed in the kings children of France or Ingland In France the world knoweth how women are not admitted to succed in the crowne be they neuer so neare in blood nether any of their issue though it be male For which cause I doubt not but you remēber how king Edward the third of Ingland though he were sonne heyre vnto a daughter of France whose three brethren were kings and left hir sole heyre to hir father king Phillip the fourth surnamed the fayre yet vvas he put by the crowne as also was the king of Nauar at the same tyme who was sonne and heyre vnto this womans eldest brothers daughter named Lewis Huttin king of Ftance which king of Nauar therby seemed also to be before king Edward of Ingland but yet were they both put by it and Philip de Vallois a brothers sonne of Phillip the faire was preferred to it by general decree of the states of France and by vardit of the whole parlament of Paris gathered about the same affayre Nether did it auayle that the two kings a fore said alleaged that it was agaynst reason conscience and custome of al nations to exclud vvomen from the succession of the crowne which appartayned vnto them by propinquity of blood seing both nature God hath made them capable of such succession euery where as it appereth by example of al other nations and in the old testament among the people of god it selfe wher we see women haue bin admitted vnto kingdomes by succession but al this I say preuayled not vvith the French as it doth not also at this day for the admission of Dona Isabella Eugenia Clara infanta of Spayne vnto the said crowne of France though by dissent of blood ther be no question of her next propinquity for that she is the eldest child of the last kings eldest sister The like exclusion is made agaynst the Prince of Lorayne that now liueth though he be a man and nephew to the last king for that his title is by a woman to wit his mother that vvas yonger sister vnto the last king Henry of France And albeit the law called Salica by the Frenchmen by vertue vvherof they pretend to exclude the succession of vvomen be no very ancient law as the French themselues do confesse and much lesse made by Pharamond ther first king or in thos ancient tymes as others without ground do affirme yet do vve se that it is sufficient to bynd al Princes and subiects of
brothers sonne to Don Alonso the catholique vvas preferred and reigned peacably six yeares and then dying without issue for that the hatred of the spaniards was not yet ended against the memory of king Fruela they would not yet admit any of his generation but rather excluded them agayne the second tyme and admitted a brother in law of his named Don Silo that was married to his sister Dona Adosinda daughter to the fore said noble king catholique Alonso So that here we see twise the right heyres of king Don Fruela for his euel gouerment were put back But Don Silo being dead without issue as also Don Aurelio was before him and the Spaniards anger against king Fruela being now vvel assuaged they admitted to the kingdone his fore said sonne Don Alonso the yonger surnamed afterward the chast whom now twise before they had put back as you haue seene but now they admitted him though hisreigne at the first endured very litle for that a certayne bastard vncle of his named Don Mauregato by help of the moores put him out and reigned by force 6. yeares and in the end dying with out issue the matter came in deliberation againe whether the king Don Alonso the chaste that yet liued and had bin hidden in a monastary of Galitia during the tyme of the tyrāt should returne agayne to gouerne or rather that his cosen german Don vermudo sonne to his vncle the Prince Vimerano whom vve shewed before to haue byn slayne by this mans father king Fruela should be elected in his place And the realme of Spayne determined the second to vvit that Don Vermudo though he vvere much further of by propiuquity of blood and vvith in ecclesiastical order also for that he had bin made deacon should be admitted partly for that he vvas iudged for the more valiant and able Prince then the other vvho seemed to be made more acquainted now vvith the life of monkes and religious men then of a king hauing first bin brought vp among them for 10. or 12. yeares space vvhiles Don Aurelio and Don Silo reigned after the death of his father kinge Fruela and secondly agayne other six yeares during the reigne of the tyrant Mauregato for which cause they estemed the other to be fitter as also for the differēt memories of there tvvo fathers king Fruela and prince Vimerano wherof the first vvas hateful the other most deare as before hath bin declared nether do any of the foure ancient Bishops historiographers of Spayne to wit that of Toledo Besa Salamanca or Ture that liued al about those dayes wrote the storie reprehend this fact of the realme of spaine or put any doubt whether it were lawful or no for the causes before recited Trew it is that after three yeares reigne this king Vermudo being weary of kingly life and feeling some scruple of conscience that being deacon he had forsaken the life ecclesiastical and maryed though by dispensation of the pope as Morales sayeth and entangled himselfe vvith the affaires of a kingdome he resigned vvillingly the gouerment vnto his said Cosen Don Alonso the chast and himselfe liued after a priuate life for diuers yeares but this Don Alonso vvho now the fourth tyme had bin depriued of his succession as you haue seene deceaued the expectation of the spaniards that accoūpted him a monke for he proued the most valiāt and excellent king that euer that nation had both for his vertue valor victories against the moores buylding of townes castells churches Monasteries and other such workes of Christianity as Morales recounteth and be reigned after this his last admission one and fyftie yeares had great frendship vvith king Charles the great of France who liued in the same tyme with hym And this man among other most noble exploites so tamed the Moores of his country as during his dayes he neuer paid that cruel and horrible tribute which before after was paide by the christians to the Moores which was a hundred yong maidens and fiftie sonnes of Gētlemen euery yeare to be brought vp in the religiō of Mahomet amōg those infidel tyrants And finally this man after so much afflictiō came to be one of the most renoumed Princes of the world After this Don Alonso vvho left no children for that he would neuer marry but liued al his life in chastitye ther succeded to him by electiō his nephew named Don Ramiro sonne to the former said king Don Vermudo the deacon that gaue this man the crowne as you haue hard of whose electiō morales writeth these woords Muerto el Rey Don Alonso el casto fue eligido por los 〈◊〉 y grandes del reyno el Rey Don Ramiro primero deste nombre hyio del Rey Don vermudo el diaeono That is the king Don Alōso the chast being dead ther vvas chosen king by the Prelates nobility of the realme Don Ramiro the first of this name sonne of king Vermudo the deacon who resigned his crowne to Don Alonso and it is to be noted that albeit this Don Ramiro vvas next in blood to the succession after the death of his vncle Don Alonso without children yet vvas he chosen by the states as here it is said in expresse vvordes Moreouer it is to be noted that albeit this author Ambrosio Morales and other spanish writers do say that in the tyme of this king Ramiro the law of succession by propinquity in blood vvas so reuiued and strongly confirmed that as the kingdome of Spayne was made as Maiorasgo as he termeth it which is an inheritance so intayled and tyed only to the next in blood as ther is no possibility to alter the same and that frō this tyme forward the king alwayes caused his eldest sonne to be named king or Prince so euer to be sworne by the realme nobilitie yet shal vve find this ordinance and succession oftentymes to haue byn broken vppon seueral considerations as this author himselfe in that very chapter confesseth As for example after foure discents from this man vvhich were Don Ordonio the first this mans sonne and Don Alonso the third Don Garzia and Don Ordonio the second al fower kings by orderly succession it happened that in the yeare of christ 924. Don Ordonio the second dying left foure sonnes and one daughter lawfully begotten and yet the state of spayne displaced them al and gaue the kingdome to ther vncle Don Fruela second brother to there father Don Ordonio and morales sayeth that ther appeareth no other reason heerof but only for that these sonnes of the king disceased vvere yong and not so apt to gouerne vvel the realme as ther vncle was But after a yeares reigne this king Fruelae dyed also left diuers children at mans estate and then did the spaniards as much agaynst them as they had done for him before against the children of his elder brother
discended from king VVilliam the Cōqueror by his eldest daughter lady Cōstance as also by diuers other participations of the blood royal of Ingland as aftervvards vvil appeare Now then to come to the second daughter of king VVilliam the Conqueror or rather the third for that the first of al vvas a Nonne as before hath byn noted her name vvas Adela or Alis as hath bin saide and she vvas marryed in France to Stephen counte Palatin of Champagne Charters and Bloys by whom she had a sonne called also Stephen vvho by his grand mother was earle also of Bollayne in Picardie and after the death of his vncle king Henry of Ingland vvas by the fauour of the Inglish nobility and especially by the helpe of his owne brother the Lord Henry of Bloys that vvas Bishop of Winchester and iointly Abbot of Glastenbury made kinge of England and this both in respect that Mathilda daughter of king Henry the first was a woman and her sonne Henry duke of Anjou a very childe one degree farther of from the Conqueror and from kings Rufus then Stephen vvas as also for that this king Henry the first as hath bin signified before vvas iudged by many to haue entred vvrongfully vnto the crowne and therby to haue made both himselfe and his posterity incapable of succession by the violence vvhich he vsed against both his elder brother Robart and his nephew duke VVilliam that vvas sonne and heyte to Robert vvho by nature and law were bothe of them held for soueraintes to Iohn by those that fauored them and their pretentions But yet howsoeuer this were we see that the duke of Britany that liued at that day should euidently haue succeded before Stephen for that he was discended of the elder daughter of the Conqueror and Stephen of the yonger though Stephen by the commodity he had of the neernes of his porte and hauen of Bullayne vnto Ingland as the French stories do saye for Calys vvas of no importance at that tyme and by the frendship and familiarity he had gotten in Ingland during the raigne of his two vncles king Rufus and king Henry and especially by the help of his brother the Bishop and Abbot as hath bin said he gat the start of al the rest and the states of Ingland admitted him This man although he had two sonnes namely Eustachius duke of Normandy and William earle of Norfolk yet left they no issue And his daughter Marie was maried to mathew of Fladers of whom if any issue remaines it fell afterward vppon the house of Austria that succeded in those states To king Stephen who left no issue succeded by compositiō after much warre Henry duke of Aniou sonne and heyre to Mathilda before named daughter of Henry the first which Henry named afterward the second tooke to wife Elenor daughter and heyre of VVilliam duke of Aquitaine earle of Poytiers which Elenor had bin marryed before to the king of France Lewis the 7. and bare him two daughters but vppon dislike conceaued by the one against the other they were deuorced vnder pretēce of being within the fowerth degree of consanguinitye and so by second marriage Elenor vvas vvife to this said Henry who afterward was king of Ingland by name of K. Henry the fecōd that procured the deathe of Thomas Becket archebishope of Canterbury and vvas both before and after the greatest enimye that euer Lewis the king of France had in the vvorld and much the greater for his marriage by vvhich Henry vvas made far stronger for by this woman he came to be duke of al Aquitaine that is of Gascony and Guyene and earle of al the coūtrey of Poytiers wheras beforealso by his fathers inheritance he vvas duke both of Anjou Tourayne and Mayne by his mother Mathilda king Henries daughter of Ingland he came to be king of Ingland duke of Normandie and by his owne industry he gat also to be lord of Ireland as also to bring Scotland vnder his homage so as he enlarged the kingdome of Ingland most of any other king before or after him This king Henry the second as Stow reconteth had by Lady Elenor fyue sonnes and three daughters His eldest sonne vvas named VVilliam that dyed yonge his seconde vvas Henry vvhom he caused to be crowned in his owne life tyme vvherby he receaued much trouble but in the end this sonne died before his father without issue His third sonne vvas Richard surnamed for his valour Cor de leon who reigned after his father by the name of Richard the first and died vvithout issue in the yeare of Christ 1199. Hys fovverth sonne named Geffrey maried lady Constance daughter and heyre of Britanie as before hath bin said and dying left a sonne by her named Arthur which vvas duke of Britanie after him and pretended also to be king of Ingland but vvas put by it by his vncle Iohn that tooke him also prisoner and kept him so in the castel first of fallaise in Normandie and then in Roan vntil he caused him to be put to death or slew him vvith his owne hands as Frēch stories vvrite in the yeare 1204. This duke Arthur left behind him two sisters as Stow writeth in his chronicles but others write that it was but one and at least wise I fynde but one named by the french stories which vvas Elenor whom they saye king Iohn also caused to be muthered in Ingland a a litle before her brother the duke vvas put to death in Normandie and this was the end of the issue of Geffrey whose vvife Constance duchesse of Britanie marryed againe after this murther of her children vnto one Guy Vicond of Touars and had by him two daughters wherof the eldest named Alis was duchefse of Britanie by vvhome the race hath bin continued vnto our tyme. The fift sonne of king Henry the second was named Iohn who after the death of his brother Richard by help of his mother Elenor and of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury drawen therunto by his said mother gat to be king and put back his nephew Arthur vvhom king Richard before his departure to the war of the holy land had caused to be declared heyre apparent but Iohn preuayled and made away both nephew and Neece as before hath bin saide for which fact he vvas detested of many in the world abroade and in France by acte of parlament depriued of al the states he had in those partes Soone after also the pope gaue sentence of depriuation against him and his owne barons tooke armes to execute the sentence and finally they deposed both him and his yong sonne Henry being then but a child of 8. yeares old and this in the 18. yeare of his reigne and in the yeare of Christ 1215. and Levvis the 8. of that name prince at that tyme but afterward king of France was chosen king of Ingland sworne in Londō and
vvith the king of Castiles daughter and had by her a sonne called Denyse vvho reigned after him and his successors vnto this day al which succession of kinge Denyse his posteritie the said Queene mother would haue improued and shevved that it apperteyned to her by the said Raphe for this cause sent she to Portugal one lord Vrban bishop of Comince in Gasgonie to plead her cause vvhich cause of hers vvas quicklie reiected and only the forsaide fiue princes discended of king Emanuels children were admitted to tryal for the same which vvere Don Antonio sonne of lord Lewis the king Cardinals elder brother and king Phillip of Spayne sonne of lady Elizabeth the eldest sisteof t he said Cardinal and Philibert duke of Sauoy sonne of the lady Beatrix the same Cardinals yonger sister and the two duchesses of Parma and Bragansa named Mary and Catherine daughters of lord Edward yonger brother of the said Cardinal and yongest child of king Emanuel And for that the lady Mary duchesse of Parma vvhich vvas the elder of the tvvo daughters vvas dead before this controuersie fel out her eldest sonne lord Ranutio now duke of Parma pretended by her right to the said crowne And for that this matter vvas of so great importance euery parte procured to lay downe their reasons and declared their rightes in the best manner they could and such as could not be present themselues in Portugal sent thither their agentes Embassadors and Atturneys to plead their causes for them Don Antonio and the duchesse of Bragansa as inhabitants of that kingdome were present and declared their pretences namely Don Antonio by himselfe and for himselfe and the lady Mary of Bragansa by her husband the duke and his learned councel The prince of Parma sent thither for his parte one Ferdinande Farnese bishop of Parma The duke of Sauoy sent Charles of Rouere aftervvard made Cardinal The king of Spaine as the greatest pretender sent the lord Peter Gyrō duke of Osuna afterward Viceroy of Naples Syr Christopher de Mora knight of his chamber at that tyme but since of his priuye councel and lately made earle of Castel Rodrigo in Portugal of vvhich country he is natiue and besides these two a great lawyer named Roderigo Vasques made since as I heare saye lord President of Castil vvhich is as much almost as lord Chancelor vvith vs. Al these did lay forth before the king Cardinall their seueral reasons and pretensions to the succession of the crowne of Portugal for the fiue persons before mentioned whereof two vvere quickly excluded to wit the duke of Sauoy for that his mother was yonger sister to king Phillips mother and himselfe also of lesse age then the said king And secondly Don Antonio was also excluded by publike and iudicial sentence of the king Cardinal his vncle as illegitimate and borne out of lawful wedloke and albeit Dō Antonio denyed the same and went about to proue hym selfe legitimat affirming that his father the lord Lewis before his death had married with his mother in secret and for this brought forth some witnesses as namely his mothers sister with her husband and two others yet the king Cardinal affirmed that vppon examinatiō he had found them to be suborned vvhich he said vvas euident to him partly for that they agreed not in their speeches and partly for that some of them had confessed the same to wit that they were suborned vvhom he cast into prison and caused them to be punished and so sitting in iudgement accompained with fower bishopes and fower lawyers vvhō he had called to assist him in this cause he pronounced the same Don Antonio to be a bastard for vvhich the Authors that I haue read about this matter which are principally two the first named Hierom Franke a gentleman of Genua who wrote ten bookes in Italian of the vnion of the crowne of Portugal to the crowne of Castilia and the second is named Ioanes Antonius Viperanus a Sicilian as I take him who wrote one booke only in latine de obtenta Portugallia à rege Catholico Phillippo of Portugal gotte by king Phillip the Catholike both these bookes I say out of vvhom principally I haue taken the pointes which heere I wil touch do seuerally set downe the causes following vvhy the king Cardinal did reiect the pretence of Don Antonio before al other pretenders and pronounced him a bastard First for that he had byn euer so taken al the tyme of his fathers life and no man euer dowted therof or called the matter in question vntil now that himselfe denyed the same Secondly for that in the tyme of Iulius Tertius the Pope when certayne decres came out from Rome against the promotion of bastardes the same Dō Antonio sued to the said Pope to be dispensed with al in that case vvhich argueth that then he knew himselfe not legitimate Thirdly that his father the lord Lewis had often tymes both by word and writing testified the same that this Antonye vvas his bastard and had signified also so much in his last vvil testament Fourthly the said Cardinal as of himselfe also affirmed that if his brother the lord Lewis had euer dōne any such thinge as to marry this Woman who was but base in birth and of the Iewish race as these stories do affirme that it is like that he would haue made some of his owne frendes kynred acquainted therwith as a matter so much important for them to know but he neuer did though the said Cardinal auowed that himselfe was present vvith him at his death Fiftly he said that if Don Antonio had bin legitimate how happened that he did not pretend the succession before the Cardinal himselfe next after the death of king Sebastian seing that he vvas to haue gone before the said Cardinal by as good right as his other nephew Sebastian did if he had bin legitimate for that he vvas sonne also to the Cardinales elder brother as hath bin saide Sixtly lastly the said king Cardinal auowched against Don Antonio partly the disagreeing and partly the open confessing of the vvitnesses that they were suborned by him vppon al vvhich causes and considerations he proceeded to the iudicial sentence before alleaged Thus passed the matter in the case of Don Antonio vvho if he had bin legitimate no doubt but by al right he should haue bin preferred before al the other pretenders to the crowne of Portugal and must be at this day towards the crowne of Ingland before al those that pretend of the house of Portugal if vve graunt him to be legitimate and much more clearly may he pretend to the dukedome of Lancaster as before hath bin declared for that it must discend to the lawful heyre of lady Phillip Queene of Portugall wherof enseweth also one consideration not impertinent to vs in Ingland that seing we hold him there for true king of Portugal I see not
damnably as the Apostle here saith vvho committeth any thing against his owne conscience though otherwise the thing vvere not only indifferent but very good also in it selfe for that of the doers part ther vvanteth no malice or wil to sinne seing he doth that which he apprehendeth to be naught though in it selfe it be not And now to apply al this to our purpose for Ingland and for the matter we haue in hand I affirme and hold that for any man to giue his helpe consent or assistance towards the making of a king whom he iudgeth or beleueth to be faultie in religion consequently would aduance either no religion or the wrong if he were in authority is a most greuous and damnable sinne to him that doth it of what side soeuer the truth be or how good or bad so euer the party be that is preferred For if S. Paul haue pronounced so absolutely and playnly in the place before alleaged that euen in eating of a peece of meat it is damnable for a man to discerne and yet to eate what may we thinke wil it be in so great and important a matter as the making of a king is for a man to dissemble or do against his owne conscience iudgmēt that is to say to discerne and iudge that he is an infidel or heritique or wicked mā or A theist or erronens in religion and yet to further his aduancement and gouerment ouer christians wher he shal be able to peruert infinite and to pull downe al honor seruice dew vnto God and vvhether he do this euel afterwards or not yet shal I be guyltie of al this for that knowing and persuading my selfe that he is like or in disposition to do it yet for feare flattery carelesnes kinred emulation against others vaine pretence of title lacke of zeale to gods cause or for other the like passions or temporal respects I do fauour further or sooth him in his pretēces or do not resist him when it lyeth in my power by al vvhich I do iustly make my felfe guyltie of al the euills hurts miseries and calamities both temporal and spiritual vvhich afterward by his euel gouerment do or may ensew for that I knowing him to be such a one did notwithstanding assist his promotion And thus much now for matter of cōscience but if we consider reason of state also and wordly pollicie it can not be but great folly ouersight for a man of what religion soeuer he be to promote to a kingdome in which himselfe must liue one of a contrary religion to himselfe for let the bargaines and agreements be vvhat they wil and fayre promises vayne hopes neuer so great yet seing the prince once made and setled must needes proceede according to the principles of his owne religion it followeth also that he must come quickly to break with the other party though before he loued hym neuer so vvel which yet perhapps is very hard if not impossible for tvvo of different religions to loue sincerly but if it vvere so yet so many ielosies suspitions accusations calumniations and other auersions must needes light vppon the party that is of different religion from the state and Prince vnder whom he liueth as not only he cānot be capable of such preferments honors charges gouerments and the like which men may deserue and desyer in their commō wealthes but also he shal be in continual danger and subiect to a thousand molestations and iniuries which are incident to the condition and state of him that is not currant whith the course of his prince and realme in matters of religion and so before he beware he becommeth to be accompted an enimye or backward man which to remedy he must ether dissemble deeply and against his owne conscience make shew to fauour and set forward that vvhich in his hart he doth detest vvhich is the greatest calamitie misery of al other though yet many tymes not sufficient to deliuer him from suspition or els to auoyd this euerlasting perdition he must break withal the temporal commodityes of this life and leaue the benifits which his countrey and realme might yeld him and this is the ordinary end of al such men how soft sweet soeuer the beginnings be And therfore to conclude at length al this tedious speech vvherwith I feare me I haue wearied you against my wil seeing ther be so great inconueniences and dangers both temporal and eternal and in respect both of God and man of body and soule as hathe bin declared to aduance a prince of contrary religion to the crowne and cōsidering that in Ingland ther is so great diuersitie of religions as the world knoweth betweene these parties and factions that haue to pretende or admitt the next prince after her Maiestie that now is calling to mynd also the great liberty scope and authority which the common vvealth hath in admitting or reiecting the pretenders vpon dew considerations be ther right of succession neuer so playne or cleare as before hath bin shewed and laying finally before our eyes the manifold and different actes of christiam realmes before mentioned in this affaire al thes things I say being layd together you may see whether I had reason at the beginning to thinke and affirme that it was a doubtful case who should be our next prince after the Queenes Maiestie that now sitteth at the sterne and if beyond and aboue al this that I haue said our frend the common lawyer heere present shal proue also as at the first enterance he promised that amōg such as do or may pretend of the blood royal at this daye their true succession and next propinquity by birth is also incertayne and disputable then is the matter made ther-by much more ambigious and God only knowhwho shal preuaile and to him only is the matter to be commended as far as I see and vvith this I make an ende thanking you most harrely for your patience and crauing pardon for that I haue bin ouer long or for any other fault that in this speach I haue committed FINIS THE PREFACE OF THE SECOND PARTE THE Ciuilian had no sooner ended his discourse but al the company being most desirous to here what the temporal lawyer had prepared to say about the seueral titles of the present pretendors to the crowne of Ingland began with one accord to request him earnestly for the performance of his promised speach in that behalfe who shewing himselfe nether vnwilling nor vnready for the same told them that he was content to yeald to their desyers but yet with one condition which was that he would take in hand this matter with the same asseueration and protestation with the Ciuilian in some occasions had vsed before him and it liked him wel to wit that hauing to speak in this discourse of many princes peeres and nobles of the royal blood of Ingland to al which by law of nature equity and reason
no more preferment then that common vvealth and state can giue and if their should be many vvorthy men borne their at one tyme then were this his condition vvoorse for then must he part also vvith other men though their were not sufficient for himselfe and the most he could aspire vnto if he vvere an ecclesiastical man were the greatest benefice within that state and on the other side if he vvere a temporal man he could not hope for much for that the state hath it not to bestow but an other that is borne vnder a great monarch as is the king of France or Spayne in these our dayes that hath so many great bishoprickes for example sake and other spiritual lyuings to 〈◊〉 vppon the cleargie and so many high gouerments and employments both of vvarr and peace to giue vnto temporal men that can deserue the same this man I say hath a great aduantage of the other in respect of preferment at this day but much more was it in old tyme to be borne vnder the Romā Empire when it had the preferments of al the vvorld to bestow for that euery subiect therof vvas capable of al the said preferments so far fourth as he could make himself vvorthy and deserue the same For better explicatiō of vvhich point yet I haue thought good to cite in this place the woordes of a certaine learned kinght that in our dayes hath written the liues of al the Roman Emperors and in the life of one of them that vvas an excellent gouernour named Antoninus Pius the said kinght hath this discourse ensuinge Their vvas in this mans gouerment said he great contentment and ioye on al hands great peace and quietnes and very great iustice and truly it is a thing vvoorthy in this place to be considered what vvas the humane power and how infinite the forces of the Roman Empire at this day and how great vvas the libertie quietnes securitie welth and contentment of the subiects that liued vnder that gouerment when good Princes had the menagingetherof as vvas this Antoninus and his sonne Aurelius that followed him and as vvere Adrian Traian and diuers others What a thing was it to see their courtes frequented freely by al the noble valiant and lerned men of the vvorld to see the vnion and frendly dealing of different nations together when al serued one Prince so as a man might haue gone ouer the vvhole vvorld or most and beste partes therof vvith al security and without al feare al nations and countreyes being their frends neyghbours or subiects nether vvas their neede at that tyme of any pasports or safeconductes not ofso often change of coyne to trauaile as nowe their is nether yet were their new lawes euery foote as now be founde in different countryes neither vvas their danger of enimies or to be taken prisoners and captiues nor could any malefactor do a mischief in one country and flie into an other ther-by to be free from punishment and he that was borne in the very Orcades or furthest parte of Europe was at home thoughe he vvere in Africa or Asia as free denizen as if he had bin borne their marchants also might passe at that daye from country to country vvith their marchandize vvithout particuler licences or feare of forfeits and finally the temporal state of a subject vvas vvonderful happy at that tyme. Thus far discourseth that learned knight no doubt but that his discourse and consideration is founded in great reason and he that vvil leaue at this day the many commodities of being vnder a great and potent Prince if it lye in his owne hands to chuse for this only circumstance rhat he is not borne in the same country vvith him is a man of smale judgment and capacitye in these mens opinion and measureth matters of publique vtility vvith a false vvaight of fond affection And thus much may be sayd of the first waye of being vnder strangers and forayne gouerment which is that which vulgar men do most abhorre and inueigh against to vvit to be vnder a forraine Prince that liueth absent and ruleth by his gouernours But besides this their is an other manner of being vnder a forraine Prince as vvhen an allien Prince cometh to dwel among vs and this by either of two vvayes to vvit that either this Prince cometh without forces as did king Stephen and king Henry the second that were frenchmen as hath bin saide and came to liue and gouerne in Ingland but vvithout external forces and as king Phillip of Spayne came afterwards when by marriage of Queene Mary he became king of Ingland and as the last king Henry the third of France vvent into Polonia by the free election and inuitation of that nation and as his brother Monsieur Francis duke of Alenson should haue entred aftervvard to haue bin king of Ingland if the marriage pretended betweene her maiestie and him had gone forvvard and taken effect as many thought once that it should This I say is one way and an other is that this Prince do bring forces vvith him for his owne assurance and these either present as the Danish kings Sweno Canutus Haraldus and Hardicanutus did and as after them the Norman Princes also vsed I meane not only William Conqueror himselfe but also his two sonnes Williā Rufus and Henry the first who either by help of the Normans al ready in Ingland or by others brought in by them afterward vvrought their vvil or els that this Prince so entring haue foraine forces so at hand as he may call and vse them vvhen he vvil for that they haue no sea to passe vvhich is the case of the king of Scotts of both these waies these men do giue their sentence distinctly For as concerning the former vvay vvhen a forraine Prince entereth vvithout any forces atal and with intention to liue among vs they hold that their is no danger nor yet any incōuenience can iustly be feared for that in this case he subiecteth himselfe rather to the realme and nation then they to him and if he liue and marry in Ingland both himselfe and his children wil become Inglish in a little space And for his owne assurance he must be inforced to fauour and cherish and make much of the Inglish nation and be liberal gentle and frendly to al for gaining their good willes and frendship And in one very great and important pointe his condicion is different and better for the Inglish then any Inglish kings can be which is that he entreth vvith indifferent mynde towards al men hath no kynred or alliance within the land to whom he is bounde nor enimye against whom he maye be inticed to vse cruelty so as only merit or demerit of each mā must moue him to fauour or disfauour which is a great foundatiō say these men of good and equal gouerment Agayne they say that in respect of the state present of Ingland and as
therof but rather of Arbella whom the Lord Treasoreris sayd especially to fauour at this present though for himselfe it be held somvvhat doubtful whether he be more fast to the protestant or to the puritan but if the protestant partye should be deuided then their forces wil be the lesse The authority of her maiestie is that which at this present ouer beareth al whē that shal fayle no man knoweth what the euent vvilbe for that now mens hartes are hardly descerned There forrayne frends and allies are of good number especially if the king of France proceed well in his affayres and do not in deede change his religion as he pretendeth that he wil but yet if the puritan do stande against them he is like to pull much from them both in France and Holland and as for Scotland it must needes be agaynst them both and this in respect of his owne pretence except the same be fauoured by them I meane by these two factions in Ingland which is hardly thought that any of them both wil do for the reasons before alleaged though some more hope may be that way of the puritan then of the protestant by reason of the said kings neernes to them in religion The puritan is more generally fauoured through-out the realme with al those vvhich are not of the Roman religion then is the protestant vppon a certayne general perswasion that his profession is the more perfect especially in great townes where preachers haue made more impression in the artificers and burgesses then in the country people And among the protestants themselues al those that are lesse interessed in Ecclesiastical liuings or other preferments depending of the state are more affected commonly to the puritans or easily are to be induced to passe that way for the same reason The person most fauoured by the puritans hitherto in common voice and opinion of men hath bin the earle of Huntington some speech of late of some diminution therin and that the Lord Beacham since his marriage hath entred more in affection with them The king of Scotts no doubt if he were not a strainger and had not the difficulties before mentioned were for his religion also very plausible I do not heare that the earle of Darby or his mother is much forward with these or with the protestant though of the later sort some are snpposed to vvish them vvell The frendes allies of the puritan abroade are the same that are of the Protestant to wit those of Holland and Zealand and such townes of France as follow the new king and ioyntly haue chainged their religion which are not many for that his greatest forces are yet those of the Roman Religion but yet if the sayd king preuaile and perseuer in his religion which of late as I haue sayde is called in doubt by his often protestations to the contrary and open going to masse then wil he be able to giue good assistance thoughe both these countryes I meane both Holland and France are liker in some mens opinions to assist the puritan then the protestant if the matter come in difference betweene them for that in truth they are more conforme to the puritan religion And as for the German citties that kepe yet and follow the particuler forme of Luther in religion they are like to do little for either partye both for their difference from both partyes in religion and for that they are poore for the most part and not actiue nor prouided to giue succur abroad except they be drawne thervnto by force of money The Puritan parte at home in Ingland is thought to be most vigorouse of any other that is to say most ardent quick bold resolute and to haue a great part of the best Captaines and souldiers on their side which is a pointe of no smal moment Greatly wil import among other poyntes which waye inclineth the cittye of London with the tower wherof the puritan as is sayde wanteth not his probability as neither doth he of some good part if not more of the nauy to be at his deuotion which point perhapps at that day vvilbe of as greate consequence as any thing els so much of him The third body of religion which are those of the Roman who cal thēselues Catholiques is the least in shew at this present by reason of the lawes and tydes of the tyme that runne agaynst them but yet are they of no smal consideration in this affaire to him that weigheth thinges indifferently and this in respect as wel of their partye at home as of their frends abroade for at home they being of two sortes as the vvorld knoweth the one more open that discouer themselues which are the recusants and the other more close and priuy that accommodate themselues to al external proceedings of the tyme and state so as they cannot be knowne or at least wise not much touched we may imagine that their nūber is not smal throughout the realme and this partly for the reason I mentioned before in that the most part of the country people that liue out of cittyes and great townes in which the greatest part of Inglish forces are wont to consist are much affected ordinarily to their religion by reason that preachers of the contrarie religion are not so frequent with them as in townes and partly also for that with these kinde of men as with them that are most afflicted and held downe at this tyme by the present state many other do ioyne as the manner is omnes qui amaro animo sunt cum illis se coniungunt as the scripture sayd of those that followed Dauids retinew pursued by Saul and his forces which is to say that al that be offended greued or any way discontented with the present tyme be they of what religion soeuer do easely ioyne with these men according to the old saying Solatium est miseris socios habere miseriae besides that their is euer lightly a certaine natural cōpassion that followeth in men towards those that are thought to suffer or be pursued and this oftentymes in the very enimye himselfe and then of compassion springeth as you know affection and of affection desire to helpe as contrary wise do rise commonly the contrary effects to vvitt emulation enuy and indignation against the prosperity of him that pursueth and is in prosperitie And for that in so great and populous a realme and large a gouerment as this of her maiestie hath byn there cannot want to be many of these kinde of discōtented mē asalso for that naturally many are desirous of changes it cannot be supposed but that the number of this sorte is great which maketh this party far the bigger Moreouer it is noted that the much dealing with these men or rather against them this especially in matters of their religion for these later yeares past hath much stirred them vp as also the like is to be