was much afraid that as soon as Selino should be rid of civil Wars he would turn himself against the Christâ—an Kâ—ngs and be the cause of much mischief Which mischiefs though they were fore-seen by all men yet not any one appear'd to provide for the common safety Wherefore the Venetians though the greatness of the Ottoman Empâ—re did more molest them then others yet suffering under many adverse Fortunes and weakened by many Wars and knowing that they could neither extinguish nor lessen his Power they thought it their best course to keep him their Friend and to accommodate themselves to the times Therefore Aâ—tonio Giustiniano was chosen to be sent Embassadour to Selino who wâ—â— in name oâ— the Common-wealth to congratulate his accession to the Empiâ—e and also to ratifie their ancient Friendship with the Ottâ—mâ—n House and to establish Peace The Venetian Embassadour was received with great Honour and alacrity by Selino in the City of Andrinopoli where he and his Army winter'd Selino knew he could no ways better secure his Dominions in Europe then by Peace at this time when he was to pass armed into Asia to oppose his brother Achomate and by suppressing him to end the War Achomate was fled to Armenia the Leâ—s where bewailing his Fortune and desiring aid of the Neighbouring Kings he had got together a good number of men being assisted and succour'd by many and especially by Hysmae Sofi Kâ—ng gf Persia who had sent many Troops of Persian Horse into Achomates Camp by which Forces being enheartned he had already taken many Towns in Capad câ—a and hastned to assault Selino who was not yet very well provided to resist him Therefore Selino finding that offer'd him which he did so much desire he willingly embraced the Venetians Friendship promising to keep it always inviolably Thus the Peace was renewed and established almost upon the same terms that formerly it was made with Bajaset Herein regard was had to contract such an Amity and good Intelligence on both sides as not only the States â—f both Princes should be free and secure from War to be made bâ— eâ—ther of them against the other but that the Venetian and Turkish Subjects who â—ad traffique much at that time in eithers Iurisdiction might have free and safe Commerce and also that safe Harbour might be permitâ—ed to the ships of bâ—th parties in all their Countries and that their Navigation by Sea should not be hindered The Venetians reape much advantage by the frequency of Merchants who do bring in and export great store of Merchandize into Venice where for this their Interest they procure that people of all Nations may inhabit safely there and exercise Commerce Giustiniano having agreed thus upon all things he return'd for Venice And Selino sent his Embassador Alembâ—i along with him to the end that what had been concluded by the Embassadour might be confirm'd by the word of the Prince He also gave credential Letters to Alembei to present unto the Senate wherein highly magniâ—ying his own Power according to the usance of that Nation he exhorted the Venetians to keep Friendship with him which he promised should on his side remain firm and inviolablâ— for ever The Turkish Embassadour being come into the Senate House Duke Loredano did before him in his own Name and in the Name of the whole Common-wealth swear to observe whatsoever Giustiniano had concluded and agreed upon Selino free from fear of any War in Europe since he had made Peace with the Venetians and renewed League with the Kings of Poland and Hungary having speedily muster'd as many Horse and Foot as he could march'd towards Amasia to suppress Achomate before he grew too strong Fortune favour'd his Designs for Achomate whilst he made too much haste and rashly put himself upon the event of Battle with but half his men was routed in fight his Army made to run and he himself by Selilino's Commandment was slain After whose death all Asia the less fell without any dispute into Selino's hands who grew so proud by this good success as he began to promise unto himself already the Government of the whole world And having ended all civil Dissentions by the death of almost all his kindred of the Ottoman Family and being become sole lord of all the strength and riches of that Empire he thought he should meet with less difficulty in all other things His mind was chiefly set upon Italy thinking he might easily subjugate it since it was very weak and much wasted by long Wars He was hereunto likewise sollicited by Maximillian the Emperour who for many years past had left nothing untry'd whereby to plot the Venetians ruine He shew'd him how opportune a time it was to make this War since Selino might assault the Venetians in their Maritime parts whilst he himself molested them by Land and kept their Forces busied elsewhere But it does not appear with what Preparations of War or against what State more particularly the Turks designed this Enterprise It is most certain that Maximillian had sent his Embassadours to this purpose to Constantinople and that his Embassage being heard many Mariners were listed old Gallies were new calked and new ones built and Order was taken for all things belonging to a great Maritime War These things were done in the Winter but the next Spring News came to Constantinople that Amurate son to the late Achomate who was not present at the Battle unfortunately fought by his Father and who was the only Surviver of Bajazets Race being fled into Persia was unexpectedly entred Capadocia with many Horse and Foot laying the Country waste and had what by Force what by fear reduced many Towns of that Province into his Power At which Selino was the more troubled because he knew the Sophy King of Persia was the chief occasion of this and of the other troubles which he had formerly received from his brother Achomate whose Fame being very great both for extent of Empire and Glory of War Selino though his own Dignity reproached and lessened if he should any longer suffer such Injuries to go unreveng'd Wherefore quitting all other thoughts he resolved to go for Asia with all those men and that Preparation for War which he had formerly intended for Europe Which as is confess'd by all fell out very happily for the Princes of Christendome since just then when the War was hottest amongst them this powerful Prince whose Enmity threatned great danger to their States was inforced to forbear those his designs being busied in other War By reason of these Selino's Prosperities and for the immoderate desire of rule which was seen to be in him Pope Leo began to be not a little troubled he thought it became him and his place to imploy all his power and diligence to keep these potent and formidable Barbarians from growing more powerful who were already so much increased both in all things belonging to the War and in the extent of Empire through
as God did now lay before him to preserve the faithfull Musselmans to molest their enemies and to make way for noble and glorious atchievments But Piâ—li and Mustafa Bashaw endeavoured the contrary with much fervency and with the same reasons but applyed otherwise who not onely out of envy to Mehemet but as his declared enemies the former having by his means been deprived of the dignity of Bashaw del Mare and the latter's life much endangered by severall imputations whilst he was Governour of Cairo did alwaies oppose Mehemets designes and counsells and they appeared the more zealous herein for that knowing they advised that whereunto their Lord was much enclined they hoped to wind into his favour and to deprive him thereof who advised the contrary by applauding his resolution To this was added That if the businesse of Cyprus should be pitched upon according to their opinions and perswasions Piali hoped to be restored to his former honour and to be Governour of the Fleet and Mustafa hoped to have the chief employment by land so as upon any happy successe they might each of them regain their former reputation and authority These men sometimes considering the advantage sometimes the easinesse of this enterprise and oft-times mixing the consideration of Religion with these concernments of State shewed How that the Venetians forces were of themselves weak and that what assistance they might receive from other Christian Princes was by example known to be uncertain and fallacious That the Island of Cyprus by reason of its far distance from Venice was hard to be garrisoned or succoured very convenient to be assaulted by them by its lying so near their Countries That it was a rich and noble Kingdom commodiously seated for their other Territories and so as it might secure the navigation upon those Seas to the subjects of the Ottaman Empire which so great an Emperour as he ought the rather to take into his care for that not onely in derision of his dignity but to the hainous scandall of Religion and of the name of Musselman the voyage to the Mecca was impeded the Pilgrims being miserably made prisoners by the western Pirats who had safe harbour in that Island And that as this war was of it self holy so it might be made the more meritorious by applying the rich revenues of this new acquisition to the use of the magnificent Temple which Selino caused to be built in Andrenopolis They moreover opposed Mehemet 's opinion very strongly and the Spanish enterprise urging the difficulty of carrying so numerous a Fleet into so far distant Countries to what dangers it would be exposed sailing through places where there were no Havens through the enemies Rivers and then how long it would be before the war could be begun what alterations time might afford how vain those hopes use to prove which are grounded upon popular insurrections without the groundwork of reall forces How craggy and mountainous those parts were and naturally apt to hinder any considerable progresse of any power how great soever Selino listned the more willingly to what these men said for that it was conformable to his own sense and on the other side Mehemet's allegations were of lesse authority for he being known to be very wary nay rather timorous sometimes in his advices he was thought to act according to his own inclinations when he was against making any war without necessity and now when he was for the enterprise of Spain wherein there wanted not much difficulty he seemed to do not onely what was contradictory to reason but contrary to his own nature Selino proceeded therefore herein with great respect and temper and at last meeting with no more opposition he resolved upon the enterprise of Cyprus saying He would be himself in person in it And he was so affectionate and so constant in this resolution as all men believed he would have begun this War the very first year of his Empire had he not been detained by other impediments for he found the Empire much exhausted of many things by reason of the continuall Wars made by Soliman and especially in the last enterprises of Malta and Sighet wherein many men were consumed and the Fleet was also almost unfurnished of all things so as it was necessary to refresh the Forces and to recruit the Navy by time and rest The Bashaw of Caffa being put upon it as it was thought by Mehemet to imploy the Grand Signior in other affairs had put him in minde that by cutting a neck of Land about some eighteen miles over in a place called Asdragan which was possest by the Russians two great and famous Rivers might be joyn'd together the Tanai and the Volga whereby severall Navigations would be much accommodated and the fishing of the Tanai would be bettered to the great and assured advantage of his Highnesse Imposts and with hopes of greater things for thereby an easie Navigation would be opened to Mare Maiore whereinto the Tanai falls and to the Caspian Sea whereinto the Volga doth disgorge her selfe so as Armies might upon any occasion be easily led into Persia. For the which many men being assembled and much indeavour being had the Muscovites through whose Country the Cut was to be made did not onely raise many Horse to disturbe the worke but the King of Persia hearing thereof and considering as it was true that by leaving this way open to his Territories they were bereft of a great security by reason of the difficulties of the deserts and by the length of the march which the Armies meet withall which come to assault them he began to multiply his men who were upon his confines and gave Selino just occasion to suspect that these things being discovered he would not ratifie the peace and confederacy which he had made with his Father Soliman Nor was the rising of the Arabians to be slighted who had possest themselves of much Territories about the River of Giemen tane the City Aden and indeavoured to make themselves Masters of the Mecca and giving out that they held intelligence with the Portuguesse made greater proceedings be apprehended But these rumours of the Arabians being at last appeased and the King of Persia having sent Letters that he would continue his friendship and former confederacy and together with them which made them be the better credited notice being given by the Bashaw of Ersirun that all things were peacefull upon the confines of Persia Selino thought that being free from all impediments and having already made much provision for War he ought not now defer it any longer and the rather for that he seemed to be invited to hasten the enterprise by two sad accidents which hapned this year which did much incommodiate the Venetians but not so much as it was thought The one was that there was so great a scarcity of all sorts of Grain this year throughout almost all Italy as there was great want found thereof in the City of Venice
Venetians did again assault Italy with yet a greater preparation for war and won one of her most fruitful Provinces and which did most abound in Inhabitants and goodly Cities having driven the Family of the Sforza's out of it And soon after having a mind to be Master of all Italy calling in the Spaniards to assist him he together with them possest himself of the Kingdom of Naples Great contention arose between these two Potent Kings of France and Spain about the division thereof and Italy being made the Seat of war they often fought with various success and keeping themselves out of danger ruined the Countries of other men with sword and fire In these troublesome times whilst Italy was full almost in all her ports of Foreign Armies and troubled with various successes of war the Affairs of the Venetians went peacefully and prosperously on for Fortune not having as yet begun to frown upon them and they having accomodated the differences between them and Bajazet the Emperour of the Turks with whom before they had made war and put all their Maritime parts into a peaceful condition they turned their thoughts upon their Land Militia and to their Dominion on Terra firma and did with all diligence study how to increase their Forces and their Empire that their Common-wealth might be able when occasion should require to resist forreign Forces The Dignity and Fame of the City of Venice was hereupon so much increased as it now held the first place for Authority and Power in all Italy and by common consent all differences were referred to her there was not any one who intended to attempt any thing upon Italy who did not chiefly indeavor to have the Venetians for their Friends and Confederates Thus Maximillian of Austrea King of the Romans Elect Emperor of the West desirous to come into Italy to receive the Ensigns of Empire according to the customes of his Predecessors and to restore Italy to her Liberty by freeing her from the severe slavery of the French and to reduce her under the civil Germane Empire endeavored very much to win the Venetians to join their Forces with his or at least not to have them his Adversâ—ries But the Senate of Venice not willing to make more way for the barbarous Nations to ruine Italy whereby she might draw upon her the hatred of all her Neighbour Princes resolved not to forego the friendship which she had contracted with the French but to oppose the Emperour Maximillian if he should come into Italy in a war-like posture Hereupon arose war between them which hapned succesfully for the Venetians entring with greater Forces into the Emperours Confines took from him some Castles which belonged to the Patremony of the House of Austrea and joyned them to their Empire The other Princes did very much envy the prosperity of the Venetians where power being become so formidable they thought fit to suppress wherefore allmost all the Kings and Princes of Europe conspired against her and proclaimed war against Venice Lodowick King of France being the chief Author thereof who was obliged to the Common-wealth by many ancient and modern good Offices wherefore she thought she might very much confide in his Friendship As soon as this unexpected news came to Venice the Senators not shewing any sign of fear of this so great and dreadful War but being resolved to meet the Enemies Forces left nothing undone which might make for their defence and which might be done by Advice Gallantry and Force of Arms. But now they must give way to adverse Times the Common-wealths Army did unfortunately fight the Enemy upon the Banks of the River Ada and after the bad success of this Battel as if the Common-wealth had received a fatal blow out of a sudden dispair she freed the Noblest Cities of her Dominions from their former Oaths and gave them leave to submit unto the Enemy So as falling on a sudden from the hight of Happiness into great misery she was a great Example of the variety of humane Affairs Yet soon after the Senators resuming courage began to Rally their dispersed Forces to raise more Forces wherewith in a short time the Enemies Forces being separated and they having gotten some of the Enemies to joyn with them against their own confederates they revenged themselves of the French who were the first occasioners of their Calamity and drove them out of Italy and did likewise recover and defend many of their Noblest Cities and Castles by which success growing higher in their hopes they oft times refused peace when it was offered them being resolved either to obtain such conditions as whereby they might recover their ancient State or else put themselves again upon the utmost dangers of war Wherefore all men said that even in the obscurity of so much adverse fortune some light did yet remain of the antient Glory of Italy and of the Venetian vertue in the perpetual constancy of that Senate and in their generous invincible fortitude of Spirit The Venetians oft times when they were worsted treated with their Enemies which had overcome them as if they were to give not to receive Laws demanding restitution of whatsoever was theirs before the war began before they would lay down Arms. They had by this time recovered the Cities of Padua Trevigi Vicenza Crema and besides these the Towns in Freuli and the Cities of Feltre and Belluno submitted to the Venetian Empire but Verona was still in Maximillians hands the 〈◊〉 of Naples held Brescia whereinto he powered a great many Spaniards and the Switzers having won Cremona held it in the name of Maximillian Sforza Ferdinand King of Spain possesed the Towns and Havens of Puglia which formerly belonged to the Common-wealth having restored them to the Kingdom of Naples as Members thereof And the Castles of Romagnia which were won by Pope Iulius were by him annext to the Ecclesiastical State The Common-wealth was not then upon any good terms with the Pope nor with the King of Spain though not long before she had entered into League and Friendship with them Not with the one because he did favour Caesar too much and not with the other because contrary to Articles he detained the City of Brescia which appertained to her The Switzers friendship was greatly suspected though they professed adherence to the Common-wealth as well by reason of their ancient repute of not being over faithful as also for the new success of Cremona But she profest open enmity to Lodowick King of France and the time of League made for some Months with the Emperour Maximillian was expired all Treaties of peace between him and the Venetians having always proved vain out of their constant resolution to recover and the like in him not to quit Verona This was the Condition of the Times and of the State of Venice When in the beginning of the year 1513. counting from the Birth of Christ and 1092. from the building of Venice Leonardo Loredano being then
Duke which is the highest degree of the Common-wealth there began some appearance of peace and quiet after so many troubles for the French who had been the beginners of the late Calamities were already driven out of Italy and had the Mountains given them for the bounders of their Empire and together with them it was thought that the sink of all other mischiefs was thrown out It was to be conceived by no improbable Arguments that Peace would be acceptable to all those who had any Dominion in Italy Caesar was not thought to be able of himself to make good the War having no hope of assistance from the French and invironed with many necessities wherefore it was likely that he would give way to some agreement nor were the Venetians averse unto it being now by the continual troubles of so many sore wars invited to rest The Pope who had wont to boast that he by Counsels had freed Italy from the slavery of the French it might with reason be thought that nothing could be more desired by him then this That since he had much inlarged the Churches Dominions and re-invested the Duke of Millan in his State the Affairs of Italy might begin to be in a better condition by injoying peace And it was very manifest that Ferdinand King of Spain was to desire peace more then the rest This wise Prince knew that it was by Peace that he was to confirm himself in his new possession of Naples and by his own industry or other mens negligence increase his Force and Reputation therefore under appearance of the Common good but indeed minding more his own advantage he had oftentimes sent Embassadours to Caesar and to the Venetians labouring to compound their differences But hardly did this light begin to appear out of cloudy by-gone-times when suddenly it vanished Some seeds of the former mischiefs remained yet in Italy for the strong astles of Genua Millan and Cremona held still for the King of France and many factious men began to desire Novelties and to the terror of all men news was spread abroad of new stirrings in France which as it was believed would suddenly break forth into open war Lodowick did greatly desire to recover the State of Millan and his ancient Reputation and he was much the more incited by the discord of the Colleague Princes hoping that he might easily divide them and get some of them to joyn with him when he should send his Army into Italy He therefore sometimes egg'd on Caesar to war against the Venetians and sometimes the Venetians against Caesar. He offered all his Forces to each of them he propounded great rewards of Victory he made himself appear to them to be in a condition of joyning with any one of them when the other should undervalue his Friendship Moreover to the end that a more firm and inviolable agreement might be made between them he promised Caesar to give him his Daughter Renea for wife to his Nephew Charls or else to his Nephew Ferdinand and to give with her for Portion the State of Millan when it should be regaind by their joynt Forces The Pope was hereat greatly troubled for he saw that great dangers were threatned to Italy by the power of the French which he did no less hate then fear but he was much in doubt which side he should favour If he should lean to Caesar he feared least the Venetians having no hopes of peace should have recourse to the friendship of the French and should endeavour to secure themselves by their Forces so as he should lose all that Glory which during all the time of his being Pope he had so much laboured after And on the contrary if he should lose Caesar by assisting the Venetians he thought he had not sufficiently provided for all dangers and being very jealous he perswaded himself it might easily happen that Caesar siding with the Council at Pisa which the King of France had long before set up against him and which was at this time removed to Lions his Glory and Dignity might be exposed to great danger But a fervent desire to get the City of Ferrara did most of all prevail with the Pope in making him alter his first resolution of assisting the Venetians Rejecting therefore at the last all things which might perswade him to the contrary he resolved to be govern'd by Caesars Interest and whereas formerly he had wont with great dexterity and humanity to exhort the Venetians to Peace he began now to threaten them severely if they did not accept thereof upon whatsoever severe condions as soon as it should be propounded Whereby he hoped to induce Caesar to give over the defence of Ferrara which losing his assistance must needs fall into his hands But the Venetians being certainly advertised by their Embassadour Francisco Foscari of these the Popes new inventions began to listen to the reasons which had been many times before urged by Andrea Gritti of joyning in League with the French This Andrea being taken Prisoner in Brescia and afterwards carried into France was for his wisdom good behaviour and affability very well esteemed of by all men and especially by the King and kept with great respect and honour so as he now convers'd and treated in the Court much liker an Embassadour of his Country than a Prisoner the Venetians thought it an unworthy thing and not to be endured that their prosperous Success in War against the French had brought them no advantage by reason of the great Injury that was done them by their Friends and Confederates who notwithstanding would have it believed that they had undertaken that War chiefly for the Venetians good and that their Common-wealth might flourish again By which appearances the Venetians being nourisht in hopes they were the cause why they willingly continued the War underwent much labour and danger not sparing for expences but as soon as the French had a way made them for the League Constanso Ferrario was suddenly sent to Venice to negotiate it not without the Kings consent and knowledg This man brought Letters with him to the Senate from Giovanni Giacopo Trinusio one who was then in great Authority with the King wherein he appeared to be very well inclined to the Common-wealth and then shewing the reason which had moved him to send this his Servant of purpose to them left the whole Authority of negotiating and concluding the business to him that it might be the more closely carried this business of Treaty touching the League with Ferrario was committed to Antonio Iustiniano one of the prime Senators and who was then in great esteem for his Wisedom These after divers meetings agreed that some things being altered which the condition of the times did require those capitulations should continue which were made some years before when the Venetians joyn'd in League with the French against the Sforza's Gritti was made acquainted with all this and was desired that he should by all means
sooner and the more easily and that he might therewithal revenge the injuries which he thought he had received from Charls Philibert Duke of Savoy he thought to enter his State in hostile manner and to possess himself of his Towns The King was ill satisfied with the Duke for divers reasons because he would not restore unto him the Towns of Nice and Villa Franca which were formerly pawn'd by the Kings of France to the Dukes his predecessors because he would not consent being often desired that the pretensions which the said King had to the Dukedom by his Mother Madam Lodouica sister to the Duke might be argued by Law but chiefly because the Duke adhering too much to his wife who was sister to Iohn King of Portugal and Isabella wife to Charls the Emperour appeared in all things too partial to his wives brother It was hereby seen that the next year 1536. would prove remarkable by reason of the discords between these great Princes which must prove the original of great evils The beginning of this year the King made the Admiral of France Philip Chabotte Captain General of his Army and sent him to assault Piamont where finding the Country but badly provided for defence he took Turin Fossano and Pinniorollo and had taken Vercelli had not Antonio da Leva who was in the State of Milan speedily advanc'd with resolution to succour it hindred him The Emperour was exceedingly offended at these proceedings and much incens'd against the King of France so as preparing diligently to raise a powerful Army against him he said he would assault him in his own Kingdom of France and being not long after come to Rome he complained of the King of France publiquely in the Consistory and exaggerating this new action as much as he could he broke out into open rage saying he would challenge the King of France to fight a single combate that so they might once end so many quarrels themselves alone which things caused much wonder amongst all men and destracted much from the praise of these otherwise sage and generous Princes since professing never to give way to any thing yet giving themselves over to this affect on they suffered themselves to be led on to many unworthy actions The Pope laboured exceedingly to reconcile them who had formerly treated of many things to that purpose but in vain the chief difficulty lay in finding out a means which might please them both touching the affairs of Milan In which Treaties though the Venetians interposed themselves for by Cesar's pleasure all things therein were communicated to them proceedings were had with great caution by reason of the aforesaid respects which were made the greater by these new accidents which occasioned some doubts that the Emperour to free himself of the troubles of War and that he might restore the Duke of Savoy to his State who being gone to meet him at Naples entreated him continually to procure his restitution would at last make some agreement with the King of France who entring Italy again would not suffer the injuries to pass unrevenged which he thought he had received from other Italian Princes This was the rather believed for that the King of France had at the Popes perswasion condiscended to send the Cardinal of Lorain to Rome to treat of the conditions of Agreement by whose coming there was also a cessation of Arms in Piamont And in these Treaties Cesar was contented to yeild the Dukedom of Milan to the King of France on condition that Monsieur d'Angulesme the Kings third Son might be thereinto invested by him But this business was not fully decided because the King desired that this State might not be conferr'd upon Angulesme but upon the King 's second Son the Duke of Orleans which Cesar absolutely denied to do alledging that this would not be to confirm the peace of Italy which was his desire but to make way for some other dangerous novelty by reason of the pretensions that Orleans had by his wife Katherin de Medici to the States of Florence and Urbin Thus the business not being perfected Cesar who being gone from Rome tarried some days in divers Towns of Tuscany went forward to Aste where having assembled all his chief Commanders of which the most famous were Errando di Tolledo Duke of Alva the Marquis Guastâ— and Don Ferrante Gonsaga he advised which might be the best way to carry on the War wherein following rather his own desire then the reasons and counsel of more experienced men he resolved to pass with his Army into Provence so as mustering all his men at Nice whither Doria came also with fifty Gallies to back the Army with his Fleet he himself came in person to the same place from whence penetrating into the confines of France he stay'd with his Camp about the Town of Aix not being resolved whither to bend his course but intending chiefly to assault either Marcelles or Ardes he spent many days in these his irresolutions and gave the King who was come for this purpose to Lions time to gather together a powerful Army of Dutch Foot and Switzers to oppose his Forces and likewise to get divers Italian Commanders to side with him who having mustered a good many men about Mirandola prepared to attempt some novelty in Genua and to bring it to the devotion of France so as Cesar being now to think of defending his own affairs and his Army being already much incommodated by the bad temper of the Ayr where it lay encamp'd he was forced to retreat not having done any thing but shewn a great desire to offend the King of France But before he went into Provence he had sent Rodarigo Davilas to Venice to inform the Senate of his preparation for War and of his design of falling upon France and then to entreat them that they would have those forces in readiness which they were by their articles bound to have that they might speedily march as occasion should require to the defence of the State of Milan To which the Senate gave this answer that as they had been ready to renew the League so would they be as ready to maintain those things to which they were thereby bound that therefore for what appertain'd to them the State of Milan should not want for defence So they resolved to raise 6000 foot to be commanded by Antonio da Castello General of the Artillery by Colonel Babone Naldo and others To which they added 500 light Horse armed after the Burgonian manner ordering that all these should go to Asala in the Brescian Territories to the end that upon occasion they might pass into the Cremonese and the Duke of Urbin was sent for from his State that he might be ready to go in person with the Army But after the first Brunt of the French was over by the Truce made by the coming of the Cardinal of Lorain by which it was thought they would make way to greater Victories it seemed that
towards the common good and particularly towards your prosperity to know your own greatnesse and forces and withall to know the opportunity nay the necessity which the condition of the Times and the designs of other Princes doe put upon you to imbrace these great offers which are made you the which I knowing them to be effectually such hath made me to undertake this imployment the more willingly as thinking I shall not do service onely to the King therein to whom I stand so much indebted but that I shall also procure the liberty and greatness of Italy Your not having formerly agreed with our King and accepted his offers hath not been esteemed a coolnesse in your affection towards the Crown of France since there have been sufficient both modern and ancient Testimonies thereof nor to any little credit you give to the Kings promises since this Common-wealth hath to her great advantage joyn'd in league so often with his predecessors and with himselfe nor yet to want of Counsell or care in Government your Senate having alwaies been a more vigilant Guardian then any other Potentate not onely of your own Country but also of the liberty of others and for a long time a true defender and Arbitrator of the affairs of Italy but for that in a businesse of so great moment as this you have been pleased to proceed with all maturity lest you might repent too late the having quitted your Neutrality and have entred into the charge and trouble of War so as there is none who can as yet blame this your resolution but all things which might have caused any doubt are now so ripened that there is no time left for longer delay Caesars ends and intentions are now too well known to be wholly bent upon making himselfe supream Monarch and in particular Lord of Italy Him hath the King opposed in these things with all his might and for this is he the more hated by Caesar because he sees he withstands these his machinations and that he is ready not onely to defend his own affairs but to become a refuge to others who have need of assistance against this powerfull Enemy and hath been able hitherto by the Forces of his own Kingdom to oppose the violence of the Dutch and Spanish Forces able to frustrate Caesars hopes to maintain his own Dominions and to repair the eminent dangers of other men But now that Caesars power is so increased by having the Forces of Germany of the Swissers and of the King of England joyn'd with him as that every other Prince ought to be jealous of him and to be awakned at the aspect of such greatnesse which is in an instant both born and sprung up and to provide against it before the mischiefe be grown greater which threatens all men The King of France his Forces are certainly very great his mind very ready to imploy them all against Caesars immoderate greatnesse wherein he will value nor labour nor expence nor danger being resolved to run all fortunes and never to lay down Arms unlesse overcome by utmost necessity or that there be no occasion to make use of them but that he may secure these his intentions the most he may to shew that he doth not undervalue the forces and assistants of others when the common cause is in question it is therefore that he hath made known these his most important respects to you Gentlemen 't is therefore that he hath opened his most inward thoughts unto you and hath indeavour'd a new conjunction between this Common-wealth and his Kingdom because when the wills and forces of these two Potentates shall be joyn'd and that it may in reason be thought that the safety of their states is in a good part provided for Caesar may be made to divide his Armies and no longer think upon usurping other mens Estates but upon defending his own The King doth therefore desire and this it is that he wills me particularly to propose unto you that your Fleet may be brought to the Rivers of Puglia where the Towns being unprovided of Garrisons the people well affected towards the Common-wealth and declared enemies to the Spaniards there may be hopes of doing much good speedily And on his part he offers to maintain alwaies 15000 choice Foot in Piemont or where else you shall please whereby the Imperialists being curb'd your State by Land may be safe from all danger nay the Dukedom of Millan and the Duke of Savoy's whole State whose interest is the same with Caesars will be sorely indangered In this Proposition all things will be maturely considered it will be sufficiently known that all things do therein concur which may make a Prince take up Arms the necessary defence and safety of his own affairs hopes grounded upon good foundations to increase Dominion the assured purchasing of a powerfull and faithfull friend in all Fortunes The very resolutions of your Senate shew that Caesars greatnesse ought to be esteemed a sufficient cause to make your Common-wealth take up Arms to keep off further dangers which much to your praise have constantly for so long a time maintained Wars not being frightned by any danger nor changed for any expence or trouble onely to keep the State of Millan from falling into Caesars hands For you know it was too great a danger to have so powerfull a Neighbour But if these things were apprehended when they were farther off and the suspitions therof indeavour'd to be secured how ought they to be suffered now that they are at hand when Caesars counsells are sufficiently known when his cunning is discovered and when there is no more hope left that he will quit the State of Millan Can it be thought a good and wholesome counsell to neglect the occasion now which was more desired by you then than any thing else to oppose Caesars vast designs and not to suffer the Malady to grow to such a height as that no remedy will be found for it Consider I beseech you if it should so fall out as all human things are subject to various changes That the Kingdome of France assaulted by such powerfull forces I will not say should be lost but should be so weakened as that not any Prince should for many years be able to counterpoise Cesar 's power Who sees not to what condition the liberty of Italy would be reduced Who can think himself free from his injuries for not having offended him Who can hope to work upon his haughtinesse by submission Who can think that his insatiable thirst after Government can ever be satisfied by any acquisition Cesar will say that you have opposed his greatnesse because you have not favoured him that you have not valued his friendship because you would not make a straiter conjunction with him though it be known he sought thereby to put greater ties upon you for his own advantage So as it cannot be thought safe for you to keep at this time in your Neutrality for it doth neither
Land in Hungary and Transilvania for Ferdinando King the Romans assisted by Iovan Battista Gastaldo by Sforza Palavesino and by others possest himselfe of whole Transilvania and of the Country and Town of Timisuar which though they were taken from the Infant King Stephen and from the Dowager his Mother were notwithstanding protected and defended by Soliman who sent the Bashaw of Buda first thither and then the Belgerbie of Greece with a great number of Horse to drive out Ferdinando's Forces but in vain as then the authority and discretion of Fra. Georgio having done much therein by whose advice though contrary to the Barons of the Kingdomes opinions who did all they could to incourage the Queen with hopes of assistance from the Turks but she despising their Counsells and being full of apprehension both for her selfe and Sonne resolved speedily to yield up the whole Country of Transilvania to King Ferdinando contenting her selfe to receive by way of recompence the Dukedom of Opelio in Slesia together with a promise of marriage between a Daughter of the said Kings and her Son Stephen when he should be of years and of other honours and more Revenues so as the Turks succours comming when Ferdinando's Forces were grown very strong and were already possest of the Towns of Transilvania and Timisuar they could not drive them out but being overtaken with the inconveniencies of winter the Turks were forced to forego the enterprise and with little honour to return to their own homes and by the same reason of the bitterness of the season actions of War were likewise ceased in Italy the Imperiall and Ecclesiasticall Camps keeping still before Parma and Mirandola not doing any thing But it was generally thought there would be much greater doings and chiefly the two Brothers of Austria Charles the Emperour and Ferdinando King of the Romans had businesse enough to take order for the safety of their Dominions and Dignities Sore War was protested against Charles by almost all Germany It was treated of in a Dyet how they might do to beat him out of Germany and create a new Emperour he having done as they alleadged many things to the prejudice of the Empire and of the German Liberty He contrary to his usuall custome hoped to appease these commotions by agreement but it proved almost fatall to his eminent dangers For as it was too late to provide against them so also did his provisions prove scarce and uncertain For it was in vain for him to indeavour the raising of Souldiers out of the Towns and parts of the Empire they being for the most part either risen or about to rise against him and King Ferdinando had drawn all the best men out of Austria and Tiroll the Swissers and Grisouns were imployed in the King of France his service so as his chiefest hopes lay in 1000 Spanish Foot which the Duke of Alva was to being to him Ferdinando was in no lesse trouble by reason of the great forces which Soliman prepared to assault Hungary and Transilvania to resist the which he was the more disabled for that he could not hope for any help from his Brother by reason of his being imploy'd elsewhere and for that there was no great love between them because Ferdinando had denyed to resign up the succession of the Empire to his Nephew Philip the Emperours Son as he was requested to do Therefore indeavouring to provide for his safety by some other means he had indeavoured to appease Soliman by offering to pay him other 30000 Duckets by way of tribute for Transilvania as he did for the Towns of which he held in Hungary and to free himselfe from insurrections if he should be forc'd to fight and from any intelligence which the Turks might hold as it was suspected they did in the parts which Ferdinando had gotten he was very diligent in observing all mens proceedings whereby he came to discover that the Bishop of Varadino who had then been made Cardinal by the same Ferdinando's intercession with the Pope in reward for the service he had done him held private intelligence with some Bashaws and adhered unto the Turks aspiring to have the Dominion of that Province himselfe under Solimans protection Wherefore to free himselfe from these treacheries he resolved to take away his life as he did by the means of Sforza Pallevisino who taking some few others along with him slew him no lesse preparations was rumour'd to be made by the Turks in Constantinople to send forth a powerfull Fleet the next spring well provided of all things for some great enterprise All men were the more afraid because it was not well known what Solimans designs were and because these his Forces by Sea might easily betake themselves to severall places and enterprises The Venetians were more vext hereat then any others by reason of the vast expence and assured trouble they were to be at by the Fleets putting so often forth from Constantinople it becomming them to be provided for all accidents They therfore made Stephano Tiepolo Generall at Sea the third time they increased the Garrisons of the Islands and maritime Towns they made some Gallies be armed in Candia and were very diligent in making men work extraordinarily in the Arsenall that they might be furnisht with many more The Senate did moreover choose twenty Governours of Gallies and other twenty were chosen by the Consiglio Majâ—re to the end that all things might be ready and in good order to increase their Fleet to the number of 100 Galliâ—s upon any unexpected accident which might fall out These so great preparations of the Turks did not onely not incite the Christian Princes to any better Agreement but the King of France seemed the more eager to molest Cesars affairs for that he saw him busied in fencing himselfe from the Turks Forces but continued his intention of going into Germany believing that the Emperour being strained in so many parts and being particularly reduced to so great dangers by the conspiracy of so many German Princes against him would be brought to some Agreement even by the parting with some of those States in Italy or in some other parts whereunto the Crown of France had any pretence Having therefore assembled about 40000 Foot of severall Nations and 4000 Horse together with a great train of Artillery he went towards Lorrain where the City of Metz had been taken a little before by Ana de Momorancy High-Constable of France who was gone before with part of the Army a City belonging to the Chamber of the Empire though the Government thereof was put into the hands of some of her own chief men whereof the Bishop was the head The King entred arm'd therein too soon after and was received as became a great and victorious Prince with much honour He kept a while with his Army in this Country to keep those of Flanders who were prepared by Queen Mary sister to Cesar from disturbing his designs or the like of the confederate
of what hath been done useth to afford I have thought it a praise-worthy work in being very carefull and diligent in recollecting all the Counsells and most important Actions which insued in the space of three years the time which this war lasted and severing them from the continued Series of other things whereof I am to write to give you a particular story thereof that I may fully satisfie the curiosity which the same of great things may excite in those which shall come after us to know so strange events orderly and distinctly and that being taught by such examples they may the better draw some usefull precepts for politick Government The occasion of this War was that which hath troubled almost all Christendom for these many years the Ottaman Princes immoderate desire of Empire and military Glory which is begot in them by the Rules of that State being wholly given to Action and military Exercises So as thinking the inlargement of their confines a sufficient reason of making War they have been alwaies troublesome to their Neighbours not reputing those their Enemies who have been readiest to provoke them by injuries but those are most exposed unto their fury whose forces are weakest or whose States be most convenient for them or whom they may opportunely offend and these they have indeavoured to bereave of their Dominions whereof both this and the preceding Age doth afford us many evident examples But it will be clearly seen by what shall hereafter be said what the particular occasion of this war was and pretences the Turks made use of to take up Arms. The Venetians amongst other of their Territories in the Levant were at this time possest of the Island of Cyprus which they had been Masters of for fourscore years for the Common-wealth seeing that Kingdom reduced to eminent danger of falling into the Turks Dominion it being opprest by the snares and violence of Bâ—iaâ—es Ottaman who apparently aimed at the getting of it after she had for many years defended the Dowager Queen wife to Giacopo Eâ—signano the last King The Dowager being a Venetian whom the State had adopted for her Daughter to make her the more worthy of so great a match the Common-wealth indeavoured by the means of her Brother Georgio Cornaro that she would deliver up the free and absolute Government of Cyprus to her native Country for her onely Sonne being dead she by her Husbands last Will and Testament was left sole Heir and Legitimate Lady of that Kingdom Which she giving way unto was after she went from thence reduced unto a Province and the Common-wealth continued still to send divers Magistrates to look to the Government thereof being very carefull to preserve so noble a Member and so great an adornment added to their State whereby this Island hath not onely hitherto been preserved from the Turks but hath been much inriched by the industry of many Gentlemen of Venice who being invested with Inheritances there began to manure the Grounds to govern their Farms which the Country people there call their Ville and to use frequent Navigation thither in Venetian bottoms whereby not onely the native Commodities were exported but many other Merchandizes brought thither from Aegypt and Soria it being made as it were a Landing-place whereinto divers sorts of Merchandize were brought from the Neighbouring Turkish Territories as into a safe and convenient place The Venetians paid unto the Turks yearly eight thousand Duckets by way of Tribute for this Island which was wont to be paid by the Lusignian Kings to the Emperours of the Malamacchy after that King Giano Sonne to Giacopo overcome in battel by the Soldan and carried Prisoner to Cairo was forced for his freedom to tax his Kingdom with this perpetuall Tribute having also disburst a great sum of Gold The Ottaman Emperours did afterwards succeed to this interest when Sultan Selino father to Soliman had subdued the Empire of the Malamucchy wherefore the Venetians as new possessors continued this recognition to them which made the Turks still desirous to possess themselves of this Kingdom both out of reason of State and for the cause of Religion it being a particular fee-farme of the Meccha a place of worship and devotion amongst the Mahometans The Turks grew also suspitious that this Island by reason of the fitnesse of its scituation was become a receptacle to the Malta Gallies and to other Western Pirates by which the Rivers of their neighbouring parts were infested and the subjects of the Ottaman Empire kept from sayling safely on those Seas and had yet a more particular quarrel for that the voyages of those Masselmans who out of any vow or religious zeal sayled to Meccha were thereby hindred and exposed to danger The disturbers of the peace making use of this and cloaking their own peculiar interests under it strove to make War with the Common-wealth to bereave her of this Noble and Rich Island Nor was the inclination which was known to be in many of those inhabitants to change their Government that so they might change their fortune and condition a small incitement hereunto For a sore slavery being by ancient custome introduced which arose first from a small tax laid upon the inhabitants to pay the Cavalry which kept those shores from incursions and the Venetians not daring to abrogate it when they had gotten that Kingdom for fear of losing the love of the Nobles whose Lands were laboured by these slaves whom they call Parici many of those men grew discontented and desirous of Novelty which not hoping to attain unto from elsewhere they had recourse unto the Turks as to those to whom such an enterprise might prove very easie and opportune by reason of their power and nearnesse But these things being represented to Soliman and much discourse being had thereupon which bred much doubt and jealousies in the Venetians could work no effect For he were it for that he was alwaies imployed in other affairs or that he would not without occasion violate his friendship with the Venetians and by breach of Oath stain that glory which he was alwaies so ambitious of or for that he thought it not good to necessitate them whose friendship he might make advantage of to turn their forces against him which were very strong at Sea and therefore very fit to molest many of his Dominions and to occasion a League amongst the Christian Princes and so interrupt his greater designs would never lend an ear to those who advised him to this enterprise nor make use of any occasion wisely refusing the invitations and the promises of the Parici of the Island The Venetians were not wanting to preserve this opinion in him wherefore refusing all Counsells which tended to War and thinking it not fit to make use of any occasion which might compell them to take up Arms against so potent an Enemy they these late years stood idly looking upon others mens actions that they might not indanger themselves to free
mind with him and did hope that the King of Poland and the Duke of Muscovy would follow his example but that it was necessary to see first what the other Princes would do and particularly the King of Spain whose pleasure in that point he had desired to know speedily and assuredly by a messenger which he had purposely sent unto him The Pope did often solicite Charles the ninth King of France by his Nuncio to side with the League indeavouring to perswade him that though perhaps he could not lend so speedy assistance to the League as was requisite by reason of the troubles his Kingdom had been in for many years of late by domestick affairs yet ought he to favour it as much as he could and adde unto the Reputation if not unto the Forces thereof by his name and by his authority which request the King not thinking himselfe able to satisfie and yet being unwilling to seem to undervalue the Pope's exhortations and authority he interposed severall delays saying That he would see what others would do who were then more powerfull then he and freer from impediments But the Queen-Mother on whom the weight of that Government did then very much rest excusing her selfe more directly said that her Son's condition differed from that of other Princes because the point in hand with them was of continuing War against an Enemy but with France it was of breaking amity with a potent Prince their ancient friend that therefore it was a businesse of great weight and which ought to be well considered But both the King and Queen were very civill in their speeches towards the Common-wealth in so much as to boot with their offers made to the Venetian Embassador then resident in the Court of France and many that they made their Embassador make who were then resident at Venice The King sent a Gentleman of his expresly to offer unto the Signory all that it was possible for the Kingdom of France to do at the present being molested with so grievous accidents to wit That he would use his Authority to divert this War and to accommodate their affairs with the Turkish Emperour making use of that friendship which he had never contracted but found it commenc'd by his Grandfather King Francis and by Henry his Father and that he would think she should now make good use thereof if he could thereby do any service to his ancient good friends the Venetians But neither did time nor occasion permit any use to be made of these things preparations for War being already too far advanced on both sides nor was it thought a good course to slaken either other Princes or themselves all of them being now hotly set upon War and bent to defend their own Dominions The Italian Princes appeared well inclined to the League the Duke of Urbin offered both himselfe and his State readily and the Duke of Savoy did the like but to better advantage by reason of his Gallies whereof good use might be made as did after the Confederates The Duke of Florence was the more forward herein professing to be govern'd in all things by the Pope as being oblig'd to him for his new access of honour and to win his favour the more he seemed not onely willing to favour the League but being then in Rome he incouraged the Pope to what he saw him already zealously bent But the Duke of Ferrara had so incens'd the Pope against him by reason of the old difference of the Salt and of certain Navigation upon the Poe as he constantly affirm'd that he would by no means bear with the disobedience of a vassail of the Church nor that his own Authority should be so lessened threatning to go against him with his temporall arms unlesse he altered his mind And on the other side the Duke said that if he were necessitated to do so to preserve the jurisdiction of those Dominions which being gotten by his Ancestors fell to him by right of Inheritance he would leave nothing unattempted nay that he would call in the French Hâ—genots to his assistance which the Venetian Senate thinking to be too unseasonable at this time and that it might not onely disturb the League which was now on Treaty but otherwise necessitate and indanger the Common-wealth they sent Iovan Formento Secretary of the Councell of Ten a man well experienced in such Negotiations to Ferrara to mediate with the Duke that considering the present state of affairs and the due obsequy which he ought to pay unto the Apostolick Sea he would both for the common good and for his own particular interest lay aside all thoughts which might put him upon the triall of his Forces and that he might hope to receive better and more certain advantage by Treaty Thus by the interposition of the Senates Authority first with the Duke and then with the Pope this other fire was extinguished which was a kindling to the prejudice of Christendom It was also resolved to solicite Tamas king of Persia to take up Arms and to revenge the ancient and new Injuries which his Kingdom had received by the Ottaman Princes Vicenza d' Allessandri was chosen for this imployment a Citizen of Venice as one who having lived long at Constantinople was vers'd in severall Languages and had had some converse with these barbarous Nations This man the passages being block'd up by reason of the Wars in the lower parts towards the Sea took his journey throuhg Germany Poland and Walacchia and coming to the banks of the Mare Majore took shipping at Moncastro which is the ancient Hermonassa and went from thence to Lynope a City famous for having been the Country of Mithredates and from thence he went to Tauris whither being come and understanding that Tamas was then at Casmin one of the Residences of the Kings of Persia which lies more inward into the Country which was anciently called Arsatia he went to that City Here being brought in by some Armenian Merchants who had had commerce formerly at Venice by night according to the custome of that Nation before Sultan Caidar Mirice the Kings third Son who was then his Lieutenant he had several long discourses with him touching his journey and the occasion thereof Vicenzo acquainted him with Selino's having taken up Arms against the Venetians and with the great preparations for War which was made by almost all the Princes of Christendom to assault the Turkish Empire by their Armies and by their Fleets exhorting him in the names of his Lords and Masters to make use of this occasion and to make War with the Turks on that side now that their Asian Territories being exhausted of all their Souldiers who were to be imploy'd in the enterprise of Cyprus were left a prey to whosoever would assault them All which things Caidar seemed willing to hear and by many questions inform'd himself of every particular but promis'd nothing save that he would be a means that he might be admitted to
audience by his father Alâ—ssandri perceiving this unseasonable delay began to treat with the Lord Chancellor of the Kingdom being advised so to do and assisted therein by Coza Ali a Merchant of Tauris to whom he going at the same time from Venice the businesse was recommended the Chancellour after some discourse had thereupon said that his King was a wise Prince and that he was to proceed maturely in a businesse of such Importance and would a while expect the successe of the League upon which he might afterwards ground his resolution the better Thus Alessandri not being admitted into the Kings presence departed without any other answer For it was clearly seen that Tamas being now very old and addicted to peace shun'd giving occasion to the Turk of any suspition that he would conspire against him together with the Christian Princes This businesse was likewise much impeded by accidents which hapned at that time wherein according to the usuall course of the Ottaman family the Persian forces were imploy'd in appeasing certain Insurrections raised by a Nephew of Homat formerly King of Giland a noble and rich Country of Media now in the possession of the Kings of Persia whereupon Mustapha Mirise the Kings eldest Son was gone with 10000 Horse into that Province to suppress the Author of those Commotions Thus whilst the Christians were in trouble the Persians injoy'd their quiet nourishing thereby a long and heavy War unto themselves which was made against them some few years after by Amurate Son to Selino who possest himselfe at unawares of severall places in Media in the Country which is now called Servan whilst the Persians did in vain desire to see the Christians take up Arms against the common enemies as the Christians did now in vain desire the help and favour of their forces These were the Venetians preparations these their counsells and treaties with other Princes at this time that they might joyntly wage war with the common enemy But the Turks beginning this mean while to commit many hostile acts had detained severall subjects of the Common-wealth together with their goods who traffickt in Narenta and in other parts of Albania within the Turkish Dominions and had likewise unloaded two Venetian ships which were at Constantinople and not suffered them to depart from those Havens though upon other pretences Which when the Venetians heard of they thought it became them to treat the Turkish subjects which were in their City accordingly to the end that their persons and goods might serve to ransome our men and their merchandise A guard was likewise put upon a Chiaus named Mamutbei who being parted from the Court to go for France was come some daies before to Venice and stayed there to negotiate a certain businesse of some particular Merchants with the Venetian Signories to whom he brought credentiall Letters as also to be advised therein by Monsieur Duferier the French Embassadour then resident at Venice who thinking that it had been fit to have known his Kings intention which peradventure might have been altered by the various accidents of the times and to procure a safe conduct for Mamutbei's passage through the State of Millan had kept him from pursuing his journey into France out of these respects Duferier did modestly resent the detention of this man as of one who was sent to his Prince and had been advised to tarry there by him wherefore he endeavoured his liberty But the King when he knew the Venetians just reasons and that Mamutbei had not any important businesse to treat of but that he was come either to be a spy over the Venetians under other pretences or else sent out of some idle occasion by the French Embassadour then resident at Constantinople without his knowledge or consent he was soon pacified Mamutbei was therefore sent to Verona and kept prisoner in St. Felice's Castle till the end of the war Whilst the Venetians were thus employed the Turks were not idle at Constantinople but were alike diligent in providing all things that they might put to Sea as soon and as strong as was possible Selino being returned to Constantinople in December he was so diligent in making men work in the Arsenall in causing new Gallies be built in caulking old ones in casting Artillery and in all other necessaries as he himself went thither sometimes to hasten the work A great number of Pioners were listed in Grecia great quantities of Biskets was made in Morea Gallies were sent to Constantinople from many Provinces to make up the Fleet and twenty five Gallies were prepared in all haste to be speedily sent into Allessandria to bring away much provisions which were made ready there for the Armies For they did very much fear that the Venetians would be speedy in sending a great squadron of Gallies into the Levant whereby their Navigation might be block'd up and hindred much to their prejudice They were likewise very solicitous in finishing a Fort which was begun a little before at Brazzo di Maina that they might have a fitting and safe receptacle for a good squadron of Gallies which they purposed to send early out to hinder the succour which might be sent by the Venetians to Cyprus And Selino continuing his resolution to go himself in person in the Army an infinite number of Camells were prepared and great solemnity was used in getting all things ready according to the custom of that Nation when their Emperour goes into the field The Bashawes discoursed oft how the war was to be managed wherein their opinions were very different some were minded that before any thing else were done men were to be poured into Cyprus by a great Fleet of all sorts of Vessells which being landed and the flat-bottom'd Boats and small Pinaces being left there together with a squadron of Gallies for their better security the rest of the Fleet should make for our Gulph to terrifie the Venetians and to confuse them the more and to keep the Christian Fleets play in these seas And that if it should be too long ere the whole Fleet could be united the first hundred Gallies which should be ready should be presently sent towards Cyprus to get footing there and to secure the landing of the rest of the Army by building a Fort there Others would that Piali without any further losse of time should instantly put to Sea with 100 Gallies and enter our Gulph and that the rest of the Fleet should be sent to Cyprus And others thinking it neither safe nor of any use to advance so soon proposed that Piali should go with the said hundred Gallies to the Haven of Suda and possesse themselves thereof and pillaging the Island of Candia should wait there for the rest of the Fleet and to do then as they should see cause by the movings of our Fleets The different respects of Mustafa and Piali nourished the variety of these opinions the longer for the former to whom the enterprise of Cyprus was
Vicenzo Tuttavilla having the command of the souldiers With these and with the gallies of the Church which were 13 in number 11 of them belonging to the Duke of Florence and 2 to Michale Bonello brother to Cardinal Alessandrino did Commissary Soranzâ— return to Corfu the whole Fleet comming along in company to the Straits of Messina from whence Don Iohn past to Paâ—ermo and when they were parted Mark Antonio Colonna set up the Standard of the League supplying the place of Generall thereof â—â—is the Spaniards resolution being published every one firmly believed that the enterprise of the Levant would be no further proceeded in this year by all the forces of the League And the Spanish Embassadour at Rome did already say that the affairs in Flanders could not be setled time enough for the going of the Fleet into the Levant and that therefore the King would turn his forces into Africa that they might not be altogether idle and to case Cicily of them for a while This opinion was the rather believed by reason of many things that hapned and especially for that much provision was made upon the Spanish coasts for refreshing the Fleet and because it was known for certain that Muley Assam King of Tunis was willingly listned unto who then was with Don Iohn and affirmed that those people were very well disposed towards the Crown of Spain and were ready to rise and put themselves under his subjection if they should finde any forces to back their rebellion This the Fleets suspension afforded subject for severall discourses some said That the King in making this League had respect to his own peculiar interests since otherwise he could not have obtained from the now present Pope the confirmation of what was granted him by Pius Quartus of raising monies from the Ecclesiastick goods for which he was bound to keep 100 gallies to guard those seas and that moreover he was perswaded thereunto out of other weighty considerations For if the Venetians onely were to withstand the Turkish forces and should peradventure make any acquisition they would get so much reputation at sea as they might 〈◊〉 with him for power and on the other side if they should fare ill and should suffer in their Dominions the Turks power would be so much the more encreased and become infinitely formidable And then again if the Venetians should fail in their hopes of such assistance it might be believed they would easily give way to some agreement and so those forces which were prepared against them might be turned Westward upon the Kings Dominions That therefore having taken upon him the common cause upon these reasons and bound himself out of these respects to maintain it he could not with any justice turn those forces to his own private and which were before obliged to the common service of the League That the wâ—â—s of Flanders was not any thing of new whereby the King should put on such a resolution for that war was already begun when the League was stipulated Nor were there even then wanting suspitions of commotions in France for the Agreement being made being made between the King of France and the King of Navar and the Admirall there was reason to believe that the French who are naturally lovers of novelties and who were then long verst in Arms would not keep quiet but would betake themselves thither where they should finde best opportunity to make war Thâ—â— it was very clear that by the conventions of the League each Confederate might of right claim interest in the forces of the rest upon requiring observance of the Articles agreed upon That before the League it was in the Kings power to employ those assistances where and when be pleased but since he had freely of his own will bound himself to limited time and forces he could not regulate them according to his own occasions 〈◊〉 alter them without the Confederates consent Others affirmed the contrary that the Catholick King had abundantly discharged the duty of a Christian Prince and of a friend to the Common-wealth of Venice since unobliged thereunto he had readily assisted the first year of this war with all the sea-forces he was then master of the common service of Christendom to the particular advantage of Venice That it waâ— in his choice whether he would engage himself in this war or no not being thereunto enforc'd by necessity or at least that being unlimited either in point of time or forces he might have governed himself according to his own peculiar interests That notwithstanding he would engage himself with the League to make the Confederates confide the more in him and that they might have the better foundations for designing their enterprises which they were to make against the enemy That this had been the cause of very great good since the Colleagues forces being fastned together by this bond and to the same end had gotten so great and so famous a victory over the Turks That since the Kings interests were not like those of the Venetians it was to be highly valued that he would suffer the Fleet to run the same hasâ—â—ds That iâ— ought not to be wondered at if the King having had so great a shaâ—e in this victory should endeavour to reap some particular advantage thereby by sending his Fleet now that he had bereft the enemy of their power at sea and that he might safely do it to the enterprises of Barbary which were specified in the Articles of the League and which were so much desired by his poeple to bereave the Pirats of their receptacles from which the Spanish Seas could by no other meanes be secured That it was much more lawfull for him to make use of his own Forces for the defence of his peculiar affairs at a time when his Confederates the Venetians were in a great part free from being offended by the enemy What reason what wisdome was there that he should abandon his own Dominions to assault those of other men and to suffer the like or greater dangers increase at home that he might carry them to the Enemies That it was true the Wars of Flanders was no new thing but that the accidents were new which forc'd the King to think upon the preservation of those Countries wherein disorders were multiplyed and the Enemies Forces increased These and such like things were alleadged according to the variety of mens judgements and much more of their affections but to the end that the cause of a businesse of such importancy whereby the hopes of much good to Christendom were interrupted may be made known it will not be far from our purpose that we acquaint you a little more particularly with the present condition of affairs and with the occasions of jealousies which arose between the two most powerfull Kings of France and Spain in a very unseasonable time In the very beginning of this year the Town of Mons in Flanders vvas lost and not long after Count Nassaw
Cities and to enlarge their borders on all sides to the end that they might put their Affairs into a safer and a more honourable condition It also oft times hapned that by their civil ways without any noise of war which was supprest by peace by their negotiations and hopes of tranquility they won upon the Peoples good will and did enlarge their Confines In so much as the City being already become very powerful both by Sea and Land she seemed to represent the greatness and Majesty of the ancient Romans Which things if they had been sooner done the City of Venice would have arrived to such a height as she might have been paralel'd to the Common-wealth of Rome for Empire and warlike Glory But this advice was so long a taking as that all things fell out cross unto her For the Times began already apparently to favour the Ottoman Family which being come from a small beginning it is a wonderful thing to say how soon it increased so as having by great contest in war overcome many Kings and States and by its formidable greatness utterly ruined the Eastern Empire it bereft the Venetians of all hope of inlarging their Dominion in the Maratine parts Other hopes likewise of happy success were by a short delay spoiled and corrupted for if the Common-wealth had turned her Forces sooner upon the Vicâ—gerents of the Empire who taking occasion by reason of the Emperors troubles in the tedious wars of Germany usurped the free Dominion of many of the noblest Cities of Italy She might easily have regained them from their unlawful possessors who were yet weak and of no repute And then Italy being subdued how easie it was for them to subdue all other Nations and to spread their Empire from the East unto the West is easily demonstrable by the very proceedings of the Romans But howsoever the Forces Customs and Laws of this rich and flourishing Common-wealth continue in greater vigor and the Fates will one day open them the way to great Atchievements I have proposed unto my self to spend the time which shall be permited me in writing the Actions of this so famous City as well in times of war as of peace the memory wherof I will endeavor to leave to posterity with as great sincerity and uncorrupted Faith as I possibly can I thought it became me chearfully and readily to undertake this being laid upon me by publick Commission that I might imploy my time in the service of this my Noble and dear Country in that point wherein as I have said the care of our Predecessors may seem sometimes to have been wanting in which duty assuredly I will do my best Therefore laying aside all partiality and passions I have with a peaceable and free mind undertaken this business and if any one shall peradventure think that I do sometimes praise the Affairs of the Venetians too highly let them excuse me and think that it is not the love of my Country that moves me thereunto but only the desire of speaking truth the memory of these times and men not being to be sufficiently celebrated whose excellent worth was able to govern so many affairs and to sustain the violence of adverse fortune I am by the commands of the Counsel of Ten the supream Magistracy of this our Country to take the rise of this my Narration from the time wherein the History of Cardinal Bembo a Famous Personage ended and therewith the League made by the Venetians with Pope Iulius the second and with Ferdinand King of Spain against the French which League ended almost together with the life of this Pope It will be good and useful that in the continuation of this History the perfect form of our Republick be represented wherein may be seen the true Image of perfect Government for those things to which the wit of man hath not been able to attain in their fancying the Government of an excellent Common-wealth are all seen to be confirmed by time and experience in the City of Venice The memory of these times will afford various Examples of both Fortunes which may help very much to the acquiring of State wisdom and moreover many Testimonies of worth whereby great moderation and constancy in prosperous and adverse Fortune at home and in the wars true Justice and Fortitude may be found in our Citizens But before I begin what I intend to say I must expound some things taking them a little higher to the end that the truth of what is to be said may appear the more clearly It was already long since Italy was fallen into great calamity and being become the Seat and Receptacle of Forraign Nations she advanced a pace towards a long and hard slavery being by them rob'd of her Empire and of her Military glory For the French having a little before the time from which I am to take the rise of this my History assaulted the Kingdom of Naples by the means and advice of Lodowick Sforza Duke of Millan who did not therein foresee his own ruine the way was ever afterwards laid open for all the Italians greatest enemies to enter Italy to her prejudice and ruine For all our Princes being desirous of Noveltie and confiding in Forreigners they waged war against themselves renting this their unfortunate common Country in pieces by the Sword and by all injurious proceedings for they beleeved they might easily come by those Dignities and States by disturbing her peace which they dispaired of obtaining whilst Italy was in a quiet condition wherein how they were cheated the event did prove For they soon saw those evils turned upon themselves which they had prepared for others In so much as there was not any one part of this Noble Country which tasted not deeply of the miseries of war and which being long tormented with slaughters rapine and all sort of cruelty hath not lost almost all their ancient Priviledges and Dignities and changed their whole Aspect The unlooked-for coming of the French into Italy whether they brought a dreadful and unusual way of warring did so terrifie the Kings of Aragon as having more respect to their safety then to their Honour they forsook a Noble Kingdom and left all things as a prey to the avarice of the Conquerors But the French who had got the Victory more by an opinion which was had of their Forces then out of meer worth did through their negligence lose the fruit thereof and were soon driven home out of Italy which was chiefly done by the advice and Forces of the Venetians And had our Princes been able then to have bounded their Appetites the power of the French had not peradventure extended it self beyond the confines of their own Kingdom But hardly was this first Combustion over when suddenly another war was kindled in Italy the same way of civil discord being opened unto the French by which they had at first entred our Countries Their King Lodowick the twelvth having made a League with the
Enemy when Affairs went ill with the Common-wealth This man had agreed with some Citizens who stood well affected to the Venetians to let in Alviano by St. George his Gate as soon as he should be come unto the walls of the City But the Conspiracy being discovered and Alviano knowing that the Town could not be easily stormed as also that though he should take the Town he must spend much time in taking in the Towers he thought it better to hasten towards Cremona and in his March thither took the Town of Vallegio and the Castle of Peschiera places for their scituation very fit and convenient for the State of Venice He gave the chaâ—ge of Vallegio to Zacharia Ghisi and that of Peschiera to Luigi Bembo and gave 200 Souldiers a piece to each of them The News of the Venetian Armies approach being come to Cremona those of the Town who were of the contrary Faction soon left the City and the rest who were of the Province of Marcha received Alviano and all his men readily into the City who were allowed to plunder a thousand Spanish Foot and 200 Curassiers who had the custody or the City the Commanders not suffering any prejudice to be done to the Citizens and keeping the Souldiers from plunder As soon as Alviano was entred within the Walls he soon made himself Master of the whole City for the Castle whereinto the Venetians had formerly put a Garrison who had sent a supply by Renzo de Ceri held still for the French Alviano displaying the French Colours upon the Walls let the City know that he received it in the Name of Lewis King of France for whom Theador de Triulcio who was then his Legate in the Venetian Army did take it He afterwards endeavoured to free the Common-wealth from any bâ—ame if having tryed all things in vain she were forced to accommodate â—er self to the Times and yeild up so rich a City and one which she did so dearly love to another He moreover exhorted the City to keep their Loyalty to so puissant and bountiful a King under whose Government if they would be honest and faithful men they might promise themselves to live for ever after safe and free from many grievances for which they were obliged to the Venetians who had procured them that good which they could never have hoped for from the afflicted Fortune of a petty Duke These things being so happily and so speedily done wonne great Reputation to the Venetian Army in so much as Soncino Lodi and other Towns of Giaradada following the Example of Cremona surrendered themselves to Alviano But the Venetians fared otherwise in the Territories of Verona and Vicenza For after Alviano was gone with his Army and had left small Garrisons in the Cities and Towns which held for them and that Sigismonde di Cavalli Commissary General of the Venetian Militia stay'd behind with some few men at St. Bonefaccio the Germans who kept Verona being advertised thereof sallied out of the City with 2000 Foot and 500 Horse and unexpectedly assault the Commissary Our men who for the most part were rude and unexperienced troubled at the sudden assault betook themselves to their heels and those few which stayd and would stand the Enemy being forsaken by their Companions fell into their power and amongst those Costanzo Pio a man famous for Birth and Worth The Commissary Cavalli seeing all his men routed and chiefly the Alban Horse wherein he had placed his chiefest hope began likewise to run and with him Giovanni Forte a Captain of Curassiers and a Troâ—p of Horse which had tarryed with him wherewith they got to Cologna but were so hotly pursâ—â—d by the Enemy as being hardly entred the Town and not having â—ny the least time to take a better Garrison into the Town or to put the men who were there in a posture of defence they understood that the Enemy were come and were about the Walls The Town being therefoâ—e strongly assaulted and but slenderly defended was storm'd and sackt Cavalli and Vector Malipiero Mayor of the Town together with some others of quality knowing that they were not safe in the Castle whereinto they were retired yielded themselves up to the Enemy and were by them taken Prisoners The Dutch men loaded with prey and not having received any harm returned back to Verona the Enemies grown insolent by their successes began to promise themselves greater prosperity and thus going forth of the City with 4000 Foot and 500 Horse they marched towards Vicenza which coming to the knowledg of Giovan Paolo Manfrone who had the keeping of that City he took in many Countrey men to a Band of Souldiers which he had with him and provided for any accident that might happen But the Dutch-men over-running the Territories of Vicenza ruin'd all things with sword fire and rapine and being come to the Town of Arzignano after having taken it they committed great slaughter amongst the Towns-men set fire on the Castle and on other Buildings and dispairing of ever getting the Town of Vicenza they returned safe to Verona Whilst Affairs went on thus in these parts tumults did dayly increase and disorders grow greater in the state of Millan nothing there was safe or quiet There was neither City nor Castle which either could or endeavour'd to resist the Enemy for the people of Millan and the other Towns thereabout being moved again by the approaching of the Venetian Army and by the French mens passing over the Alpes began to waver in their Loyalty The people wearied but a little before with the Government of the French did very much desire the return of the Sforzas their ancient Lords and Masters But finding afterwards that they had not got that Liberty nor Immunity which they expected for Maximillian their new Duke being but a weak Prince was forced to burthen the State with many impositions and being jealous of many was necessitated to injure many for the better securing of his Dominion changing their minds as is common with the vulgar people to do were desirous of Novelties thinking that for the future they should be in better condition and under more just Laws if the State should return again to be govern'd by the French Many also who hated idleness and quiet some who were poor and banisht and other moved by the diversity of Factions favour'd the French Therefore Count Mausocco son to Giovan Giacopo Trivulsio being gone with a Troop into sundry places to make the people rise finding them ready thereunto did easily work his ends Moreover Sacramoro Viscount who had the Charge of besieging the Castle of Millan forsaking the Sforzas as soon as he saw them forsaken by Fortune wheeled about with her and suffering the besieged to be relieved both with men and victuals discovered himself so far an Enemy to Duke Maximillian as it was now said abroad that he did not only plot against his State but against his life Maximillian being therefore greatly troubled seeing
these two Cities Baglione went with 2500 Foot and 400 Horse to the custody of Trevigpe and Andrea Malipiero was sent thither likewise from the Senate that he might take particular care for Ammunition and all other things which might be requisite for the Souldiers And Alviano went himself with the rest of the Army into Padua and though the City might seem to be sufficiently therewith garrisoned yet the Senate would have some companies chosen out of Venice and Istria which should be put into Arms and sent to guard that City Moreover many of the Country people who were run into Venice to save themselves from the Enemy were sent thither to be made use of as Pyoners upon any occasion To infuse the greater courage and confidence into all which many of the young Nobility of Venice and many other well born Citizens went with their Servants and Friends to the defence of Padua and readily exposed themselves in common with the other Souldiers to all labour and danger of the War Gritti also who had hardly been eight dayes in his Country was sent by order of the Senate to that City to discharge the same place which was formerly done by Malipiero Padua a great and noble City was kept by the Venetians with great care and vigilancy for the Common-wealth having placed the surest Foundations of her Empire by Land in that City both for the opportunity of its scituation fertility of ground and certain other fortunate Auspices they had not been wanting in these hardest times to attend the Preservation of that City with all sort of care so as it was made very strong and those parts of the Suburbs were thrown down which extending themselves into a great length could not be walled in the Trees were cut down for a good space round about the City and all the neighbouring Villages pull'd down to the ground so as being inviron'd on all sides by open fields no Enemy could approach the City but must be discover'd from a far off and expos'd to the shot of Cannon The Emperour Maximillian had formerly endeavoured the taking of this City with great warlike Preparation but finding all to be in vain was forc'd to quit the Enterprise But the Venetians hereby instructed had with all care and diligence caused works to be made about the Fort and had brought it to great security and perfection The City was likewise excellently well provided with Victuals and much corn was every day voluntarily brought in by the Neighbouring Inhabitants There was great store of Artillery of all sorts which being very well ordered and disposed of did sufficiently guard the Walls on all sides though they were of a very larg circute Thus had the Venetians carefully provided for all things requisite to the Preservation of this City moved thereunto rather out of the considerableness of the cause then fear of danger All these things being thus ordered those who were to defend the City did couragiously expect the Enemies Approach who being gone to the Castle of Este and from thence falling down along the River banks till they were come within two miles of the City encamp'd themselves on the right hand of the river Bachiglione There was nothing in the enemies Army except the train of Artillery which could give such Reputation as was requisite for the winning of so renowned a City The men were but few for such an Enterprise the Foot did not exceed 8000 nor the Horse above 1000 in all And their provision for Victuals was but by hazard from day to day so as it was conceived the Army would in a short time be reduced to great straits There were several Commanders in the Army of very great Renown in War but their experience was of no avail here by reason of the Bishop Gurghense his great Authority and his greater Obstinacy But that which did most of all trouble and confound the Commanders was the difficulty of bringing the Artillery to the Wails and of leading on their Souldiers safe to the Assault Which could not be done without a long and laborious work of Trenches under the shelter whereof they might escape the Cannon-shot which play'd from all parts But such work required so many men to make them as though all the Countrey round about was fetch'd in with great severity yet could they not find men enough for the business Insomuch as the Enemy having begun to make a broad and deep Ditch which was led on by crooked lines from the Camp to the City to make a Fence against the cannon-shot which was made from off the City Walls with the earth which they threw out they were forced quickly to forsake that work as well for want of Pioners as for the continual disturbance which they met with from the City and chiefly by the light Horse which sallying out often at unawares fell upon the Pyoners disturbe the work and did continually infest the Enemy sundry wayes So as nothing passing on either side but slight Skirmishes the time past on and but little was done and the Inconveniences of the Enemies Army increasing every day more and more their hopes of getting the City grew lesser and lesser for the Camp being pitch'd in a low scituation and subject to the often Inundation of water and consequently less healthful the Souldiers began to fall sick apace so as they could not tarry there moreover the Camp being kept from being victuall'd by Light Horse which sallied often out of the City and not being furnish'd with any great store out of the Countrey the Army was greatly inconvenienced The Souldiers not being content with their abode there complained grievously and with injurious words told their Commanders That that Enterprise was idlely undertaken that the business was too difficult and which by other Tryals was almost impossible to effect that they would not refuse any duties how sore soever nor shun any danger if there were any hope of good success but that a business which was not accompanied with any hope of good was certainly not only vain but very dishonourable and mis-becoming Military men What hopes had they to win a strong City now when numerous Armies of several joynt Princes being brought before it to the same purpose four years ago were forced with shame to forego it What reason had Caesar to perswade himself that his very name though at a far distans should make so much for the Victory now when his presence could not effect it before That a War of such importance ought not to be govern'd by the Authority and Counsel of Bishop Gurghense a man wholly unexperienced in what belong'd to War That he minded only Caesars Affairs and cared not for the Souldier that they had not received their due pay nor had not had such Aids sent them as was promised What remained there now to be done but immediately to raise the Camp These Speeches being noised throughout the whole Camp came to Gurghense's car who being moved thereat and dispairing
to make the greater Booty for that the Inhabitants of that Countrey thinking that the Enemies Army was so far advanced as not to return fearing no farther danger were returned to their own houses so as the Enemy coming upon them at unawares they had very little time left them to escape their hands The Vice-roy then led on his Army farther to that part of the River which comes from Padua over-running and plundering all that whole Countrey even to the Gates of Chioggia Nothing was seen through all places that they went but death and rapine From thence he went towards the Castle di Pioue di Sacco a rich place and well inhabited which they ransack'd with all manner oâ— injurious dealing pardoning nothing neither sacred nor profane And whilst the rest are busied in these Rapines Troâ—lo Savello one of the Popes Captains understanding by some that fled away that many Countrey people were with-drawn with their Wives Children and Goods to those Marishes made by the waters of Brenta five miles distant from the City of Venice where the Terra firma parts from the Wash past over the Brenta with 150 Horse and some Foot Companies and marched speedily thither which when the many that were there without either Arms or Garrison understood they began suddenly to flye and being scattered here and there as they ran they were taken Prisoners yet many out of the knowledg of the passages escaped The prey which they got here was forthwith carried away by the Enemy whereby they got but little good though much Infamy Savello past on then towards Mestre whither Mutio Colonna was gone a little before with some of the Popes men and chasing away some Horse nor meeting with any to with-stand him had taken that Town Wherefore Savello's Souldiers which came thither after minded nothing but Booty and not leaving any thing behind them burn'd the Castle These were followed more slowly by Corâ—ona who being come to the Wash at the utmost point of the Terra Firma which is commonly called Marghera he gave order for the planting of his cannon there and made many shot towards the city of Venice which was just over against him This City which is round about environed with salt water hath no way which leads unto it by Land and the ways by Sea which are known to those who are acquainted with the sundry and uncertain channels are block'd up to others and concealed Therefore safe by her scituation and needing no Garrison to defend her she is preserved from any calamity of War and dispatch the power of her Enemies But this proud Spaniard to whom this was well known would be able to boast as of a very glorious thing that he had got so near so famous a City with so small an Army whereby he might as it were bereave her of that Renown which she had won amongst other Nations 'T is very true that Fortune had shewn her self at this time very bitter and cruel towards the Venetians who were not able now to stop the force of so weak an Army having formerly with much boldness and success opposed the greatest Forces which threatned the liberty of Italy The Citizens were therefore sorely grieved seeing the Honour of Venice with such insolency offended and that they must be inforc'd to suffer those who were so well affectionated to the Common-wealth and who had lived so long safe and quiet under her Empire to be now thus lacerated by all sorts of cruelty And that whereas formerly they were wont to assist distressed Forreigners they could not now defend their own The Venetians were formerly formidable to others but now so cow'd as they were forced to fear their own Affairs Which variety of Fortune was the harder to be tolerated out of the memory of their former Felicity But the Enemy fore-going those parts the next day that they were come thither went still wandring up and down the Paduan confines and wheresoever they came laid the Countrey waste all things were stoln and consumed by the Souldiers who where they found no Inhabitants and consequently nothing to bear away that they might even there leave some signs of their rage and wickedness they shewed their madness against the Walls and Houses firing all as well publick as private Buildings as were any thing beautiful But Cordona growing now aware of his rash counsel was desirous to hasten his departure but could not keep the Souldiers from pillage and plunder who had so long a time lived licentiously neither by laying before them the necessity of departing suddenly nor by his Power or Authority At this time Alviano kept with his Army in Padua and much troubled to see these Proceedings of the Enemy could not well suffer that so much to his disparagement and to the dishonour of the whole Italian Militia they should be permitted to pass by leaving so strong and so well garrison'd a City behind them without paying for this their rashness and for having ruin'd and wasted so larg a space of ground He therefore advertised the Senate that he would march out of the City with his men and meet the Enemy to block up his way in his return He alledged That being loaden with prey and marching in disorder they might easily be beaten that their Common-wealth was fallen into a most miserable condition very much unworthy of her former Glory nor was she to be put into a better but by a noble daring and by a gallant and generous Assault But the Senators were of another mind thinking that to have respect to all things was not the part of abject and cowardly but of solid and resolute persons and that it did not suite with the Gravity of the Venetian Senate nor with the praised Wisdom which they had in the perpetual course of so many years won to place their resolutions and the totall of their Affairs in the power of chance the success of Battle being always doubtful and uncertain That therefore their Iudgment was that the Enemy should only be molested by the Chivalry leaving the rest of the Army to guard the City But Alviano was too head long born to the desire of Victory so as his mind being blinded with a desire of Glory he oft times knew no danger and did dispise the safest and wisest counsels Therefore pressing daily more and more that the Army might remove from Padua and the Venetian Commissaries being of the same opinion being induced as they said to hope well out of a singular good affection which they found in the Commanders and Souldiers towards the Common-wealth and as great a readiness in them to defend her honour the Senate departing a little from their first resolution left the business to Alviano that if he thought it might make well for their Affairs he might march with his Army out of the City always provided that he would be sure to quarter his Army in so secure a place as he might not be compell'd to run the hazard of a
gave order that whilst the rest of the Army marched the Light Horse should stay behind and that keeping about the River Banks they should let themselves be seen by our men who were on the other side whereby their departure might not be suspected and the Enemy having marched three miles towards the upper part of the River where they found no Guard they past their men safely over using such diligence therein as our men hearing afterwards that Cardona was gone to pass over the River before our men could be drawn forth to hinder their passage the Enemies whole Army were past over and had put themselves in order to stand our Assault Alviano finding that the business had suceeded much otherwise then he had thought was much afflicted that he had miss'd the opportunity of assaulting the Enemy whilst they were divided and busied in passing over the River for by the opinion of the other Commanders and his own also it was resolved that they would not come to a day of Battle with the Enemy but upon some noteable advantage and that they would expect the succour which Baglione brought them from Treviso But Cardona as soon as he haâ— past the Brent turn'd towards Vicenza and because he was to take his way about Alviano that he might prevent the Enemy and possess himself of the passes by a nearer way took his way suddenly thitherward The mean while he sent Nicolo Vendramino before with all the light Horse to the end that he might vex the latter Squadrons of the Enemy and retard their March as much as he might He then gave order that all the Bridges which he thought the Enemy might make use of should be broken down that the tops of the Mountains should be possess'd by Countrey people and that many Trees should be cut down and laid cross the High-ways and that all Avenues might be with all diligence block'd up Manfrone having assembled a great many Mountainers of all the Country thereabout to near about the number of 5000 with these and with some small pieces of Artillery possess'd himself of the pass of Montecchio At the same time whilst these things were a doing Alviano having left Gritti and Baglione with a third part of the Army in Vicenza to defend that City he past on three miles farther and finding a Plain fit to receive the Camp â—e took up his Quarters there and began forthwith to fortifie it This place was thus scituated In the High-way which leads from Vicenza to Verona when you come to the Village Olmo there is a little Plain out of the way somewhat on the right hand which being guarded on the right hand by Monti di Creazzo and inviron'd almost every where on the other side by a Valley is naturally very strong and there is but one way that leads unto it In the midst thereof the ground is somewhat raised up and makes the place fitter to encamp in Alviano chose this as a fit and safe place to tarry in He together with the rest of the Commanders resolved to expect the coming of the Enemies Army there according to the Senates Order and blocking up his Passes to reduce him to a scarcity of Victuals not affording the Enemy any opportunity of coming to a day of Battle for it was clearly conceived that without running any hazard the Victory was to be ours The Venetian Camp was pitch'd as hath been said in a very strong place and very fit to draw the business out in length and where they had plenty of all things necessary on the contrary the Enemy suffer'd many Inconveniences and their difficulties did daily increase Cardona this mean while following the journey he had begun was come to within about four miles of the Venetian Army and making his Camp tarry in a place which is called by the Countrey people La Motta being much confused and troubled he consulted with the rest of the Commanders what course they had best to take in the very great straits which they were in They differ'd in their Opinions but they all agreed in their very small hopes of safety or remedy for so many dangers and difficulties They could not keep longer in those parts for want of Victuals and it was almost impossible for them to get away the Passages being strait difficult and guarded by strong Garrisons They must either go towards Trent or towards Verona to either of which they might go by two ways for they might go from where they were into Germany either by a shorter cut over the Mountains of Schio or by a longer way about through the confines of Basenese and likewise they might get into the way which leads to Verona by the way of the Plain wherein they were or by climbing up the Mountains on the right hand But whichsoever of these ways they should take they were to meet with almost the same difficulties some of these passages being very rough and craggy and the rest fortified and guarded by the Venetians so as the Commanders knew not which way to chuse nor how to make their passage Thus after long and various disputes they at last resolved to make their way by the Sword since in great difficulties great and unwonted Valour is to be shewn Wherefore Cardona seeing that the present wants and the greater ruine which over-hung the Army could be no longer concealed without farther delay thought it was best to acquaint the Souldiers how Affairs stood with them and to encourage them as much as he might wherefore calling them all together he spoke thus unto them Were not your Worths my Fellow Souldiers well known to me by many gallant Tryals I should not dare to lead on this Army recommended to my trust by two great Princes Cesar and Ferdinando where I know you are to make your way by your Swords But if I should take any other course your Glory would be the less and your câ—ndition the less fortunate by losing the Honour which this noble Attempt and the rich Booty which you have taken from the Enemy doth put into your hands As the memory of your former actions hath put me upon this bold and generous undertaking so trusting to your Worth and upon the Fortune which attends this Army I assure my self I shall conduct you all safe out of danger And certainly if you will be men and mindful of your own actions these difficulties which seem now to threaten ruine to you will turn to your greater Glory Necessity sometimes makes even abject and cowardly men daring and generous but to tarry till you be thereby constrain'd to shew your Vaâ—our suites not with the opinion which is held of you and of your Worth You ought to know into what condition we are brought All ways whereby to march away are stopt either by the Mountains or by our Enemies Forces On the one side we have craggy and Mountainous places strong by nature and possestâ—y the Enemies Garrisons on the other side our return is
impeded by the Venetian Camp Want of Victuals against which there is no fence will not suffer us to tarry any longer here though otherwise it might be good for us so to do We cannot march any whither be it either by way of the Plains which lead to Verona or back by the Mountains without meeting with many Inconveniences which will be still occasion'd by our Enemies So as whatsâ—ever resolution we shall put on the Danger will be the same but not the Glory But I have always been of opinion that it became a good Commander to have a care of the preservation of his Army so far as he be not unmindful of their Honour And yet not to value that so much as that he have not a like care of their safety If we turning our back upon our Enemies shall take our way by the Mountains we shall not be able to shun many dangers before we can come thither being that the Enemy will always pursue us and when we shall have most need of rest in respect of the journey which we shall have made and of perpetual Skirmishes we shall then being come to the narrowest places be to fight both with the difficulties of the ways and with thâ—se that do guard them Therefore I think it better by much that you who profess Souldiery may fight with those of the like profession in an open and equal place and by your Worth experience the event of Battle then suffer that this Army being molested and outraged by Mountainers be at last consumed But let us suppose that by excessive good Fortune after having left our Artillery Baggage and Booty in the Power of the Enemy we escape safe through the jaws of these Mountains and get into Germany which truly I cannot expect we shall do we may perhaps free our selves from danger but how can we cancel such shame and ignomy or how can that life be dear unto us which we shall have valued more than our Honour And what greater Infamy can we undergo then through base fear to have shamefully abandoned an Enemies Countrey which we have but just now victoriously over-run without being overcome in Battle I think it therefore our best course to fight the Enemy as soon as may be and to make our way with our Swords through the midst of their Camp As this resolution suites best with the Honour of this Army so doth it carry along with it more hopes of safety Whereas if we tarry longer disputing and shall suffer our selves to be over-born by immodederate fear our Enemies will have so much more reason to grow resolute and insolent But if they see us ready to defend our selves I am confident they will soon re-assume the same Cowardliness which they have hitherto shewn If they did confide in their Forces who sees not that being so often provoked and invited by us they would not have staid so long lock'd up within their Cities Walls and now they are come into the field only to make a vain shew of Valour not with any intention of hazarding themselves in Battle They very well know that the Italian Souldiers can no ways stand in comparison with the stout and valiant Spaniards and Dutch who are much better then they at the Militia I have often try'd their Valour in War and their desire of Glory Therefore if you will imitate your domestick Gallantry nay if you will be what you always have been we may assuredly account the Victory already our own These clownish people and unexperienced in War who have neither learnt to observe Order nor to follow their Colours and who practise the Militia for a little gain not out of any desire of Praise cannot long sustain nor retard our Assault Therefore for what I can at the present foresee we may promise our selves assured Victory and by that Victory great and certain rewards But say that we should meet with some ill success and that I should be deceived in my expectation we may miss the fruit of Victory but certainly this our gallant action cannot miss of Praise since having done what was possible for us to do both by Counsel and by Force of Arms all men must confess that neither daring nor Valour was wanting in us but only Fortune The Souldiers being greatly moved by this discourse casting away all doubts and fears began to desire what they had formerly avoided promising the General to do their parts And Cardona finding the Souldiers willing led the Army though the day were far spent out towards Alviano's Camp and being come within two miles of him he made almost all his Chivalry together with some companies of Spanish Foot advance who gave furiously upon those who were upon our Guard But being terrified by our Artillery for the Trees were cut down every where round about so as they had no place to shelter themselves from shot they faced about and having past over the Valley went against those who as it was said were left by Alviano at the Gate of Vicenza Our men made presently towards the Enemy who came to assault them and having stoutly stood their first Onset quickly repuls'd them the Horse staying to skirmish a little while after the Foot were retreated But the night drawing on and being much gall'd by our Artillery they were likewise soon glad to quit the field and retreat to their own men Whilst these things were a doing Cardona was drawn with the rest of his Army very near the Venetian Camp and had kept his Army in posture to fight Alviano's Camp even till Sun set Wherefore the night being already come on and our Quarters being so near Cardona would not suffer the Tents to be set up nor fall to fortifying fearing left his men might be unexpectedly set upon by our men whilst they should be busied about the works The Souldiers did not quit their Arms all that night lying down upon the ground without any light and in great silence to keep from being hurt by the Artillery of the neighbouring Camp This mean while the Commanders possess'd with great fears bethought themselves of many things but could not well say which was the least dangerous course to take amidst so many hazards they stay'd expecting day hoping that it might chalk them out what to do amidst these difficulties Alviano's Souldiers kept in Arms all that night likewise diligently observing every motion of the Enemy as well in their own respects as also for the safety of those other people with whom Baglione having taken them away together with the Artillery to whither we told you he was gone had possess'd himself of the other part of the Valley which stood over against Alviano's Camp Which as soon as the Enemies knew utterly despairing to make their way on that side and being by necessity dictated so to do they alter'd their way and turn'd backwards towards the Mountains of Schio the which they might the more easily do for that they found themselves less incumbred and
so strange an accident yet were they not thereat affrighted nor cast down for this adversity should rather awaken them to more diligence then any whit detract from the constancy of their minds therefore they desired him to be of good Courage and not to yield to Fortune for the News of his safety in whose Valour they had always very much confided was of great comfort unto them all amidst this their sore Loss and that if he would still continue his ancient stoutness of mind they hoped they might yet be able to stop the Course of their adverse Fortune to asswage the severity thereof and perhaps at last to get the better of their Enemies who were now Conquerours That therefore he should attend the defence of Padua and Trevigi that he should imploy all his diligence thoughts and pains therein that the Senate would be ready to furnish him with Souldiers Arms Victuals Monies and of all things that was else needful After having written this Letter the Senators betook themselves carefully to advise of and provide for all things that were requisite Prince Loredano who was their Duke speaking gravely in the Senate exhorted them all to lend what help they could with all possible speâ—d to the afflicted Common-wealth that they were not at this time to expect help from any but themselves that therefore in this so great necessiâ—y the Country must have recourse to their own Citizens that every one should endeavour to raise her up again and to lend her their help and advice in what they were best able As for himself he would not forbear to do any things which might be serviceaâ—le to his Country to which purpose he had already resolved to send his two Sons Luigi and Bernardo presently away the one to Padua the other to Trevigi and by readily exposing them to all events to dedicate them to his Countrâ— These words spoken by the Duke were of great efficacy but the example greater by which many other young Gentlemen the chiefest of the City who were of great worth and expectation went to the Custody of those Cities Moreover many of the common sort of the City were listed and many of the Arâ—enal together with many Gally-slaves and Mariners commanded for at this time many Gallies were luckily come to the City to go suddenly to Trevigi to the taking of which City the Enemy after their Victory prepared to go But Prospero Colonna by his Counsel and Authority put off the execution thereof for a while Therefore having put off the Enterprize for many days by propounding several difficulties at last he wrought it so as before any resolution should be put on the whole business should be referr'd to that Bishop Gurghense alledging that nothing could be done more to the prejudice of that Armies Reputation then to undertake any thing that might prove vain as the business of Padua had done but a little before Thus Cardona and Prospero agreed to go to Verona leaving the Army at Vicenza where having spent some 20 days Cardona agreed with Maximillian Sforza to take his pay as General of all his men and so quitted the Service of the Spaniards To make amends for which the Vice-roy made some Conductors of Gens d' Armes come with their Companies from Bergamo and Brescia saying that as soon as they should be arrived he would go to the taking in of Trevigi â—f Gritti the Cavalliere della Volpe Ugo de Popoli Giovan Paolo Manfrone and other Commanders of great esteem had the Custody of this City and at this time when the City was not molested by the Enemy it was sufficiently garrison'd and victuall'd So as Cardona being advertised thereof and the Winter coming on an unfit Season to fall upon such a business he went with all his Army into the Territories of Padua and quarter'd his men in Este Montagnana and Moncelese Thus only through the advantage of the Season which forced the Enemy to lay down their Arms the Calamities of War which the State of Venice was likely to have undergone did for this year cease and Affairs were brought to some short condition of quiet This likewise was the only remedy for the many afflictions and adversities of France for the King of England who had taken Terwin and Tornai two great Cities and who had slighted the Walls of the former and put a strong Garrison into the other resolved to return with all his men to his own Kingdom to the end that his Army might be refreshed with commodious Winter Quarters Thus the Wâ—r was not ended but deferr'd till another Season and so many remainders and seeds of Discord continued still in all parts as it was clearly seen that Arms must quickly be re-assumed with greater Violence The End of the first Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK II. THE CONTENTS SElino having possess'd himself of the Ottoman Empire during the life of his Father Bajazet renews the Peace with the Venetians He suppresseth the boldnesâ— of his Brother Achamet by death He begins to plot the destruction of Italy and of the Venetians The Plots of Amurath Son to Achomate are hindered Pope Leo having many things in consideration cannot accord the Christian Princes Marano is lost by the means of Frangipane a Rebel to the Common-wealth neither can it be re gotten He sacks Strasoldo and Monfalcone Vicenza is sack'd by Risano's means Calepino not long after is routed and taken Prisoner Udine not making any resistance surrenders it self to the Dutch The Fort Osofo cannot be taken by the Enemy Crema is defended by Renzo Ceri Baglione is taken Prisoner by the Enemy He is changed for Caravagiale a Spanish Prisoner A miserable fire in the Rialto of Venice Alviano by order from the Senate goes to take in Friulye He sacks Porto Gruaro Savorgnano's Victory Frangipane is taken Prisoner Gurghense disturbs the Treaties referr'd by the Senate to the Pope concerning the differences with the Emperour The King of England finds faults with the Senates Counsels They are justified by the Lieger Embassadour Renzo frees Crema from being besieged Este is taken by night by Sculado by Alviano and is plundered The Spaniards cut to pieces Alviano his Victory at Rovigo Bergamo returns into the Spaniards hands The Vice-roy of Naples is laught at for Alviano's retreat to Padua Selino's Victories in Asia makes the Pope treat again with the Venetians of Peace but in vain who whilst they make closer Friendship with the French King Lewis dyes AT the same time that these things hapned in Europe in Asia Selino during the liâ—e of his Father Bajazet possessed himself or the Ottoman Empire havâ—ng oveâ—come hâ—s brother Achomate in several Battles who pretended likewise to the succession of the Empire but though he had got the Victory by much Gallantry in War he was therein so very severe as he gave clear and evident signs not only of wonderful Magnanimity of mind but also of great cruelty Therefore all Christendome
the discords of our Princes having possess'd themselves of many Christian Kingdomes almost without any gain-saying The Cardinals upon this occasion putting the Pope frequently in mind in the Consistory of his duty and of the imminent dangers were resolved to make him re-assume the Treaty of Peace nor to be quiet till he had effected it to the end that Peace being had amongst the Christian Princes they might all of them with all their joynt Forces bend themselves against Selino the common Enemy They shewed plainly that nothing appertained more to his charge and degree then this or which at least might be of greater glory to him But the Pope though hee were of the same mind yet being troubled and perplexed he be-thought himself of many things for as this Counsel if it should take good success promised assured Praise so divers considerations of Peace and War and much difficulty which appeared to be in the whole business made him afraid and with-held him from the Enterprize for to put an end to so many Wars was of it self thought to be a very difficult Affair but more difficult to find out such a composure as Leo thought might prove good for him and advantagious for the Affairs of the Church for he could have desired that the French might neither have been kept so low nor yet have been so exalted If no remedy were to be found against such great Preparations of War as were preparing against them it was to be feared that the Affairs of France might grow to so low an ebbe as they could no longer give a just Counterpoise to the Dutch and Spanish Forces so as they being become Masters of all they might at last put Fetters upon whole Italy but on the contrary if the Enemies Forces being weakned and divided by his Counsels France should be freed from so heavy a War he knew he had not sufficiently provided for his own safety nor for the Liberty of Italy for nothing was more sure then that King Lewis being an Enemy to peace and quiet would never give over his ancient and natural desire of War But that being freed from the fear of the English Forces and having put his own Affairs into a sure condition he would soon turn both his thoughts and his Forces upon Italy for the recovery of the state of Millan which might be evidently seen since that though he found himself beset by many difficulties yet he had always refused all conditions of Peace which might make him quit his pretentions to the State of Millan The Venetian Affairs were almost upon the same conditions the which the Pope thought could not he reduced to such terms but that they must bring great difficulties along with them for he desired that the Dignity of that Common-wealth might not be much diminished nor yet her Forces much increased He knew that it imported much for the Honour of all Italy that the Venetian Common-wealth should remain whole and intire that to this end Pope Iulio had endeavoured the re-raising of her much abased condition and that following for the same reasons the last and wisely taken Counsels of his Predecessour he had labour'd much to put the Venetians into a peaceable condition But on the other side calling to mind their ancient greatness he thought that if Fortune should smile on them again they would become no less formidable then the other Potentates Thus whilst he waver'd in his Resolves somtimes hoping sometimes fearing his proceedings were different and contrary sometimes he shew'd himself to be but ill satisfied with the Venetians and to be no good Friend of theirs other times he would appear well disposed towards them Whilst the Pope was thus doubtfully minded the War continued still in the same heat the sharpness of the Winter not having any whit hindred it for Prospero Colonna being past with the Millaneses to Crema was joyn'd with the Spaniards so as that City was the sorelier besieged The Paduan Territories wherein the Vice-roy had taken up his Quarters were vexed with continual Inroads and the War grew sharper in Friuli that Country having been some years before mightily terrified for not having any City or Cittadel in it strong either by art or scituation nor able to hold an Enemy play long the Inhabitants were forced to follow his Fortune whosoever was Master of the Field But the Emperour nor the Venetians having neither of them any strong Army in that Country the unfortunate Inhabitants were by the various success of War continually vexed with Pillage and Taxes So as for a long time it had undergone much Calamity and they who were most affectionate to the Venetians were by their Enemies worst used Amongst the rest Christofolo Son to Barnardino Frangipane gave a noteable Example of Cruelty for after having burnt a certain Town in the Territories of Marano he commanded that all the Inhabitants should have both their eyes put out and that their right thumbs should be cut off because they adhered to the Venetians and had hindred him from Victuals Bernardino Frangipane was a little before this turn'd Rebel to the Common-wealth and had sided with Cesar and much vex'd that whole Country He often sollicited the Dutch Commanders that drawing some Country people out of the next Towns of Carnia and Carinthia they should mischief the Territories and Subjects of the Common-wealth So as these people entring into Friuli not as Souldiers nor after the manner of War but as Theeves and Murtherers they destroy'd the Country by plunder and fire and robb'd the Citizens of all that they had By which Injuries when the Venetians were at last constrain'd to send better succours into that Country to keep their Affairs from falling into farther ruine the Enemies who had no warlike Tackling and who were come as hath been said rather to pillage then to fight being loaded with Booty when they heard of our mens coming hasted homewards But hardly was this Country reduced to quiet when our men being to go elsewhere to oppose other designs of the Enemies who assaulted the State of the Common-wealth not in one part only but in many at one and the same time either the same men who were but a little before gone from thence or others of the same sort drawn by a desire of prey return'd with great fury to assault the Territories of Friuli insomuch as they left not any thing at all to those unfortunate Inhabitants The Enemies being at this time grown very powerful so as keeping in that Country they kept some Towns which they had gotten by fraud longer then they had used to do the Senate thought it fit for their safety and reputation to turn their Forces into those parts to the end that the Enemy might not grow more bold to their prejudice and that those people might not totally forego their love and esteem of the Common-wealth A little before this Frangipane had by fraud possess'd himself of the Fort Marano having to this purpose made use
into the Town of Marano and without any delay taking along with him the Dutch Foot that were of the Garrison he unexpectedly went out of the Town and assaulted our men before they were aware of his being come wherefore possest with fear they began to run thinking on nothing but how they might every one of them save themselves The Enemy pursuing our affrighted and scatter'd men some of which endeavoured to pass over the Washes others to get unto the Fleet cut them in pieces and made themselves Masters of their Quarters and of some pieces of Artillery Moreover one of our Gallies which was too late in putting forth and could not get free by reason of the Ebbe fell into the power of the Enemy Scipione being struck on the head with a stone recover'd the Fleet by swimming though he were almost half dead Bobizza was this day slain a gallant man and who in several Battles had given great Testimony of his Valour Those who saved themselves by flight got into Udine In this so great fear and confusion one of ours only Francisco Trono Captain of a Gally wonne some praise for being mindful of the Venetian Dignity he with a few of his Souldiers did valiantly with-stand the first Encounter of the Enemy nor did he forsake his station till all his men were either slain or sorely wounded Frangipane making use of his victorious Fortune went forthwith to Strasoldo and to Monfalcone two Towns in Friuli and finding little or no Garrisons in them took them at his very first appearance and pitifully plundered them At the same time some other Dutch Foot Companies fell unexpectedly upon the Territories of Vicenza these being got together from the neighbouring parts of Carnia by the two Captains Rifano and Calepino sack'd many Towns of that Country and even Vicenza it self Then dividing their Army they went to plunder the neighbouring places Calepino went towards Feltre and on the sudden possest himself thereof but hardly was he three days Master of it when he was driven out by Giovan Bradolino who being sent by Commissary Girolino Pesaro to relieve that City did behave himself very valiantly for having assembled a great number of Country people in the Vally of Marino he past speedily with them and with his light Horse into those parts and forced the Enemy who were affrighted at his unexpected coming to abandon the City and save themselves by flight But Calepino being driven out of Feltre retired into the confines of Bassano intending to sack that Town whereof Francisco Duedo Major of that Town being advertised he assembled together many of the Inhabitants of the neighbouring Towns and calling Bernardino Antignola with his Troop of light Horse into his aid he went to meet the Enemy who being by him assaulted at the Town of Carpenedo amidst the strait passages of the Mountains were routed and dispers'd It made much for our men that they were acquainted with the places which made the Victory the greater and the more easie Many of the Enemies were slain and many taken Prisoners amongst which their chief Commander Calepino very few came off safe But Risano who had taken his way towards Goritia with 800 Foot and 300 Horse meeting with Frangipane by the way who was come from thence he joyn'd his Forces to his which amounting in all to about 5000 Foot and 1000 Horse they joyntly resolved to go to the taking in of Udine When this News came to Venice Malatesta and Giovan Gitturi were speedily sent towards Udine the one as Commissary General of the Militia of Friuli the other Commissary of the Camp these when they came to Udine where they found Girolamo Sourgano began to consult with him and with the Governours of the City how they were to govern the War Many things were variously propounded Some were of opinion that they should chiefly endeavour the safety and defence of Udine others were of another opinion that they should quit the City and remove with their Army into some safer place Those that were thus minded pleaded that they understood by the Spies that Frangipane was marching thitherward with his men and that he would suddenly sit down before the City the defence whereof would be very doubtful and difficult for many reasons Their small number of Souldiers no train of Artillery at all and generally a want of all things necessary for War and notwithstanding the City was very large begirt but with a very weak Wall which would require many valiant men to defend it But many good reasons being alledged to the contrary they were doubtful what to resolve upon Their hopes were somewhat bettered when they considered that the Enemies Army consisted altogether of Country people unexperienced in War that their Commanders had neither experience nor reputation that they had but few Guns and that they had not men enough to besiege the City At last after mature advice they all agreed that they would defend the City provided that the Citizens should promise they would take up Arms as well as the Souldiers and do all the duties of the Militia for besides the Horse and some few Country people there was but 400 Foot in the City which were no ways sufficient to guard the Walls and sustain the Assault of the Enemy Savoragnano was therefore enjoyn'd to try how the Citizens stood affected and what might be expected from them He therefore calling before him many of the best and valiantest men of the City He exhorted them to take up Arms for the safety of their Country and Honour of the Common-wealth and that being moved by the desire of praise and by their own danger they would strive to keep the cruel Enemy far from their own homes He shew'd them what they were to do for their own defence and how an idle fear of the Enemy might turn to their real ruine that if things were rightly cast up they needed nothing but Courage and a stout resolution to defend themselves that if they would shew themselves willing to do this though but for a short while making at least but an appearance to fight and to stand the Assault the Enemy who had undertaken this business not out of any desire of Glory but out of Booty confiding more in the small numbers of our Souldiers then in their own Worth would doubtlesly soon quit the Enterprize So as within a few days they might free their City from the great danger it was in what could they hope for of any truth from the Enemy And how bitter use were they accustomed to make of their Victories was known sufficiently by woful experience to that whole Country that if they should resolve to submit themselves to the will of the Enemy without making any resistance they could not notwithstanding have any hopes of saving the City for it was almost impossible to keep the Dutch Souldiers from committing Insolencies who were usually greedy of Booty but now almost necessitated thereunto for want of pay So
a Rampiere Wherefore the Enemy dispairing to get the Victory that way resolved to try another and to open their way into that work by new Engines They put some rafters together at the foot of the Mountain in somewhat an eminent place made like Towers about some ten foot high of earth by standing wherein they hoped they should be the better able and with less disadvantage to fight those that did defend the work But Savorgnano planting his Artillery on the opposite part of the Mountain before these raftters were raised any higher began to trouble them and finally by many shot beat it down to the ground All the hopes the Enemy had lay now in their Souldiers Valour Wherefore Frangipane having chosen out the valiantest of all his Army prepared for the Assault drawing near the Walls by those very steps which were formerly made by Savorgnano and cut out of the hard Rock that they might be of use for the Castle But herein their many Attempts did likewise prove vain for they were always stoutly repuls'd by Savoragnano's Souldiers who did not only make use of their Weapons against them but tumbled down great stones upon them which precipitating from those steep crags and falling upon them that were underneath proved very mortal to them So the Enemy were forced to fall from assaulting the Castle to besieging it Those within had Victuals and Wine enough to serve them for a long time but so great scarcity of water as the greatest part of their Horses being already dead for want thereof there was hardly enough left to make bread with The Senate did this mean while encourage Savoragnano with many Letters and did invite him to a greater desire of praise they said they did all of them very much confide upon his Worth and Loyalty for which he might promise himself an answereable reward from the Common-wealth which was always very grateful to her well deserving Subjects that when his Glory and the like of his Souldiers should be considered by all men it would be immortal but that the Senate in particular would be always mindful of his deserts It is hard to be said how much joy and good hopes these praises and encouragements did infuse into the Besieged And it so fell out as they were also befriended by divine Providence for there fell such store of rain as did suffice a long while for all their occasions Wherefore it was thought that the supply which was long before treated of in the Senate might safely be deferr'd unto another time Whilst these things past thus in Friuli the Venetians Affairs went prosperously on in Lombardy though all things were not quiet there for the Spaniards and Sforzeses being encamped as hath been said before Crema Renzo da Ceri had very valiantly defended that City rendering all the Enemies endeavours vain who had gone about the taking of it both by Assault and Siege Nay the Souldiers of the Garrison had much indamaged the Enemy by many bold Sallies and returned safe into the City Renzo being advertised by his Spies that Cesare Feramosca one of the Spanish Commanders was come with 50 Gens d' Armes and 50 light Horse to take â—p his Winter Quarters at Calcinato a Town in the Bergamasco Territories about 20 miles from Crema thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him of doing a noteable Act if he should assault at unawares the Enemy whilst they lay lazying not apprehending any danger but thinking themselves safe by reason of the season of the year He chose out three valiant men in whose Worth he thought he might very much confide to wit Silvestro Nerni Baldisera da Rastano and Marcello Astoldo the first two being Foot Captains the last a Commander of Curassiers he acquainted them with what they had to do and told them that the chief hope of dispatching the Enterprize lay in expedition they with all diligence and courage strove to do what was committed to their trust They went in the dark of night out of the City and got to Calcinato before day where they entred the Town by Scalado not meeting with any resistance and possessing themselves suddenly of the Gates they let in the Horse and the remainder of the Foot and having guarded the Gates they fell to pillage the Country the Enemy being astonished at the unexpected chance and made themselves Masters both of the Goods and persons of the Inhabitants not receiving any the least harm themselves Which being done our men returned to Crema loaded with prey and much commended for so noble an Action Renzo's diligence and vigilancy was highly commended for that with a constant and undaunted courage being long opposed by the Enemy both with Sword and Famine he had not only with-stood them but had much indamaged them But the more he was cry'd up the more desirous was he of Glory He was very careful in observing the Enemies removals and abodes he considered both place and time when any occasion might be offer'd of doing some other handsom Action and being advertised that Count Santa Severina was in the Territories of Brescia with 50 Gens d' Armes at Quinzano he suddenly bethought himself how to be Master of them the which that he might the more safely do he intended to deceive the Enemy with a piece of Military cunning Hearing that many of the Enemy were got to the Town of Triogolâ— and fearing lest his men might receive some prejudice by these either as they went to Quinzano or in their return from thence he sent 20 Horse with ten Drums into the Territories of Cremona who were to pass by all the Towns beating an Alarm and making a great noise to affright the Inhabitants and make them believe that the Enemy was at hand so as they should as they did retreat speedily into Trigoli where shutting to the Gates they endeavour'd to secure the Town expecting every moment to be assaulted In the interim those that were sent by Renzo about this business came speedily to Quinzano and falling at unawares upon the Gens d' Armes that were in the Town took them all and their Commanders Prisoners and took much corn cattle and other things from those Territories which were of great use to the Besieged in Crema The readiness of the Citizens and Country people to serve the Common-wealth to the utmost of their Power was a great furtherance to Renzo in doing these things for they did not only shew themselves willing to do what was commanded them but when money was wanting to pay the Souldiers for all the Avenues were shut up so as monies could not be safely sent from Venice the Citizens maintain'd the Army at their own charge No News was ever heard of yielding no complaining upon the times no weariness of being besieged nor of so many burthens and toyl all things were govern'd with great concord and good order as if the City had been in great quiet and far from any danger or trouble of War and yet
in the Camp scarce 50 escaped free away and but few of 1800 Foot Renzo won much Honour by this Action for though he had tarried long in those parts to ruine the Town of Ombriano sacking the Neighbouring Territories to bring all the Booty that he could get into the City yet Prospero Colonna suffer'd these things to be done before his eyes and his Army looking on not daring so much as once to get out of his Quarters nay hearing some days after that Renzo was coming with 300 Horse to relieve the Town fearing lest he might fall into some greater mishap he raised the Camp and freed Crema from Siege quartering his Souldiers in several Towns of Ceradada The Spaniards though they treated of Peace yet had they not all this while forborn injurious Proceedings wherefore the Senate though they had resolved not to suffer their men to go out of Padua after what you have heard was done in Friuli yet not willing that the Enemy should daily grow more insolent gave way that Alviano who had often desired permission so to do should take men out of the City putting them in mind that they were not now to revenge themselves upon the Enemy but should think they had done enough if they could keep them from committing rapine and plunder But desirous notwithstanding that the Army might be stronger so as it might be ready upon all occasions they commanded Iovan Paolo Maâ—frone who remained in Friuli with a hundred Curassiers that he should forthwith go with his Horse to Alviano's Camp Who before he took the field sent Bernardino Antignola and Hanibale Lencio with 300 light Horse towards Cittadella to keep Bassano and Marostica in Loyalty and to preserve them from being injured having understood that the Enemy were drâ—wing near those Castles He went the next day out of Padua with the rest of the Army consisting of 600 Curassiers 600 cross-bow men 400 Albanese Horse and about 8000 Foot and marching towards the Eugenean-Mouâ—â—â—ins when he waâ— got four miles off to Brassegana he there divided all his men into two bodies and resolved to tarry there till he might better understand what the Enemy did But the Senate when they heard of this writ him word that he should joyn all his men together presently to the end that if peradventure the Enemy should come to assault him he might not be necessitated shamefully to abandon one paâ—t or by asisting it to ingage himself again in a Battle which they wished him by all means possible to avoid These proceedings and resolutions of our men were very well known to the Vice-roy wherefore tarrying at the Torre in the Territories of Vicenza he commanded the Marquess of Pescara to march speedily to Cittadella with 300 light Horse 500 Foot and some pieces of Artillery wherein Antignola was with the Chivalry So as the Enemy being got thither before our men thought they would have done they furiously assaulted the Castle which Antignola did valiantly defend But Pescara understanding that that part of the Town which was opposite to where they fought was left without any men to defend it he sent a Band of his men thither without the knowledg of them that were within to the end that scaling the Walls whilst the Defendants were fighting on the other side they might the more easily overcome them and fall on upon the backs of our men which falling out just as it was designed Antignola's Souldiers being busied in several fights and astonished at so unexpected an accident some of them were slain some taken Prisoners amongst which Antignola's self was one and Francisco Coco the chief Magistrate of the Town another and the Castle was sack'd by the Souldiers As soon as this was known at Venice the Senators being greatly moved both for the present loss and much more for the scorn thereof and the remembrance of their late calamities they commanded Alviano that he should suddenly pass his Army back again over the River Bachillione but he thinking that this might be a dishonour to him and to his Army before this order was obeyed let the Senate know that he was in a very safe place where he could not fear to be indamaged by the Enemy that he was absolutely resolved to abstain from battle whereunto he could not be by the Enemy enforced But some of the Senate continuing in their opinion that he was to remove his quarters it was resolved that Dominico Trevisano and Lunardo Mocenico who were then Savij of the Council should be sent to view his Quarters that they might the better know the Captains Opinion and the reason of this advice These brought word back that the situation was indeed such as Alviano had represented it to be for the Quarters were in the midst between two Rivers Brenta and Bachilone and the Fortifications such as there was no fear to be had of the Enemy for Alviano had been very careful in drawing a Trench and a Ditch and had very well fortified all befitting places so as there was no more speech had of changing Quarters Yet the Spaniards though the Army which was in Padua was drawn out into the field did by continual Inrodes daily vex the Inhabitants of those parts Having heard that a great many Country people had with-drawn themselves and their cattle to Cavarzere that they might be there the freer from Injuries that place being every where environed with Fens they betook themselves in great numbers towards that part in many Barks which were got together upon the Banks of Adice whereof when Andrea Bondelmiero the Podestà or chief Governour of Pioggia heard he caused many Barks to be armed and sent them towards Cavarzere whether also Iovan di Naldo went with the light Horse out of Padua Wherefore the Enemy altering their resolution went to Carigiola and Candiana two very rich Towns by reason of the fruitfulness of the ground from whence they carried away much Booty And as they had sack'd all the Banks of Bachillione on the left hand the year before so doing now the like on the other side they left nothing but bare ground in that Country All this while Alviano kept within his Quarters observing the Enemies Actions and hearing that they had carried great store of corn to the Town of Estâ— and that there was 300 of their Foot and 100 light Horse there he sent Antonio da Castello thither with a good number of Foot and a Troop of light Horse who clapping their Ladders to the Walls by night and entring the Town took all the Enemies that were there Prisoners carrying away as much corn as they could and burning the rest This was of more praise to our Souldiers for that it was done almost in sight of the enemy And soon after Mercurio Bua and Malatesta Baglione as they were marching through the Territories of Padua and Vicenza to secure those parts from being ransack'd by the enemy they met with two companies of Spanish Foot at Camisano whom
they cut all in pieces and put some others to flight who came to relieve them This mean while Nicolo Vendramino came to the same place with 500 valiant Albanese Horse who joyning with those of Bua and Malatesta and growing thereby more powerful and more strong they began to inlarge themselves and to pursue the Enemy destroying the country with fire and sword even to Trent And having sufficiently vindicated their Injuries they returned safe to Alviano's camp without the loss of any one Souldier The Common-wealths Souldiers were much inheartned by these happy successes and so much was the reputation of Alviano's Army already increased as a Troop of our men being com very near the Vice-roys camp not any one durst come forth to skirmish with them nay not thinking themselves safe in those Quarters they soon after quitted their Quarters at Montagnana and went to Polesinâ— By which departure of the Vice-roys Alviano thinking that he had now opportunity to oppress those of the Enemies party who tarried in the Territories of Veroâ—a commanded Malatesta Baglione and Mercurio Bua to march presently with the Chivalry towards Verona saying that he himself would follow them the same way with the rest of his Army Baglione and Bua found the Enemy at the Town of Zevio where they lay secure not apprehending any thing from our Army So as being set upon at unawares by night they were very much damnified by our men wherefore the Vice-roy learing some worser business removed his camp presently into the Territories of Verona leaving part thereof at Rovigo and Lendenara that they might live the more commodiously in that fruitful Country As he past forward chiefly to secure Verona he began to be more apprehensive because he heard Alviano came on with his whole Army wherefore he sent 800 Foot and 500 Horse to succour the Town The Veroneses began already to mutiny in that Town for growing very weary of the Dutch Government they desired to return under the Dominion of the Common-wealth and being at this time chiefly given to rebel they expected Alviano's coming and the rather for that they hoped when his Army should approach near the Walls the Souldiers who were distress'd for want of many things might out of danger be the more easily be brought to yield The Enemy therefore were timorous in all their Proceedings and our men the more hardy which made our men the more successful and theirs the contrary Alviano knowing that by the Vice-roys departure the Souldiers that were at Polisine were much decreased bethought himself suddenly of that place thinking that he had now a secure occasion of Boory offer'd him He at the present discovered his mind only to Baldesara Scipione because the greatest hopes of success lay in assaulting the Enemy before they could be aware of it or provide for defence He sent Scipione to those Confines to discover the condition of the Seat the number of the Enemy and their works but he himself to free the Enemy from suspition march'd another way towards the Territories of Vicenza and hearing by Scipione that the business might easily be effected if all the Army were suddenly brought to Rovegio he departed from the Town of Malo whither he was first bent and marched thitherward and came with such speed to within a mile of Rovegio as the Enemy were not as yet aware of his coming nor had they discovered any thing Wherefore Alviano sent Scipione with some few before that he might enter the Town at unawares to the Inhabitants and possess himself of the Gates to make them sure for him who followed after with the rest of the Army The Gates being seized on all Alviano's Souldiers got into the Town and quickly advanced even to the Piazza for as good luck would have it the Country people according to their custom were come in great numbers to Rovigio where there was a solemn market held and the Spanish Souldiers mixing with the Country people and Trades-men went promiscuously through the Market-place some to buy things some for pastime so as being unexpectedly set upon by our men they being dispers'd here and there could neither sustain the violence of the Assalliants nor assemble themselves together for their better defence Some drew their swords to defend themselves but were either soon cut in pieces or taken Prisoners This Victory was the more remarkable as being gotten without so much as any of our mens being wounded for the Enemy without any fighting lost almost all their Horse and many of them of all sorts wree led away Prisoners whereof 200 of the chiefest of them and Mauricco's self a Spanish Captain who had the command of all those men were sent by Alviano to Venice where they were put into safe custody The other Spanish Souldiers who were in the neighbouring parts hearing of Alviano's being come and what had befallen their Fellows leaving their Baggage and throwing their Victuals into the River saved themselves by flight wherein many of them were notwithstanding taken Prisoners and Piscara retreated with the rest of his Army to Verona The News of this happy success did very much rejoyce all the Venetians not so much for the thing it self as that the Fortune of the Common-wealth being altered they thought they might hope for better things for the future The Senate sent Letters of great acknowledgments to Alviano Saying he had truly shewed how great his worth and experience was in Military Affairs wherein he had manifested his love to the Common-wealth and a great desire to recover what she had lost and had much increased his own Glory and his merits towards the Common-wealth But Alviano though he had chased the Enemy resolved still to proceed with the same diligence and circumâ—pection So without delay he marched with his Army towards the Territories of Verona where possessing himself of all the Avenues and placing men of War in all fitting places upon the Shore side of the River Adice he endeavoured to keep Victuals from being brought into Verona But being advertised that Pescara was come with his men out of Verona to encounter him and fearing lest his Army might run the danger of being caught in the midst between the City and the Enemies camp he resolved to go farther from the City and finding safer Quarters to keep there and to inform himself diligently of the Enemies intentions and of whatsoever they should do as well in the camp as in the City that so he might resolve upon better grounds what he had to do Renzo da Ceri hoping for better things by these the Venetians happy successes began to think upon matters of greater moment Wherefore hearing that the City of Bergamo was but weakly garrisoned and imagining it might easily be taken he committed the business to Mafsio Cagnuolo Bergamasco one who was thought very expert at Military Affairs and very well affectioned to the Venetians This man taking along with him 500 light Horse with each of them a Foot man behind them made
affairs of the French and Venetians went on with great union both of mind and Forces The others being this mean while doubtful what to do Renzo da Ceri being entred the confines of Millan with 2000 Foot 500 light Horse and 200 Curassiers had taken the Castle of Leone by force and had received many other Towns into the Kings Loyalty carrying away such Souldiers Prisoners as did guard them Wherefore he was more honour'd and respected then the rest and had wonne so great a conceit of Worth as mighty things were expected from him but certain secret enmity increasing daily between him and Alviano Renzo could not suffer that the supream degree of the Militia should rest in Alviano Wherefore foreseeing that when the Armies should be joyned together he should be compell'd to obey him at a time of great importance he asked leave to give over serving the Venetians They were both of them certainly very gallant men but very proud and haughty minded Alviano would not see any equal to him in Dignity and Renzo could not be commanded by another and both of them were highly esteemed by the Venetians who had been very diligent in composing the differences between them To which purpose the Senate had sent Dominico Trevisano and Gâ—orgio Cornaro two Senators of great authority to Padua but finding them both to be strangely high minded and full of envy and hatred they could not appeaâ—e them nor make them friends wherefore they return'd to Venâ—ce without having done any thing Renzo's transcendent Worth accompanied with like Fortune had raised his name to that height as by consent of all men he was equalled for fame and glory to the most cry'd up Commanders of Italy But either his Worth or his Fortune beginnâ—ng to decline he did not any thing from that time forwards worthy of his former fame Having obtain'd leave of the Senate he went to Rome under pretence of negotiating his private affairs but in effect to be entertain'd in the Popes service wherein he had but ill success so as the things which he had attempted but failed in did in a great part obscure his formerly wonne fame Renzo being gone from Lodi the Switzers finding the City without a Garrison possess'd themselves of it but hearing soon after that the French Army drew near and thinking that they were not able to defend it they quickly quit the City which was soon possess'd by Alviano's people who were formerly gone into those parts From thence Alviano went with some few of his men to Marignano to advise with the French how they were to manage the War Whilst these things were done Alphonso Duke of Ferrara was only a quiet Spectator of the success of War and though he had often promised to adhere unto the French yet he had not as yet sent in any assistance but minding his own interest sollicited and entreated the Venetians to assault Modena and Reggio whilst their Army was in the Territories of Rovigo affirming that those Cities were so weakly garrison'd as if their Army would but draw near them they might easily be taken which when they should be the Pope would be so much troubled thereat as apprehending his own affairs he would easily be perswaded to alter his resolution But the Venetians though the Pope adhered to their Enemies did notwithstanding abhorre making War upon the Ecclesiastical State and this the more because they did not as yet well know the Kings mind herein for Leo using his accustomed cunning had not as yet discovered his alienation from the King Wherefore the Venetians not listning to Alphonso's advice prest him to send his men unto the Camp where the Common-wealths Forces were and to lend his assistance to the War affirming that nothing was to be done but to lay a good foundation for the French for if they should prove prosperous those Cities would certainly be restored to him as a reward of his pains and fidelity it not being to be doubted but that the Pope would follow the Victors fortune and accept of such conditions of agreement as they should impose upon him who being victorious were become arbitrators of the affairs of Italy That therefore since the condition of affairs were such now as there was no peace to be hoped for it behooved him by all means to adde unto the forces of the League against the common Enemies for it was clear that those who had most men would at last be Masters of the Field and Towns These reasons did not notwithstanding prevail with Alphonso to make him quit his Neutrality till he saw what would become of the War Hardly was Alviano gone from the confines of Rovigo when Mark Antonio Colonna who had the keeping of Verona issuing unexpectedly out of the City with 3000 Foot and about 700 Horse entred the Confines of Vicenza plundering and ruinating the Country At which though the Venetians were very much troubled yet could not the grief thereof make them forget their promises made to the King of France nor change their resolution of pursuing the War in the places and manner already begun Alviano gave order therefore that not any whatsoever accident should make his men alter the way they had taken but that they should march on and chiefly minde the good and greatness of the King of France it being their chief design to oblige him for they knew if the King should prosper in his attempts the state of the affairs of Italy must change and the fortune of the Common-wealth must chiefly be raised up Out of these reasons all other respects being laid aside the Venetian Army past into Lombardy but the nearness of the Enemy kept them from joyning with the French so as all things concerning the War proceeded yet but uncertainly for there were four Armies in the same Country encamp'd not far from one another There were in the French Camp above 40000 men of which 1500 Curassiers the choice Noble men of France who being excellently well armed and hors'd were of great beauty and strength unto the Army The French men hoping that by these men chiefly they might be able to keep the Country open every where past on and having got the Cities of Pavia and Novara they stay'd as hath been said in the Town of Marignano The Venetians were not far from this place who having taken the Town of Lodi kept still in those parts and this Army consisted of 12000 Foot and 3000 Horse and both these Armies had great store of Artillery and of all warlike Preparations To oppose these there were two other Armies ready of the Enemies which were likewise forc'd for the same reasons to keep asunder In one of these Armies were the Popes Militia the Florentines and the Spanish Foot of more esteem for the worth of their veterane Souldiers then for their numbers and these lay near Piacenza upon the Banks of Poe. The other Army was the Switzers wherein 't was said there was 40000 men who being entred at this
success began to have better hopes of putting an end unto the War The Venetians did always make very great account of Brescia by reason of the number of her Inhabitants and she was of great service to the Common-wealth by means of her fruitful rich and copious fields and moreover because the Gentry and commonalty therein were ever held to be faithful and loving to their Country The Senate gave many thanks to the King of France for that by the ready assistance of his men they had re-gained that City wherein as his Commanders had shewn singular Worth as should always be by them acknowledged so did his Majesty share in the glory and the Common-wealths obligations to him was much increased thereby Letters were likewise written to Lautrech wherein as his faith and diligence were much commended so was he desired to make use of such fitting occasions as did offer themselves for other prosperous successes since the fortune of the Common-wealth began to alter They put him in mind that if the Army who were very desirous of the Enterprize were suddenly carried to before the Walls of Verona they might be almost sure to get that City and so the whole War would be prosperously ended that he could do nothing that would redound more to his own glory and to the advantage of his King then this for assuredly when the Common-wealth of Venice should chiefly by the aid and favour of the French be restored to her pristine greatness their Empire would be confirmed for many years in Italy to his particular and immortal glory whereof he having shew'd himself to be at all times desirous he needed imitate no body but himself Lautrech being much taken as it appeared by these Speeches he resolved to march with his camp in company with Trivulcio towards the Territories of Verona but being come to Peschiera whilst the Army was yet on this side the River Menzo Lautrech told the Venetian Commissaries who expected nothing less at this time That he could not tarry longer then three days in the Territories of Verona for that he had had intelligence that the Switzers were resolved to take up Arms and that they were already prepared to assault the Dukedom of Millan the danger whereof being considered he thought it would make much against the Service of his King to keep his men any longer farther off from the Confines of that State These things being propounded in the Council they were all of a joynt opinion not to remove the camp from the place where it was but to tarry there till they might have some more certain News of the Switzers moving which was brought to the camp only by a flying rumour Lest if the Army should advance farther and be doubtful whether it should tarry there any longer or no they might make men believe by their sudden departure that they had raised the Army for want of Forces or for fear of the Enemies approach and out of dispairing to do any good upon Verona which would make them lose the reputation they had won by their prosperous success at Brescia and whereas now they were a terrour to their Enemies they would become their scorn But the News of the Switzers advancing increasing daily Lautrech would needs carry the whole Army into the State of Millan And though this resolution was gain-said by all the other Commanders who alledged That the place where the Army now was was naturally very strong and very fit wherein to put on such Resolves as the condition of Affairs or the Enemies March which was then uncertain should require Yet he standing fix'd to his opinion of removing the camp moved that it should be carried to near Asola in the Brescian Territories alledging That Verona was then gallantly garrison'd for that after the dis-banding of Cesars Army many of the Switzers and Dutch were retreated thither so as that Attempt was likely to prove vain and that therefore to undertake a difficult business without assured hopes of effecting it was no better then to hinder themselves in their other Proceedings and to confound the whole Government of the War He added hereunto sometimes to find other excuses for his counsel that the Venetians had given ear to the King of Poland who was said to have treated of peace by his Embassadours wherefore they were to expect an issue of that Treaty before they fell upon any other business and finally he complain'd that monies were not sent at the time appointed to pay the 6000 Dutch Foot as the Common-wealth had promised Gritti gain-said all these assertions saying that things were much otherwise then Lautrech had represented them to be That there was a great scarcity of all things in Verona especially of Corn that the Garrison which was entred thereinto was likely to be a greater inconvenience to the City through the dearth of Corn then a safety by increasing the numbers of the Defendants that if the Army should fall off then when the Harvest was so near at hand and should afford the Enemy opportunity to gather in the fruits of the Earth and bring them into the City they must make account to attempt the same Enterprize upon much greater disadvantage at another time when they should have no other hopes then what lay in their Forces and Weapons and that not without much danger and uncertainty of good success Moreover that they understood by those Souldiers that were fled into their Camp that there was great falling out in the City between the Citizens and the Souldiers and great confusion in all things whereby the Affairs of War were treated of with much negligence and jealousie That therefore when the Army should draw near 't was likely that the people partly to provide for their own safeties and others out of theâ—r affections to the parties they sided withal would make some commotion and afford better opportunity of gaining the City Assuredly said Gritti it is not to be believed that the Senate of Venice should â—reat of any thing touching peace with the Polish Embassadour contrary to the will of the King of France nor yet so much as without his knowledg the constancy of the Senators having been such and so manifest in renewing the War for so long a time their observancy towards the King and their confidence in the French Nation having been so great as that they had often times refused fair conditions of peace which had been offer'd them and had always studied the Kings greatness no less then the good of the Common-wealth which might be witnessed as well by their actions of the former year as now of latter days near Millan wherein rather an express Commandment then tacite consent came from the Senate Let these suspitions and jealousies then cease and let them not prevail so far as to make any of us less ready to do what the common good doth counsel the monies which are due to the Dutch Foot are already prepared and as soon as the ways shall be safe
and open they will doubtlesly be brought to the Camp but when I think of our departure from hence and of our going into the Brescian Territories I find that greater inconveniences will insue thereby And the like will befall our City for the people of that Country who have been always faithful to the Common-wealth and who have suffer'd so much by the Wars now when they should begin to make themselves whole will be opprest almost with their late former grievances by the coming of so great an Army into their precincts since it is they that must feed it So we shall be burthensom to our friends and shall forbear our Enemies we shall lessen the affections of the former and encourage the others When Gritti had spoke thus to confirm his opinion he added that though Lautrech should not follow them his opinion was that the Venetian Army should of and by it self march into the Territories of Verona The Captain General and all the rest of the Venetian Commanders were of the same opinion with Gritti so as certainly his opinion would have been followed if after more mature consideration they had not feared that such a resolution would in some other respects be prejudicial to the Common-wealth for by this division of the Army the forces of the League would not only be diminished but the Enemies would believe by this disagreement of the Commanders that the confederate Princes might easily be divided But Lautrech were it either in pursuance of his nature which was not to part easily from his opinion or that he would not willingly hazard the glory of having recovered Brescia to any new events of War could never be perswaded either by reason or by entreaties to venture upon the taking of Verona but with much ado yielded at last to tarry awhile in those Quarters where he was The opinion of many was afterwards confirm'd by the sequel of things that Lautrech having notice of a Treaty of agreement which was in hand between King Francis and Charles Duke of Burgondy which was begun in the City of Noyon did by thus drawing things out at length more mind his Kings conveniency then either his own praise or the Venetians service The Senate being this mean while inform'd of all these passages and esteeming it to be very disadvantagious and contrary to their designs to permit the Enemies who were in Verona to gather in their Harvest they charged Commissary Paulo Gradinigo to draw forth a Band of the best Souldiers that were in Garrison at Padua and that with them and those that were in the Territories of Vicenza under the Government of Frederick Gousaga he should over-run the confines of Verona spoil the corn which was upon the ground and use all means possible to keep the corn from being brought into Verona But the Enemy being advertised of these mens departure went unexpectedly out of Verona and going by another way then our men did went into the Territories of Vicenza and Padua and did much mischief Lautrech had stay'd in the same Quarters about some thirty days when the News of the Switzers being quite over and having no other reason for his so long delay growing likewise suspitious that it might redound somewhat to his disparagement that he had kept the Army so long idle and had lost so much time he resolved at last to remove the camp and to go into the Territories of Verona whereunto he was the rather moved by a protestation made by the Venetian Commissaries that else they would not issue forth the monies which were then come to the camp for the Dutch Souldiers The camp being raised the first day of August all the Army was led to the Town Gotalengo to be passed over the River Adice The first thing the Commanders did was to possess themselves of the straitest passages of the Mountains by which the Dutch were wont to come from Germany to Verona by placing good Guards in them to the end that the ways being block'd up the City might be kept from being relieved By which means the Spanish and Dutch Foot corn growing every day dearer and dearer and not having received their pay from Cesar whereby to help their many inconveniences past over in great numbers to the Venetian camp where they were willingly received and muster'd amongst their Militia And the Switzers moved by the example of others and hating the great inconveniences of a Siege return'd most of them to their own homes There were then in Our Army 8000 Italian Foot and 6000 Dutch to boot with the French aid 1000 Curassiers 2000 light Horse many famous Commanders in War and all other things necessary for the taking in of the City It was resolved that the Army being divided into two camps the City should be begirt on two sides to the end that the Defendants who were already reduced to a small number might be the sooner wearied by doing perpetual duties These things being begun to be put in execution as was resolved of in counsel the Dutch Souldiers though they had received three moneths pay began to mutiny and refused to obey their Commanders and though Trivulcio was already on his March with his other companies they would not stir from where they were saying they would not carry Arms against the Emperour nor be led to the taking of a City possess'd by him These men not being to be perswaded out of their opinion the Venetian Souldiers not being able to do of themselves what was particularly recommended to Trivulcio Lautrech promised to give them other companies out of his Souldiers but considering afterwards that by the loss of those men his Army would be much weakened and his camp not be over safe he changed his mind and without attempting any thing fell aloof off two miles from the City and the Venetians were forc'd to do the like for they were not able to do any thing of themselves This mean while the Garrison began daily to decrease within the City for many Dutch Colours return'd home and others past over to the Venetian camp and came in such numbers as no more fugitive Souldiers would be received into the camp for the Venetians remembered that these men were rather a trouble and an expence then any aid wherefore they thought it not safe to relye upon their Loyalties And they feared likewise lest a much greater number of Mountainers who had formerly been in Cesars camp seeing such hopes of gain given them and that they might get those pays from Cesar's Enemies which he had not paid them might descend from the neighbouring Villages into the Territories of Verona Yet so many were the defendants as though great store were gone the City was notwithstanding well munited Wherefore Lautrech not thinking it fit to attempt any thing without the hopes of effecting it demanded more help of the Venetians if they would have him take Verona which though it were hard to do yet that they might not leave a business of so great
to report the Forces of Enemies to be greater then they were because the Authors of such News doe invent â—â—ny things according as feare dictates unto them but grant that all was to be beleeved that was reported none affirmed that the Enemies Forces exceeded 7000 Foot and those with out any Millitary Discipline and without any War-like preperations that a more unworthy resolution nor more prejudicial to their honour could not be taken then to shew unto the Enemy by raising of their Camp wherein there was above 20000 Souldiers many renowned Commanderes gallant Horses both for Number and Worth store of all things necessary that they did so feare so small a number of the Enemy as at the very News of their approach they had retired themselves so as they might with reason be thought to be driven out of their Quarters and to have given over all hopes of Victory And wherefore said they should we not think rather of sending out our light Horse followed by our fleetest Foot to encounter and oppose the Enemy The business would not last long nor would it be difficult since those men who had no experience in War and were unprovided of all things would easily be put in disorder and routed And say they should prove so stout as to stand and make resistance a little delay of succor would make it come too late and doe noe good since if we doe resolve to use our utmost power the City must needs yeeld and fall into our hands at the first or second Assault To these things Lautrech answered That he had not taken this resolution by chance or moved thereunto by any feare but that he thought it fitting to doe so that he might in time provide for the safety of those men who were opposed by two Armies of the Enemy the one within the City the other upon the Mountains That the Dutch Foot were already gotten out of the straightest and most difficult waies and that there was no hopes to keep them off since they were already Masters of the passes that were naturaly strong It was therefore to be considered that if they should send some few men against them t' would be but in vaine and that the nature of the places the straight and Rocky waies would not permit them to send many That he had a care of the safety of that Army which being devided into two Camps was thereby the weaker So as if they should lessen the numbers of their men by sending a great number to this action they should not a little indanger the main business since several accidents might bereave our Camps which were divided by the River into two parts of the means of Interchangeably succouring one another if they should be Assaulted by the Enemy Lautrech standing thus firm to his first opinion he commanded that the Ensigns should be suddenly removed wherein being followed by the other Commanders all the Army was brought to Albaredo Commissary Paolo Gradinige and Giovan Paolo Manfrone being left with 800 Horse and 2000 Foot to guard the Bridg left if it should be broken the Army might not know how to come by victuals but the Army having tarried there but a little while went to Villa Franca where they took up their Quarters and fortified themselves They began then to think upon the main business but the advisers differing in their opinions nothing was concluded on This mean while Rocadolfo who commanded the Dutch Foot our Army being gone and there being none to hinder him entred into Verona and having brought good store of corn wine and cattle into the City he tarried there some few days and leaving many of his sound men in the places of such as were weak and wounded fearing left his longer abode there might prove incommodious to the City by reason of the scarcity of corn he return'd into Germany Our Souldiers though they were removed from before the City and though it were in the depth of Winter did not notwithstanding forbear to over-run all the neighbouring Country to keep victuals from being brought to Verona Whereupon many slight Skirmishes were had and chiefly by the Horse for the Enemy issuing out of the Town endeavour'd to bring in some corn to amend the scarcity thereof and our men on the contrary going out of the camp and falling upon the Enemy as they were scatter'd abroad here and there did seek to keep them from so doing In these Skirmishes Mercurio Bua and Babone Naldo won great praise both for Man-like valour and Military cunning they left nothing quiet nor safe for the Enemy in that Country they were every where kept back victuals and brought many of the Enemy Prisoners to the camp The Castle of Crouaria was at this time held by the Dutch this is a very narrow place seated amidst the hardest passages of the Mountains upon a steep cliff from whence the River Adice is carried with a swift and violent course towards Verona which if our men could recover that passage would easily be stopt and victuals hindred from being carried by the River into the City Mercurio and Babone were imploy'd about this who by their worth and diligence overcame the craggedness of the ways and the Forces of the Enemy for setting upon the Souldiers who had the guard of the Castle unexpectedly by night they slew them all put all the rest to flight forcing them to quit the Castle and to provide for their own safeties This Castle being taken a Garrison was put thereinto which did much incommodiate the Enemy by keeping them from such corn as was wont to be carried by the River But nothing of great moment was done in the camp nor did they think of altering their Quarters which made the Venetian Commissaries complain yet more of Lautrech for that by his means the City of Verona was not yet taken And that at this time when the Enemies inconveniences perswaded them to return agaâ—n unto the Siege the Army kept loytering within the camp as if nothing remain'd to be done And truly as all men wondred at these Proceedings so there was not any one that commended them But Lautrech bade the Commissaries be of good cheer and finding several excuses for his delays told them that all things sufficient should be had whereby to put a good period to the War and bade them believe constantly that Verona should quickly return to the Venetians Dominion Which words made the Commissary suspect that he meant some other thing then what was then in hand for at that very time when the Army rise from before Verona News was spred abroad in the camp that a Messenger was come to Lautrech from France and that having spoken with him in secret Lautrech strove to keep his coming concealed from the rest The Commissaries did very much press him therefore to acquaint them with the reason of his counsel and why so great an Army should be maintain'd without any necessity or hope and which through excessive
provided that the places of Magistracy as well of the whole State as City which were formerly granted upon certain loans of money to the publick should be disposed of without any such loan consideration being had to every mans worth and merit and likewise that all such as did serve the Common-wealth in any place should be paid their full stipend part whereof was formerly made bold with for the greater occasions of War Nor were such things forgot as tended to the convenience or splendor of the Common-wealth Study was renewed in the City of Padua which had been given over for the space of eight years and many famous men in all sorts of learning were brought thither This University famous throughout the world for the excellency of all learning for the number and quality of Professors and for the abundance of Scholars was a great adornment to the Common-wealth and a great convenience for all other Nations for to this place came many from all Countries to be instructed in the learned Arts. But the pleasantness of peace had not made them forget the occurences of War nor lessened their care in things belonging to the preservation of the State The wise Senate thought that whilst their thoughts were not imploy'd elsewhere it became them in wisdom to provide for such things which being ordered and disposed of in peaceful times do either keep the storms of War far off or if they shall happen make the State the stronger and more able to resist them They were chiefly careful in seeing Padua and Verona well munited the soundest foundations of their Empire on Terra firma The Senate spared therefore neither for cost nor labour to make these very strong Fortresses to the end that for the future the Enemy despairing to win them might not think of assaulting them Andrea Gritti and Georgio Cornaro were appointed to take the care hereof who going to those Cities were with the advice of Trivulcio and the other prime men of the Militia to deliberate and do whatsoever should be requisite for the exact and secure defence thereof Many things were there renewed which had been destroy'd by the War and many new works were added Great Bastions were built in several places of the Wall according to the modern â—ashion Many noble Gates were also made not only for safety and conveniency but even for ornament And certainly if we shall justly consider with what Grandezza what illustrious shew and what regal expence these strong holds were in these times built by the Common-wealth we shall find that the Venetians ought to be as much admired for the magnificence and stateliness of these as were the ancient Romans for their hot Baths and Aquiducts and other rare Fabricks And because the friendship and saâ—e commerce with the Ottoman Empire was of great importance for the preservation of the peace and quiet of that City by means of Traffique the Senate chose two Embassadours Luigi Mocenice and Bartholomeo Contarini to send to Selino to congratulate the victories which he had won who inflamed with the glory of War after his prosperous success in Persia had assaulted the Empire of the Mamalucchi with a puissant Army and overcome in Battle Campsone Gauro King of Memphis had chased and routed his Forces and subjugated great and rich Provinces which had been long under the Empire of the Soldans of the Mamalucchi whereby he had much inlarged his confines Therefore his friendships was for these respects much the more to be desired hâ—s power being so much increased and become formidable and since the Venetian Merchants exercised great Traffique in those Countries which he had lately won To this was likewise added that the pretentions of a certain Tribute paid by the King of Cyprus to the King oâ— Egypt for which the Common-wealth paid 8000 Duckets yearly to the Soldans of Caire as the Lusinian Kings had wont formerly to do were now together with the Empire of the Mamalucky past over to the Ottoman Princes These Embassadours sailed therefore first to Cyprus and from thence went to Damascus where Selino winter'd with all his Army Their commission was chiefly to endeavour That the Venetians who by reason of their merchandizing had wâ—nt to keep in Alexandria Tripoli Baruti Damascus and other places of Marchandize in those Regions might enjoy the same rights and priviledges whâ—ch had been long granted them by the Lords of Egypt and Soria And that the Common-wealth might likewise be permitted to keep her Magistrates in those places with the same authority and dignity as they had done formerly who were to have a care of the Venetian Merchants Goods and Persons These things were easily granted by Selinus who having at this time turn'd his thoughts and forces elsewhere desired friendship with the Venetians and in the begining of his new Empire to increase traffique in that Province for his own particular good for the conveniency of his subjects and for the Interest of the publique Revenue They were at the same time likewise to treat of the like Affairs with Charles King of Spain to wit that the commerce and traffique which had been long before held in his Kingdomes and States might be confirmed and that also the Venetians might be suffered to go into those parts and to contract Merchandize as they had always been allowed to do in King Ferdinands time Wherein it seemed there was now some interruption for Charles his Officers he being but newly come unto his Kingdomes had perswaded him that he might easily and much to the advantage of his customes tranfer all the merchandizing which was had in divers Maritime Cities of Africa into the sole City of Oran which was in Charles his possession if the Venetian Vessels which were wont first to touch there and then to pass into the Spanish Rivers should be forbidden to enter upon any such occasion into the Havens of his Dominion when they had tarried to contract any Merchandize in any of the Moores Cities By which prohibition it was hoped that those Inhabitants might be necessitated to come to Oran and to furnish themselves there with divers sorts of Merchandize which cannot be brought them from elsewhere many whereof they keep for their own use and make much advantage by carrying many others to the Ethiopians Moreover the Spaniards had laid new Imposts upon our Merchants for whereas formerly one only tax of ten in the hundred and that only of such things as were exported was wont to be paid now two tenths of all things as well imported as exported were exacted and that according to a price limited by them But the business was much otherwise then the Spanish Ministers represented them for neither would the Moores have thought they could traffique securely in those Towns which belonged to the Spaniards whom they held to be their bitter and perpetual Enemies neither would the Venetians have run the hazard of so long navigation if their profit should have been so much lessened by
new impositions and if they should not have been permitted to merchandize with the Moores and make their best advantage in all places Wherefore experience soon shewed that the Spaniards were much prejudiced and did quite lose that Traffique by which they thought to have increased their publique Revenues And since so fair an occasion is now offer'd I think it may stand with my intended purpose who have undertaken to record to memory the Venetian Affairs that I â—ay something of their Maritime Negotiations to the end that the chief reason of that Cities wealth may be the better known The ancient Founders of this City and their Law-makers took special care that the Câ—tizens should exercise themselves in Voyages and Traffique at Sea and that they might by their industry indeavour to increase the riches both of the private and of the publique and at the same time make the name of the Venetians famously known to far distant countries The scituation of the City did invite to this manner of life and exercise and did almost of it felf admâ—nister such thoughts to the Inhabitants for the City not having any Territories of her own by land by the fertillity whereof or by mans diligence she might enrich herself nay wanting such things as were necessary to maintain life they were first necessitated to exercise their industry and afterwards got aboundance of all things The antient custom was to sayle with great Gallies built for Merchandize into many Countries both Christian and Pagan and to bring many things from thence which might not only serve for the use of their Citizens but might be sent into forraign Nations and great gain might be made thereby Many of the young Nobility had wont to go in these Gallies as well to practise Merchandizing as to learn the Art of Sayling and the knowledg of Maritime Affairs Others of them continued many years in Forraign Nations and almost in all those places wherein they did traffique to deal for themselves and for others So as hereby they did not only acquire riches but experience in many Affairs and that being to be imploy'd in the Government of the Common-wealth at their return they might not appear rude or unexpert in managing publique imployments Hence it was likewise that frugality modesty all goodness and the like were better observed in that City wherein the youth being imploy'd in honest exercises were not corrupted by idleness and all that first age was voyd of Law-sutes and ambition The wise Authors of these good orders knew very well that the desire of honour and power did imprint it self early in our souls and that as our age increaseth it getteth to such a growth as it findes no bounds and does sometimes grow immoderate and plots things prejudicial to the State And that in idleness youth grows effeminate and that those are sooner corrupted by evil customes who never parting from home spend their lives in aboundance of all domestical Affairs But that we may not digress too much from our first purpose we will re-assume our discourse where we left The voyages made by our aforesaid Gallies that were commonly called Gallies of traffique were these When they put from Venice their first voyage was to Taragosa in the Island of Sicely from thence they went to Tripoli in Africa then touching at the Island of Gherbe le Sirte to Tanis Here they turn'd their course towards the Kingdom of Tremisine making their chief aboad at Tusen and Mega which now are called Oâ—a and Oran as in the fittest and most frequented places of those Regions Lastly they went to divers Towns in the Kingdom of Morocco called in their language Fez to Bedis of Gomiera and having already touched all the Havens of Barbary which were anciently tearmed Mauritania and Numidia they went to Spain traffiquing in Almeria anciently called Abdara from thence to Maligo Vallence and Forora But they did not use the same traffique in all places for they carried many sorts of Mettals and much linnen cloath from Venice to the Moores of Africa to buy the which the Moores came at a certain time of the year to the aforesaid places bringing much gold with them Then passing with this gold into the Rivers of Spain they bought there divers sorts of Merchandize as silk wooll grain and other things which that Country produceth and all these they brought to Venice This Navigation which was long used by the Venetians and was of great advantage to them began to be disturb'd by the reasons we have before spoken of and divers accidents supervening afterwards the State of Affairs being altered it is wholly given over and lost But let us now re-assume our interrupted Narration A good part of the time of Truce was now past and the year 1518 began wherefore it behoved them to come to a new agreement with Maâ—imillian The Pope endeavour'd as he had often formerly done that this business might be transacted at Rome but the Venetians confiding more in the King of France desired that it might be handled at his Court whither Cesar was to send his Embassadours with authority to assent unto and to observe what should be agreed upon The Treaty was begun by the procurement of the most Christian King but things could not be brought to a settled composure for the Venetians wearied with so long War and no less cloy'd with Maximillians dubious and suspitious counsels cared little for any other agreement save such whereby they might be put into an assured condition of peace and quiet But the Emperour according to his accustomed and natural inconstancy that he might always have a loop hole for new designs as also hoping to get a greater sum of money from the Venetians by these frequent agreements propounded a treaty rather of Truce then of Peace At this very time Pope Leo was very earnest in procuring an universal Truce whereby all Christian Princes might lay down their Arms to the end that true amity and sincere peace ensuing they might by a general consent establish and conclude a powerful and firm League against Selino for the Ottoman Empire being so mightily encreased both in State and Power by the acquisition of Egypt and Soria it was evident that great mischiefs were threatened to all Christendom by a powerful Enemy The same immoderate desire of Reign which had made Selino wage War with the Soldans of the Mamulâ—ccchi would always be the like in him towards all Christian Princes Therefore mature care ought to be had that the Turk might not arrive at such greatness as that without any impediment or gain-saying he might hereafter make all other Provinces subject and Tributaries to him These things being thus represented to the Venetians in the Popes name and many principal Prelates of the Court of Rome being sent to all the Princes of Christendom to the same end were a great means of moving the Senate to agree with Cesar touching a new Truce since greater and longer difficulties appeared to be in
should befall the Kingdom of France would be of no small importance for their security wherefore they would imploy all their endeavours and power for the aggrandizing of the King thereof and that though the publique Exchequer was very much emptied by reason of the long Wars yet if need should require they would overcome all difâ—iculties to accommodate him with the sum of 100000 Duckets But as for sending their Forces beyond the Mountains nothing could be of less use to the King nor of more prejudice and danger to themselves for they should shew a great will to do harm where they could do none That all the strait and difficult passages by which their Souldiers were to pass into Germany were possess'd by the Dutch and well guarded and garrisoned by them That as it would be very hard for their men to pass over the Mountains and to get into Germany so it would be easie for the Dutch to fall down from several parts into the Confines of the Common-wealth and put their Affairs into great confusion But if that Charles being unprovoked by any injury should come armed into Italy and should attempt to violate the sacred Majesty of the Pope of Rome the Senate of Venice would not differ fâ—om what their Ancestors had ever proved themselves to be to wit DEFENDERS of the ECCLESIASTICAL LIBERTY and DIGNITY which name of Honour and true Glory was always held by them in high esteem and should be preferr'd before the Imperial greatness Whilst King Francis treated thus by his Embassadours Charles who partly by favour making large promises to the Electors partly by fear having already got many men together had got the good will of the Electors he was declared King of the Romans Almost at the same time Soliman only Son to Selino his Father being dead possess'd himself quietly of the Empire and was put into the Seat of the Ottoman Princes without any contention Only one Agazzelle a Captain in Soria proved contumacious and a Rebel to the new Emperour but his Rebellion was soon supprest and all the Provinces of the Empire became obedient to Soliman in whom there appeared evident signs of an high and great Spirit so as being come to the Empire there was no doubt but that he would flye high and plot great mischiefs against Christendom Yet the Christâ—an Princes not minding so great a danger whilst the want of experience in the young Prince their innate Enemy might somewhat allay his power having other thoughts suffer'd the greatness of the Ottoman Empire to increase and be better established Only Lodowick King of Hungary took up Arms and endeavour'd help from all parts whose Kingdom was likely to partake first of the mischiefs of War for Soliman would not renew the Truce with Lodowick which when it was formerly offer'd him by his Father Selino was by him refused being thereunto advised by the Emperour and the King of Polonia because Selino was then busied in Wars far off which was perhaps a generous but no good counsel Lodowick sent therefore his Embassadours to all Princes Courts chiefly to Rome and Venice admonishing what danger others were in by his ruine To this the Venetians answered that the Ottoman Empire was a good while since grown very formidable to all men but more particularly to their Common-wealth by reason of the neighbourhood of their States That for their parts they had never refused such invitations but had oft times both by words and example excited other Princes to withstand the growing power of so great an Empire But what were they able of themselves to do They therefore chose Marco Minio for their Embassadour whom they sent with their acustomed presents to Constantinople to confirm the Articles of peace after the same manner as they were concluded a little before by Antonio Iustiniano as you have heard adding thereunto those things which Selino after his conquering of the Mamalucchies Empire had lately promis'd to grant To wit that the Venetian Merchants might enjoy the same priveledges and immunities in their goods in Egypt and in Soria as they had anciently done Which Soliman was so ready to grant as the Eastern Seas being then much infected by Pirats he offer'd to send out his Fleet against them if the Common-wealth would do the like to the end that the Seas might be kept open and that the Venetian Merchants might continue their trafique by Navigation into Nations which were under the Ottoman Empire of which his ready will and desire of peace and friendship Soliman had given testimony having at the same time that Minio prepared to go for Constantinople sent Acmat Ferrat on his behalf to Venice to acquaint them with his accession to the Empire and that he would continue those conventions and friendly offices with the Common-wealth as his Father Selino alwaies had done This peace with the Turks was very opportunely made to the yet unsetled condition of Italy and for the quieting of those suspitions which the Senators were full of the beginning of this year by reason of News that was spred abroad of a great Fleet that was to put forth from Constantinople wherefore the Senate not thinking it fit to be at the discretion of a barbarous Prince naturally ambitious and grown insolent by new victories had been very diligent in furnishing all their Sea-Forts with great Garrisons and added 50 Gallies to their Fleet wherein the Common-wealth's chief hopes seemed then to lye and they made Andrea Gritti Captain-General of the Navy Moreover the order of the Militia of the men of that same Country was instituted in the Kingdom of Candia as it was done some years before in the State by Terra firma to the end that upon any sudden occasion the Garrisons of Cities in Countries far off and which it would be hard to succour speedily might be increased The charge hereof was given to Gabriele Martiningo who was honour'd with the title of Governor of that Island But these provisions proved unnecessary for that occasion for Selino had by his death put a period to these thoughts of War and Soliman did readily confirm the Articles of peace as hath been said wherefore the Venetian Fleet the other dangers being removed went into the Seas of Barbary which were infested with many Pyrats to secure their great Gallies which Sayled through these Seas not without great danger of Pyrats by the taking of many of whose ships the Sea was much cleansed and the way was opened for those Voyages Thus did the Venetians temporize with the Turks and kept friendship with them since there appeared no hopes of overcoming them For that the Christian Princes kept still at enâ—ity within themselves little minding the much greater common danger The King of France being greatly scandalized at the conâ—erment of the Empire upon Charles of Austria and fearing least his Forces and Authority being so much increased he would suddenly fall into Italy and bereave him of the State of Millan had signified to
were minded to erect a Fort between Peschiera and Lonato whereinto their Forces being put which were then eight hundred Curassiers six hundred light Horse and six thousand Foot they might hinder the enemy from advancing any further whatsoever way they should come which it was thought they might easily do for those Dutch Foot had neither Horse nor Artillery with them nor any warlike tackling whereby to force their passage This advice was at first much applauded by Lautrech who affirmed that he would come himself in person with his men and joyn with the Venetian Army confessing oft that this was the securest way to defend the State of Milan yet altering his mind not long after he desired the Venetians that leaving the thought of hindering the enemies passage which he thought to be impossible they would send their men to joyn with the French in the Territories of Cremona So the Venetians leaving the Passes Guarded the best they could by the people of the Country ordered Trivulcio to go with all his Horse and Foot towards Cremona and for that Lautrech desired that he might have some Venetian Gentleman with him of authority and experience with whom he might advise what way that War was best to be managed the Senate sent forthwith Andrea Gritti to the Camp continuing Paolo Navi there still to provide for all things necessary for the Army Ierolimo da Pesaro was moreover chosen Commissary General on Terra Ferma to whom the care and custody of the Forts was particularly commended where into were put 2000 foot newly taken into pay and some Curasiers to secure themselves upon all occasions from danger Moreover the Senate resolved at Lautrech's intreaty to take 3000 more Foot into pay and gave willingly way likewise to the contributeing of maintaining some Horse and Foot with whom the Duke of Ferrara promised to march in behalfe of the French To the end that the King and all men else might acknowledg that nothing was wanting one their side for the safeguard of the State of Milan nor to the ready and sincere maintaining of the agreement which was made between them and the French But the French were more diligent in exhorting the Venetians to make good the Articles of the confederacy then to make requisite provisions themselves wherein they proceeded but slowly which is very prejudicial to the essence of War For though Lautrech did continualy affirm that Monsieur di St Vallieâ— was to pass imediately over the Mountains with 6000 French Foot and that 10000 Switzers being already raised by the King would soon begin to march yet they were never seen to appear On the other side the Enemy being already grown very strong the Dutch Foot being joyn'd with them passed safely into the Territories of Mantua and from thence to those of Millan and knowing what advantage it was for them to make hast they went to Besiege Parma the taking whereof would be of much safety and honour unto them But Lautrech who when he first saw them begin to move had some suspition of the business and had sent his brother Monsseur di Lescu thither with a good Garrison which did not notwithstanding keep the Cesarians and Ecclesiastick Commanders from pursuing their first intention hopeing to take it since the Town was but weak of it self and their Army very strong Which they had done had not Lautrech to whom a great recruit of men was come from France resolved to march nearer up to the Enemy with his whole Army by whose comming and because the Duke of Ferrara had raised a great many Foot theatning to Assault Modena and Regio Colonna was forced as he himself said afterwards to rise from before Parma Which the Pope was wonderfully displeased at who in his joyning with Cesar did cheifly covet the getting of that Town The bad success of this first enterprize begat as it usualy happens upon such like ocasions no small jealousies between the confederates for the Pope complained of the Imperial Commanders as if cunningly prolonging the taking of Parma they had taken an occasion to rise from thence to inforce him whom they knew to be so desirous of that place to contribute readily to all the expences of the War And on the other side the Emperour finding the Pope so ill satisfied grew more confirm'd in his former suspition that he would either forsake him when he should have atchieved his end in getting by the confederacy all that belong'd unto him or else that failing that hope and being soon weary of the expence and danger of War as also being naturaly given to change in opinions he might as easily forego his Friendship as he had done the like of the King of France Therefore thinking it necessary for the well grounding of his designes to draw the Venetians into the confederacy because the Pope by reason of the Authority and Strength that they would add unto the confederacy would be more cautious in breaking it and because the Common-wealths Aids would be readier and more constant then those of the Church he resolved to send Francisco Laus to Venice to recide there as his Embassadour And by him he did again very much press the Venetians to joyn with him and the Pope Saying that this was the only way to that peace which he desired no less then they and that this was his intention might easily be proved by his ready condiscention to invest Francisco Sforza Duke of Bari in the Dukedom of Milan thereby to reduce the affairs of Italy to a peacefull condition when he might lay just claim thereunto But the Senate not altering their first determination partly because they thought Cesar would not be as good as his word partly calling to mind the last actions done by the French in service of the Common-wealth thought it stood not with their faith and honour to abandon them upon the first occasion of danger The War went therefore on and more men were daily raised as well in the French and Venetians Army as in that of the Emperours and Popes by the coming of many Switzers to both Camps for Cardinal Sedunense went into Switzerland where he took many of that Nation into pay in the Popes name who finding the opportunity of some Barks passed therein over the River Oglio though the Venetians had endeavour'd by all means possible to hinder their passage and to guard the Banks and so entred into the Territories of Brescia and not without great harm to the Country people got to the Emperours Army And the 10000 Switzers which had been so long expected came at last to Lautrech Thus both Armies being very strong so as they gave a just counterpoise one to the other they did nothing for a good while but stood doubtful till at last Colonna was the first that moved to pass over the River Ada and marched towards Milan Which when Lautrech heard of he resolved to depart immediately from the Territories of Cremona where he had tarried a good while
and marched towards Cassano to hinder the Enemy from passing over the River but they preventing the Frenchmens design by their speedy March past the River safely between Riva and Cassano and continued on their March towards Millan So as Lautrech failing of his first hopes followed the Enemy with more diligence intending if he conveniently could to give him Battle bâ—â— Prospero who loved not much to hazard himself upon Fortune kept him from doing so and Lautrech at last brought his Army into Milan leaving the Venetian Commissary with the Artillery and part of his men at Lodi The rest whereof being led on by Trivulcio entred Millan too But Colonna thinking that he might attempt Millan without much danger came speedily to the Suburbs rather to try what he could do by an unexpected assault then out of any hope of good success Advancing therefore a Band of select Souldiers he assaulted one of the Gates of the Suburbs after Sun set when the Defendants did least fear it giving order that these should be readily succour'd by a greater number if the first assault should prove prosperous Trivulcio had the guard of this Gate with some companies of Venetian Foot who such Orders being given as the shortness of time and the unexpected action would permit made stout resistance and advertised Lautrech of the sudden accident and of what danger he was in But many Harquebusiers coming in to assist the Enemy and no supply coming to the Venetian Foot for the Switzers being commanded by Lautrech to go thither would not stir and the Guascons who were sent afterwards in their steed came too late Trivulcio was inforced to retreat with his Souldiers and to give way to a greater Force So as the Imperialists entring the City where all things were full of fear and confusion they fell to plunder the Houses with such fury as there was no distinction made between those that were for the Imperialists and the contrary party In this tumult Trivulcio was taken Prisoner Mercurio Bua Captain of the Venetians light Horse Luigi Marino Secretary to the Common-wealth many others Lautrech minding nothing else but how to save the Cavalry wherewith he got safe and entire out of Milan and got quickly to Comâ— The Venetian Curassiers who being gone from Lodi were coming towards Milan were stript by the way and the greatest part of them got into Bergamo And the Switzers who first began the mutiny the tumult increasing valued not their Captains commands but returned to their own homes Milan being thus taken and the French Army in so great disorder Lodi Pavia Parma and Piacenza yielded suddenly to the Imperialists as did Cremona soon after though a great number of French arriving who made good the Castle it was soon recovered Thus the French not having received any rout nor having so much as struck a stroke being very strong were by a very slight accident put to great disorder and confusion and lost so large and so fair a State the winning whereof had cost them so dear This is the change and uncertainty which all humane actions are subject to wherein we often labour in vain the labour of many years being lost in one day in one moment Colonna endeavouring to make use of this good Fortune and to defeat the remainder of the French Army pursued Lautrech who leaving Como was gone towards Lodi but not making any stay there he went with his Curassiers into the Country of Geraddada and not tarrying long there neither he went to Leonato in the Territories of Brescia Which though it were very grievous to the Venetians by reason of the inconvenience which would thereby redound to that Country which had been already exhausted by long War being to find food for so many Horse whereof Lautrech had 5000. Every compleat Lancier having 10 Horses yet being unwilling to refuse the admittance of the French into their State they made other proposals to them They put them in mind of carrying their men into the parts about Ferrara which indeed the Duke did desire for his own ends for that being a very fat Country and not toucht upon by the War they might be there fed commodiously and it was very opportunely situated moreover it might be advantagious for the Pope who was still apprehensive being by reason of the Neighberhood of so many Warriers jealous that Bologna and the State of Urbine might run some hazard had caused the Army of the League to come into those parts so as this might be a means of some good success But Lautrech refusing this and all other proposalls the Senate was contented to please him by suffering him to winter his men in their Dominions at which when the Emperours Embassadour seemed to be troubled answer was made that in case of such misfortunes not onely friends and confederates but even enemies ought to be assisted that therefore both in respect of their Articles of capitulation and out of meer civillity they could not but assist the French in this their adverse Fortune and afford them all convenience for the preservation of their men which were to serve either for the defence or recovery of the State of Milan to the which the Commonwealth was by particular agreement bound It was therefore ordered that the French and our men also should forbear molesting the enemy whilest they tarried in those Territories least the enemy might take occasion to pursue them too within the Venetian Confines which would be very prejudicial to the Country But Bartolomeo di Villa Chiara and Monsignor Visconte being past over the Ada and entred with some of their Troops into the Bergamasco to infest the Country Commissary Gritti gave leave for the defence thereof against the Imperialists so as some Troops of light Horse and some Gentlemen that were banished out of Milan coming out of Crema and passing likewise over the Ada they assaulted some of the Enemies Curassiers at unawares plundered them and did them further harm This mean while Lautrech propounded to go with all the men he then had to Cremona intending to throw a Bridge over the Po at Pontinico near the greater Cassal that he might be master of the country on both sides of the River and might hold intelligence with the Duke of Ferrara who was come into the field with no small forces to attempt the taking of Modena and Regio This Seat was likewise thought very opportune to fall upon the Territories of Mantua and particularly Viadana a very rich and opulent Town from whence they might get good store of Victuals for their Army and the Marquis of Mantua who was in the Leagues Camp as Captain General of the Churches forces would be forced to depart from thence and come to defend his own affairs But the Venetians not thinking it fit to make any attempts before they had greater forces not to draw new enemies upon them in time of ill fortune not being thereunto necessitated disswaded Lautrech from this When things were in
in ordering such a preparation for war as became his forces and such an enterprise on which his heart was so set as he would often times say That rather then to give it over he would hazzard his own person and his kingdome Hee therefore indeavoured by many fervent sollicitations to keep the Venetian Senate in their first and constant resolution of not foregoing his friendship for any offers that Cesar could make them Hee writ likewise particularly to Gritti the Commissary of the camp as to one that hee knew very well and esteemed very much recommending the business to him and assuring him that he might safely build upon his comming into Italy and upon the Forces which he would bring with him which should be certain and sudden which made the Venetians concur the more readily to the charges of the war not onely for what belonged unto themselves but in the concernments of the French assisting them at their needs with much amunition and many other things and with good sums of mony to pay their souldiers For all this provisions came not from France answerable to what was requisite and to their promises But after long expectation Monsieur di Lescue came without any men and but with little monies Therefore thinking that they should doe no good by tarrying longer about Milan they resolved at last to remove and to come with their camp before Pavia hoping that the strength of their Army and the weakness of the Garrison which was in that City being considered they might get a sudden and a safe victory for though out of some such suspicion the Marquess of Mantua was entred the Town with some souldiers yet there was not at that time there more then 12000 Italian Foot 500 Curassiers and some few Light horse wherefore it was thought that when the Marquis should see the French Army draw nigh he would come out and forgoe the defence of the City as a thing too hard to be done The whole Army both of the French and Venetians being incamped before the walls they began to batter and having already thrown down about 50 foot of the wall the Switzers who are naturally impatient of delay desired the French Commanders that they might be led on to the assault But they thinking it better to let the business grow more ripe till they might be more sure of victory differr'd the doing so till a Mine might be accomplished which was preparing to be made by the invention of Petro Navara under a great Bastiome by the downfall whereof the assault might be the better given And the mean while a bridg being made over the Tesino the Light-horse made inrodes even to the very gates of the city keeping the enemy from either coming in or coming out Yet all passages could not be so diligently kept but that some Foot sent with succour from Milan got into the City by the way of Marignavo though many of them were kept back by the Cavalry and many brought prisoners into the camp But businesses went slowlier forward then the present necessity required for Navaro's Engines required length of time and were hard to compass and some pieces of cannon were expected from Lodi and Crema wherewith to renue the battery By this delay Colonna had oportunity given him to draw forth his whole army into the field and having taken up his station in a strongly situated place upon the way to Pavia the French were very jealous lest he might advance farther and indanger them whilest being busie about assaulting the City they were the less intent upon other business Therefore they placed 10000 Switzers and 600 French Curassiers on their back who if need should be might sustein the brunt of the enemy who should come to assault them In this interim some French horse which were gone out to over-run the Country advancing too far fell upon the Enemies Van-guard by whom they were chased and many of them taken Prisoners Colonna's men leaving their first Quarters came and placed themselves in a strong situation at Binasco about 8 miles distant from the French Camp which made the French Commanders more jealous and afraid for to tarry long idle about the Walls of the City without using any violence redounded much to the disreputation of their Army and there was much danger in making an assault for if they should be beaten back they feared lest the Switzers having made this trial in vain dispairing of good success might quit the Camp not being well satisfied that they had not received the pay which they had already deserved Moreover being of some days past much straitned in victuals they could not have been able to refresh their wearied and afflicted Souldiers nor supply their greatest necessities But say that things should have succeeded luckily and that they should have taken the City how could any Commander hope to keep his Souldiers especialy the Switzers from plundering wherein being buâ—ied without either any Order or Government the whole Army was in danger of manifest ruine having so powerful an Enemy so neer at hand These things being considered Gritti advised that they should raise the Camp from before Pavia and go to some strong and safe place where they might expect the coming of the King of France which they were informed by new messages from France would be very soon and with great Forces And it is most apparant that his presence accompanied with such a strength of men would have brought so much reputation to that Army and have won so much favour from some and infused so much terrour into othersome as they must have been sure of a notable Victory Nothing pleaded against this commendable and wholsome advice but the Switzers fickleness who not admitting of any reason did obstinately demand either to be dismiss'd that so they might return home or else brought to fight the Enemy And it was the harder to appease them for that the scarcity of Victuals was now grown greater because the Country being overflown by very great rains and the Bridges over Tessino being broken down whereby Victuals was brought from Novarra and Vegivene they had much adoe to get provisions for the Army Whilst these doubts and difficulties were disputed in the French and Venetian camp they understood that the Imperialists being risen from Binasco were marching forwards with all their Forces Whereupon Lautrech resolved suddenly to meet them and to fight them He was very diligent in putting his Army in good order behaving himself like a valiant and well experienced Commander But the Enemy hastening their march got into a strong Station so near the Charterhouse as Colonna and the Marquis of Pescara were quartered in the very Monastry of the Carthugiens a place very Famous for the stately and excellent Building Lautrech not being then able to doe what he first intended moved to march forward and get beyond the Enemy and to settle in some fitting place upon the way to Milan thinking to make Colonna dislodge and
and from so many cross and calamitous events of War on Terra firma to greater and more grievous dangers for the safety of others at a time when the other Christian Princes being bent upon their private and present Interests did not mind the publique cause of Christendom Adriano Fiorentino by Nation a Low Country man was now chosen Pope a man but of mean Parentage but highly esteemed by all men for his goodness and learning as also by reason of Charles the Emperours grace and favour whose Tutor he had been He took upon him the name of Adrian the sixt and departed soon by Sea from Spain where he then was to Nise and from thence to Rome Whither many Prelates and Embassadours from Princes flocked from all places to do their wonted obedience The Senate of Venice sent six of their chief Senators in a solemn Embassie to Rome to present themselves according to custom before the Popes feet To wit Marco Dandalo Luigi Mocenico Vicenzo Capello Antonio Iustiniano Pietro Pesaro and Marco Foscari Who being gone as far on their way as Bologna staid there because the Plague was grown very hot in Rome and the infection still increasing so as the Pope himself was forc'd to quit the City they after a few days returned to Venice The Pope wish'd very well to concord and general quiet and was very zealous of the welfare of Christendom for as soon as he took upon him the Popedome he set himself wholly upon accommodateing of differences between Princes and sent Briefs unto them all wherein he piously and efficaciously exhorted them all to lay down the arms which they had taken up one against another that they might turn all of them joyntly against the Turks the common Enemy who threatened grievous and instant danger to Christendom and had now assaulted Rhodes with so great a power threatning ruine to others He gave many grave and fatherly admonitions in particular to the Venetians exhorting them not only to dispose themselves to peace but that they would together with him indeavour to accommodate the differences which were amongst other Princes to the end that they might at last joyn all of them in a firme League and oppose the power and greatness of the Ottomans But finding the Princes very slow and cool in embracing his rememberances and on the other side the dangers of Christendom increasing for the Island of Rhodes was already taken by Soliman with a powerful Army the Pope thinking it became him to proceed more severely in this business he made his Legates who were resident at all Princes Courts to present them with Monitories whereby he made all such lyable to Ecclesiastical censures who did not within the space of 3 Moneths apply themselves to accept of the universal Truce which was propounded and treated of And because the differences which were between Caesar and the Venetians was a principal impediment to the bringing of this business to a good end he offer'd to take upon himselfe the care of accommodateing all their difficulties The mean while he desired that a League might be made between the Church the Emperour Venetians the Duke of Milan and the Florentines for the deâ—ence and quiet of Italy Which thing though it was known to be of it self very good and advantagious and was willingly listned unto by the Senate yet there arose some difficulty in the manner of the Popes propounding it whereby it was clearly seen that the end of this League aim'd at the taking up armes against the Turks by which vaine rumour the Venetians feared lest they might provoke the anger of a most powerful Prince against them who was now more proud and puffed up then ever with his new victory So as they might be the first and peradventure those alone who were to withstand the violence of his Forces The aforesaid Embassadours were therefore more speedily dispatch'd away from Venice to doe their obeisance unto the Pope and that they might inform him with their rational respect and therewithal ascertain him of the Senates good will alwaies ready and disposed to peace and true quiet with Christian Princes and no less ready to wage War with the Turks when they should see it might be done joyntly and with Forces fitting to suppress their power The Embassadours were honourably received by the Pope who commended the Senates good intention promised to inlarge their priviledges and that he would so handle the League as that it safely might be imbraced by the Common-wealth hoping as he said that when he should have any earnest of the other Princes good will the Venetians would be the forwardest and most servent in providing for the safety of Christendom and in preventing so many eminent dangers The Venetians did not this mean while intermit the treaty of agreement with Cesar but to the end the particulars thereof might be more commodiously treated of the Senate deputed three Senators of several orders of the Colledg to wit Luigi Mocenico Counsellour Georgio Cornaro Savio of the Counsel and Marc Antonio Veniero Savio di Terra firma To negotiate all things thereunto belonging with Adorno The chief difficulty lay in finding how to accommodate things which were taken by all sides in time of War Cesar propounded that all parties should keep what they were then possess'd of but the Venetians desired that all places which were usurped should be restored and that all jurisdiction should returne to the same condition it was in before Whereunto was added that Cesar would have the Venetians bound by vertue of this confederacy to defend not only the State of Milan but the Kingdom of Naples also generally against all men the which the Venetians refused to do For to oblige themselves to take up Armes against the Turks seemed so dangerous as the safety of this League did not counterpoise it and that by sending their men so far from the State would more weaken their affairs then Cesar's friendship could secure them Moreover this League aiming at the defending of Charls his Territories in Italy from being offended by the French the Kingdom of Naples was thought to be safe enough by defending the State of Milan the condition of times and the Commonwealths occasions required that before all other things regard should be had to keep friendship with Soliman who had a great Army ready to assault Hungary as he did afterwards so as it was wisely done to shun all occasions of irritating a powerful Prince whose friendship they might make use of to the singular advantage of the City by reason of the great good it reaps in time of Peace by its many negotiations to the Levant and the Common-wealth having at this time particularly sent Pietro Zeno to Constantinople by reason of the success at Rhodes he was honourably received by Soliman and had quieted some former distastes occasioned by certain dep redations made upon the confines of Dalmatia and had obtained very large orders to the Sangiacchi of those neighbouring places that
be fâ—und The King of France is come into Italy with a most powerful Army contrary to the opinion of all men and therefore finding the State of Miâ—lan for the most part unprovided he hath so happily begun his Enterprize as by marching not by fighting by the bare name and reputation oâ— his Forces he without use of weapons or exposing himself to danger hath put the Enemy to flight won a great part of the Country taken the very City of Milan and found all things prosperous and obedient But it seems this his too hasty Fortune is very soon at an end and having now sate down before Pavia he meets with expence of time and unexpected difficulties in compassing his end so as the issue thereof is not only doubtful but the whole fortune and end of the War depends thereupon It is above forty days since the French sate down before Pavia yet do we not finde their hopes of getting it much increase nor the courage and fervency of those that do defend it diminish nor the Imperial Commanders slacken in their diligence to relieve it It is certainly a very hard buâ—iness to foresee the event of this Siege but it is easie to know that all other successes will for the most part depend upon this for the Imperialists having the Cities of Lodi and Cremona whereinto they have put great Garrisons and are very busie in fortifying them if they can likewise defend Pavia who as we know do expect a succour of Spanish and Dutch Foot to be brought them by the Archduke Ferdâ—nâ—nd himself they may easiâ—y maintain the State of Milan and force the French to pass back over the mountains and the more numerous their Army is and full of all the Nobility of France so much the more it may be doubted that it may disband both by reason of the great expence and inconveniences which it will not be long able to undergo as also out of the natural custom of that Nation not goâ—d at patiently supporting any enterprise loâ—g as of late years we have had many experiences If then this should happen as it easiâ—y may and that the French being either driven away by the Enemies Forces or confused by their own disorders should forgo the Dukedom of Milan and should return to France and that we shall have abandoned Cesar 's friendship not have valued our Confederacy broken our Covenants and by this ouâ— inconstancy and fickleness of faith shall have purchased not only the Emperour's dâ—spleasure but shall grow hateful to all men what is it that we may not have reason to fear The Imperialists being so very strong sâ—â—ll satisfied with us fit to offend us and disposed so to do Whereby our own troubles will not be a little increased and our afflictions and dangers will be the less compassionated by others since it is our selves who have been the occasion of our mischief which God grant it may not prove very great and that together with our own ruine we draw not after us the râ—ine of all Italy For the Imperialists being armed and strong in Italy as they are and the counterpoâ—se of the French Forces being taken away who knows not that they will not only possess the State of Milan quietly but will be Arbytrators of all the affairs of Italy For the prevention whereof siâ—ce the Forces of all the Italian Princes are not able to make head agaiâ—st him and effectually oppose so great and formidable a Power There is no other remedy against so eminent a danger but to take all occasion of anger from the Emperour by showing our selves ready and willing whereby he may be the more induced to establish peace But if we should be otherwise minded it is not these reasons only which perswades us to continue our confederacy with Cesar but even necessity does force us so to do For for us only to follow this advice and to unhearde our selves from the other Potentates of Italy in the defence of common liberty would be to take too great a weight upon us with no small danger For I know not what grounds we can have to rely upon the other Princes of Italy The Pope is immoderately fearful inconstant irresolute in his Counsels low in moneys and ready to repose his safety rather in the reverence which is born unto his person and in the respect which is to be had unto the Church then in his own forces or those of his confederates The Florentines must do as he doth The Duke of Ferara fearing to be bereft of the City of Modena by the Pope and of Reggio is ready to side with any body and come what will come to close with the most powerful â—oâ— save his owne stake And the other lesser Potentates not thinking that they depend upon the Authority of any others so as they may by any means preserve themselves will side with the Conquerour But on the other side if we shall continue our League made with Cesar and that the French get the upper hand in this War we are not to fear the like dangers for our Counsels and Actions will be much excused by the tye of our League with Cesar which is very well known to the French and which they know it was necessity which forced us to no free will nor was it without some fault of theirs by reason of their slowness in making necessary provisions for maintaining War against Cesar. Moreover as we being mindful of the friendship which for these many years we have had with them those respects and dangers being over shall willingly joyn with them so it is to be believâ—d that they will have the like inclination which clearly shewn by their Kings having so often and so fervently press'd us to close again with him and to renue our ancient friendship and confederacy But that which may better witness his will thereunto is his owne interest which will alwaies easily perswade him to indeavour our friendship and to put an esteem upon it either to keep what he hath gotten or to make further acquisitions in Italy For he shall happen to drive the Spaniards out of the State of Milan he will not notwithstanding have driven them out of all Italy Nay as long as the Spaniards possess the Kingdom of Naples so Noble and so Principal a place the French will still have new suspitions of their Forces and new desires to possess themselves of that Kingdom to the which they pretend as well as to the State of Milan Wherein our Forces and our assistants will be too useful for them to make them dispise us or to refuse our friendship By all these reasons it clearly appears that come what will come we may more easily make friendship with the French then with the Spaniard Therefore my opinion is that whilst things are in this doubtfulness and suspention and the event of War so uncertain we make not too much hast to have that with danger which we may soon after hope to
and particularly that when the Senesi and Collonesi whose hatred and ambition was not laid aside by this agreement should see his Arms thus laid down they would take an occasion to invite the Cesarean Army to advance who when they should have this occasion offer'd them it might be that even Burbone himself would not be able to detain Souldiers who were ill paid and disobedient to their Commanders But the Pope despising these reasons and seeming to be still more resolute in his determination made that saying true that Good and faithful counsel given by an interessed and suspected person causeth the sooner precipitation Clement believed that the Venetians made these dangers to appear the greater out of their own Interests as desiring that he would not sever himself from the confederacy wherefore not believing their words he ran the more hastily upon his own ruine And continuing still in the same perswasion that the agreement was so settled as no doubt nor danger could arise therein though Burbone himself had written to Rome that he could not rule nor detain the Souldiers who were not well satisfied with the few monies which they had as yet received the Pope said Burbone did this not that he was really averse unto the Truce but to draw more money from him by this fear or to shew some Military ostentation Though after all this alledging some more rational cause for this his credulity he had wont to say that though he might have doubted of some sinister accident yet he should not have thought it fit to do otherwise then he did for he would rather that his ruine and the cause of so much mischief to Christendom should be attributed to the falsifying of the faith of others then to his own obstinacy But not being able then to believe that any thing should happen otherwise then he conceived he had already destined to send his Almner Mattheo Giberto Bishop of Verona through whose hands all businesses of greatest importance did then pass Legate into Spain to treat with Cesar upon the particular conditions of peace But the Venetians when they were assured that the Truce was concluded they ordered the Duke of Urbin that he should assemble all his men together who lay then between Modena and Regio and joyn them with the Marquis of Saluzzo's forces who were in the parts about Bullonia to the end that they might oppose the Imperialists designs it being suspected that now that the agreement was made they would fall upon the Commonwealths Territories They also commanded Sebastian Giustiniano who was Embassadour with the King of France to assure the King that though the Pope had quitted the League yet they would not forego his friendship aâ—d that they hoped they might be able by their joynt forces to beat the Imperialists and effect those things which they had proposed unto themselves as the end of their confederacy But that if the King should judge it fit to accept of the Truce they were ready to be govern'd therein by his Majesty The Pope in his agreement made with the Viceroy had reserved a place for the Venetians who of themselves were not much averse from accepting the Truce they thought it not amiss to take time that they might prepare themselves the better for defence the rather for that they hoped that the marriage being the mean while concluded between the King of England's daughter and the most Christian King whereby he might declare himself for the League it might increase in force and reputation It made more over much for their advantage to keep the Pope at this time in suspence that he might not be their Enemy but rather hoping that when his fear of the present dangers should be over they might draw him once more to joyn with them Besides by this suspention of Armes occasion was offered of negotiating the universal peace with safety and satisfaction to all that being the true object which their taking up of Armes aimed at But in the first place they pitched upon friendship with France wherefore finding that the King did not listen to these proposals they thought no more thereof But the King propounding the renewing of War and the reassuming the enterprize of Naples with their Armies and their Fleets the Senate were for Arming but shewed that they could reap no good by turning their Forces upon those parts at this time because their honour and the peoples favour was lost by the Popes having withdrawn himself from the League and by the restitution of the Towns which they had gotten They therefore proposed as the safest and most advantageous course which could then be taken to defend the States of Lumbardy if the agreement should go on and if not that they should not abandon the defence of the Churches Territories and the Florentines because their oppression would redound much to the prejudice of the League But the Imperial Army after the agreement made in Rome though Cesare Feramosca had sent them orders to keep where they were were it either that Burbone would not or could not detain them marched towards Romagna and sitting down before Cottignuola they took it by agreement and then went towards Furili But keeping the way to Meldola they seemed as if they would passe over the Alpes by the Valley of Arnoe and so enter into Tuscanie hoping to be able to repair themselves by the conveniencies which were offered them by the Senesi and to supply the great need they stood in of victuals Wherefore the Venetian Senate according to their former resolution ordered the Duke of Urbin that leaving so many men as he should think fitting for the defence of their Country he should advance with the rest to assist the occasions of the Church and of the Florentines and to oppose the Imperialists in all their designes whereupon the Duke carrying part of the Army along with him near to Bullognia the Marquis of Saluzzo went with the rest by several waies and in several Quarters to Imola and fix'd his Camp between Ravenna and Faenza before the Enemy were gone from Cottignuola The manner how to govern the War was long argued by the Captains of the League and by a joynt consent it was agreed that the Forces of the League should be divided into two several bodies to inclose the Enemy in the midst to hinder them the more from victuals and to impede their designes whithersoever they turned Yet the Pope blaming post factum the counsel which was formerly praised by Renzo and by Camillo Ursino and by all his men sought to excuse his precipitous agreement by having as he said argued much coolness by these proceedings in the Colleagues as concerning the defence of his Affairs and that therefore he was forced to think upon some other course for his own safety But then the Pope who before not crediting the dangers which were apprehended by all the rest thought himself secure being mightily astonished at these new advertisements sent for the Embassadours
of all the confederate Princes and shewing on the one side his desire of the common good nay the necessity which had inforced him to accept of the Truce and on the other side how abusively he was used by the Imperialists desired them to intercede earnestly with their Princes that upâ—n occasion of so much danger they would not to the common prejudice abandon him and the Florentines And he entreated Dominico Ventero the Common-wealths Embassadour particularly that he would be a means to the Senate that they would give order to the Duke of Urbin to carry his Army beyond the Alpes promising that he would renew the League and inviolably observe it And the Senate though the sending of those men so far from their own State and the hazarding of them amidst the Mountains bore with it no small difficulties and though the Pope following his own counsels and several from theirs had given them occasion enough to lay aside all thought of his Interest yet continuing their first intention they gave order to the Duke of Urbin and to Luigi Pisani who when Contarini was left Commissary in Lumbardie was gone unto the Camp that they should if occasion should so require pass over the Alpes Whereupon the Imperialists being past they were quickly pursued by the French and by the Venetian Camps so as almost at the same time all the Armies were brought into Tuscanie Burbone quartered near Arezzo and the Leagues Army at Barbarino the City of Florence being as it were in the midst between these two Armies which occasioned great tumults in the City wherein the mindes of the Citizens being variously contaminated by the humour of factions some desiring a popular Government others the powers but of a few and the exaltation of the house of Medici they fell easily to civil contentions and the popular faction began already to prevail the preheminency of Government being taken out of the hands of the Medici and of their dependants and Hipolito and Alessandro both of them being the Popes Nephews were parâ—cularly declared to be Enemies to the Country But the Duke of Urbin coming opportunely to Florence in the time of these commotions who as soon as he saw Burbone bend towards Tuscany taking only 80 Gentlemen along with him hasted with the Commissary Pisani and with Frederick Bozzuole to Florence to keep the Florentines in loyalty to the League put a stop to the audacity of the young men through â—ear of his army which was not far off and reduced Affairs to their former condition without any blood-shed or prejudice by civil dissention And got thereby thus much good to the Colleagues as that the Florentines being received into protection promised adherance to the League and to maintaine in the camp at their own expences 250 Curassiers and 5000 Foot or whatsoever other numbers the Pope should please Whilst these things were in treaty with the Florentines the confederacy was renued in Rome by the other confederates whereby the Venetians were bound in a great sum of Money not to remove their men out of Tuscanie or out of the Ecclesiastical State without the Popes leave and to be the first that should send their Fleet against the Kingdome of Naples Which conditions being thought by the Senate to be too hard as indeed they were were not accepted of but their Embassadour Dominico Veniero having exceeded his Commission was sent for back to Venice and committed all' Vfâ—icio dell ' Anogaria and Francisco Pesaro was chosen Embassadour in his place before whom many had been chosen who would not accept of the imployment Alledging that they had other places of Magistracy wherefore a Law was made that during the War it might be lawful for any one to be chosen and taken out of whatsoever place or imployment But lest the Pope might think they had any thought averse to the confederacy or common good they sent immediately Secretary Andrea Rosso to Rome to ascertain the Pope of their good will to the League provided that too heavy and almost insupportable conditions were not to be laid upon them as had been especially at this time when they were to re-inforce their Army in Lumbardie Antonio da Leva being marched into the Field and the Invasion of the Landsknechts being expected But Burbone were it either that he did despair of doing any good at Florence to the defence whereof all the Confederates Forces were brought or that he did alwaies intend the other resolved to make towards Rome being thereunto invited by Romes not being provided against these dangers for the Pope vainly confiding in the Citizens and Country people great store whereof were entred into the City and Armes were given to above 5000 of them had been careless in raysing new Foot or in making use of those which he had insomuch as having given Commission to Philippo Doria to raise 3000 Foot whereof he had already raised a third part and brought them to Civita Vecchia he took no order for their coming to Rome And he made his Almnor write to Guido Rangone who was come with a good number of Foot to Otricoli commanding him not to come towards Rome without express Order Wherefore though the Duke of Urbine had given Count Guido notice of Burbone's March to the end that he might go time enough to Rome yet would he not stir having been commanded the contrary by the Pope But he did not escape being blamed for this by many who said that in such a case he ought to have obeyed the Duke of Urbine as being the Captain General of the League But Burbone having now with great resolution overcome many difficulties whereinto the Army was reduced for want of monies march'd towards Rome wherein he used such dispatch as he advanced fourty miles a day making but one only Quarter between Viterbo and Rome the great rains which in many parts had overflown the Country not making him slack his pace Before he came to Rome he sent to ask leave of the Pope to go as he said to the Kingdom of Naples being thereunto moved either by the scarcity of victuals or for fear of being surprized by the Army of the League which followed him if he should have made too long abode any where or as some thought that he might pick an occasion to do that which he had already determined But the Pope was not pleased to listen to such proposals or to give way thereunto were it either that he did now know the Enemies most intrinsecal thoughts or that he did sufficiently confide in the assistance of the people and in the Leagues Fleet which was now at Cevita Vecchia with some store of Foot But howsoever it was Burbone having somewhat refresh'd his men with victuals whâ—ch the men of Aquapendente of St Lorenzo and of some other Towns which he had taken furnish'd him with he resolved on the sixth of May to accost the Walls of Rome and to give an assault Renzo da Ceri to whom the Pope had
the streets This mortality was followed with such a sterility of the earth and with such a scarcity of corn for humane life proceeding either for want of manuring the fields or for that heavens anger was not as yet appeased as not only people of mean condition but even those that had wont to abound in wealth being reduced to great poverty and feeding upon the vilest of meats went begging their bread in such sort as this most noble country being made a receptacle of Souldiers and such as were her most capital enemies was abandoned by Citizens and by the Court and became a horrid and lothsome spectacle so as it might be truly affirmed of her Behold a City reduced to solitude and enslaved which had wont to command all Nations The End of the Fifth Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK VI. THE CONTENTS THe Venetians are much troubled at the taking of Rome and therefore resolve to relieve the Pope The Cardinals that are at liberty chuse Bullognia for their residence Charls his Manifesto to clear himself from what had befallen Rome and his actions to the contrary The Venetians assist Francisco Sforza and the Cities of Romagnia The Duke of Urbin resolves to fight the Imperialists before Rome and is hindred by Commissary Vetturi who had Process made against him for it and was at last absolved and the distastes between him and the Duke of Urbin agreed who sends his wife and son to Venice The Imperialists of Rome sack Terni and Narni The Florentines ratifie the League The Venetians send two thousand Foot to guard Bullognia The Pope enclines to the Agreement and concludes it upon dishonourable terms The Venetians provide for their State and advise upon the way of making war Lautrech's actions construed ill by the Senate who send an Ambassadour to France Pavia is taken and sackt Doria's actions with the Genueses and Fregosa's against the Adorni The unhappy success of the Venetian Fleet at Sardinia for which Antonio Marcello is punished The Venetians growing jealous of Lautrech bring their men into Lombardy Treaties of Peace with Cesar succeed not and war is intimated by the Colleagues The Pope being freed by Cesar seems neutral and desires the restitution of some Towns from the Venetians who consult upon an answer and therefore send Gaspero Contarini Embassadour to Rome The Imperialists and the French Armies in the Kingdom of Naples The prosperous success of the French The Venetian Fleet annoy the Rivers of Puglia The Duke of Brunsick in Italy who being driven away by the Duke of Urbine return's quickly to Germany The Leagues good and bad success in the Kingdome of Naples with the death of Lautrech The disbanding of the Army The Genoueses put themselves into the Emperours protection whereat the French are much displeased Provision for war in Lombardy Pavia is assaulted by the Duke of Urbine and taken together with some other Towns The Venetians are carefull to preserve the Towns of Puglia A new request made by the Pope to the Senate for the restitution of the Towns pretended to The Senates Answer and their reasons The Princes desire Peace but the means how to compass it is not found The Senate resolves upon war who grow apprehensive of the French by reason of â—heir slender provisions and therefore â—orbear not to arm themselves well Various success of Arms in the Kingdome of Naples and in the State of Genua wherein the French prosper but badly and Monsieur St. Paul is taken prisoner Wise and Valiant actions of the Duke of Urbine His skirmish with the Imperialists whereby he makes them retreat to Milan The French treat of Peace with Cesar without the knowledg of the Venetians whereat the Senate is much distasted Cesar comes into Italy The â—greement made at Cambrai wherein the Venetians are excluded The Emperours pretences to the Towns of Puglia The Turks proceedings in Hungary makes him incline to Peace The Senate is much perplext who at last resolve to restore Cervia and Ravenna to the Pope and the cities of Puglia to the Emperour whereby an universal peace is established in Italy THe Senate of Venice was greatly troubled to hear of the taking and sacking of Rome and of the Pope's imprisonment Others were moved to compassionate the miserable misfortune of that noble and flourishing City the sad condition of so many Court Prelates and chiefly that of the Pope being brought from the most supream degree of reverence and authority into much lowness and danger and was still exposed to the fury of Arms and to many injuries others were sorely grieved at these proceedings of the Spaniards who they imagined would now neither want boldness nor fortune to attempt any thing to the prejudice of the Liberty of Italy especially since there was no slight occasion of jealousie that tâ—ey would carry the Pope prisoner into pain to the end that they might afterwards by their accustomed cunning and vain pretences possess themselves of the Churches dominion and make the way easier for themselves to be lords of Italy Wherefore the Venetians moved partly out of compassion and disdain for the injuries done unto the Pope and also out of State policy not to suffer Charles his fortune to increase further to their yet greater prejudice they resolved to concurre with all their forces to the freeing of the Pope and to spare neither cost nor danger therein Wherefore they gave strict order to the Duke of Urbine their captain General and to their Commissaries Pisani and Vetturi to advance with their Army and setting all other things aside to attend the relief of the Castle where the Pope was shut up and to use all possible means to set him at Liberty and to free him from danger and that they might not be disturb'd in this enterprise they fell forthwith to the raising of new foot whereby to add unto their army which was given them in Lombardy 10000 men more that they might therewithall encounter Antonio da Leva who being march'd into the field and meeting with no obstacle was likely to grow daily stronger by the succour which he expected from Germany The Venetians were much encouraged in this their intention and their hopes of good success was encreased by the great preparations which the Kings of France and England made to fall upon as they constantly gave out the Provinces of Flanders with their Armies and Fleet whereby to force the Emperour to reduce all his forces into those parts and to abandon the affairs of Italy These things did very much rescent what had happened to Rome for which respect the King of England hastned away the Cardinal of York who was sent to the court of France to take some order for the intervene and meeting of the two Kings wherein the chief thing to be treated of was the Popes freedome and the securing of the Ecclesiastical State nor did the King of France shew himself less forward herein who had immediately sent orders to
afterwards close with his enemies The Venetians were then six thousand Italian foot two thousand Lansknechts thirteen hundred Light Horse and two thousand Curassiers The French foot exceeded not seven thousand though the King payed for a great many more And this counsel proved very lucky for it kept the War far from the Common-wealth it hindred the further proceedings of the enemy it preserved the City of Bullognia by the reputation of the neighbouring Forces which was in the more danger by reason of the Intelligence held between the Imperialists and Bentevoglii whose faction was grown the greater by the addition of the Malvezzi wherefore the Venetians at the request of Cardinal Cido who had the Government of that City sent two thousand Foot to guard it But the scarcity of victuals and the many sore sicknesses by which the Army was much diminished hindred them from making any attempt Out of these reasons the enemies forces being much increased and those of the Confederates diminished the Pope despairing of being soon relieved applyed himself wholly to Treaties of agreement Wherefore he very much desired the Duke of Urbin that he would suffer the Viceroy to come safely to Rome hoping by his means to obtain better conditions then were then offered him by the other Imperial Commanders which succeeded otherwise either for that the Viceroy had not authority enough to do it or else for that minding himself more then the Pope he agreed rather to those conditions which might please the souldiers that he might win their favour and be made their commander then to those which made for the Pope's advantage who still continuing earnestly to desire an agreement for he had been often deluded by those of the League they came presently to an agreement but upon hard and dishonorable Conditions and which were often afterwards refused by him He being thereby bound to pay 400000 Duckets to the Army and to put into the Imperialists hands the Castle of Angelo the Forts of Hostia Cevita Vecchia and Cevita Castellana and moreover to cause the cities of Parma and Piacenza to be delivered up unto them for all which he was notwithstanding not to be then set at liberty but to be carried to Gaetta and there to expect Cesar 's resolution touching what was to be done about the ratification of the Agreement and concerning his person and the like of many Cardinalls and Prelates which were in the Castle The Venetians were much displeased at this since by these Articles Cesar's Forces and reputation were greatly increased having lately incensed Cesar yet more against them by having given Commission to their Embassadour That together with the King of France's and the King of England's Embassadour he should require Cesar to set the Pope at Liberty and in case of denial they were all of them to denounce war against him But it being known that it was great necessity the fear of his own person and chiefly the hatred which the Collonesi and the Dutch Foot bore unto his name and person which made him accept of so prejudicial tearms believing that he might easily change his minde and that time might make way for better fortune they resolved to hinder such things which post factum would be hard and perhaps impossible to do therefore for the preservation of Cremona they caused their Army in Lombardy which quartered in the Territories of Crema to pass over the river Ada that it might garrison those Cities hinder the delivery of them up disturb the business agreed upon and to keep the Imperialists in work and to weaken them by laying waste the Country about Milan and Pavia These forces of the Venetians were then about 10000 foot 500 Curassiers 700 Light-horse under the command of the Duke of Urbine and of Commissary Dominico Contarini to boot with 3500 foot which the Duke of Milan who was come according to his promise to the Army had brought with him Yet they did not purpose as yet to fall upon any important Action for they expected Lautrech's comming who being gone from France with part of the Forces which were destin'd for the enterprise of Italy was already come to Piemont The Commanders differed in their opinion touching the way of managing the war some thought that it was best that the French should joyn with the Leagues Army which being again advanced were quartered near Narni these alledged for their advice that fit occasion might be taken from the disorders and inconveniences of the Enemy of obtaining their chief end which was the Pope's Liberty by drawing to the walls of Rome since that the Cesarean Army by reason of the Plague which was in that City and thorough the licentiousness wherein the souldiers had lived for many moneths past was much diminished both in numbers and Vallour the Foot lying some within some without the Town without either order or military Discipline and many of them going dayly in threaves from the Camp so as by the addition of the French they might hope to prevail over the enemy and to drive them quickly out of Rome Yet others thought that the safer way to atchieve this was to force the Imperial Commanders to draw their men out of Rome to relieve the State of Milan wherein the war being still hottest it was thought the Enemy would not be able to make their party good no though they should recall their army from Rome and that the relief would either come too late or not be sufficient to stop the course of Victory so as many good effects might be wrought at one and the same time and peradventure a final end might be put to the war This being generally approved by the greatest party Lautrech entred the State of Milan with powerfull forces 8000 Switzers 3000 Gascones and 10000 foot which were led on by Peter of Navar and being come into the country of Alexandria he did not think it fit to advance any further without attempting somewhat with his Forces he therefore sate down before the Town of Bosco which was guarded by ten Thousand Dutch Foot which after some dayes battery yielded He with the like success got the Town of Alexandria soon after and put thereinto a garrison of five hundred of his men that he might be sure to have as he alledged a safe place for his men to have recourse unto in case of adverse fortune and likewise to receive those that were to come from France But both the Duke of Milan and the Venetians were much troubled thereat and it proved afterwards a great hindrance to the affairs of the League through some diffidence which grew among the Colleagues who grew jealous of the proceeding of the French for their having detained the City and through no small scandal that Lautrech took on the other side at this their jealousie The Venetians complained hereof by their Embassadours both to Lautrech and to the King himself placing the occasion of their dislike notwithstanding rather upon what judgment the enemy
would make thereof then in any self interest or doubt of theirs And Monsieur di Taberna who was resident in the Court of France on the Duke of Milan's behalf by not rejoycing nor holding any discourse with the King about this acquisition did by saying nothing witness as much his masters displeasure Which because it might produce many bad effects the Venetians laboured to free him of this suspition and to appease his displeasure witnessing the Kings good will and excusing Lautrech And that these their endeavours might be the more efficacious and to maintain the Dukes reputation as much as they could they sent Gabriel Veniero Embassadour to him to remain Resident with him Luigi Sabadino the States Secretary having been there till then Alexandria being taken Lautrech gave out that he would march with his Army towards Rome to free the Pope who though he had accorded with the Spaniards as hath been said was still kept Prisoner by them many difficulties being met withal as well in the payment of the monies promised to the Souldiers as in the assignation of the Strong-holds nor did Cesar seem to be well resolved therein though by his Speeches he sought to make the contrary be believed But the Venetians did openly oppose this course not but that they did equally with the King desire the Popes freedom but because they thought it little useful for the common affairs the same reasons and respects concurring then and being made more considerable by other new accidents which upon narrow examination before were by common consent thought sufficient to perswade that Lautrech when he past first over the Mountains was rather to come into Lombardy then into the Territories of Rome it being known that all the remainder of the War would depend upon the success thereof That there was great hopes at this time of getting the Cities of Pavia and Milan each of them being but slightly garrisoned and Antonio da Leva by whose diligence and discipline that State was more maintained then by his Forces being very sick and altogether disabled for action That if this occasion should be lost the condition of all things would grow dayly worse for the League for a great many Landsknechts were ready to fall down presently from the Country of Tinoll into Lombardy By whose coming the Enemy would become much stronger and it would be but in vain for the Confederates to attempt any thing But that if these men should find no safe receptacle in Milan they neither having Horse nor victuals they would be forced to alter their minds and to return home Time and opportunity would this mean while be gotten for the coming of the ten thousand Dutch Foot to the Camp which were raised with the King of Englands monies by which the Army being much increased both in reputation and Forces might with assured hopes of victory proceed on to the Enterprize of Rome and the Enemies would be soon driven from thence and the Ecclesiastical State and Liberty of Italy secured Lautrech being overcome by these reasons was content to march with his Army towards Pavia which not being timely succour'd by the Forces which Antonio da Leva sent thither from Milan fell easily into the Leagues hands and was sack'd by the Army the Souldiers using all sorts of cruelty to the Inhabitants because it was said that they boasted themselves to have quell'd the King of France by the imprisonment of King Francis which hapned whilst he besieged that City This News was very welcome to France the French men thinking that by this victory they had cancell'd the infamy of the Battle fought by that Nation in that place some few years before At the same time Andrea Doria was come to Savona with his Gallies and some others belonging unto the French where the Venetian Gallies were to have joyned with him to attempt the business of Genna it being thought that great advantage might have been made by that City if it should be reduced to the Kings obedience But after a whiles stay and before the Venetian Fleet came unto them a very fair occasion was offer'd of suddenly dispatching the business For the Genouese ships being come loaded with corn to the Washes near Porto Fino the Genouese being very desirous to have them come safe unto the City were gone out to meet them with 8 Gallies part Genouese part Spanish and put therewith into the same Haven Moreover understanding that Doria had landed some men and that making some Trenches he indeavoured to make himself Master of the Haven and to hinder any relief from coming to those Ships and so get possession of them they had sent Agostino Spinola thitherward with a company of select Foot to disturbe the Enemies works and to secure the Haven and the Ships Wherein they had good success for Spinola falling at unawares upon Doria's Souldiers whilst they were confused and in disorder put them quickly to flight though they were more in number and took Phillippo Doria Prisoner But News coming not long after to Genua that Cesare Son to Ianus Frigoso was come into the Valley of Pozzavera and incamped in a Town called San Pietra de l'arena with two thousand Foot and some Troops of Venetian Horse with which Lautrech had sent him to favour the business of Genua and that being gone from thence he was marching towards that City they were all of them on a sudden mightily afraid for that their best Souldiers were gone out of the City to Porto Fino and for fear of some rising in the City by reason of the several factions that were therein Wherefore the Adorni who had then the chief Government of the City apprehending these commotions sent to Spinola commanding him to come speedily with all the men he had with him and to relieve the City So as being inforc'd to abandon the Fleet he left it a prey for Doria into whose hands eight Gallies six of the Enemies Ships fell without any dispute or danger The mean while the Adorni joyning many others of the people to the Souldiers which Spinola brought along with him believing that by falling at unawares upon the few that Fregoso brought along with him he might overcome them and keep the City safe and quiet they went forth and drew near the Enemies Quarters Who being advantagiously seated fought more confidently and did not only make their party good but began to disorder them afterwards to make them run killing many of them and taking many of them prisoners amongst which chief Commanders Spinola was one Wherefore Frâ—goso pursuing his victory and not being retarded by a company of Spanish foot of the Garrison who were march'd out to relieve their fellows he routed them easily and march'd towards the City of Genua which being bereft of almost all defence and having many in her who were formerly resolved to surrender by reason of the love they bore to the family of Fregosi and to the French did receive in Cesare Fregoso and
sending for the Gallies to Naples made him quit the enterprize and give over the hoped for victory Phillippino Doria was already come to Naples with eight Gallies but these not being sufficient to keep the City from being victuall'd by Sea and it being likewise thought that they could not be safe there if the enemy should send forth their armed Vessels which were in the Haven Lautrech had continually solicited the Venetian Commanders to come as soon as they could and joyn with Doria's Gallies to secure them and to straiten the siege yet more Such were the proceedings in the Kingdom of Naples but the Venetians were busied with other affairs of no less importance for Henry Duke of Brunswick after many rumours of his coming being very much solicited by Charls and Ferdinand to pass into Italy and to enter Lombardy to divert the forces of the League from the enterprize of Naples which Kingdom being in great danger he saw he could not succour by any way better passing from Trent into Valledragi was entred into the Territories of Verona and had brought with him about twelve thousand foot with whom it was said that Antonio da Leva was to joyn who was already come into the field with eight thousand foot that they might joyntly fall upon the Town in the State of Venice which Brunswick had denounced war against having with much vanity and very ridiculously challenged the Duke thereof Andrea Gritti a man of fourscore years of age to fight a single Duel with him But the Senate was not wanting in diligence to arm themselves they designed to raise an Army of twelve thousand foot of which four thousand to be Switzers to which purpose they sent monies into Switzerland and desired the King of France to further this their Levy by his authority They likewise brought great store of light Horse from Greece and from Dalmatia and recalled the Duke of Urbine from Marc d' Ancona And to the end that their own State might not be bereft of defence whilst they went to defend the States of others they commanded him to view all their Cities and Forts of greatest importance to put good garrisons into them and to do whatsoever else he should judge might make most for their safety then they chose divers select Gentlemen whom they entrusted with the particular charge of the chief Cities Girollimo Diedo was sent with one hundred and fifty foot to Treviso Pietro Sagredo with as many to Padua Zaccheria Orio Phillippo Correro Allessandro Donato Ambrâ—gio Contarini Ioseppe Badoero Lorenzo Lanudo Agostino Canale and Almoro Barbaro were sent to Verona with 25 souldiers apiece wherewith they were to guard the gates and places of greatest importance These preparations were judged worthy consideration in France wherefore they likewise prepared to send powerfull Forces into Italy which were to be commanded by Monsi ur de St. Paul one of the house of Burbone a personage highly esteemed for his birth and other honourable endowments but not much experienced in war and as it proved afterwards not very fortunate in this enterprise But these provisions proved too late for the present occasion for the Duke of Brunswick finding himself strong enough designed to fall upon some of the Commonwealths Cities being the more encouraged so to do because at his first arrival Peschiera Rivoltella and some other Towns neighbouring upon the Lake of Garda yielded unto him But the Duke of Urbine who was at Verona diligently observing Brunswicks marches prevented his designes and went presently to Brescia where he augmented the Garrison and from thence to Bergamo putting many of the Inhabitants of those valleys who were very faithfull to the Venetian interest into the City and begirting the city with trenches and outworks put it in a posture of defence Moreover he cunningly made the men of those parts propound treaties of agreement and giving of monies wherein they spun out time to the end that by retarding Brunswick's march more opportunity might be had to secure the principal places wherein there being good store of Light-horse they infested the Dutch Camp by sallying out and disturb'd their Victuals And amongst these Geralamo da Canale did very good service with five hundred Crabats which he had brought with him out of Dalmatia So as Brunswick falling short of his hoped for success and being incommodated for victuals after having according to the barbarous and cruel custome of that Nation ruined the Country and burnt many noble edifices went out of the Venetian Confines and came into the State of Milan where he was met by Antonio da Leva who hearing of his arrival was past over the Ada to joyn with him in some enterprise Wherefore both of them repassing over the Ada they went to encamp before Lodi from whence the Duke of Milan was gone a little before being advertised of the enemies approach by Gabrielle Veniero the Venetian Embassadour and leaving a good number of men in that city he came by the Venetians advice to Brescia But the Venetian souldiers who were in Lodi and who were commanded by Paolo Sforza the Dukes bastard brother having valliantly withstood many assaults repuls'd the enemy Wherefore Brunswick not having much money to maintain the Army longer finding that he had spent much time in vain began to be aware of his idle thoughts whereunto he had out of vain glory and hopes of Booty been perswaded by Ferdinando d' Austria who minding more his brother's advantage then the success of the business had earnestly perswaded him to pass into Italy and without thinking of advancing further to enter into the Kingdome of Naples as he had at first purposed to do he went by the way of the Lake of Como to return to Germany being pursued by il Conte di Giazzo and by Mercurio Bua who issuing out of Bergamo fell upon his Reer but did not much prejudice the enemy because they were too late aware of their departure Yet many of the Dutch who in great numbers parted from the Camp were ransak'd and cut in pieces by the country people The besieged in Naples were much troubled to hear of the dissolution of the Dutch Foot being thereby bereaved of the onely relief wherein their safety lay For but a little before they had with bad success attempted to beat the Galleys of Philippo Doria that they might have the way open by Sea since they could come by no victualls by land Lautrech having possess'd himself of Pazzuolo and of the neighbouring places The Imperiall Commanders were likewise herewith much molested for understanding that the Venetian Fleet was suddenly to come into those Seas they knew their danger would be the greater and their remedy harder Therefore being resolved to prevent the Enemy they determined to put out from the Haven with 6 Galleys and many other armed Vessels and to assault Doria's Galleys and were so assured of Victory as they thought as the Marquis Guasto Don Hugo and other chief Commanders went aboard those
his Army reduced which was feared by all others before it hapned and despised by him alone So his own default aggravating his displeasure of mind did the more oppress him he could not for many days either act or advise any thing and the other Captains by reason of the severity of his nature and government proceeded slowly and with much caution in all things So as though he after being a little recovered and having gotten some strength was very diligent in correcting these disorders severely punishing the Souldiers disobedience and in increasing his Forces causing some companies of the Venetian Stradiotti to come unto the Camp which he recalled from the Enterprize of Taranto and soliciting the Florentines to send him two thousand Foot which they had muster'd for the service of the League yet all remedy proved in vain and too late But those within the Town grew so bold as sallying forth dayly in great numbers they came up even to the French Rampiers taking away their baggage and their free-bootings before their eyes and greatly molesting the ways and infesting the Country hindred the commerce between the Venetian Fleet and the Camp But soon after Lautrech relapsing into his disease by reason of his great labour and agitation of mind dyed The Marquis of Saluzzo in whom after Lautrech's death the supreme authority of the Army remained resolved with the approbation of the other Commanders to raise the Camp The present state of affairs not only requiring it but even necessity and danger which was much increased by the loss of Capua lately fallen into the power of the Imperialists by reason of the Capuans falshood who were inclined to adhere to Cesar Whereby the French Army was not only deprived of many conveniences but even of the opportunity of retreating They divided their men into three Squardrons and on the nine and twentieth of August early in the morning they marched away to Auversa with all possible silence that they might not be pursued by the Imperialists if they should be aware of their departure Which they could not notwithstanding do for the Enemies Horse being continually even upon their Trenches and aware of their departure fell upon them in their Reer guided by Monsieur de la Palissa and by Camillo Trivulcio routed them and slew many of them and the Spanish Foot coming in speedily soon after broke their Battaglia which was commanded by Navarro took many Prisoners amongst which the Captain himself But the Marquis of Saluzzo and Count Guido Rangone who were first marched forth of their Quarters with the Van escaped the danger for the present and got safe into Auversa but being presently pursued by the Enemy and the City brought to great danger they were quickly forc'd to yield upon discretion Thus a great and flourishing Army of the French was miserably wasted and destroy'd and of Conquerours became conquered and the whole face of affairs was altered to the great discontent of the Venetians Whose fortune at least as much as concern'd the Kingdom of Naples depended upon their Friends and Confederates the French Another sad accident followed this which was very prejudicial to the League and was of great concernment for the weakening of the French in Italy For the Plague being got into Genua and the City therefore abandoned almost by all the Citizens and Souldiers Andrea Doria came unexpectedly thither with his Gallies and with the few Foot which he had not exceeding five hundred and by the favour of the people who loved the name of Liberty which Doria promised to introduce he changed the Government framed new Orders and reduced it under Cesars protection Which novelty Trivulcio was not able to obviate having but a small Garrison of Souldiers with whom he had much ado to get safe into the Castle hoping as he said if he should receive sudden succour to return the City unto its former condition and to the Kings devotion Wherefore the Confederates Commanders resolved to send suddenly three thousand Dutch and Switzer Foot thither who were to come quickly to Alexandria to joyn with other French who came for Italy Whilst these things went thus the thoughts and provisions for renewing War in Lombardy ceased not To the which Monsieur de S. Paule being destined as hath been said the Venetian Senate desirous that Antonio da Leva might have no longer time nor opportunity to make any farther progress had sent Andrea Rosso Embassadour to France to hasten the coming of the Commander and of the Army And being very diligent in all things else they had sent pay to Iurea for five thousand Landsknechts who were taken into pay by the King for that Enterprize at the common expence The Senaâ—e had likewise given Order to the Duke of Urbine to receive the Dutch Foot into their pay who were disbanded from Brunswicks Army whereof there came a great many so as the Commonwealth having in her service in Lombardy of several Nations Dutch Switzers and Italians above ten thousand Foot fifteen hundred light Horse and eight hundred Curassiers with which forces it was hohoped that when Monsieur de S. Paule should be come from France with those warlike preparations which had been spoken of they might be able to drive Antonio da Leva out of Lombardy The Duke of Urbine's opinion was that of all other things they were to put an excellent Garrison into Lodi as into a place of great importance for the Duke of Milans Interests and for the Venetians also since the preservation thereof would make much for the safety of Bergamo and Crema which when it should be done as soon as the French should begin to ascend the Mountains he should pass over the Poe with the Venetian Army and joyn with them to suppress Antonio da Leva according as occasion should best serve As soon therefore as Monsieur de S. Paule was come into Italy who brought with him five thousand foot five hundred Launces and as many Light Horse it being about the end of Iuly the Duke of Urbine spoke with him at Monticelli a place seated upon the Banks of Poe to advise how they were to carry on the War for the common service the Duke of Urbine being ordered so to do by the Senate and it agreeing likewise with his own opinion propounded That they should keep all their Forces imploy'd in Lombardy to drive Antonio da Leva out of the Dukedom of Milan upon which all the affairs of Italy were finally to depend For as long as the Imperialists should have a secure receptacle in that State whereinto they might easily bring many Souldiers from Germany and from whence they received great conveniency for the feeding of their Army which had now been maintain'd a good while at the private expence of several men of the Country there was no hopes of putting a period to the War That any thing attempted elsewhere though it should succeed well would not be equally beneficial to what might be received by driving the
not to be diligent in arming themselves and solicited the King touching the same affairs as he with less occasion had solicited them To which purpose they sent their Secretary Gaspero Penelli forthwith into France to assure the King that all things were ready on their side to begin the War that they expected nothing but his Majesties coming and that they would readily send their forces to meet him to the end that they might with more safety and speed fall upon any enterprize But this mean while those that were banish'd the Kingdom assembled themselves together in great numbers in many places and did much molest the Imperialists and Renzo promised good success if he were furnish'd with monies and some foot To which purpose he had sent away Expresses sundry times into France to represent the State of affairs and to desire aid which though they were promised to be speedily sent with the Fleet yet the time of sending them was prolonged to the great prejudice of the League whereby the Imperialists had time afforded them to re-order themselves and to encrease their forces and won much favour with the Barons and people of the Kingdom by the fame of Cesar's coming with such great warlike preparations many desiring to purchase his favour either to provide for their own safeties or else to get honours and immunities The Prince of Orenge went therefore into Abruzzo recovered Aquila and Matrice and opportunely got an hundred thousand Ducats by way of Tax out of the Country people to pay the Army yet the Imperialists did not prosper much in Puglia for a secret Treaty which they held in Berletta was timely discovered so as it proved vain and Gialio da Napoli a captain of some foot companies together with some of the Towns Citizens was put to death for it Moreover the Venetians had caused some Souldiers to come from Greece on horseback who joyning with Simeone Romano made many sallies out of the Towns whereby they secured the Country and kept the way open for the coming of victuals and drove Pignatello Count de Borollo from those confines who though he were very daring and forward for any action could not with his light Horse which he had pick'd up in the Country resist the Grecians who were much better at that discipline and sort of Militia The Marquis of Goasto who was come with a regulated Army to take Monopoli after the loss of much time and many men was forc'd to retreat to Naples and since this action was very remarkable it may not be displeasing to hear it more particularly related A little before the Marquis was come into Puglia notice was had thereof and of what designe he had in hand wherefore Commissary Vetturi came with two Gallies to Monopoli bringing with him a Garrison of five hundred Foot commanded by two Captains Richardo da Pesigliano and Felice de Perugia Andrea Gritti was sent from Venice thither to be the chief Magistrate and the Counts of Montebello and Carpenna were here before with some number of Souldiers These being very confident fell diligently to make platforms to secure the Walls to munite the Town the best they could every where and to prepare for defence and amongst other things they placed two pieces of Ordnance called Falcons upon two Steeples putting sacks of Wool about them to the end that they might not be overthrown by the enemies shot which proved very advantagious to them The Imperial Army being drawn nigh the Marquis himself advanced with some of his Troops to discover the scituation against whom Pietro Frascina came immediately out and skirmished with him a good while with alike fortune and valour the Marquis began afterwarâ—s to make Trenches that he might approach nearer the wall being necessitate for want of earth to make use of faggots made of Olive-trees wherein that Country did very much abound and to keep commerce from between those of the Town and the Gallies which afforded those of the Town many conveniences and from whence fresh supplies might be had he with much labour to the souldiers made a â—â—ort be quickly erected upon the Sea side which before it was fully furnished was thrown down by shot from the Gallies which played very violently upon it and a Bastion was by them built and muniâ—ed nâ—ar the Haven so as they that were within had always the way open by Sea and Camillo Oâ—sinâ— had opportunity to come from Trauâ— to the relief of the Town who amongst others brought Angâ—lo Saâ—tocorto along with him a very bold man and a great maâ—â—â— oâ— artificial Fireworks who coming into the field with some few 〈◊〉 for fire upon several places of the enemies Trenches at one and the sâ—me time which finding matter to nourish it for they were made of faggots as hath been said they were almost all of them quickly destroyed and the labour of many days was lost so as a long time was required to re-make them and those who wrought upon these works were likewise much damnified by the Artillery which playing from the Steeples hit those who lay unsheltered in the fields But the Camp being at last got near the Walls the enemy began to batter wherewith they made many breaches in the Wall which were notwithstanding made up again in the night by those that were within who with singular industry and labour made use of the materials which were cast into the ditch to throw it down so as no place was left to make an assault for the Citâ—zens flock'd readily with the souldiers to all military actions insomuch as the very women were not wanting in generosity but getting upon the walls encouraged the souldiers and brought of their own proper means refreshment to them yea even their very beds to better munite the Rampires so as though a great part of the Wall was thrown down by the Artillery insomuch as they might have entred on horseback through the breaches yet the Marquis durst not bring his souldiers to the battel But at last overcome with tediousness and want of many things he resolved to hazard an assault wherein he met not only with stout resistance by those within but was beaten back and lost many of his men So as it behoved to inlarge his Camp and to think of getting the Town by Siege But the Souldiers meeting with many inconveniencies by this delay and their pay coming in but slowly they begâ—n to mutiny and chiefly the Italian Foot the most whereof disbanded and 〈◊〉 into Monopoli where they were willingly taken into pay by the Venetians But least they should incommodate the Siege they were sent by Sea to Trani in which transportation three Gallies were lost by a violent storm at Sea And when news of this Shipwracâ— came to the camp some of the Spanish foot Companies went out to plunder the wrack'd goods which were afterwards recovered by the other Italian Souldiers of the Garrison of Trani But the Siege continuing Vetturi was of opinion that
they might doe well to assault some of those Towns which were possess'd by the Imperialists to do the which those of Otranto who were already up in arms offered themselves if they might be assisted and thereby make the Enemie raise their camp and betake themselves to defend their own affairs But this advice being communicated to Renzo da Ceri he thought it would be better to take in as many Souldiers as they could into Monopoli from whence they might sally out at unawares and assault the Enemy within their camp their Army being become very weak by the departure of the Italian foot and by the weariness of the Dutch To this purpose the Prince of Melfi being come to Monopoli with 2000 foot whom the Marquis had labourd very much both by perswasions and offers though all in vain to draw over to side with the Imperialists The Besieged sallying out one morning early before the Sun-rising assaulted the Enemies Camp furiously on several sides and fighting in the Trenches though they could not overcome them did them notwithstanding much prejudice for they were often forced to send fresh Souldiers to supply their places who were slaine But they could not as yet make them dislodg their scituation and their Rampiers being very strong But not long after the Marquis understanding that the Venetians were preparing great store of Gallies to bring more Souldiers and Amunition into the Town desparing of any good success he gave over that enterprise and retreated with his men to Conversa and so to Naples Thus the Confederates began to have some better hepes by reason of the Marquis his retreat and by the valient defence of Monopoli So as many Barrons and others repenting that they had adhered to the Imperial party grew ready for a new rebellion which incouraged the confederates to make some new attempt Wherefore the Venetian Senate finding that their Fleet was like to ly long idle at Corfu expecting the coming of the French Fleet whereof they heard no certain tidings and which was very slow in preparing they ordered the General to pass into Puglia whither being come with a good many Gallies he lay before Brandizzi hoping that by reason of the affection which the Inhabitants bore to the Venetians he might easily win that Town as he did And receiving it upon Articles preserved it from sacking and from being injured by the Souldiers and he made Giovan Francisco Iustiniano Governour for the Town to keep it for the Common-wealth He fell then suddenly to besiege Castelli the particular care whereof was committed to Camillo Orsino who playing upon it and begirting it on all sides had brought it to a bad condition yet hoping to see the Emperours Fleet quickly in those Seas they held out This mean while the Venetian Fleet infested the Sea even to Capo d' Otranto to the great prejudice of the Imperialists In this action Simone Romano was slain a bold and valiant man and one who had done much service to the League and won much praise to himself in many actions At this time General Pesaro fell very sick wherefore he got leave of the Senate to retire unto Corfu to be cured and Vicenza Cappello was chosen in his place to retaine the same degree and Authority untill Pesaro should be well Who recovering sooner then was expected Capello came not as then unto the Fleet but the next place was reserved for him upon the first occasion Things being in this condition the Prince of Orenge knowing that the confederates forces were not so weak as to be wholly driven out of the Country nor so strong as that they could do any thing of much importance or were it that Cesar desired that the Popes satisfaction should be preferr'd before all other respects that he might have him his friend and confederate when he should come into Italy resolved after he had put Garrisons into the most considerable places to go with the rest of his men towards Perugia to drive Malatesta Baglione out of that City and then to go into Tuscany to put the Medici into their Country again Wherefore the Duke of Urbine apprehending that these men would fall upon his State went suddenly from the Army to look unto his own affairs upon this so urgent occasion The Venetians were much displeased with this the Generals absenting himself at so unseasonable a time both in respect of their own great Interests and for fear lest the French growing either really jealous or picking some fained suspition out of this accident would grow the cooler in making their provisions for War The Senate therefore resolved to send Nicolo Tiepolo forthwith to the Duke who was intended to have been sent unto him to the camp to acquaint him with the new conduct of affairs and earnestly to intreat him in the name of the publick to return immediately to the Army and that he might the more willingly do it they sent him money to raise three thousand Foot who were to guard his State But there was no need thereof at that time for Orenge understanding that the Count de l ' Aquila and Camillo Orsino called Pardo having assembled many of their neighbours together were come to Câ—muli and that their numbers increasing every day it was feated they would make some considerable commotion changed his mind and would not as then go out of the Kingdom fearing some greater insurrection by reason of the many extortions which the people suffer'd under who in that respect began to hate and detest the name of a Spaniard Wherefore he thought it best first to suppress these reserving his former purpose till another time this suspition being over the Duke of Urbine came forthwith to the Army and as soon as he came resolved to march therewith to Milan Monsieur de S. Paule having let him know that he meant to do so too They were hereunto invited by the Imperials straits and by the good success of the French for though two thousand Spanish Foot were come to Milan who were first intended for the relief of Genua the Genueses refusing to receive them their inconveniences were as much increased by their coming as their forces for they were to be paid and fed though there was great scarcity of monies And on the contrary many Towns beyond Tassino had surrendered themselves at this time to Monsieur de S. Paule so as almost all that Country was reduced to his great honour and conveniency under his power Both these Armies met at Borgo S. Martino five miles distant from Milan where having long debated how they were to prosecute that expedition it was resolved that they should incamp about the City of Milan with two Armies to the end they might begirt as much of the wall as they could and weaken the Enemy by making them defend several places at once But the Commanders were not so forward not diligent as was requisite to effect this advice for the French said there were fewer Foot in the Venetian
camp then they had thought and then what ought to be So as the forces being divided each part would be too weak and not without danger And on the other side the Venetians shewing that they had made good their articles better then the French had done said they would see them first incamped and that then they would do so likewise for they feared very much what the French would do having formerly observed in them a settled resolution to mind the business of Genua and set all things else aside affirming that they had Orders from the King so to do Wherefore much delay being used on both sides and the former resolution wherein they found many doubts and difficulties being as it were of it self revoked the Armies parted Monsieur di S. Paule went towards Laudriano the Duke of Urbine took up his first Quarters at Montio and the Duke of Milan went with an intention of carrying his men into Pavia From which places each of them playing their parts severally in blocking up the ways infesting the Country and by keeping Antonio da Leva from victuals they thought they might be able to suppress him and at last to compass their ends though by another way of possessing themselves of Milan and Como which were the only two places of importance which held for the Emperour in the Dukedome of Milan But the French were not well got to their Quarters when they sent word that they would go as it was before suspected to Genua being much sollicited thereunto by Cesare Fregoso who weighing affairs as he could wish them told them that the business would be soon and easily effected so as they believed they should soon return to the same Quarters and desired the Duke of Urbine that he would tarry the mean while with his men and those of the Duke of Milan where they were or thereabouts to do what was formerly designed not permitting the Besieged to be relieved The French Army rising then with this intention the first day of Iune marched towards Pavia which Leva being by his Spies advertised of he resolved to pursue them and if occasion should serve to fight them It was either his fortune or rather the small experience of the Enemy that favour'd his forwardness for the French Army marched divided into two parts the one of which led on by Count Guido Rangone who commanded the Van Artillery and Carriages was advanced eight miles before the other which was slow in following them Wherein was Monsieur de S. Paule who commanded the Battle and Claudio Rangone who ruled the Reer When Leva who advanced all in one body in good Order and very quietly was got very near the Enemy he found their disorder and his own advantage so as he resolved to fight them and ordered that the Light Horse should hasten to fall on upon the French rear which was scarcely got two miles from their quarters and looked for nothing less so as being all of them astonished and confused at the unexpected accident they easily grew into disorder whereby the enemy coming presently up to the Foot of the Van and charging them with their Light-horse they forced the French to retreat But Monsieur de St. Paul standing firm and in good order with the battel did valiantly resist the violence of the enemy for a good while the combat being made on all sides with much courage and equal fortune But when Leva came in with the rest of the Army wherein were the old Spanish Souldiers the French began apparently to give back and at last to run Many were slain in the conflict many taken prisoners amongst which Monsieur de St. Paul himself whilest despairing of good success he sought to escape the enemy by running away Some other escaped by flight into several places and chiefly into the Venetians State wherein they were readily received and well treated The Duke of Urbine hearing of this success and knowing that to tarry where he was was to no purpose and not without danger went from Montia to return to his former quarters at Cassano which was much commended by the Senate and proved luckely The Duke proceeded with much circumspection in his retreat for the safety of his Army wherein was as then about five thousand Foot four hundred Curassiers seven hundred Lighthorse and many Carriages He marched by the upper way endeavouring to keep the enemy on the left hand on which side he kept a great company of Harquebusiers to back the battle He divided his whole Army into three squadrons but so ordered as each of them might commodiously succour the other and be by them succoured The light horse traversing the Country watched the enemies wayes that they might give timely advertisement thereof to the Generall and by this diligence the Duke brought himself together with all his men and Carriages safe to their quarters at Cassan which is a place seated near the river of Ada which was on his back whereupon there was a bridg made to pass over into Giaradada and to the end that victuals might be brought from several parts to the Camp the quarter was every where invironed and fortified with safe works having but one way only open unto it which was likewise well munited This was thought to be a very covenient seat since from thence they might relieve Lodi and Pavia and as occasion should serve offend the enemy defend the Territories of the Commonwealth and upon need favour the enterprise of Genua wherefore the Duke thinking that he might keep there with much safety and honour would not admit of Fregoso's opinion and the like of some other Captains who advised that the Army might be brought into Brescia and thereby not exposed to danger they being much inferiour in numbers to Leva's men who being encouraged by his Victory and desirous to quite overthrow the Confederates forces pursued the Duke of Urbine and had taken up his quarters at Vasri some two miles distant from the Venetian quarters which caused our men to fear that they would pass over the Ada to destroy the Territories of Brescia Bergamo and Crema but the Duke relied much upon his Light-horse which were more in number then the enemies and exceeded them much in worth and discipline who scouring all the adjacent parts did not only disturb the carrying of victuals to the Imperial Camp but had caused such terrour as none of them durst stir out of their Trenches The Duke resolved therefore to tarry still in that quarter to preserve his reputation and to make use of the Provisions of the neighbouring Countrey for the service of his own Army which otherwise would have been left for the enemies use whereas if he should have retreated into the City he should have wasted those Victuals which served for the use of his Friends But Fregoso grew dayly more and more afraid that if the Army should tarry in those quarters it might receive some notable prejudice which his minde was so full of as it
safe by reason of the particular agreement made with Cesar at Barcellona which till now was kept secret nay he thought to make use of the Imperial forces to satisfie his desire and particular ends in placing his Nephews in their former power and authority in Florence as it was agreed upon before between him and Cesar. Wherefore for the Emperours greater honour he sent three of the principal Court Cardinals to meet him at Genâ—a and to be assistant to him The Florentines who were in the greatest and most present danger sent also their Embassadours soon after to Cesar to curry-favour with him and to understand his will excusing themselves for having entred into confederacy against him for that it behooved them therein to follow the Popes authority and commandment and shewing themselves ready to adhere unto him But these men having brought no publick commission to accommodate the differences which depended between the City and the Pope and Cesar continuing firm in his resolution to keep his promise made to the Pope and to give him all manner of satisfaction this Embassie proved to no purpose and their affairs continued in their former condition Other Princes of Italy sent also their Embassadours desiring friendship and fair correspondence only the Senate of Venice persevered in their opinion of not coming to any agreement with Cesar unless forc'd by necessity Not but that the Venetians would have been as glad of concord as the rest but because they thought that Cesar intended nothing less then the Liberty of Italy and that his end was to bring things to such a condition as that all the rest should receive Laws from him Wherefore they thought that to appear humble and submiss served only to puff him up the more and to confirm him in his desire and hopes of commanding all Italy They therefore thought it not fit to send their Embassadours to him then but they gave way that the Duke of Millan who desired their advice in this point as by conventions he was bound to do might send his Embassadours because they thought it might become him to do so who was a Vassal of the Empire and that it might turn to the common good by opening a way upon that occasion to the accommodation of his own particular differences upon which the conclusion of the universal peace did chiefly depend whereof since no well grounded hopes did as yet appear the Venetians who saw themselves left almost alone to undergo all the danger betook themselves with all industry and diligence to provide for all such things as might secure their State the best they could upon this so important occasion They raised new foot to increase their Army and their Garrisons which between the one and the other arose to the number of fifteen thousand They made Francisco Pasquillio their Commissary General on Terra firmâ— giving him a particular charge to survey the strong Holds and to provide all necessaries for them They took divers chief Commanders into the Commonwealths pay amongst which Sigismond Malatesta together with a thousand foot and two hundred Light Horse And because the Dutch foot advanc'd already in great numbers from Bolzano Commissary Giovan Contarini and Cesare Fregoso were put into Verona with a good Garrison And because the greatest concernment was to keep the other confederate Princes of Italy as firm to them as they could the Senate failed not to minde the Florentines thereof to praise their constancy to exhort them to defend their Country and the liberty thereof promising to give them what assistance the times would permit them to do and particularly to make their men enter into the Territories of Piacâ—nza and Parma as soon as Cesar should be gone from thence so to draw the Imperialists who were in Tuscany to the defence of those Cities They used the like indeavours with the Duke of Ferara sending Marc Antonio Veniero Embassadour to him who was to witness the constancy of the Common-wealth in their resolution of defending the Common liberty and their particular good inclination towards the Duke and his State whereunto as they were joyned by neighborhood and many other respects so would they never shun running the same fortune with him That therefore they desired to understand what his pleasure and opinion was as knowing that in times of such difficulty a great esteem was to be put upon his friendship and advice But they chiefly laid before him the danger of the Florentines saying that as they were common to them all so they ought all to assist them that they should remember what the Popes desires were which would be the more inflamed by what of prosperity should befall Florence and that the Pope would the more molest his State and the like of all others unto which he laid any just pretentions The Duke seemed to take these Memorandums very well and promised many things and particularly that he would maintain a good body of men which he was raising about Modena which should not only be for his own defence but for the service of all the Confederates At this time the Agreement made at Cambrai was published wherein as it was long before commonly said none of the Confederates were comprehended only place was reserved for the Venetians to be admitted thereinto if within a short space the differences betwen them and Cesar should be reconciled which was nothing but a meer complement they being in effect totally excluded since the greatest difficulties remained still undecided The King of France was obliged amongst other things to make the Towns in Puglia which were possess'd by the Venetians to be restored to the Emperour which if they should refuse to doe he was to declare himself their Enemy and help the Emperour to recover them by force Which Article being to be put in execution the King sent his Embassadours to Venice to require the Senate that they would cause the Towns which they possess'd in Puglia to be delivered up to Cesar as he was bound to do by the conventions at Cambray alledging that he did this in observance of the League made at Cugnack wherein that was comprehended And he further added that he did so much rely upon the affection which the Common-wealth had always shewn to the Crown of France as if they were not bound thereunto by Agreement he was perswaded he might obtain it of them by way of meer gratification the occasion and thing it self being of so great waight and that without it he could not have his Sons who were to succeed him in his Kingdom set at liberty by Cesar. To this the Senate answered That they did still continue that good affection towards the King and Crown of France as they had done for many years past and would still do so for the future the Common-wealth being almost indissolvably knit fast to the Kingdom out of many common interests That they could not deny but that they had very much desired their Common-wealth might have been comprehended in the
make that City the Seat of the Empire to abound in all things and especially in Gold to which purpose he had forbidden men of all Nations to buy any Silks or Spices and had already bought a great quantity of these merchandize with his own monies that he might bring them to Constantinople The Venetians were much troubled at these proceedings for though the Turkish forces seemed to threaten other parts yet their power encreasing by the ruine of other Princes it would become likewise more formidable to them and the going out of the Fleet would alwaies be occasion of trouble and of expence to the Commonwealth especially if the Fleet should come as it was said it was to do into the Gulph of Venice where the Western Vessels came oftentimes to pillage with much insolency And the removing of Traffique from the usual places did much disturb their Merchandizing and the ancient Navigation of their Galeasses which were wont to go every year to Sâ—ria and Alexandria The Venetians thinking how to give a timely remedy to these things exhorted the King of Hungary who was found to have some inclination to make peace with the Archduke Ferdinand to pursue it and thereby to rid Christendom of so many occasions of danger and prejudice They likewise encouraged the King of Poland who had formerly interposed himself in this business to re-assume the Treaty of Agreement They sought by many endeavours with the Bashaws at Constantinople and especially with Luigi Gritti who grew daylie greater in favour and authority there to keep the Grand Seignior from sending forth his Fleet by shewing the care and diligence used by the Commonwealth in keeping the Sea open and free from Pyrats and likewise from his other intention of bringing the Merchandize of Soria and Alexandria to Constantinople shewing many inconveniences that would arise thereby so as without any considerable advantage to Constantinople and to the great prejudice of his other Provinces and of his Imposts traffique would lessen by leaving those of the Western parts no occasion of making those Voyages if they should not be permitted to send forth so many sorts of Merchandize which they vented in great quantities in those Countries and wherewith they contracted for Spices and other Merchandize more then with ready money But to take all occasion from the Turks of sending out Gallies and especially into the Gulph of Venice the Senate ordered the Commissary of their Fleet that he should warn the Gallies of Malta not to come into the Gulph nor to prejudice any Vessels which sailed into the Eastern Seas which were guarded by them which if they should deny to do that then he should endeavour to disarm them The Turks thought themselves very much inâ—ur'd hereby and complaining of the Venetians they said that it did not suit with the friendship which they profess'd to hold with the Grand Seignior to suffer that the Turks who were their friends should be so much prejudiced at their own homes and before their faces especially since their security was to rely upon the provisions and forces of the Commonwealth in which respect to preserve her jurisdiction and to shun occasion of disorder the Turks forbore sending any men of War into the Gulph At the same time Cesar having summoned a Diet of all the German Princes in Augusta many things appertaining to the State and to Religion were therein treated on The Protestants insisted chiefly in demanding a General Councel wherein their opinions concerning the points of faith might be examined and decided which they did not out of any desire of sifting ouâ— the truth but because they believed that the Pope would not give way thereunto lest they might enter into some other Treaties whereby his authority might be endangered so as they thought they might have good occasion thereby to foment their false opinions amongst the people The Emperour seeking how to appease so many humours and how to cut off this root of greater evils propounded the business to the Pope who looking for little good thereby nay rather occasion of greater disorders and yet being unwilling to seem to refuse it sought to spin out the business at length alledging many respects which gave just occasion of delay and chiefly the discords which were then on foot amongst Christian Princes to appease the which he said it would be best first to think how they might all concur joyntly to assist and favour the Counsel But the Protestants growing more earnest in this their desire and the Popes fear increasing he who greatly detested this sort of people began to propound that they might be prosecuted by temporal arms which he oftentimes mentioned not onely to Cesar but to the Venetian Senate also to whom be sent an express Nuntio to exhort them to use their Counsels authority and forces herein and to make Cesar undertake this business the more willingly he offered him a certain sum of money But the Senate were much of an other opinion and fought to disswade the Pope from it Whose piety when they had praised they shewed him afterwards that to take up arms at this time and without any pressing occasion was no better then to shew his fear the more is a just cause which he would go about to secure by preventing by way of Arms the power which the concourse and favour of the people might bring unto the adverse party Than it became those who sustained the cause of Religion to try all things especially by Scripture and by reason Moreover that the Protestant Princes would be necessitated to procure forces and more followers and their cause would be more favoured by the people and have some fair appearance since they were to withstand the violence of Enemies that the Princes of Italy were wholly exhausted by the so many wars That it was to be suspected to what party the Electors of the Empire would adhere in such a case they being more desirous of agreement then of war as appeared by their Embassadours who were sent to the Emperour at Brussels That the Hans Towns of Germany were resolved not to assist Cesar if he should go about to attempt any thing rather by power then by reason That Cesar was not able of himself to raise sufficient forces to oppress the Princes and people who were in commotion There appeared such reason in these things and the Authority of the Senate was so great from whose advice the Pope had very much differed as changing his opinion he forbore sending his Nuntio to Cesar as he had intended to do and suspended any such Treaty And truly it was thought to be a much wiser course and better becoming the condition of the present times to think rather of sustaining the Turkish Wars and to keep the forces of Christendom united as much as might be especially those of Germany who were to withstand the Turks first violence For it was held for certain that Soliman whose haughty mind must needs be scandalized for his being
the Senate had formerly well considered did consist in nothing more then in keeping the Forces of these two Princes as equally ballanced as might be so as the power of the one might be counterpoysed by the others wherefore doubting lest the King of France despairing of the Italian Princes friendship might not give over all thoughts of the affairs of Italy and so Cesar might be confirm'd in his grandetsa and be made as it were Arbitrator of all things he had desired to tye himself in the band of allyance with him as he had done with Cesar so as his authority might be still the greater with both the one and the other of them upon all occasions But though the Venetians knew these reasons yet thinking that they had discharged themselves sufficiently therein by refusing the new League proposed by Cesar whereby the King of France might hope in time to alienate them wholly from him and they desiring quiet at this time whereby the Common-wealth might take breath after so long and so sore molestations and put themselves into a better condition all things must needs be troublesome to them whereby this quiet might too soon be disturbed which they thought might happen the more easily by this alliance between the Pope and King of France for that having found by many experiences that the desire of aggrandizing his Family prevailed with the Pope above all other affections they thought he might easily be drawn by the King of France to favour the affairs of Milan the King promising him to do it for the Duke of Orleans now become his Nephew But though both the Interview and the Marriage were had the Pope not going to Nize to meet the King but to Marcelles to please him the more where the Marriage was celebrated with a great deal of Pomp yet these aspiring thoughts which were suspected succeeded not by reason of divers accidents which hapned both before and after the Popes death which ensued not long after Thus Italy remained quiet and the Venetians free from being bound to take up Arms. The commotions in Germany helped as was thought to keep the Pope from thinking of Novelties for the Lansgrave of Hesse having together with many other Protestant Princes raised many men to reinvest Ulderick Duke of Wittenbergh in his State it was said that they meant to pass therewith into Austria against Ferdinand and to come from thence into Italy a thing which the Germans did much desire and by the very name whereof their Army became the greater But these tumults were appeased by the agreement made with the King of the Romans against whom their chiefest quarrel was for his possessing the Territories of the Duke of Wittenbergh Thus Italy enjoyd great quiet and the Common-wealth was on this side free from trouble But for the matters of Sea they were at continual expence and full of State jealousies so as she could not be said to enjoy the benefit of peace perfectly The next ensuing year of 1534. was not freer from the voyages of Fleets and from these suspicions then were the preceding years for a powerfull Fleet was prepared at Constantinople which was likely to be the more formidable in that it was to be commanded by one so valiant and so well experienced as Cariadino hath been said to be Great store of armed Vessels were likewise provided in the West for Charles thinking that the Turks would turn their forces chiefly against his Territories did all he could to encrease his Fleet so as it might be able to resist them and the King of France who grew dayly more impatient of being in peace armed 30 Galleys at Marcelles to what end it was not yet known Many Frigats were also rigg'd on the Coasts of Barbary not onely to pillage but to joyn with the Turkish Fleet and to adhere to Cariadino and amongst other Pyrates Sinam Cifut a renegado surnamed Il Giudco was very famous as being a bold man and very well experienced at Sea affairs Wherefore the Pope to secure his channels from these Incursions and as some thought out of other designes armed ten Galleys These so many Fleets made the Venetians very jealous and forced them to be at great expense in increasing the number of their Galleys and of their Garrisons upon the Sea coasts Wherefore being necessitated to use all helps by reason of so many extraordinary expenses they had recourse unto the Pope again that they might be permitted to raise an hundred thousand Duckets for these publick and important necessities out of the revenues of the Clergie of their Common-wealth There were some who having found the Pope to be very hard to be brought to this advised that either the State might raise these moneys of themselves or that they should be a little more urgent with the Pope alledging that great store of wealth was appropriated to the Church in their State which being free and exempt from all publick contributions the rest of the Country was subject to insupportable grievances and yet the charges of Fleets and Souldiers was raised for the generall freedomes and possessions and that it was not to be believed that it was the intention of those pious men who had thus endowed the Churches to destroy the Common-wealth thereby by depriving her of making use of the revenues of any particular men whereby the publick Treasury was maintained That they found the Pope to be ill affected to their Common-wealth and the affairs thereof which had made him often deny these so reasonable requests by still interposing new delayes and difficulties Yet such was the Senators zeal to religion and their respect such to the Apostolick sea as suffering these to overcome all other considerations these mens advice was not listned unto but the major part of the Senatours did resolutely affirm That it did not become that Common-wealth which was borne and continued Christian and had been perpetually obedient and kept joyned to the Church and Pope of Rome whereby she had purchased great and exemplary glory to do now any thing which might detract from her so many former meritorious actions or to differ from what she had been for so many preceding years by seizing upon the Churches revenues or by violating therein the Pope's will That the Commonwealth had governed and susteined her self in harder times then these without any such means or using any such scandalous courses That they were not to distrust but that he who sees the hearts of men and who is able to do all things would even in greater necessities furnish them by unknown wayes with much more prevalent means then those weake ones which they sought to finde out by such inhumane and dangerous counsels That if the Pope should continue in his wonted obdurancie the wisdome of the Venetian Senate ought to appear both before God and man to be so much the more pious and mature This opinion prevayling and they continuing to proceed with the Pope with all humanity and reverence they
to raise Monies sufficient to serve their occasions There were three Procurators of St. Mark created the supream degree of the Common-wealth next to the Duke Andrea Capello Girolimo Bragadino and Iacopo Cornaro each of them having assisted at the present necessity by the Lone of 12000 Duckets Great suit was made to the Pope that the urgent necessities of the Common-wealth requiring it he would give way to the raising 200000 Duckets out of the Venetian Clergy by the way of Tenths wherein the Pope made severall excuses and pleaded difficulties Sometimes seeming not to believe that Soliman's forces tended to the prejudice of Christendom sometimes pleading the Priests poverty And to make the expence of arming the Gallies in severall places the more supportable all the schools of Artificers these are certain Congregations of men of several Trades and Mechanick Arts assembled together under fraternities and heads instituted by themselves were commanded to contribute a certain number of men for the service of the gallies and that the Towns under the Dogado should be particularly obliged to arm certain Gallies and that the weighty businesses which were then in hand might be more safely and more maturely advised upon to the number of the six Savâ—â— of the Councell a Magistracy of great Authority and the chief of those whose office it is to present the Senate with what they are to treat upon three others were for the time added upon this occasion Tomaso Mocenico Nicolo Bernardo and Mark Antonio Cornaro three of the chiefest and best esteemed Senators In this perplexity the Senate forgat not according to the religious and pious institution of their Ancestors to have recourse to divine assistance whereupon solemn prayers were ordered throughout all the Churches and 400 Bushels of wheat were given in Alms to the poor Fryers that they might pray for a blessing upon their Counsels who did consult upon the common good but the Imperialists were no lesse afraid of the Turkish Forces nor lesse carefull to secure themselves from them They sent a great number of Spanish foot into Italy wherewith to furnish the Kingdoms of Sicily and Naples and other places which lay exposed to the Turkish Fleet. And Andrea Doria Prince of Melfi who was then Lord Admirall of the Emperours Fleet was ordered to be very diligent in seeing his gallies put in good order that he might joyn with those of Naples and Sicily and of the Knights of Ierusalem which were all to be commanded by him But thâ—se provisions came far short of what was requisite for Caesar was at the same time to think of defending his other Dominions against which the King of France armed himselfe strongly Being come himselfe in person to Lyons from whence he forthwith dispatcht away 15000 Dutch and Guascon foot towards Italy To divert which designs Cesar prepared a great Army of 20000 foot and 8000 Horse in Flanders to enter the confines of France but the divulging that the French would fall upon Genua was amongst other things a great hindrance in making provision against the Turks for the Genueses being hereat much terrified said They could not permit that Doria should abandon his Country in so great danger and go with his Gallies from thence which were the very Nerves of the Imperiall Fleet for the 22 Gallies which were at Barcellona were in no good posture to undertake so long a voyage Whilst the Christian Princes were thus ordering affairs for their own defence the Turks taking occasion from their discords to trouble Christendom as they had often done formerly and to increase their power and reputation with assured hopes of rich booty had prepared an Army and a Fleet to assault the Territories of other men Soliman who being gone in the beginning of March from Constantinople had staid some dayes to passe his time away in hunting at Andrinopolis all requisite provisions for the army being in a readinesse began his journey and towards the end of Iune came to Scopia a City in Macedonia where having staid awhile and having tane his voyage through the confines of Albania he went with all his men to Vallona by the Ancients called Aulo But the Fleet being already parted from the straits of Galipoli was come at the same time to the Island of Cervi being in number above 300 sayl of which there were 220 Gallies the rest Galliouns fly-boats and other lesser Vessels and all men said that of a long time there had not been seen so great a Fleet upon the Sea nor better appointed and provided of all things especially of Souldiers there being 12 Sangiacchi aboard each of which commanded 800 valiant men and moreover 4000 Janesiers Cariadino commanded this Fleet in chief for what belonged to the Sea but the Bashaw Lufti who represented the person of the grand Signor who had the Imperiall standard assigned unto him had the supream command over the Souldiers and in ordering the undertakings What these mens Commissions were and what course they were to steer was not yet known some said they had orders from Soliman if occasion should offer it selfe to fight the Venetian Fleet others affirm'd the contrary that they were straitly commanded to bear respect to the Venetians and their affairs but the most common opinion was that the Turks were to attempt somewhat in Puglia this mean while Doria being first gone to Civita Vecchia and not finding the Popes gallies in order to joyn with him was gone to Faro di Messina there to gather up the gallies of Naples and Sicily and other men of War which he expected from other parts which when they were come he found his Forces notwithstanding so inferiour to the Turks as he could by no means think of giving the enemy battel he therefore resolved to re-inforce the greatest number of Gallies that he could and leaving the rest of the gallies and smaller Vessels and six armed ships behinde him in a safe place and one Gallioun to advance with those select ones towards the Levant to molest the Turkish affairs according as he should finde occasion shunning to meet the Enemies Fleet joyn'd altogether But the Venetians when they understood the Turkish Fleet was come to Modone not knowing whither they were to go nor what to doe the Senate had been very dubious in their Counsels what the Generall Pesaro should do who was already come to Corfu and had about 70 Gallies under his Command the 15 that were armed in the Levant being come unto him to wit ten in Candia one at Cefalonia two at Zante and two in the same Island of Corfu The Generall had not as yet received any commissions save such as were universal and answerable to the Senates intention to keep Newtral to wit to indeavour to keep peace with the Imperialists and with the Turks and not to meddle with any farther then to keep the subjects and the affairs of the Common-wealth uninjured to grant victualls freely to all to shun giving suspition to keep far from
occasion of revenging the injuries which they had received of recovering the honour of military glory so much valued by that warlike Nation and of securing themselves from greater dangers but that the Princes Hauns-Towns would readily wage war with the Turks with powerfull forces whilst being busied at Sea they could make but small resistance on that side nor would they want a head who would incite them thereunto since Ferdinand of Austria brother to Charles the Emperour and who was to succeed him in the Empire having been much molested by Soliman seemed greatly to desire such an occasion as was now offered promising to adhere unto the League and Cesar named him to be one of the chief contractors whereat the Venetians were very well pleased They therefore willingly gave way that it should be referred to the Pope and Emperour to nominate what share of expence he should be at with the other Colleagues and did earnestly endeavour to confirm him in this resolution by their Embassadour Marin Iustiniano who was then resident with him Ferdinand had often had occasion and much to his prejudice to sustain the fury of the Turkish forces who having possest themselves of that part of Hungary which lies between the Rivers Sava and Drava were become his very formidable neighbours and had thereby free and open ingresse into Ferdinando's territories whose subjects were vext by the continuall inroads and pillagings of the Turkish Garrisons upon those confines even in time of Truce Therefore Ferdinando and his subjects appeared very desirous and willing both for their honour and safety to suppresse the Turkish forces and to drive them out of that Province Great and very convenient were the forces of Germany a country abounding in men horses monies and victualls and in all things belonging to war but being perpetually troubled with domesticall discords by reason of so many diversities in Religion and Government she was but weak and unfit for great enterprises Bearing the rather with the injuries of the Turks and with some dishonour suffering her dangers to encrease because she hated the too much greatnesse of the House of Austria It being therefore thought most requisite for the doing of any thing against the Turks that Germany should joyntly resolve to take up Arms without which the Turkish Armies and those forces which are the true foundation of the power and grandure of their Empire would remain safe and entire or but little prejudiced The Venetian Senate that they might leave nothing unattempted resolved to send expresse Embassadours to the Electors of the Empire and to other Princes and Hauns-towns in Germany to perswade them to make war holding out unto them the opportunity which was then offered of regaining the antient honour and military glory of the German Nation and promising that the Common-wealth would and should make use of all her forces to keep the common enemy busied else-where so as being assaulted both by sea and land the way would be made plain for famous victories for Christendom Iovan Veniero and Luigi Badoaro who being gone as hath been said to that Court upon occasion of the peace of France had received orders to stay there till he should receive new orders from the Senate treated often with the Emperour touching the conclusion of the League exhorting him to send free and sufficient Commissions to his Agents at Rome and witnessing the firm and constant resolution of the Senate to joyne with him and willingly to undergo the charge and danger of the war They excited him likewise to solicite provisions for the Fleet for the effecting of what was resolved upon and concluded at Rome Cesar listned very well to these things and seemed very desirous to bend all his forces against the Turks in the Eastern parts affirming as he had often done before that he would go thither himself in person and that he should be exceeding glad that the Common-wealth which he did much love and esteem might encrease her greatnesse and reputation by the recovery of the Towns which the Turks had usurped from her The Senate therefore sent forthwith to their Embassadour Mark Antonio Contarini who was at Rome particular information of their good-will to the League with orders to endeavour the speedy conclusion thereof though he might give way unto some things Thus was the time protracted without making any answer to the Consuls Letters the Senate not being resolved what to do touching the propositions of peace made by the Turks and to the particular discourse which the Bashaw had had with the Consul which many of the Senate being displeased at they oft-times opposed it when any new commissions or orders were spoken of to be sent to the Embassadour at Rome concerning the League They considered That it was not expedient the Common-wealth should bind her self so fast upon this Treaty of the League as they should debar themselves all negotiations of peace That they were first to examine well the present state and condition of affairs and see how they could make war with what forces what monies with what helps it was to be maintained whether they would be so constant in persevering in trouble and danger as they appeared ready to undertake it whilst yet afar off That the publick Exchequer was much exhausted by the so long wars on Terra ferma their subjects weak and poor That their cities did rather require rest then to enter into a more dangerous war then the former were That the former successes might shew how uncertain and ill-grounded the hopes were which were reposed in assistance from forrain Princes since unlesse the strong scituation of Corfu and the inconveniencies or dis-accommodations of the enemy had not preserved that Fort and freed the Common-wealth from so great a loss Doria had suffered it to fall into the hands of the enemy deluding all the Common-wealth's hopes and designes Nor were the weighty interests of so many citisens to be despised who being to sustain the heavy burthen of publick taxes had their estates in the hands of the Turks which they might hope to recover by treaty That not to listen to any proposition of peace or concord was to contend with the Barbarians themselves in Barbarism to exceed them in those things whereof they were most to be blamed That it would be a great disadvantage if things succeeding unprosperously in the progresse of war we be forc'd to seek for that peace from the Turks which is now voluntarily offered by them That if no other good might be got by such a treaty it would not be amisse to delay those dangers which were threatned by such an enemy that they might prepare the better to defend themselves That if these things were well weighed as they ought to be why should the occasion of any good be let slip Wherefore should the answer expected by the Bashaw so long be deferred Wherefore should not the Bailo be made acquainted with the Senate's will That delay could produce nothing but mischiefe
to minde that it is very usuall of late for Popes to propound Leagues and Crusado's against Infidells and to seem very desirous thereof yet how many of them have we seen made since the Turks power is growne so great So likewise I perceive we measure the Emperour's intentions more according to our desires and to what may make for us then to what they are But why should we not also consider many other actions which do plainly shew that either his thoughts do differ from ours and from our interests or at least that he hath not so great a desire for the exaltation of our Common-wealth nor such a zeal to the good of Christendom as some believe trusting too much to the zeal which some perswade themselves he bears to Christendom when they would flatter themselves with a confederacy which turns to his advantage forgetting such things as may make them believe the contrary For being overcome by the force of truth he hath oft-times confessed he can onely make a defensive League this year but that notwithstanding the Common-wealth shall suffer lesse prejudice thereby Hath not he himselfe told our Embassadour when he heard of Doria's proceedings and how he parted quickly from Naples that Doria was no friend to the Common-wealth yet he proposeth him now to be the head of a League which he saies he makes chiefly for her sake I will not now trouble you with mentioning his vast and ambitious thoughts wherein as it hath been plainly discovered he aimes at the Empire of whole Italy since all men know how much the greatnesse and prosperity of our Dominions is contrary to these his machinations and how many waies he may receive advantage by keeping us employed in this war to save his own expence and that by our weaknesse he may increase his power and finally make himself the sole Arbitrator of all the affairs of Italy And how stands Ferdinando King of the Romans affected now think we who seemed so fierce at first in taking up Arms to revenge the so many injuries he had received from the Turks What hopes hath he of making his people fall upon such an enterprise after having received such a rout in Hungary wherein he lost the flower of his people and which is of no lesse importance his own reputation and his souldiers courage Which may make it easily be believed that he may rather think it a happinesse for him at this time to repose a while and to minde the repairing of his losses whilst his enemies forces shall be employed against us then to be bound to continue a new war And I beseech you whence is it that we suppose peace may so easily ensue between the Emperour and the King of France The meeting was had with great hopes of Agreement but all endeavours proving vain we see it now at an end and the short Truce for the affairs of Piemont arose rather out of necessity and wearinesse then out of a desire of quiet and reconciliation And certainly if we will weigh the importancy of this businesse considerately we must think this the chief ground of that our resolution For as it hath been alwaies confest by all men the greatest and most assured hopes of any good successe of this League lay in the agreement which was to be amongst Princes it was this that made us advance so much in the Treaty of the League So now the state and condition of affairs being altered we have just reason to alter our mindes and to keep from concluding the League Shall we forget what the Pope said upon the like purpose that the League would be but of a pale complexion unlesse peace were made between Cesar and the King of France And do not Cesar 's chief Ministers say the same Did not Count Agilar at Rome and Don Lopes here with us take it for granted that peace amongst Christian Princes was requisite to the making of war against the Turks Nay Cesar himself hath confest as much letting us know that he had not forces sufficient to contest with the King of France and with the Turks at the same time and therefore it was that he propounded the League might now be onely defensive If then it be lawfull for these Princes to nourish discord for their own ambitious ends not caring for what we suffer nor for the ruine of whole Christendom why should it misbecome us to think upon preserving our Common-wealth and how to stave off greatest dangers by such means as we may But if it be said It is necessity which makes us have recourse to forrain help to maintain war because such a peace as were to be wish'd for is not to be had I cannot deny but that on what side soever we turn we are to meet with many difficulties but I will boldly affirm that the having of peace is not so hard as that it is to be dispaired of nor that it is likely to bring so small security but that it may be very well compared with our present dangers We know that the chief Bashaw on whose advice the Grand Signeur doth much rely hath been alwaies well affected to this businesse and we ought to believe very much in what he saies because of his own interest peace making for his advantage who cannot by war accumulate more riches nor honours And we now hear that Barbarossa not being in too great favour with Soliman desires rather to return to Algiers where he may enjoy his own state then to be at any further trouble since he sees the face of fortune alters I will say further that I know not how we can so absolutely affirm that Soliman doth so much despise us and our Common-wealth since we see how constantly he hath observed the capitulations of peace with us for these thirty five years and now also if we will consider all things aright we must confesse that he hath not turned his â—orces against us till he was first provoked by us so as peradventure we have more reason to complain of our selves and of our Officers than of him and his actions If the Turks as it hath been said did aim so much at our ruine when could they have had any fitter occasion to have expressed it then in these late years of our so great calamities when all the Princes of Christendom had conspired against us when we wanted both forces assistance and counsell by reason of so many adverse fortunes And yet they did not onely not trouble us but supplyed us with victualls and ammunition in our greatest necessities suffering us to carry all sorts of grain out of their Countries and freely sending us whole ships loaded with Salt-peter Whence then do we imagine this so great fear this so dubious peace and these supposed suspitions which say they be true how can we think it wisely done how does it agree together that to shun war we should make war that to avoid an uncertain and far-distant danger we should chuse a danger
death all things being in a confusion they drew in the Turks by Ropes into the Fort. Barbarossa's selfe was so displeased with this barbarous and cruel act as in lieu of a reward which these Rascal 's hoped for he put them to death Barbarossa whose number of Vessels was much increased went afterwards to the Island of Candia to get prey and to attempt those Forts This was much suspected before it being generally bruited in Constantinople that they would this year attempt that Island wherefore the Senate had been very careful in providing it with all things necessary that it might be able to withand so powerful an Enemy They had sent many Souldiers Ammunition Victuals thither and to boot with the particular Magistrates had given the Government of all those Forts and of the Militia to Iohanni Moro whose valour and wisdom was highly esteemed He was made Commissary Generall and indow'd with extraordinary Authority The preservation of this Island was held by all men to be of great importance by reason of the noblenesse and riches thereof as having been the ancient seat of Kings producing plenty of choise Wines of Oyls and other things for the conveniency which it afforded of furnishing many Gallies speedily with men fit for Sea-affairs for many faire and safe Havens wherein the ships that traffick in the Levant are received and the Fleets which guard those Seas and moreover because there is therein a Colony of many noble Venetian Families who had habitations and large possessions given them in that Kingdom 330 years before Amongst other things the Commissary Generall was willed to incourage those Gentlemen in the name of the Common-wealth and the Cavaliers which are those who hold any thing in fee of the Signory of Venice to defend the Island and themselves promising them on the faith of the Senate that they should not want any possible aid He therefore assembling one day the Councell in the City of Candia which consists of all the Nobility of the Colony prepared them by an efficacious exhortation valiantly to expect the comming of the enemy If you said he wil wel consider the peacefulnesse of your present condition wherin you with quiet and honour enjoy so wealthy possessions the gratious aspect of the heavens which affords you such abundance and conveniency of all good things which grow here and which are brought hither from adjacent parts I am assured the consideration thereof would perswade you more then I by my words can do to use your utmost endeavours and not to spare any thing neither expence pains no not life it self to keep your selves and children from changing conditions from falling from the heighth of such prosperity into the depth of misery as it wil happen if this Island falling into the Turks power the very thought or mentioning whereof doth astonish me you be enforced either to live elsewhere and be deprived of this your country wherein you enjoy such wealth such conveniencies or else tarrying here to be subject to the tyranny of barbarous Infidells If you had no other tie to defend this Island a noble and prime member of the Common-wealth then what by these advantages you are obliged unto you neither could nor would refuse to do what you are bound to in respect both of your Ancestors and selves and what the service of our country doth challenge from the love whereof I do not believe this distance hath been able to divide you not being members cut off but true sharers in her honour and in all her fortune But since hereunto your own particular interest is inseparably joyned wherein you know the totall of all you have nay of your very being is concerned I shall not need to shew you the importancy of the cause in hand or incite you to make such provisions and seek for such remedies as may preserve you from such a danger I will onely therefore put you in minde that you suffer not your selves to be removed from that good resolution which I see is grounded in you by any fear which may make you lose your courage and abandon your selves I do not deny but that the enemies power is very great and so to be esteemed but I affirm it is not such as we ought to â—istrust being able to resist it and we may hope that we may reap praise and honour by their comming We hear for certain that though there be many souldiers in the enemies Fleets yet they want a sufficient train of artillery and many other things requisite for the taking in of cities so as we may believe that if they shall approach this our Island it is rather with an intention of pillage if they shall find us so negligent as to afford them occasion so to do then of making war and say they did intend it and were provided for it why should we believe that they would undertake a businesse which will require time when they shall see such Fleets of Christian confederate Princes upon the seas by which either their Fleet or some of their cities may be assaulted and fought with They have as much reason to think upon their own defence and preservation as of offending others I know and am commanded by the Senate to assure you that the preservation of this Kingdom and your safeties is had in very great consideration by them for which they will readily expose their Fleet and all their forces whereof the provisions already made for the good of this Island may be a sufficient testimony in the speed and expence whereof the Common-wealth hath not onely exceeded the opinion of others but hath gone beyond her self You then whose dangers and safties are most concerned and whose advantage is immediately treated of are so much the more bound not to leave any thing undone wherein your loyalty diligence charity towards both these your countries may appear Let every one vuy who shal help the common cause most with monies authority and with their persons and I assure my self we shall not onely avoid the greatest calamities but we shall preserve our country from the inroads and plunder of the enemy to our immortall glory and to our merit with the Common-wealth The Commissary had not fully ended his discourse when many of the Gentlemen rising up attested what he had said promised loyalty and some engaged themselves in generalities some in particular offers to employ all their power and industry in defending the Kingdom The Commissioner said the same things afterwards to the Cretensian Gentry and Commonalty encouraging all men to defend themselves So as with great cheerfulnesse and confidence of good successe they fell to make all necessary provisions Some Gallies were armed at the charge of particular men many men were sent for from their country-farms who having arms given them some of them were brought into the city to encrease the garrison of Italian Foot some placed in Corps de Guard upon passes and places of concernment to hinder the enemie's
advancing wherein the Nobles and Feudatories did so industriously and so fervently behave themselves that the particular family of the Calergi a family of great wealth and authority in this Island raised and armed above 25000 men Barbarossa continuing his course drew near the Island on the North side between Standia and the city of Candia but without touching land sail'd along the coast till he came to Rettimo where staying but a while because he was much damnified by the artillery from the city he went to Suda where finding better conveniency of aboad by reason of the Haven which was very safe and capacious the entrance whereunto was then free for any enemies ships the Rock which lies in the mouth of the Haven not being reduced then as it is now into a safe and impregnable Fort and by the nearnesse of the city of Canea which he designed to assault he landed many men wherewith he fell to plunder the adjacent country comming even to underneath the city This was antiently called Cidonia and was alwaies numbered amongst the chief cities of the Kingdom for the conveniency and beauty it receives from the Campania and by reason of the Haven which is very near it and for the number of inhabitants But the Fort was not yet fully finished the two Bulwarks which were a building on the South-side were not perfected nor was it any waies fenc'd on the West but by old weak Walls and the Ditch was hardly dig'd in any place by reason of the condition of the earth which was very stiff and in some parts rocky but the industry of these times hath overcome these and all other difficulties Andrea Gritti was Governour of the city it had about a 1000 Italian Foot for the Guard and many Grecians of the city and country Therefore when they saw the Turks approach the Fort without either trenches or works and in disorder they boldly sallied out and disordering the enemy by shot from the city they put them to flight and slew many of them Nor had those who roved about pillaging and wasting the country any better successe for many of the Islanders were assembled together with severall sorts of weapons and being encouraged by the Masters of families whose authority is very great over the inhabitants and incited by the chief Governours by hopes of reward who for their better enheartning had promised to take off all taxes and to release them of many debts due unto the publick they behaved themselves so as the Turks meeting with stout resistance every where and with greater difficulty then they had at first believed they were forced soon to give over the enterprise and having lost many of their souldiers who were cut in pieces as they went up and down pillaging the country they retreated to their Gallies Yet Barbarossa desirous to try some better fortune in some other part or at least repair his losse leaving some calamitous marks behinde him of his having bin there sent one hundred Gallies to Sithiâ— This place is seated on the head of the Island very weak and but badly guarded though a particular Venetian Magistrate makes his residence there The enemie's Fleet had conveniency of going to Scarpanto an Island not above forty miles off and then in the Turks possession who finding Sithia abandoned took away some pieces of artillery and a little ammunition ruinating the neighbouring country as much as they could But being forced to be gone for fear lest the Venetian Fleet comming to relieve Candia might force them to fight they embarckt their souldiers and went with all their forces towards Negraponte He at the same time returned to besiege Napoli and Malvasia whither the Sangiacco della Morea was gone by order from Soliman who sitting down before both these towns besieging them writ Letters to the Governours and to the people exhorting them to yield unto him promising them large rewards but speedy and severe punishment if they should obstinately persevere to make resistance Saying That he was sent thither by Soliman with direction not to rise from before them upon any whatsoever accident till he had reduced those two Towns under his Empire That all relief was far off and that it was vain for them to hope to make long resistance That therefore they were to make use of that good nay necessary advice of complying with the times and with the Conquerours fortune But the Governours and people were resolved to defend themselves trusting much to the strength of their scituation and that they should speedily receive victualls and ammunition from the Venetian Fleet sufficient to hold out a long siege They therefore gave no answer to these Letters but they betook themselves the more diligently to defend the city and because there was great want of water in Napoli the Stradiotti a bold and warlick people sallying oftentimes forth accompanied with Italian Harchebugiers provided the Town therewith But of all others Clasone's diligence and worth who was head of that Militia appeared most in all those actions And Generall Capello not suffering these valiant and faithfull men to want help seasonably sent them all such things as they needed most in six Gallies But the sufferings of those in Dalmatia by the Turkish forces were great for the enemy landing in great numbers upon those confines destroyed whole countries carried away both men and beasts infusing terrour and confusion into all men insomuch as Camillo Orâ—ino who was chief Governour in that Province advised that abandoning all the other towns all the souldiers should with draw into the town of Zara to secure that as being the chief town and fittest to be maintained fearing that to defend them all against so many forces of the enemy would be the indangering of them all But the Senate did not approve of this advice valuing very much to boot with the losse of so many towns the note of infamy which the Common-wealth might seem to attract if they should willingly and all at once without making any tryall of their forces yield up so great and so gallant a territory to the insolent enemy Therefore betaking themselves diligently to make all possible provision for the defence and maintaining of them they resolved to raise more Foot and Horse to the number of 12000 Foot and 1500 Horse whereby they hoped they might be able to secure that Province and to encrease the peoples affection towards the Venetians and to encourage them to defend themselves They chose fifteen Gentlemen who were to go forthwith to the custody of Zara Sebenico and Cattaro with thirty foot with each of them Luigi Badoaro was likewise sent to Zara with title of Commissary Generall of Dalmatia with obligation not to part from that city without leave from the Senate All the inhabitants of Dalmatia were permitted to send their wives and children to Venice to be preserved from being injured by the enemy Upon this occasion the Doge spoke in the Senate exhorting them to assist their country
listned willingly hereunto being the more desirous thereof that they might make the Enemy feel their forces which had hitherto been onely cause of great expence to the Common-wealth They were not a little herein incouraged by the Duke of Urbin who being made acquainted therewith did not only commend it but entring into more exalted thoughts proposed greater matters He said that if 5000 Dutch-foot were added to those Italians who were in Dalmatia and some Italian Horse to the Grecians and Stradiotti they might with these forces enter Bossina and make themselves Masters of some good Town which might make way for greater acquisitions that it was alwaies good counsell to carry the war home to the Enemies that there was onely a weak Garrison of 3000 horse in Bossina that if such occasions were let slip to what end did they continue war why such expence why all this adoe if they meant onely to defend themselves and that not without difficulty and danger that the fortune of war was alwaies doubtfull but he who will not hazard any thing undergoes a certain and voluntary prejudice This advice looked handsomely shewing generosity and hopes of Victory It was therefore resolved to raise the Dutch foot immediately to which purpose Constantino Cavazza was sent into Bavaria who was Secretary to the Consiglio di Pregadi who by the assistance of Duke Lodowick who was very affectionate to the Common-wealth quickly effected what he had in charge so as the souldiers having immediately received one-pay fell down into Friuli the mean while Camillo Orsino having assembled 4000 foot and 500 Horse out of the Garrisons of Dalmatia and some peeces of Artillery went into Obraazzo the taking whereof was of great consideration for thereby they bereaved the Turks of a place where they used to raise numbers of men to assault our Confines and for the advantage which might be made of many Woods in the neighbouring Country The Castle was neither very strong nor very well provided to make defence wherefore the enterprise was thought as easie as usefull It being therefore continually play'd upon for two days the third day the souldiers were led on to the assault where after some contest they entred but Orsino finding that it could not be fortified nor kept without much difficulty gave order for the demolishing thereof But the Turks being hereof advertised came upon our men so suddenly before they had quite slighted the Castle as giving the work over they left the place in the Enemies hands who suddenly repairing the ruines placed therein a strong Garrison Our men were so terrified at the unexpected comming of the Turks as retreating to the shore to imbarke themselves they were pursued by the Enemy and had been totally routed had not Camillo da Monte Napolitano making head against them entertained the Enemy and afforded our men opportunity of imbarking themselves this success as at first it gave great incouragement and hopes so the condition of affairs soon altering they thought not of prosecuting any other designs upon Nadino Laurana Clissa or Osâ—ravizza wherein greater difficulties were daily found Hereby those began to cool who had been forwardest in falling upon other enterprises in the Turkish Territories and the Duke of Urbin's selfe made many difficulties alleadging that those men which he had first demanded were not enough to take Towns and to guard the Country from the Enemie and that a greater number would require so much victuals as would not easily be come by they being to be brought by Land and through an Enemies Country They were therefore much troubled what to do the thing of it selfe was very advantageous and much to be desired but met every where with many difficulties The Dutch foot were already come very near many other things provided not without expence whereby the souldiers might be incouraged the Fleet lay idle if the Enemy were suffered to rest secure every where to what end should they still waste themselves in War but they that weighed the businesse more maturely alleadged That these ill grounded hopes were not answerable to the certain danger of drawing upon them the whole Turkish Armie and to bring them once more to the ruine of Dalmatia now that to our good fortune they were turned selâ—ewhere That it Would be better to imploy this time and these monies in fortifying the most important Towns and in securing them from those dangers which they were known to have been in formerly they not being sure but that the Enemy who were not gone far off might quickly return to assault them Besides would they give over thinking of their Fleet upon which since their greatest concernments did depend their chiefest care should be thereof and increasing the forces and reputation thereof as much as possibly they could And that since the slow proceedings in uniting the the Fleeâ—s shew'd how little they were to trust to the helpe of others they were to learn that by experience which reason could not perswade them to to wit That not being able solely of themselves to maintain the war and not being assisted by others as need required it would become them to treat of Peace to the procuring whereof how could the provoking the Turks by new injuries and the further incensing of Soliman with little or no hope of advantage conduce very much That the War proceeded so little prosperously as it was not to be doubted but that it was better to think of quenching this fire than of feeding it with fresh fuel These reasons prevailing with all men made them at last resolve to dismiss the Dutch foot giving them halfe a pay more and giving the Commanders better presents as well to keep fair with that Nation as also to avoid the danger of having the country plundered by military insolence now that they were within the confines of the Common-wealth This occasion being removed the Turks continued their way towards Hungary and those that were in the neighbouring Garrisons were quiet now that all the Towns were well munited so as Dalmatia might for a while hope for repose All mens eyes were now upon the success of the severall Fleets Barbarossa being gone from Candia kept about the Rivers of Nigrapont and the adjacent parts not attempting any thing having some jealousie of the Christian Fleets But Generall Capello having assembled a great many Gallies one Gallioun and several ships the Patriark Grimani being joyn'd with him with the Popes Gallies all things being now in readinesse waited the arrivall of the Spanish Fleet great hopes being dayly given out of its speedy comming but no such effect was seen the best season for action at Sea to the grief of all men and blame of many being lost The Emperour said he would forthwith send the thirty Neapolitan Gallies to Corfu which were at Messina and fifty ships with 3000 Spaniards with Don Ferrante Gonsaga aboord them who was then Vice-roy of Sicily who since the the Duke of Urbin could not by reason of his
get first into the Gulph and escape danger which notwithstanding became the greater by their disorderly flight for their Gallies having their poops turned towards ours were exposed to the shot which was made against them not being able either to defend themselves nor to be assisted by their Gallies which remained in the Gulph keeping the mouth thereof shut as they entred in Which when Doria saw who was in the Bataglia he likewise advanc'd so far on the other side as it was thought he meant to block up the mouth of the Haven and to hinder the enemy from entring so as being assaulted both on the Flanck and on the Poop they must needs be beaten yet soon after when he was come nearer up unto them he by unexpected and uncommunicated counsell sent orders to the Fleet that all the Gallies under pain of severe punishment should forthwith retreat and being quickly assembled he made them go to Cape Ducato in the Island of Santa Maura to the great wonder and dislike of all the whole Fleet complaining and speaking freely against Doria that they had lost a great opportunity of suppressing a good part of the Enemies Fleet without any losse at all unto themselves The Generalls fell then to treat again concerning what was to be done wherein they were the more doubtful because they were altogether ignorant of the Enemies intention who might be said to have shewed both courage and fear at the same time as desiring and shunning battel Some were of opinion that a squadron of Gallies should be sent to batter the Castle of Lepanto saying that Barbarossa would not send any of his Gallies out of the Gulph again without urgent occasion and that if the Enemy should come forth into open Sea it would be in their power to fight upon any whatsoever advantage Others were for returning presently to Pevesa for if the Turkish Fleet would not stirre from their station they might attempt the taking of the Castle and if it should advance they should give opportunity of being fought with upon disadvantage for they might be assaulted before they could put themselves in order This advice was commended as that which brought with it more reputation to our Fleet and more certainty of suppressing the enemy The confederates Fleet went then on the 28 of Sept. from the Island of St. Maura in the same order as formerly and made towards the Enemy but the winde which was favourable unto them at their first putting forth failing them as they sayled they were forced with great inconveniency and slowness to make their ships be towed to keep them from being separated from their Gallies whereby the Turks had time and opportunity afforded them not onely of comming out of the Gulph but of being able contrary to opinion to order their squadrons at Sea as they listed So as before the League 's Fleet could come near the gulphs mouth they discovered that the Enemies Fleet being come forth in good order came with a prosperous wind towards them Then said Doria VVe have â—nkenneld our Enemy as it was our intention to do we may now fight if we please but the businesse must be well considered it is of great importance and repentance will come too late VVe must think that by joyning battel now we do not onely hazard this Fleet to the fortune of a few hours but also the reputation of the Confederate Princes nay I may say the welfare of Christendom For if these forces shall be lost what means is there to raise another Fleet to oppose the Enemy and stop the course of their Victory VVhat hopes is there to defend the Maritime parts without forces at Sea or to keep them from falling irrecoverably into the Turks hands and then turning to the Venetian Generall be added That it was he who was most to weigh these respects since it was his Common-wealth which upon any sinister accident would run most hazard To which Capello answered That he had commission from the Senate to fight the Enemies Fleet when he should meet with an opportunity that upon such an occasion he could not but obey these orders that he did humbly thank God for it and that he was very confident that the goodnesse of their cause and their generous resolution would be accompanied with happy successe to the great good service of Christendom and to their own particular praise He therefore desired that the most dangerous place in the battel might be allotted to him and he would willingly accept it The Patriark Grimani shew'd the same ready desire to come presently to the Conflict and though he had first advised to go to Lepanto yet seeing the Enemy was come forth he was as forward for fighting as any of the rest When Doria saw that all were for fighting So be it then said he and good be our speed He presently caused the standard to be set up giving requisite orders for it and said he would be the first who should assault the Enemy with his squadron All were over-joy'd at this resolution of giving battel so great hopes had the terrible aspect of the confederates Fleet begot in them together with the advertisement they had of the Turks weaknesse which made them believe they would not accept of battel but that having made this shew for their reputation they would fall back again into the Gulph Every one with joyfull countenance made themselves and their arms ready and diligently discharged the severall duties which were deputed unto them The Captains were not wanting in exhorting and in incouraging the rest to fight manfully They laid before them â—he weightinesse and the easinesse of the Victory the rich booty which they should have the military honour the immortall glory which was prepared for them in all ages and after these assured present rewards the hopes of greater things in the future That the Enemy was sufficiently inferiour to them for number of ships but much more in their goodnesse Aâ—ms and in their souldierâ— valour so as the greatest difficulty of Victory seemed to lie in beginning the conflict which the Turks would not be able to resist but that as their greatest hopes of safety lay in being able to get safe into their friends country so would it make them the more remiss in fighting and would be the cause that their gallies and goods would be the assalliants secure prey They wisht them not to fear no not though they should have reason to do so â—ince fear adds not to security but weakning mens forces and bereaving them of counsell makes their danger the greater That they needed nothing but courage and speed so to cut off the way by Sea from the Enemy as they might not by â—â—ight bereave them of the almost assured victory Doria would lead the way with his Gallies keeping on the right hand of the Sea he assigned the Battle to Capello appointed Gremani to keep in the reere to the end that he might be able with his squadron
forbear tears After this retreat the Confederates Fleet lay some daies idle at Corfu But it being thought to be too base and ignominious a thing for Christendom to tarry any longer in that Haven the season being favourable for action at sea though it were now Autumn and the enemy being gone far off divers things were proposed Generall Capello was for the Fleets going into the Archipelagus where he said it was likely they might light upon some new occasion of fighting the enemy but if they should fail thereof some other certain and notable advantage might be made by this voyage for many ships which were bound for Constantinople would fell into their hands and prove secure prey Napoli and Malvesia might be â—uâ—coured and secured and many Islands in the Archipelagus might as easily be recovered as they had been lost but a little before from whence they might receive great advantage especially by furnishing the Fleet with men for the Oaâ—s and not onely so but deprive the enemy of them That in those Islands there were many Havens wherein the Fleet might keep securely and that thereby they might infuse such jealousie into Barbarossa as it might be he would not dare to carry his Fleet back to Constantinople which wanting many things must tarry in a weak condition in that Gulph and in a condition of not putting out at all to sea the next year or at least very late That the honour and reputation which they had lost by what had past at Prevesa could no waies else be redeemed nor was there any other means to make their assertion credited to wit that it was the winde and fortune not counsell in the Commanders nor courage in the souldiers which kept them from fighting That whatsoever acquisitions should be made on Terra ferma would be in vain and to no purpose by reason of the difficulty and impossibility which would be found in maintaining what they should get from the numerous Turkish Armies Others and chiefly Doria were rather for going to batter Dorazzo thinking it a very dangerous thing to put to sea at that season in the Archipelagus and that whatsoever labour they should take in regaining those Islands would be but lost since there not being any secure Fort there they must again fall into the Turks hands at the first appearance of any Turkish Fleet. On the contrary if the enterprise of Dorazzo should prove lucky many advantages might be thereby made by reason of the condition of the place which was very convenient and fit to make way for further progress in Albania That this was held and known to be such a place by the Romans who were resolved not to pass into Greece before they had made themselves masters therof which when they had gotten they advanced notably in Albania and in Macedonia But this proposition met likewise with many difficulties it was said There were no Havens there able to receive the Fleet especially the great ships which must lie out at sea not without great danger That â—he neighbouring country was full of Turkish Horse whereby the enterprise might easily be disturbed That it might also be disturbed by Barbarossa if he should come to Vallona it not being safe for them to land their men and to leave the Fleet unfurnished having so powerful an enemy so near at hand That they were to keep the war as far off as they could and molest the enemy there where he could not make use of his chiefest forces which consisted in foot souldiers and in horse not in their Fleet which certainly was much inferiour to that of the Christians By reason of these difficulties which appeared the greater to those whose mindes were daunted by reason of the late successes and were not apt to hope well the thoughts of making any further enterprises were quite laid aside and they resolved to enter the Gulph and to attempt somewhat which might easily and safely be effected The Fleet went then to the mouth of the Channell of Cattaro to besiege Castel-Nuovo a Town seated on the sea-shore a little within that Gulph which some years before was taken from Chersego by Mahomet This was a place sufficiently esteemed nor for it self for it was neither very great nor very strong but for the scituation thereof which was very commodious in many respects especially for the Venetians in respect of the safety of Cattaro seated almost in the uttermost parts of the same Gulph by which garrisons and victuals were to pass unto that City The town and buildings of Castel-Nuovo stand upon certain little hills along the sea-shore and in the highest part thereof there is a Castle guared by a Turkish Garrison the other inhabitants being for the most part Dalmatians and Slavonians The whole Fleet being entered into the gulph Doria caused the foot and the Artillery to be landed a little way from the Castle to batter it Don Ferranâ—â— Gonsaga having the particular charge thereof but in the interim whilst the Spanish foot were putting in order and preparing the Battery General Capello accosting the walls with his Gallies which by reason of their being so very near might lie there safe from the shot of the Castle for being made from a higher place they were carried further off began to give the assault wherein those that rowed the gallies mounting the walls upon Ladders made of their Oars for the defendants being assaulted on several parts could make no resistance entered the Town and opened the Gates to the souldiers so as the Turks soon quitted the Town and retreated to the Castle but not long after not being able to defend it they yielded upon discretion The Town was plundered by the Spanish foot Don Ferrante's command to the contrary not being sufficient to detain them for he knowing that the booty belong'd to the Venetians had forbad it nay they were so insolent as not content with the booty which they had got in the Town they took what the Marriners had got of prey from them as they returned to the Gallies injoying the fruit of other mens labours and dangers Barbarossa hearing that the Christian Fleet was gone to besiege Castel-Nuovo went from Pevesa thither-ward intending to relieve it or hoping at least that the news of his coming would disturbe the enterprise Wherefore our men being informed that the enemies Fleet was past the channel of Corfu with a prosperous South-east wind they were not a little troubled but it lasted but a while for they soon after heard that meeting with foul weather at Sea by reason of a sudden furious South-west wind the Turks had lost about 30 of their gallies which were over-born by the waves and were returned with the rest very much shatter'd and torn to Vallona This success affording opportunity to fight the nemy whilst both their minds and forces were dejected seemed to invite the Commanders of the League to change their resolution as was heard by general votes throughout the Fleet where many had reassumed
some perswaded to make use of Cantelmi 's voyage and of the Kings offer alleadging that he being full of various thoughts it was to be hoped that his desire of regaining the ancient friendship of the Common-wealth so to separate her from Caesar might be predominant with him And that as on the one side the interposition and authority of so great a Prince might advantage them much in their making Agreement with the Turks so on the other side they might secure the affairs of the State by Land from other dangers since by this confidence his desire of convening with Caesar would be cooled That they ought not totally to alienate the minds of Christian Princes there not appearing as yet any certain hopes of renewing capitulation and commerce with the Turks That it was certain the Emperour was much offended for their having negotiated peace apart for the Common-wealth when they had given out that they would not treat of any thing but of the generall Truce and that if they should now refuse the King of France his offer the King of France would be as much offended since they should thereby seem to value him but a little and to be totally alienated from his friendship which bad satisfaction to both might make them joyn the more easily together against the Commonwealth that they ought at least to desire the Kings messenger to treat of Truce in generall which if it should succeed the conveniency of time and of some rest would be of no small consideration and as touching the particular affairs of the Common-wealth to authorize him to say unto the Turks that the Senate would not be backward in making agreement if it might be had upon faire conditions by this means the business would be kept on foot with the service and honour of the publick and that if any jealousies should arise of the Kings keeping his word and of these new Agreements with the Emperour we might then resume the businesse into our own hands and that all way of Treaty for us was now shut up since their sending away of our Embassador Others notwithstanding proposed That a dispatch might be forthwith made to the Embassador Contarini willing him to tarry wheresoever the messenger should meet him and expect new orders from the Senate which should be sent according as affairs went Others were better pleased that a new Embassador should be sent and some were for referring the managing of the whole businesse to Consul Canale since he was now at liberty and might negotiate But all these joyned in protesting against making use of Canetlmi or communicating any thing to him in this businesse who was a banisht Neopolitan and who to boote with his Kings interests and ends which peradventure might not stand with the service of the Common-wealth had his own particular designes which might rather retard then further the businesse that it became neither the publique safety nor honour to discover the Senate's intention to one who as might justly be suspected would rather hinder then help the effecting of it That Caesar would not leave anything unattempted to break this treaty of Peace which was so prejudiciall to him and that the King of France would be glad to please him in all other things out of hopes of having the State of Millan restored That it stood not well together that the King of France as he affirmed should make peace with the Emperour to make war against the Turks and be a means of making peace between the Venetians and the same Enemies What faith could be adhibited to the words or indeavours of a King that was ill satisfied with the Common-wealth for having secured the state of Millan to Caesar by their last confederacy and hindred him from what he so much desired That they had been in vain brought by the promises of other Princes to undertake and continue this War wherin they had to no purpose spent 3 millions of Gold That they might now be clearly aware of those counsells which sprung from passion and were bent upon peculiar interests and not to put themselves into away which might bring the Common-wealth to ruine by continuing involved in so great and insupportable expences An other accident of no less concernment was hereunto added which increased the doubts and difficulties The Harvest was this year very bad every where and chiefly in Italy so as the City of Venice which wanting sufficient Territories of her own was to feed a great number of people with Corn fetcht from other Countries was chiefly incommodiated hereby The people who were wont to feed deliciously and to eat no bread but what was made of wheat were glad of any sort of Corn and in danger to want that too if they were not furnisht from forrain parts a thing which gave the Senators much trouble so as to supply so great a necessity some thought it necessary to make friendship with the Turks Others to have recourse to the Spaniards to have Corn transported either from the one or from the other the same thing susteyning contrary opinions Thus the time ran on without any certain resolution so as the Embassador Contarini receiving no new instructions came to Venice and Cantelmi departed without any Commission These irresolute Counsels made Caesar who watched all occasions hope he should be able to break this Treaty of Peace and to draw the Venetians to confirm the League once more wherefore thinking that nothing could more further his intentions then to make it be believed that he held good intelligence with the King of France whereby being free from so many impediments he might imploy all his Forces in the Levant and make the King of France at last favour the design he resolved to send a principal personage to Venice and perswaded the King of France to do the like who might give an account of the speech which they should have together and discover somewhat of the Venetians minde therefore on the 10th of December the Marquis of Guasto who was then Governour of Millan went to Venice on the Emperour's behalf and Monsieur Anibao who was Marshall Generall in Piemont on the behalf of the King of France These were received with such honour as became the greatnesse of the Princes that sent them and their own eminent qualitie They were met by a great many Senators in the Butcentauro and in other 7 Gallies were lodged in a noble Palace and defray'd at the publick charge Their first audience was in the great Hall whither the great Councill came and a great concourse of people wherein nothing past but complements But afterwards at a private audience in the Colledge the Marquis of Guasto told them That he was come in the name of Charles the Emperour to acquaint them as good and well esteemed friends of the meeting which the Emperour was to have in France with the most Christian King and in Flaunders with King Ferdinando his brother and the Queen his sister who were the Governours
comming by the way of Trent into Italy they quickly sent four Embassadours to him Iovan Antonio Veniero Nicolo Tiepolo Mark Antonio Contarini and Vicenzo Grimani who going to meet him upon the confines of Verona received him with much honour and waited upon him whilst he passed through the State which was but onely for two daies for going to Peschiera he entred into the Mantuan Territories from whence he went to Millan from thence to Genua and then to Luca to meet the Pope with whom having tarried a while he pursued his journey towards Algiers But his advice proved bad as was foreseen for having landed his men on the shore of Algiers and meeting with more resolution and worth in the Inhabitants of that City then he expected but chiefly receiving very great losse by the Arabian Horse raised by the Turks of the neighbouring Country who with great speed and with a new and unknown way of fighting to our Souldiers disturbed their works The time was so spun on as way was made to great ruine for a horrible tempest arising at Sea which made the Ships Anchors come home some were driven upon the shore others carried into the high and boisterous seas Insomuch as having lost many of his ships and the rest being much torn the Emperour was forc'd to quit the enterprise having onely purchased this praise That he was never in the least dismai'd amidst so many adversities and dangers Many chief personages who followed the Court perished by the distemper of the aire and sufferings amongst the rest Marino Iustiniano Embassadour from the Common-wealth who by orders from the Senate had alwaies accompanied the Emperour and Nicolo da Ponte who was then Lieutenant at Udine was chosen in his steed This so great losse was interpreted by some to redound much to the advantages of the Italian Princes since thereby Caesar's forces were weakned and his minde began to droop who having alwaies promised unto himself prosperous successe in all things was thought did aspire at the soveraignty of all Italy Notwithstanding others out of serious considerations were of another 〈◊〉 thinking this to be a common losse and inconvenience to Christians in generall and particularly to the Common-wealth of Venice For the Turkish Fleet being counterpoised by his Forces at sea that ceasing these more formidable Enemies grew almost insuperable and all things were exposed to their discretion and fury Whilst these things were done by Caesar the King of France his thoughts were not quiet who being highly incens'd against Caesar studied by all means possible to revenge the injuries he had received therefore he had by his Embassadors whom he had sent before to Luca to meet the Pope press'd hard that his Holinesse would declare that the Truce made formerly at Neece by his procurement and authority the more to honest his cause was broken by Fregoso's and Rincone's death But resolving howsoever to use Force and hoping to out-do Caesar by the friendship and assistance of the Turks and Venetians he resolved to send Paulino Embassadour to Constantinople to treat of the particulars touching the Fleet 's putting forth to prejudice Caesar and tryed again to get the Venetians to joyne with him On which Paulino having discoursed much before he parted from Constantinople he had obtained as hath been said that Ianusby should be commissioned to enterpose Soliman's authority with the Venetians to encline them to listen to his proposalls touching making War with Cesar. Paulino being then come to Venice as he returned to Constantinople he together with the Bishop of Monpelliers who was there Embassadour in ordinary for the King had private audience in the Colledge before the chief of the Councell of Ten where he delivered what they were ordered to do by the King Paulino in a long Oration perswaded the Senators to a new confederacy with the King What the ends were said he of the King my Master and what those of the Emperour may now be so plainly discerned by their actions as their ends and designes are no longer concealed The King of France at the Popes perswasion laid down his Arms in Piemont and stopt the course of his almost assured victories out of a good inclination which he alwaies had to concord so far as his honour might not be thereby prejudiced And the Emperour who first seemed so desirous of peace refusing Articles of a fair Agreement entred himself in person with an Army into France That the King was contented to accept of the Dukedom of Millan not to unite it to the Crown of France that so the Princes of Italy might not by reason of his greatnesse grow jealous of him but to make one of his sons Lord thereof And the Emperour being resolved to keep that Dukedom in himself had often deluded his King and the Princes of Italy with vain hopes especially the Venetians who desired alwaies more then others to haâ—e a new Duke and particular Lord in that State That the King had of late nobly refused the offers of those of Guant who rebelling against Cesar had recourse to him for protection Nay he had readily given way to Cesar 's men and for himself to passe through France for Flanders to appease the tumults of that Province from whence if he had been so minded he might have reaped advantage That he had several other waies witnessed his goodwill to Cesar having received him with incomparable honour throughout his 〈◊〉 â—ingdome in the very City of Paris and in his own Palace treating with him still with singular civility That on the other side as sooâ—â—s his businesse was done the Emperour had not onely not corresponded any waies with him openly denying what he had promised but being full of implacable anger against the King had treacherously and spitefully caused his servants to be slain when by the Truce renued at Paris all his affairs should have been secure That these and many other things which lay open to the eyes of all men might witnesse what the endeavours ends and natures of these two Princes were by which might be well considered whether of these ought to be chosen for a friend and confederate to the Common-wealth in whether she might repose more faith friendship gratitude equity and modesty in all proceedings That it ought also to be particularly considered how great Cesar 's power would be when he should together with the Kingdom of Naples securely possesse the State of Millan the French being excluded Italy and all allayes ceasing which might curb his desires bent undoubtedly to be Lord of all Italy That it was to be had in consideration what good might be got by keeping friendship with Cesar and what they could promise unto themselves from the King of France That Cesar promis'd onely in gratification to the Common-wealth to put a Duke into the State of Millan not intending as might be seen by his actions to do as he said That what his King's gratitude would be and the fruits of this new conjunction
might be argumented by what he himself and his Predecessors had done for the Common-wealth the state and dignity whereof he much desired should be encreased That the King did not sue for this friendship when he was in a low condition but in a time when his Forces were greater then they had been for many years before and when they might be accompanied by those of the Turks since the things done unto Soliman by Cesar had so incenst him as that he offered him all assistance to work revenge That it might be guess'd by Janusby 's Embassy how the grand Signieur stood affected towards these two Princes And that now it belonged to the wisdom of their Lordships to consider how much it imported the Common-wealth to be friend to his friends and enemy to his enemies These fair and magnificent words could not make the grave and experienced Senators alter their opinion nor draw them into new obligations and wars Wherefore the businesse being reported to the Senate they did almost unanimously vote that the same answer should be made to the French Embassadours as had been given to Ianusby by the Collegio de Savii That the Common-wealth put a great value upon the King of France his friendship wherein they would alwaies faithfully and sincerely correspond with him but that they must likewise keep peace with other Princes and not do any thing that might tend to the contrary After this Paulino continued his journey towards Constantinople and was conducted by the Venetian Gallies in Albania hoping assuredly to get that the Fleet might put to Sea that year But were it either that the season was too far spent to rig out so great a Fleet or that Soliman's minde was wholly set upon the affairs of Hungary whether he said he would return himself in person with greater Forces the French could not as then be befriended by the Turks The King of France was not this mean while idle but having raised a great many Souldiers and thereout made three Armies and sent his eldest son the Dolphin in the head of one of them to the Pirenean Mountains to recover Perpignan which belonged formerly to the Crown of France and was yielded to Ferdinando of Aragon when he intended to passe into Italy With an other Army commanded by his second son the Duke of Orleans he assaulted Burgony and Lucemburg The third Army whereunto was added the Duke of Cleve's forces and was led on by the Duke of Vandome a Prince of the blood entring into Flanders through Artois assaulted severall Towns of that Province But the noise of all these Armies proved greater then any harm they did the Emperour for the Dolphin finding the Fort of Perpignan well Garrison'd and soon succour'd by the Duke of Alva's Forces was forc'd to retreat not having done any thing And the Duke of Orleans did nothing but plunder and pillage the Country and the Towns taken by the Duke of Cleves were kept but a very little while Wherefore the King of France failing in all his designes and thinking upon the assistance which he had conceived from others complained of Soliman and of the Venetians for not having taken up Arms to assist him in a seasonable time whilst he had molested Cesar in so many severall parts Wherefore the ill offices done to the Venetians by his Embassadour Monsieur de Monpelliere made the greater impression in him And Poliâ—o who was still at Constantinople openly discovering this dis-satisfaction did oppose himself to the proceedings of the Venetians both in private meetings and in the publick Divano seeking to detract from the person of their Consul and from the dignity of the Common-wealth and hoping still to have the Fleet the next year he said That he himself would go in it and would make the Venetians know how prejudiciall his endeavours and his King's authority would prove to them A new accident had given occasion to these things for their Treason being at this time discovered who revealed the aforesaid secrets of the Common-wealth to the French Agostino Abondio who was the chief delinquent for by his means the things were discovered to Cesare Fregoso and by him communicated to the Court of France had for his preservation gotten into the French Ambassadour's house to the which Bernardo Georgio one of the Auvogadori del Commune a Magistrate of great authority being gone with Commanders and the chief-heads of the Councell of Ten and other Officers to have the guilty party delivered into their hands the Auvogadori with great respect desired to speak with the Embassadour When those of his family laying violent hands upon those who were at the gate and upon the stairs and wounding some of them would give no answer nor would suffer any one of them to go any further Whereupon by order from the Councill of Ten Guards of armed Boats and many people were presently placed about the Embassadour's house as well to keep the Traitor from escaping as for preserving the house and the Embassadour's person from the peoples fury who being in a tumult by reason of this accident were very like to grow more insolent and give occasion of greater scandall At last Abondio was by the Embassadour delivered into the hands of Justice who being found guilty was condemned and hanged And the goods of Cesare Fregoso he being already dead were confiscated and his brother Alexander had his Pension taken from him and his command of Gers d'Armes their offence being thought the greater by reason of the great obligations which their father Ianus and their whole family had received from the Common-wealth The King was wrongfully inform'd of these things as if they had been done onely to despise him and not out of safety for the Common-wealth and out of justice Wherefore he spoke loud and was grievously offended against the Common-wealth But afterwards his passion being over he sent the Pronotory of Monduck to Venice to plead his excuse if grounding his judgment upon false information he had conceived a worser opinion of the Common-wealth then she had deserved at his hands saying that he would blot out the Memory thereof and would be alwaies a true and constant friend to her and soon after he sent the same Monduck back to Venice to be his Embassador in ordinary there in the place of the Bishop of Monpellier who to gratifie the Senate was at their request removed from that charge There hapned an other accident at the same time which did a little trouble the Senate both in respect of themselves and others which was the taking of Marano from Ferdinando King of the Romanes in whose power it was by vertue of the last Capitulations by Beltrame Sacchia a Venetian subject who did it first of his own head but afterwards by the interessing of great Princes for calling in Pietro Strozzi to his aid a banisht Florentine who entred in with a certain number of men tumultuously raised in the State of Venice they declared that they held
that Town in the name of the King of France but they threatned at the same time that if they should be abandoned by other helps so as the Town should be in danger of falling back into the power of Ferdinando they would deliver up that Fort to the Turks This was hainously resented by the Venetians as the beginning of greater Commotions and as the seed of War and Discord They knew that Ferdinando might very well think they had a hand in it since the first Author was one of their subjects and the people that he made use of taken out of their State and then they knew not what the King of France his intentions might be since his name who was desirous of Novelties was used therein but they chiefly feared lest the Turks might be hereby incited to prejudice the Common-wealth Marano not being above 80 miles from Venice where by reason of the Lake their ships might safely ride Therefore being resolved to provide as well as they could against so many inconveniences the Senate made proclamation that upon pain of severe punishment none of their subjects should enter into Marano nor convey victuals thither or any other sort of helpe They also made Sacchia's Father and Wife who were in Udine be deteyned that they might have a pledge in their hands whereby to curb his rash courses and yet at the same time they gave fair words both to him and the rest that were in Marano and gave them hopes of good accommodation lest when Ferdinando should come against them and they not be of themselves able to defend themselves they should resolve to take a Turkish Garrison In this variety of affairs being resolved not to intermeddle more then of necessity they must they kept as much as they could from giving offence to the interessed Princes Thus when Ferdinando sent the Bishop of Trent to Venice to desire assistance of Men and Ships from the Senate for the recovery of Marano they said nothing of their not being able to satisfie him without offending the King of France but answered That the Senate which alwaies loved what was just and honest desired that Ferdinando might recover Marano which was fraudulently ken from him and by violence that therefore they were ready to allow passage for his men and to assist them with Victuals but that they hoped things might be fairly accorded And likewise the King of France his Embassador affirming to them in his Master's name that the King would not doe any thing concerning Marano without satisfaction to the Senate and that he desired their advice therein the Senate return'd answer That the King was so wise a Prince as he needed no advice and that for as much as concernd their desire they should wish best to that resolution by which peace concord might be preserved Whilst the time was spent in these affairs those who remained in Marano for Sacchia who was gone out of the Town to accompany the wife of a German Governour who went to provide Monies to pay the Tax that was laid upon them was not permitted to come in again growing more bold and insolent began to build a Fort at the Haven of Liguano five miles distant from Marano that they might have a safe place of refuge when they should go forth with their armed Vessels to pillage such ships as should sayl by those shores which they continually did This being thought to be a thing of greater consequence and not to be suffered the Venetians to destroy this Work and Bernardo Sagredo being therein employ'd he soon effected it For coming thither suddenly with his Gallie and another belonging to Philippo Bragadino both of which were ready armed as being formerly destin'd to an other voyage and having a good many Souldiers aboard commanded by Iulio da Monte Vecchio those that built the Work fled away at the first appearance and he with his Artillery beat down the Fort which was already raised to a good height and carried away all the materialls to take away the means of easily re-making it This resolution helpt likewise to keep some Imperial Gallies from coming into the Gulph which were destin'd to assist the recovery of Marano which the King of France having notice of he had likewise prepared some other to send to the same place to assist those of Marano So as it was foreseen that both these Fleets were to have entred the Gulph to the prejudice of the ancient Jurisdictâ—on of the Common-wealth and that the seat of War would be made so near hand but both these Princes at the Senates request forbare doing this Thus the affairs of Marano were suspended the agreement concerning this Town being before begun to be treated of between the King of France and the King of the Romanes wherein there being many difficulties still found Strozzi and the rest seeming desirous to deliver up that Fort rather to the Common-wealth then to any other Princes they protested that if they did not quickly agree they would treat with the Turks and agree with them But in the mean while Ferdinando were it that he did truly know the Venetians sincerity or that he would conceal whatsoever jealousie he had thereof and knowing that their friendship might be of great moment chose two Commissioners to end the differences which had often been treated of touching the meaning and observation of the Capitulations of Trent These came to Venice and Francesco Contarini and Francesco Sanuto were chiefly imploy'd in the businesse being formerly chosen Commissioners for this Treaty wherein Caesars Embassador interposed himselfe as a friendly composer and the businesse was drawn to a near conclusion if there could have been any means found out to accord the differences touching the Town of Belgrado and Castel Nuovo which were formerly mortgaged together with some other Castles by Emperours of the House of Austria to the Dukes of Saxony Touching which and the condition of the Engagement and the proportion of Monies which belonged to these two places there arose many difficulties which kept the business undecided But these businesses were diverted by much greater affairs for at the beginning of the year 1543. such rumours of Wars were heard in all parts as no Country seemed to be secure nor any Prince free from the troubles thereof For in Constantinople a great Army was prepar'd to assault Hungary and Austria and a Fleet to passe into the Mediterranean Seas to the prejudice of the Emperours Dominions And the King of France hoping by the coming out of the Fleet at his desire and in favour to him that he should the more easily prevail over Cesar being more desirous of war then ever had raised a great many Souldiers not onely of his own Kingdom but of the warlike Nation of the Swizzers inviting them with new rewards and gifts to follow his ensigns he endeavour'd very much to maintain the Duke of Cleve's rebellion troubling the Emperour in severall parts but especially in Flanders who being no
agreement should be made as a friend to the Grand Seigneur nay that it should be declared in express words that the State of Venice should not be molested during that Agreement by those Princes that were therein comprehended and that if it should happen otherwise the Agreement with Soliman should be taken as broken and yet there was an opinion that the Venetians opposed the Truce which there being no hopes of Peace was treated of wherefore Caesar made his Embassador Mendosa return from Trent to Venice not cloaking this suspition but attesting howsoever his great good-will to the Common-wealth and praying the Senate to favour the treaty of Truce which was said to be already well begun at Constantinople and would be the easilier brought to a good end by the assistance of the Common-wealth promising to make her be named therein on their behalfe and included as a friend These things made the Venetians the more desirous to indeavour a suspension of Arms between these Princes because besides other no small considerations they thereby received much safety and honour being to be declared friends to both Parties and to receive and injoy the benefit of peace which might arise from that Agreement which made the Senators more zealous in interposing their Authority knowing very well how much it might make for them to make the Turks believe that she was in good esteem with the Christian Princes and the same Christian Princes that she was so valued by the Turks as that they were stedfastly resolved to keep peace with her It was thought the Emperour did so very much indeavour the conclusion of this Truce with the Turks because he was not onely out of all hopes of being assisted by the German forces against them but inforced to take up Arms against the chiefe Lords and States of Germany who contaminating both sacred and prophane things to the great disparagement of the Church of Rome and Majesty of the Empire did dayly plot more Novelties breaking forth into open Rebellion Wherefore the Emperour who to purchase their loves had formerly yeelded not without the Popes resentment that the Councill should be held in the City of Trent with great prerogatives on the Germans behalfe did afterwards repent himselfe knowing that he had done little good to the cause of Religion lost much ground with the Pope and gotten nothing with Germany and sought to moderate the conditons whereupon the Councill was to meet he therefore sent his Embassador Don Diego de Mendosa to the Common-wealth to bridle the liberty which some of the most licencious and worst affected towards the Court of Rome used But the Venetians knowing that the calling of the Council was not acceptable to the Pope as being done at an unseasonable time and in an unfitting place and in a manner little becomming the dignity and authority of the Apostolick Sea thought they would not openly oppose it would not send their Embassadors thither But the Agreement at Constantinople which was so hopefully brought neer a conclusion of Truce for many years no way of accommodation being to be found for the difficulties which arose touching the restoring of some little Castles in Hungary ended in a short suspension of Arms for but one year but with intention as it was said and written also from Salamons selfe to the King of France that things being better debated at Ferdinando's Court the Embassadors were to return again the next year to the Court at Constantinople with new Commissions to establish peace for a longer time New dislikes arose this mean while between the Turks and Venetians upon occasion of the Confines of Dalmatia where the Sangiacchi of Bossina and Clissa desiring to trouble the quiet for their own advantage or else to pillage the Country or to make the Venetians give them something to avoid those troubles went about to usurpe a good part of the Territory of Zara alleadging that a Country which contained 49 Towns did belong to the Towns of Nadino and Urana as the proper Territories thereof which being by the last conventions granted to belong to the Grand Seigneur they said their Territories belonged unto him too wherefore they threatned the Inhabitants of these places upon pain of great penalties not to acknowledge any other Government then Solimans This did much trouble the Venetians this Country being of great concernment both in it self and for the preservation of the City of Zara. And though their claim was clear for Nadino and Urana being small Castles have no peculiar Country but the Towns thereabout make up a Country together with Zara the chief City of that Province yet by reason of the strange and insolent proceeding of the Turks in such like affairs laying claim to any whatsoever Country whereupon the Grand Seigneurs Horse hath once set his foot they feared this might be the occasion of longer and greater trouble But Soliman being acquainted with the businesse referr'd the examination of the difference over to the Sangiacco of Chersego and to two Cadi's these are the ordinary Judges in point of justice and what they should determine should be done who were to meet upon the place to that purpose with the Representatives of the Common-wealth The Senate chose Luigi Reniero for this employment who handled the businesse with such dexterity and wisdome as the possession of that whole Territory which was in question was left free and quiet to the Common-wealth And new difficulties being raised again upon what had already been decided according to the Turkish custome Reniero as being well acquainted with the businesse was sent Consull to Constantinople who making our claim appear clear to Soliman did not onely obtain that these pretensions should never be any more questioned but that some other Towns formerly usurped and till then injoy'd by the Turks should together with the 49 Towns be restored to the Venetians So great a friend was this Prince to what was just and honest unlesse he were misled by false suggestions This year the Doge Pietro Lando dyed leaving behinde him the reputation of a good and wise Prince and Francisco Donato was chosen Prince in his place Nor did any thing else worth memory happen this year The next year 1546. those who desired the peace of Italy were sorely afraid that she would quickly return to her former troubles for the peace between the Emperour and the King of France not having effected the most important affairs which were agreed upon between them it remained so loose that nothing but opportunity of time was expected to make them re-assume Arms both their forces and thoughts for the present being otherwise employ'd The King of France by the unseasonable death of his son the Duke of Orleans could not obtain the Dukedom of Millan promised him in consideration of the marriage but his antient desire of possessing it was no whit lessened Nor was the Duke of Savoy re-possessed of his Towns the King detaining them under various excuses hoping to satisfie
the House of Austria and out of those of the Dukes of Bavier and Cleves and of the Marquis of Brandeburg which Princes adhered unto the Emperour So as he might muster about 40000 Foot and 5000 Horse At the same time the protestant Princes whose chief Commanders were Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony Elector of the Empire and Philip Lansgrave of Hesse endeavoured to get more Lords and German Cities to joyne with them and used all the means they could to encrease their numbers making profession to defend the liberty of Germany and causing those who joyned with them to swear fidelity to the Empire which they said Cesar would possesse himself of as of his own peculiar State and turn it into a tyrannicall Government Wherefore many chief Lords and Cities embracing this as the common cause took up Arms against Cesar as the Duke of Wittemburg the Count Palatine the Communalty of Argentine â—lms Franckfort and Noremburg the City of Auspurge being long before declared These sent their Embassadours to Ulms where a Dyet was intimated to treat particularly of preparations for war any where there was such a concourse of almost all Germany as thed soon got an Army of 80000 Foot and 10000 Horse with which Forces they hoped the rather to beat Cesar and to drive him as they said out of Germany for that they saw he could not raise any considerable Army of Germans they onely apprehended forrain souldiers and chiefly the Pope's Italian Foot which they being desirous to keep from comming they writ very earnestly to the Venetian Senate declaring the good-will they bore to the Common-wealth which was highly esteemed by the whole German Nation desiring them that they would not afford passage to those people which the Emperour sought to bring in to their prejudice and to enslave all Germany to the pernicious example of all other Countries The Senate replyed to this That they did very much cherish the friendship of those Princes and of all those people to whom they had alwaies corresponded with like affection and esteem of their particular persons and of the whole noble German Nation But that their Country being plain and open they could not hinder souldiers from passing through it unlesse by strong force of Arms which their Common-wealth was not wont to do unlesse to their declared enemies Soon after there came particular Letters from the Duke of Saxony and from the Lansgrave wherein declaring their designes and their necessities and that they had taken up Arms in their own defence they desired to be befriended by the Common-wealth with a certain sum of mony Which desires of theirs were much furthered and assisted by the King of England who employ'd his secretary therein he being then resident in Venice who presented these Letters The King was moved to defend the cause of these men though not altogether openly either for their joynt dissenting from the Church of Rome or for that he was not well pleased with Cesar for the agreement with France and that he was troubled at his greatnesse But the Senate continuing their wonted answers said That they esteemed those Princes as their very good friends and wish'd them all good successe but that they could not pleasure them in this lest they should offend other princes whose peace and friendship they desired to preserve These respects being set aside the Senate seemed very well minded toward the German Nation Also when the City of Auspurge had by expresse Letters recommended their Merchants to the protection of the Common-wealth many whereof were already in Venice and others came thither daily in greater numbers by reason of these commotions that their persons and goods might be safe For after this City had declared enmity to the Emperour they had received ill usage in other Cities where they had been for their own private affairs Answer was made that the people of that City and all other people had alwaies been welcome and well received as if they had been their own Citizens and that they would still keep all tearms of justice and civility with them The City of Venice keeps alwaies great commerce with Germany because of many things which come from the Levant which the Germans have need of and which are brought unto them by Venetian Merchants ships as Spices Cottons and severall other Merchandizes and likewise many other things which grow abundantly in their Country are brought to Venice and carried from thence to other parts to the great advantage of private men and of the publick customes wherefore for the better conveniency of the German Nation there was long before this a great and Noble Pallace or Warehouse built in Venice upon the Rialto standing upon the Canale Majore in the fairest and most frequented place of all the City where usually many of this Nation are and whereof many of them finding themselves so well treated live all their life chusing this City for their Country where they purchase Estates and build particular Houses to themselves Whilst all sides were thus intent upon making War and that a mass of Souldiers being got together they were ready to march news was given out that peace was made and though the conclusion thereof was not certain it was most certain that messengers were imploy'd on both sides to treat thereof whereat the Venetians were not a little troubled considering that when so great Armies were in Italy they might peradventure betake themselves to other enterprises and other States being unprovided might cause much apprehension in them all Therefore the Pope fearing lest the Senate might joyne in some straiter friendship and Intelligence with some others which might be contrary to his designs discourst long with the State 's Embassador shewing that he had been alwaies desirous to keep the peace of Italy for the Common good but that he had continually had a particular eye to what might concern the Common-wealth's safety and greatnesse he wisht him therefore to assure the Senate of his good-will and that he would keep good intelligence with him still which would be the way to preserve both their States and the rest of Italy quiet That he had renewed this his desire purposely at this time when he himselfe being armed and free from offence it might be believed that it was not fear but true zeal which made him thus unbowel himselfe unto them But the indeavours of Peace proving vain the Armies of both sides were drawn into the field in one and the same Country for though the Protestants which was the denomination they gave themselves who were in league against the Emperour by reason of their protestations made in matter of Religion indeavouring to do that for themselves which they could not get others to do to wit to stop the passage of such as came against them through Italy had possest themselves of the Castle of Chiusa in the County of Tiroll placed amongst the Mountains by which way they thought the Enemy was to passe But the Papall and
Cesar had not shared the advantages of war with him by giving him part of the monies which were paid by those that compounded nor having communicated the most important advices of peace or war to him nor his representatives as he ought to have done since he shared in the expence and hazard But on the other side Cesar said that the Pope had fail'd him in his promise and devoire since the war not being yet fully ended which he had undertaken chiefly at his entreaty and by his advice he had recalled his men whereby he did not onely deprive him of that aid but did diminish the forces and reputation of his Army whereby there was yet a great strength of men to be overcome in Germany under the conduct of Iohn Frederick and of the Lansgrave the one of which for the antient blood of Saxony and the other by reason of the love the people bore him would be able to raise so great an Army as without due providing for the contrary might yet question the victory These things did Cesar amplifie either to draw the Pope to a new contribution of Monies or Foot or to get leave as he had often desired to make use of the revenues of the Church in Spain for this war or peradventure to make his victories appear the greater by magnifying the forces of the enemie But the Pope being far from favouring Cesar's designes any further prefer'd the apprehension of his greatnesse and his being very ill satisfied with him before all other respects But the occasions of dividing the Pope from the Emperour grew much greater the next year 1547. For Cesar's power and reputation daily encreasing he grew the more ambitious of Government He did so prosper in Germany as bringing the Duke of Saxony to Battle not affording him time to withdraw into the strong holds in his own Country as he designed to do he won such a victory as he thereby put an end to the war the Duke being taken prisoner and his forces so utterly defeated as the Lansgrave dispairing to save himself by force of Arms or by any other means put himself willingly into Cesar's hands who possessing himself of the Forts of Hessen detained him prisoner So as all things being peaceable and quiet in Germany he entred as it were in triumph into Auspurg where he summoned a Dyet from all the parts of Germany wherein he obtained many things for his advantage and satisfaction amongst the rest a great contribution from all the Princes and Haunâ—e-Towns whereby to take 20000 Foot and 4000 Horse into pay for the service of the Empire wherein he comprehended his own patrimoniall estate and the like of his Family Betwixt which and the Princes and Haunâ—e-Towns of Germany a perpetuall League was made for the common defence Yet these his great prosperities did not at all quench his thirsting after new acquisitions and glory his chief aime was at Italy and together with other higher designes to settle himself fast in the State of Millan whither he sent great store of Artillery which were presented him by divers German Lords and afterwards a good number of Spanish Foot making of them an ordinary Garrison in that State esteeming them most faithfull to him He also made the people swear fealty to him and to whomsoever he should name to be Lord over them intending that Government to his son Philip who to that end was to go quickly for Italy And he treated still with the Swissers capitulating with them to defend the State of Millan He moreover had placed a guard of 400 Spanish Foot in Sienna and an Officer of his who exercised much authority in many things and attempted to build a Fort there intending as it was thought to bring them under the yoke of servitude for the which occasions were not wanting by reason of commotions raised in the City the people whereof not being able to see themselves inslaved had driven out the Spanish Foot and done many other things contrary to Cesar's dignity He sought also to possesse himself of the Town of Piombino and to take it from the Lord thereof upon severall pretences promising to recompence him with other territories that he might make use of that scituation which lay upon the Sea-cost of Tuscany and was very commodious in other respects for affairs at Sea But above all other things the taking of Piacenza which was done as shall be said together with the death of Duke Pier Luigi caused fear in all men and particular affliction in the Pope and two of the prime Princes of Christendom Francis the first of France and Henry the eighth of England's death which ensued not long after one another all things seemed to smile upon Cesar For these Princes of great power and mature counsell being taken away he remained in supream authority and sole arbitrator of affairs The King of France his death begot more alteration in thought than in effect for Henry his third son comming by the death of the Dolphin and of the Duke of Orleance to the Crown who was brought up under his father's discipline and did inherit his affections especially his hatred to Cesar appeared soon ready to tread in his fathers foot-stâ—ps and not to yield any waies to Charles his fortune But the King of France his death was severally interpreted by the Italians some thought that the occasion of many troubles to Italy was taken away which by reason of his unquiet nature of the bitter hatred which he bore to Cesar and of his obstinate resolution of getting the Dukedom of Millan was never to have an end but by his death Others were of a contrary opinion who thought the new King would not so soon forego his fathers resolutions and enterprises which though he should do they thought that more prejudice then advantage would redound thereby to the Italians who the counterpoise of the French forces being taken away were with little cure to their libertie to depend the more upon the Spaniards will Some in Venice did with much griefe call to minde the love which the late King bore to the Common-wealth his readinesse to assist her in her lowest ebb of fortune and chiefly his assisting her in the recovery of Verona They likewise alleadged as signes of his good-will his having so often desired a new conjunction with the Common-wealth not being any waies scandalized at his so many repulses which had won no small honour to the Common-wealth and had made her be the better esteemed by Cesar's self Others not without some bitternesse of spirit remembered the ficklenesse used by this King upon many occasions and his great ingratitude towards the Common-wealth which having with much readinesse taken up Arms and exposed her self to so much expence and hazard of war first for his own freedom and then for the like of his sons from Cesar's hands had been so scornfully abandon'd by him as that in his agreement made with Cesar he had made peace not onely without
Pope or at least to alienate him from Cesar since he undertook to defend a vassall of the Church whom Cesar sought to oppresse and would not for any thing the Pope could do desist from molesting him in the businesse of Parma but required that Piacenza might likewise be delivered up unto him so as a great fire was already kindled in the midst of Italy No lesse dangers were likewise threatned in other parts for Ferdinando King of the Romans taking occasion from the discords which arose amongst the Barons of Hungary and particularly from the commotions raised in Transilvania by George Bishop of â—aradino a man of great Authority and who hoped to be able to possess himselfe of that Province parted from Auspurg loaden with promises of assistance from the Emperour which tended to the inducing him to yeeld up his pretences to the succession of the Empire to his Son Philip he was gone into Austria where he had already commenced Dyets that he might raise as many men and monies as he could for such an enterprise And on the other side it was known that Soliman who was already returned from Persia to Constantinople would not indure that that infant-King recommended to his protection should be bereft of any part of his Dominions and he had the better occasion to take up Arms against the House of Austria and to think the Truce for five years broken for that the Imperiall Army had taken two Towns in the Rivers of Africa to wit A City called by the same name of the Province Africa and Monestero These Towns being formerly possest by the Moores were the year before taken by Dragute who being afterwards made a Sangiaccho had received them into Solimans custody and were since taken by Prince Doria who put thereinto a Spanish Foot-Company The Venetians were the more displeased at these accidents because they thereby lost their hopes of renewing the Truce for a longer time a thing which was yet in Treaty at Constantinople promises being past therein on all sides and if it had succeeded the Common-wealth would have been therein named and comprehended with much honour But Soliman continuing his desire of friendship and peace with her when he came to Constantinople sent a Chians to Venice to acquaint the Senate with his return from Persia and of his prosperous success boasting them sufficiently according to the custome of that Country though in effect the attempts made in Persia meeting with greater resistance by the Persian Forces than was expected proved to no purpose so as he was reeturn'd to Constantinople with his Army very much harrassed But the Senate being desirous to preserve Solimans favour corresponded with this his demonstration of friendship and sent Caterino Zeno Embassador to him who though he were very aged being 84 years old refused not to serve his Country though it were to take so long and difficult a journey And his Embassy proved very prosperous for by his wisdome he quieted the complaints which were often renewed by the Turks touching the death of Sabba Rays whereof Soliman promised there should be no more speech had The year 1550. past over with these petty proceedings which was the more celebrated notwithstanding throughout Christendom for that the year of Jubilee fell that year wherein the treasury of Indulgencies according to the ancient Rites of every five and twenty years is largely opened in Rome to devout people whereof there was a greater concourse then in that City upon occasion of the new Pope This year was likewise more remarkable for other reasons for the new intimation of the Councill to be held at Trent whither many Prelates flockt apace from all parts and then by reason of a great scarcity of Corn which was almost generall but chiefly in Italy which made Princes make bold with the publick Monies to furnish their people particularly the Signory of Venice which with singular Piety and Liberality provided for the people of that City and of her other subjects and inviting others to bring Corn from Countries far off they gave great sums of Moneys to such as brought Grain into Venice from whence it was distributed into other Towns belonging to the State according to their need But the year 1551 which insued the fire of War began to flame higher in Italy than before to the danger of all Italy whereat the Venetians were the more troubled because they had alwaies taken the greatest care and pains to preserve peace The Pope was a great cause hereof but more out of the uncertainty of his resolves than ouâ— of any ill-will For he suffered himselfe by little and little to be drawn from his first intentions giving ouâ— Writs of summons against Octavio Fernese whose defence he himselfe had undertaken but a little before accusing and protesting against the King of France his having taken the City of Parma into his protection though as it was said he seemed at first to assent thereunto at least not to dissent He was not aware that the bitter words which he continually used against the French and the Ferneses made them joyn the closer together and to increase their Forces and provisions for War against which not providing any sufficient defence he was brought into a necessity of throwing himself into Cesars power with whom he was notwithstanding ill satisfied for the very selfe same businesse of Parma The Pope was by degrees drawn into these Inconveniencies by tricks used by the Imperialists which he was not aware of those who were nearest him seeking for their particular ends to conceal the truth to make other mens dissemblings be believed and to nourish vain suspitions in him so as without being aware thereof he was drawn from his neutrality and occasioned the interruption of that quiet by which he at first indeavoured to win praise and Glory It becomes Princes to bethink themselves well before they undertake any businesse for they cannot without losse of honour easily withdraw themselves from their resolutions when they are once made known nor can they often prosecute them to any purpose without great prejudice to themselves and subjects The Venetians did oftentimes intercede with the Pope to appease these most troublesome commotions considering how long and grievous the War was like to prove which was now about to begin upon so slight an occasion in Italy That it was a very unfitting time for it now by reason of the news which was every where â—â—ard of Solimans intentions nay of the preparations which he was making to assault the Christian Countries both by Sea and Land And these Discords between Christian Princes what were they else but inducements to make the Turks sooner put on such resolutions nay assured hopes of giving them the Victory in their hands Peace and Quiet was to be desired by all men but particularly by him to whom it was recommended as to the common Father and expected from his wisdome and from that holy resolution which he had shewn of being Neutrall
between Princes and of maintaining general Love and Agreement between them which had made men begin to celebrate the memory of his Popedom as very glorious The Pope appearing to be somewhat perswaded by these reasons began to think of an Agreement to which purpose he sent the Cardinall de Medeci brother to the Marquiss of Marignano and Cousin to the Duke of Parma and proposed the giving of Camerino and Nepi to him in lieu of Parma which was to remain unto the Church wherewith he forthwith acquainted Caesar making use both of the Senates reasons and authority and affirming that he was thereby put upon such a resolution The Pope thought he should not find the Emperour averse to an Agreement if not out of his own disposition at least not to alienate him from him by despising these his proposalls and his pleasure and giving him occasion to favour the French faction in Italy not without danger to the Kingdom of Naples by reason of the insurrections which were therein at that time And it was thought that the Popes indeavours would have prevailed with the Emperour had not he been otherwise wrought upon by contrary counsels given unto him by his Ministers of State and chiefly by Don di Mendoso Embassador at Rome and by Don Ferrante Gonsaga Governour of the State of Millan who used therein as it was thought their own particular enmity against the Fernesi more then their love to their Princes good But the Pope finding it resented otherwise and not daring for fear of his Forces to offend him returned to his first purpose of prosecuting the Ferneses who on the other side being joyn'd in League with the King of France could the less listen to any proposalls All wisest and best men were much troubled to finde the State of affairs in this condition for it was too clearly seen that the continuance of this controversie for the affairs of Parma would breed open War between the two most potent Princes of Christendom Charles the Emperour and Henry King of France and would bring the Seat of War into Italy For whilst the Pope was incited to the recovery of Parma by Caesars Forces and the King of France did back the Ferneses in the possession of that City by his Men and Monies their Forces must needs meet and suddenly full foul one upon another so as those who saw further into the sequel of these things knew and did not stick to say openly that the reward of this Victory would be the appropriating of this City to the one or the other of these Princes to the certain prejudice of the Italians since they would not want pretences ' either by way of re-imbursement of the expences which they had been at or for some other reasons to retain this City which must be either taken or preserved chiefly by their Forces The King prepared to send succour to the besieged and incouraged Octavio with great hopes and the Emperour having much increased his Forces in Lumbardie did still incourage the Pope pomising to make them joyn with the Forces of the Church and that he would give order to Don Ferrante Gonsaga to observe the Popes commands in the businesse of Parma but the Pope growing jealous of Caesars designs and openly detesting the proceedings of his Officers began to repent what he had done and sought how to draw himselfe out of the businesse He therefore resolved to send his Nephew Ascanio della Cornia to the King of France to perswade him to desist from Arms and to listen to some Agreement shewing him the difficulty of the enterprise which he had undertaken in maintaining a City which was so farre distant from his Dominions and not long after he sent Achille de Grassi to Venice who though he seemed to be sent onely to justifie the Popes actions and to correspond with the so many indeavours oftentimes used to him by the Senate in exhorting him to Agreement having shewed him powerfull reasons by which he said he was perswaded to put on that resolution yet mentioning other matters whereby the Pope might be conceiâ—ed to desire that the Common-wealth would interpose her Authority with the King and the Duke to bring the businesse to some Agreement which the Senate was not unwilling to do if they thought they might have done any good for the common quiet Ascanio returning speedily from France brought word back of the Kings good inclinations which he would be willing to witnesse by his actions for he would perswade Octavio that Parma might return to the Church upon condition that the Emperour would likewise restore unto her the Castles held by him in the Territories of Parma nor would he remove his Garrisons from Parma till he might be sure the Emperour could not possess himselfe of it wherein there being many difficulties it was seen that the proposition tended more to the spinning out of time then to come to any Agreement So as there was no thought now on any side but to provide for Arms. The King continued sending of men into Italy under Monsieur de Neuers and other Commanders raising more Souldiers at Mirandola commanded by Pietro Strozzi The Pope and the Emperour did the like so as the Imperiall and Ecclesiastick Armies being numbred together they amounted to 15000 Foot and good store of Horse which were all commanded by Ferrante Gonsaga who was Captain of the League And these Forces were held to be such as it was generally thought the City of Parma would soon fall into the Leagues hands But Strozzi used great vigilancy and diligence who parting suddenly from Mirandola entred the Bullognian Territories over-running and plundring the Country so fearfully as the Pope beginning to apprehend not onely Bullognia but Ravenna also and some other parts of Remagna was forc'd to send for his men from before Parma to come to the Bullognian Territories to keep his own affairs from danger which Strozzi making use of he marched with miraculous speed towards the parts about Parma and entred the Town himself with a good number of Foot and great store of Victuals so as the besiegers dispaired to get Parma in haste and war was likely to be drawn out at length and occasions likely to be given of many other weighty occurrences whereby all Italy already much perplext might be reduced to much danger and calamity Therefore the Venetian Senate being intent upon all things and resolving whatsoever should fall out to depend onely upon themselves resolved to take 4000 Foot and 500 light Horse into pay whereby to increase the Garrisons of their frontier Towns and placing their chiefe Commanders in them they had a great care of their own affairs But the Duke of Florence being bound to Caesar for many favours already received and out of hopes of others that he might receive did openly assist the Imperiall party both with Men and Monies not with any intention of fomenting this fire which he would much more willingly have seen extinguished but not
Princes of Germany who had begun so successfully in their first attempts as having taken the City of Auspurg and passing easily and speedily through the Duke of Bavaria's Territories had caused much fear in the Emperour in King Ferdinando and in the whole Court which was then at Isprach so as it was propounded in the Councill to retire to a place of more safety but afterwards taking more courage and having well munited some strait passages of the Mountains by which the Enemy were of necessity to passe if they should be resolved to come and finde them out they forbore doing so since their sudden shameful flight might prove infamous though an agreement might insue thereupon The King of France inheartned by the apprehensions of these Princes and by the prosperous success of their enemies thought he was not to let slip the occasion of straitning Cesar yet more and of sharing in this glory He therefore resolved to draw near the River of Rhine that he might keep the Confederates true to him and adhere unto them intending to passe on further himselfe but he was not well got thither when he found himselfe so deceived in his expectation as he returned back for the Confederates thinking that they were strong enough of themselves to deal with Caesar and being desirous to keep their own Country from such sufferings as they feared it might receive by the French Armie they agreed that Duke Maurice should by his Letters advertise the King which was more for their own conveniency then for any truth that was in it that they had already made an Agreement with Cesar wherein they had obtain'd all that they had proposed unto themselves or desired by this League and that now they had no more to do but to return many thanks unto his Majesty for so great a favour which Germany would never forget but alwaies acknowledge it as a great obligation from the Crown of France The King was much troubled at this news seeing himselfe fallen short of the so great hopes which he had conceived and that the charges and labour of so great a journey was lost yet that he might make use of his forces elsewhere he retreated with his Army into the Dukedom of Luxenburg where he took many places of importance and also the Fort Monvalliere esteemed to be the Key of that Country wherein Count Mansfeilt was made Prisoner who was Governour thereof in Cesars behalfe But ruminating still upon much higher designs he thought it his best course to free himselfe from all Impediments by closing in with the Pope so to separate him from Cesar and he at last obtain'd that Armes should be laid down between the Church and the Crown of France for two years as concerning the affairs of Parma and the Prince of Salerno going to the Camp to him â—e propounded unto him the enterprise of the Kingdom of Naples which the King willingly listned unto and began to advise with him in many things touching forces and how the businesse was to be carried on And it was agreed upon that the said Prince should command in chiefe he being very forward in making offers and promises grounded upon severall things and chiefly out of the great desire of those people to withdraw themselves from the Spanish obedience and to put themselves under the Government and Empire of the Kings of France The Prince of Salerno had lived a while at Padua having withdrawn himselfe out of the Kingdom for divers dissatisfactions received from Don Pietro de Tolledo Vice-roy of Naples and from the Emperour himselfe for suffering those injuries to be done him Wherefore taking occasion to raise Novelties out of these present Commotions and to resent himselfe at the same time of the private injuries done unto him and of the publick injuries done unto his Country by Cesar he resolved to go himselfe in person into France but would go first to Venice to communicate these his intentions with the Senators that he might carry some news to France of the Senates intentions touching the proposalls which he was to make to the King He therefore in a long and eloquent Oration held out what reason the Common-wealth had to regain the Towns and Havens which she had formerly been possest of in Puglia and to secure themselves from Caesars greatnesse He sought to finde out how they would be inclined to this businesse if it should be propounded to them by the King of France He wisht them to consider how ill-satisfied and discontented the Neapolitans were at the Spaniards Government by reason of the Vice-roy's insolent and Tyrannicall proceedings who was not onely born with but rewarded by Caesar but chiefly by reason of the office of the Inquisition which was indeavoured to be brought in then into that Kingdom to the persecution and ruine of the Nobility who not being able any longer to undergo that bitter slavery would indure any thing rather then to continue under Charles the Emperour's Dominion by whom they had been so dispised and injured That these same things being represented to the King of France had made him much compassionate their miseries who as became the magnanimity of such a King had taken them into his protection and promised to assist them in what he could but excused himselfe for not being able to serve them to any purpose at the present by reason that his Fleet was so small Therefore said he it becomes the Venetian Senate more then any others to embrace this enterprise as being an Italian Prince a lover of Libertie strong at Sea and having a just pretence to a part of that Kingdom That no friendship could be more usefull to the Common-wealth nor more to be desired then that of France which was so clearly seeen by things past known by so many proofs and by so many reasons confirmed as there was no need of any perswasion thereunto That such was the magnanimity of the present King in particular that all great things were to be expected from his liberality and from the affection he bore to the Venetians And what greater opportunity could be offered then the condition of the present times wherein the Emperour had his hands full of employment by the War waged with him by almost all Germany by the threatning preparations made against his brother Ferdinando by the Turks But the wisdom of the Venetian Senate ought chiefly to consider not to suffer the Neapolitans being abandoned of all help and in so great necessity to precipitate themselves to their own losse and the like of others and to have recourse for succour to Soliman's forces which were now ready to put to Sea with a great Fleet. As also the Kings negotiations already had at Constantinople to try this as the last hope the Neapolitans had These words made no impression in the Senators nor did any one listen unto them Whereupon the Prince was dismiss'd they seeming displeased with the malignity of the times and particularly with the Prince
others having learnt by experience how unfortunate they had been in waging War with Soliman how powerful and formidable an enemy he had been to all Christendom and how little reason they had to trust to the help of other men or in the doubtful success of War having been much to their prejudice deceived in their hopes either by the insincerity of some of the Collegues or by the uncertainty of fortune At this time all men commended the Senates wisdom who could use such temper with the Turks as they should neither fear nor despise the Venetian name For as oft as any powerfull Fleet was put to Sea they spared for no cost to keep the maritime Forts munited and by arming their Gallies to give a kind of counterpoise to the Turkish Forces But they did still shun all occasions of interposing themselves in their designs and kept such friendship with Christian Princes as might seem to look more at their own safety then at the injuring of others and rather to the preserving of what was their own than to the acquiring what was their Neighbours Whence the Turks saw that the Venetians desired to keep friendship with them and that they knew how and were able to make War and be at enmity with them that they willingly avoided all occasions of making triall of their Forces but yet would not suffer such injuries as might be prejudicial to their Honour or State and by this means they had injoy'd peace for above thirty years Whereby besides the spinning out of time which made much for the weakest they did very much advantage the City of Venice wherein all Arts and Merchandize did flourish Whereby being much increased in inhabitants and in all sorts of Commodities they had lived a long time joyfully and contented in great tranquillity plenty the Citizens gaining much by traffick in the Levant and injoying their Revenues so long free from extraordinary taxes of War Yet were not all mens minds free from jealousies and troubles for finding that Soliman had studied Sea-affairs more by much then any of his Predecessors so as he sent forth almost every year a great Fleet the end whereunto not being known it caused much fear the Common-wealth being able by reason of her scituation to give a just counterpoise to the Turkish Fleets which grew now as formidable at Sea as their Armies had been some years before at Land so as feeling the inconveniences of War in time of Peace they were oft necessitated to Garrisonize their Forts knowing how little faith they were to adhibit to Infidels and to be in continuall expence and jealousie as may be known by what hath been said in the preceding Books But all men were chiefly concern'd in the care of Cyprus that Kingdom being a very considerable member of the State and which lying far from the City of Venice and being inviron'd round about by the Turkish Territories was in greater hazard of being possest by so powerfull Neighbours Being therefore intent upon the preservation of so rich and commodious a Province they had reduced the City of Necossia the Metropolitan of that Kingdom into a Fort-Royall and had added new Foot-Companies of those of the Country to the ordinary Militia of the Stradiosti and made other provisions for War indeavouring thereby to secure that Island and to bereave the Turks as well of mind as of means to assault it Thus this war which had been feared many years was defer'd all Solimans life time But his Son Selino succeeding him in his Empire all men grew quickly more afraid it being publickly given out that he had long had an inclination to the enterprise of Cyprus For before his Fathers death whilst he according to the custome of the Ottamans lived far from him in the Province of Magnasia having occasion by reason of the Neighbour-hood to receive severall informations of that Island and daily hearing much talk of the fruitfulnesse thereof of the Noblemens wealth and of the abundance of all things therein he had a great desire to possess it so as he said publiquely that when he should succeed his Father in his Empire he would seek to make himselfe master thereof It was also given out that Selino had begun to build a magnificent Moschea in Andrenopoli following therein the custome of many of his Ancestors who perhaps in imitation of those ancient Egyptian Kings who built Piramids and other Fabricks of a stupendious magnitude indeavoured to perpetuate their memorie to posterity by making royall Edifices He being therefore very fervent herein was told by the Mufty whose authority is as venerable in the Mahometan superstitious Ceremonies as is the Popes in the true Christian Religion that he not having as yet made any acquisition it was not lawfull for him to build a Moschey together wherewith many pious works were to be instituted and that it was not lawfull by their Lawes to employ any of the antient Revenue of the Empire in such things but onely the Incomes of such Countries as were conquered by him who would have so much honour done him Hereunto was added that it seemed Selino had not onely an occasion offered him to do this but that he was almost necessitated to make war somewhere that he might follow the footsteps of his predecessors who were alwaies used to do some notable action in the beginning of their Empire to win the favour and good-will of the Souldier the which it was thought it was the fitter for Selino to do for that he not being held to be a warlick Prince began to fall from that high reverence amongst the souldiers and people which was wont to be given by them to his fore-fathers War being therefore to be made it was not judged convenient for him to make it in Hungary and much lesse in Persia since the confines of the Turkish Empire were of so large extent as their Armies could not be conducted thither without much inconveniency they being much wasted by sufferings and by the length of the way before they could see the face of the enemy as had hapned to his grand-father Selino in the wars against the Sophie of Persia whom though he overcame in Battle yet he himself was overcome at last having in his return lost the greatest part of his Army by the length and difficulties of the march And as was more clearly seen in the last enterprise made by Soliman in Hungary wherein the getting of the Fort of Zighet was not thought answerable to the losse of so many of his best souldiers which ensued thereupon So as it was best for Selino to betake himself to some Sea-enterprise whereof none lay more convenient for him then that of Cyprus it being full of wealth and placed in the utmost precincts of the Venetian Dominions and therefore weakest as lying furthest from the heart wherefore it might prove an easie and a rich booty Whereas if he should go to the steril parts of Spain to attempt any enterprise he might
fear he should consume his men in vain by hardships and consequently reap rather blame and hatred from the Souldier then love and honour And by any bad accident he might fore-bode bad successe in the remainder of his Government And the recent example of the bad successe at Malta which was maintained by a few Knights of Ierusalem whose peculiar seat and habitation it is against a powerfull Turkish Fleet might better teach them upon what disadvantage war was waged in anothers Territories far distant from their own Dominions Whereas on the contrary a more assured victory and good reward was promised him by the enterprise of Cyprus a plentifull Country and environed on all sides by Rivers whereunto he had but a short passage of sixty miles for his men to make These things being maturely considered did at first produce great fears that Selino would war with the Venetians concerning the Kingdom of Cyprus But finding afterwards that he had very readily confirmed the same Articles of peace which had for many years been established and inviolably observed by his father and that he had given signes of long continuing his paternall affection to the Common-wealth by his handsome treating of the Venetian subjects and their affairs Moreover it being observed that no great preparation was made for the Sea and that severall Summer-seasons being past over one onely Fleet had put to Sea and that but a weak one All men were perswaded that what was formerly said of Selino's being naturally given to pleasure and not to military exercises degenerating therein from the Ottaman-race would prove true and that he would passe over his Government in delights and in idlenesse His having given over the enterprise of Hungary which was happily begun by his father his having made Truce for eight years with Maximilian the Emperour his not preparing to send out Fleets and other such like things would have made it be believed that all this had been done to confirm and to encrease his forces by some repose after the many past wars and that free from other impediments he would the better attend what he had proposed unto himself This opinion was likewise confirmed that Selino would continue peace and friendship with the Venetians for that Mehemet who was the first Bashaw and his son in Law was thought would be of great authority with him who as a wise man and well experienced in the management of many weighty worldly affairs would not advise him to make war with the Venetians knowing that it made not for their advantage to deprive themselves of the Venetians friendships and of the many commodities which were brought unto them by Venetian Merchants who trafficking much in those parts accommodate them with many things which they want and to the great advantage of those Inhabitants export many commodities wherewith they abound into other Countries To which the Prince his particular interest was likewise added whose customes and publick revenues were much encreased by Traffick with forraign Nations And if such a prejudice were not to be considered to try fortune rashly and unnecessitated unseasonably and without any cause affording thereby occasion to all Christian Princes to joyn in a League was judged to be a very considerable thing for when they should see their safeties undermined under the shaddow of a seeming peace and that a supream Monarchy was laboured to be grounded in the Ottoman-Empire they would be forced being thereunto moved by their own danger to take up Arms together with the Venetians to abate the power and daring of the common Enemy Which danger was not counterpoised by the hopes of getting a little Island which though it were a Noble one in it self yet was it but a small addition to so ample a Dominion To these so great interests both of Prince and subjects was Mehemet's own particular concernment added for he being in greatest honour and authority he might in peace enjoy his riches and his power whereas in war he was to run many hazards since he being to tarry at Constantinople when his Master should be in the wars he would be accused of negligence in making provisions by his Rivalls and if any ill luck should happen other mens bad counsels would be imputed to him or the main enterprise being committed to another this other man if things should succeed happily would be advanced in his Princes favour and esteem It was therefore believed that the wisdom and dexterity of Mehemet would much allay Selino's immoderate desires and that he would be a fit instrument to divert him from these thoughts Hence it was that many men beginning to fall off from their first suspicions the Venetian Merchants did not onely continue their former Traffick under the new Emperour but traffickt more then before striving who should send most gold and silver and other precious Merchandise into divers places belonging to the Turks whither people of severall Nations came every one beginning to promise peace unto himself out of the aforesaid considerations which were much credited out of hope of gain There is nothing more difficult then to penetrate into the inward counsells of Princes there is no more fallacious argument then that which is made upon their resolutions especially when their minds as for the most part they are are agitated by variety of reasons or disturbed by various affections Selino being in this height of greatnesse though of himself he was no great friend to Arms yet this his naturall defect being overcome by the orders and power of that Empire or being perswaded out of the aforesaid reasons he bent his minde to possesse himself of the Kingdom of Cyprus Thus in the third year of his reign in the month of November as he rid out with some of his chief Bashaws to hunt which the Turks call their Divano a cavallo he began to consult with them herein Mehemet the first Bashaw continuing in his former opinion out of the aforesaid reasons sought by all means possible to disswade him from it he shewed That whether it were Religion State-interest or Glory which moved Selino to make war he should do it to succour the Moors of Granado rather then for any other respect That it became the greatnesse wherein by the favour of the Prophet Mahomet the Ottaman Emperours were placed chiefly not to abandon them who with a pious and constant resolution had never abandoned the Mahometan religion and who whilst they suffered bodily slavery kept the liberty of their conscience unspotted by any superstition That it likewise became the power and safety of that Empire as also the glory which Selino seemed so desirous of not to permit any Potentate to grow too powerfull but to quell those first who might oppose the Ottaman grandezza as did the King of Spain and to undertake things which though they might peradventure prove difficult would notwithstanding merit praise and be of great expectation That therefore he should acknowledge and make use of so good an occasion
upon as many as did lend above 20000 Duckets to the Publick in reward for their good-will towards their Country and for their having assisted her at such a need Leave was also given to all young men as were nobly born upon depositing a certain sum of mony in the Exchequer to enter into the Consiglio majore before the time allowed by the Law and to be capable of chusing Magistrates and of exercising some places of Magistracy themselves There was at this time a cessation of Arms Cabat's return being expected and the issue of his employment but the newes which he brought being divulged when he came to Ragugi the souldiers of those confines not waiting for any orders assembled themselves together in great numbers and did not onely pillage the Venetian's subjects that were in Albania and Dalmatia but encamped themselves before the Cities of Dolcigno and Antivari wherein finding that there were good Garrisons and many of the Country and wanting Artillery to storm them they were forced for the present to retreat But when the Chiaus was come to Constantinople and that the Senate's answer was known every one was struck with wonder for the Turks knowing that the Venetians had formerly studyed very much to preserve their friendship thought they would do any thing rather then take up Arms against them Selino was not onely amased but was very angry at the neglect which he thought was done to him in their not having treated Cabat with the wonted demonstrations of honour and for that they had not sent their resolution in a businesse of such importance by an expresse messenger of their own but contrary to their promise detained Secretary Buonrizzo at Venice Wherefore contrary to custom and Mehemet also desiring it he would have Cabat brought into his presence and receive from his own mouth what the Venetians said and did unto him and how they were prepared for war things which are commonly brought to the grand Signior's ear by the chief Bashaw So as these things bearing with them the greater force being related by the messenger himself Selino was sometimes much amased at the forces of the Common-wealth and did almost repent what he had done sometimes he was the more incensed being incited thereunto by his own haughtinesse and by his servants flatteries He therefore set a guard upon the Consul's house not suffering him to come forth nor to negotiate with any one and gave orders to the Bashawes of Cairo and Aleppo to do the same to the Consuls of Alessandria and Soria being Venetian Magistrates kept in those parts for matter of Merchandise who were all of them at first kept under the same restraint but were soon after seâ— at liberty upon the giving in of security not to depart themselves nor to send any of their goods out of the Turkish Dominions But Selino did chiefly solicite the departure of the Fleet there being not â—s then above twenty five Gallies gone forth under Amurate Raâ—s destined to hinder the relief which might be brought to Cyprus which being encountred by the two ships wherein Martiningo's souldiers were they fought them and valiantly repulst them with losse to the enemy But soon after seventy Gallies were committed to Piali's charge and ordered to put to Sea which going first towards Rhodes stayed there expecting Mustafa with the rest of the Fleet that they might then do as they should see occasion and according as they should hear newes of the Christian Fleets they not daring to divide themselves nor go joyntly to Cyprus nor to put on any certain resolution in what they had at first designed by reason of the great opinion which Cabats relation had raised of the forces and preparations of the Venetian and Spanish Fleets Wherefore their fear and confusion did encrease so much that no newes being heard of the Fleet for some daies after it was put to Sea and fearing lest the Christian Fleet might be past by and gone towards Constantinople they sent to view and to put Garrisons into the Forts of the Dardenelli so to provide against any suddain accident At this time the Doge Pietro Loredano dyed on the fifth of May having possess'd that supream dignity for about three years space but had not been therein very fortunate for many sad accidents of fire famine and war falling out at the same time though without any fault of his who was a Prince of much innocency and integrity made the memory of his Government but meanly acceptable to the people Luigi Mocenico was chosen four daies after to succeed him in whose election the memory of his ancestors concur'd who had been famous and well-deserving men as also the favour of his kindred and his own worth which prevailed the more with men for that these times of danger required to have a man of mature wisdom for their Head and one very wel verst in the management of affairs both at home and abroad and such a one was Mocenico held to be And to the end that mens minds might be busied about nothing but war though it was provided by the Lawes and antient Customes that a Magistrate should be chosen in the vacancy of the Dukedom whose office was to correct the disorders of the Judges of the Palace and an other Magistrate whose particular care it was to enquire into the actions of the dead Prince yet the former was at that time quite forborn and the choice of the other deferred till after the election of the new Prince And now the Venetians having sent word to all Princes Courts of the comming of the Chiaus and also acquainted them with the answer wherewith he was suddainly dismiss'd they continued the treaty of the League Therefore to the end that the businesse might be carried on at Cesar's Court with the greater reputation and authority they resolved to send a particular Embassadour thither and Iacomo Soranzo was chosen for this employment a man of great esteem and authority and who had been long verst in the Courts of Princes on the Common-wealth's behalf for the Senate thought it was very fit to quicken Maximilian by a particular Embassie and by more pressing endeavours since they knew that his resolution would be of very great concernment for the establishment of the hopes of this union of Christendom both in his own respect and for that other Princes would be willing to follow his example Who when it was thought he would have been more fervent in his first intention by the dismission of the Chiaus and by the wars being resolved upon began to grow cool and to move many difficulties saying That it would be necessary to finde out some means to be sure that none of the Colleagues might not withdraw themselves upon the approach of any danger and leave the rest engaged seeming to believe but a little in the German assistance And men did the more apprehend these his doubts because it was said that he prepared at the same time to send the Tribute
much incouraged to hold out by the love which those Inhabitants bore to the Common-wealth and by the scituation of the place which is naturally very strong For the Fort had but one front to defend which lay towards the south East which by reason of its hight was safe enough and was surrounded every where else by an unaccessible Rock â—â—ali being gone from Castel Rosso which is seated upon the head of Nigraponte after Sun-set came early the next morning before the Island of Tine where landing about 8000 foot he made them presently march towards the Town which was five miles from the shore hoping to take it by assault But the Governour who was alwaies vigilant discrying the Fleet before it came to the Island and indeavouring at one and the same time the safety of the Islanders and of the Fort gave the Islanders timely notice of the Enemies approach by shooting off of Guns so as they might get time enow to get within the Town and by them he might the better resist the assault which was made that very day and wherein the Enemy were repuls'd and much galled by the Artillery as they retreated in so much as they were forced to keep aloof off and quarter that night in the plain called St. Nicholas The next day landing some great Guns they intended to batter the Fort but finding by the scituation of the Place that that design would prove vain they incampt about it hoping that many men being gotten into the Town they might take it by siege Wherein having spent 12 days and solicited the Governour in vain by Letters containing both threats and great-rewards to surrender the Town and finding him still more resolute to defend himselfe they resolved to be gone having first ransackt the whole Country fired the farm Houses ruin'd the Churches and kild all the cattle This action purchas'd great praise to the Governour who was not at all daunted at the sight of such forces had valiantly sustain'd the assault and in so great commotions of War preserved that Island which lay in the very jaws of the Enemy and rendred this their first design vain The Turks leaving the Island of Tine went to Rhodes where having staid a while and designed what they would do they came to Fenica Hither were all the Souldiers brought which were to come aboord the Fleet which being altogether made above 200 Sayl whereof there was 150 Gallies and of the bigger sort some vessels for burthen one Gallyoune six Ships and a great number of lesser Vessels for carriage called by the Turks Caramusolini and about fifty Palandarie which are made like small Gallies but somewhat larger in the Poope and higher on the sides and much covered containing about a hundred Horse a peece The Turks parted with these forces from Fenica and steered their course towards Cyprus but because the actions of greatest importance in this War hapned in this Island the possession whereof was the cause of the War it will be worth the while to acquaint you with the State and most remarkable proprieties of this Country before we proceed to the Narration of what was there done The Island of Cyprus lies towards the Levant in the furthermost part of the Mediterranean which according to the severall Provinces which lye upon it hath severall names given it The Island looks on the East towards Soria with which if we will credit the testimony of the Ancients she did at first joyn in a Terra Ferma On the West lies Panfilia which is now called Sarmania On the South Aegypt and Caramania on the North which is the ancient Cilicia on which side this Island lies nearest the continent It is seven hundred miles in compasse extending it selfe about 200 miles in length East North-East towards the Levant but in the largest part it is not above seventy miles over It is of a very good Air being placed in the beginning of the fourth Climate under the ninth Parallel so as it produceth almost all things belonging to humane life in great abundance and perfection And though hardly the fifth part thereof he cultivated the half thereof lies every other year follow yet is it so fruitfull as it hath not onely wherewithall to supply the necessity of the Inhabitants but to serve Forrainers Besides Corn it yields much Sugar Cotton Saffron and many other things which are transported into forrain parts It abounds in Salt-pits which though they be now reduced to the third part of their former number yet as much pure white salt may be taken from thence every year as will load one hundred great ships It abounds also in severall sorts of Creatures excellently good nor doth it want Mines of the most pretious Mettalls By reason of this great plenty of all things it was anciently called Macaria as if Blessed which made the Poets fain that the goddesse Venus was born here and did delight to live here as in her proper 〈◊〉 Wherefore the Cyprians erected a famous Temple to her in the City of Paphos It was celebrated by antiquity as the seat of nine Kings having within it thirty Cities which though according to the custom of modern daies they be greater in number then reality yet there remains many worthy memorialls of their pristine grandeâ—sa and prosperity And there are yet seen the ruines of severall Cities as well Maritime as Inland which are wholly destroyed But at this time her chiefest Towns are Nicossia Famagosta Baffo Cerines and Limiso which latter two were onely reduced into any strength there not being any other place in the whole Island able to resist the Turks power though Cerines hath held out long formerly against lesser forces The Inhabitants of this country were so highly esteâ—â—ed for worth in war and for experience at sea as Alexander the great forbore to molest them with his Arms. And we read in modern Histories that they did many memorable acts in the businesse of the Holy Land and in Soria against the Infidells This Island was Tributary to the greatest Empires of the world for following the fortune of other Eastern people it became obedient to the Kings of Aegypt and to those of Persia and lastly to the Romans When the Roman Empire began to decline it was possest by the Sarasins which the Turks make use of at this time to shew they have some just pretence to this Island affirming that they found in their Hâ—stories that their fifth Captain of the Mahometan Religion after Mahomet had acquired and possest it and that there were the Sepulchers of many Musselmans which they could not suffer to remain in the power of those of another Religion But it was recovered from the Sarasins by the Christians in the year 1122. and joyned to the Kingdom of Jerusalem when they went to the taking of the Holy Land And after severall accidents being separated from thence it was governed for many years by Lords of its own under the protection of the Emperours of
Constantinople till such time as Richard King of England sold the Signiory thereof to the Knights Templars by whom it was quickly sold to Guido Lusignano who being driven by Sultan Saladine out of Jerusalem withdrew himself to live in Cyprus and was the first Latine Lord whose son succeeding his father in the Dominion got it by the Pope's authority to be made a Kingdom the first Greâ—ian Lords having used the title of Dukes The peacâ—ble and quiet condition of this whole Kingdom continued under the Government of twelve Kings except the city of Famagosta which was possest by the Genoveses After which the Kingdom falling into the hands of Lewis son to Amideo the 7th Duke of Savoy by the right of inheritance of Charlotta daughter to King John Lusignan it was taken by the aid of the Mamalucchy by James son to the same King illegitimate a man of much valour and of aspiring thoughts who also recovered Famagosta from the Genueses and that he might be the better confirmed in the possession of the Kingdom procured the friendship and protection of the Venetians by marrying Catharina Cornaro adopted daughter of the Common-wealth who was made heir of that Kingdom by the last Will and Testament of her husband And by her it was freely given to her Country as you have heard before By which it may be known what reason the Common-wealth had to make any attempt and expose her self to all danger and trouble for the preservation of so rich and noble a Kingdom which was so lawfully possess'd by her But to return to our narration The Turkish Fleet was discryed to be about Baffo upon the Western Cape of the Island on the first day of Iuly which falling lower towards the South scoured the River which is between Limisso and the Promontory which is called by many Capo de Gatti taking many prisoners and sacking and pillaging severall country houses But making no long stay there they steered the same course and came the next day to Saline a place which lies upon the same shore somewhat more towards the East where not meeting with any to withstand them they landed their Artillery and their souldiers and secured their quarters by strong Rampiers from whence they issued out to plunder the neighbouring parts endeavouring to inform themselves by the Prisoners of the affairs of the Island And advancing as far as Leucata a Town nine leagues from Saline they easily reduced those country people to their obedience to whom Mustafa Bashaw gave many gifts and promis'd them much more thereby to invite others to submit to his devotion especially the Mountainers whom he could not so soon reduce by force This mean while the Turks sent forth 80 Gallies and many Bottoms of Barthne some to Tripoli some to the Rivers of Caramania to raise more Souldiers and Horse so as their whole forces being soon after brought together there were found as most men affirm in the Turkish Army 50000 Foot 3000 Pioniers 2500 Horse for war besides as many or more for burthen 30 pieces of Artillery some bearing bullets of 50l weight some of a 100l and 50 Faulconets But there were not Garrisons in the Island of Cyprus sufficient to resist such forces for there was not above 2000 Italian Foot in the usuall Garrisons nor were there any more sent afterwards save 3000 of the common people di Terra Ferma and the 2000 of Martiningo's men which by suffering at sea were reduced to a much lesser number So as the greatest hope in defending the Cities lay in the new Militia which was mustered of the Islanders themselves from whom as was affirmed by many Captains and Governours excellent service might upon all occasions be expected Nor were there any Horse in the Kingdom for action save 500 Stradiotti which were still kept in pay nor was it easie to get more for though many of the Nobles who enjoyed severall things from the Camera reale some through antient some through new privileges were bound to finde by those their Fee-farms three or four horses a piece for the Princes service and that these amounted to about 700 Horse yet were there not many more than 100 of them that were serviceable at this time Nay the breed of Horses was very much decayed throughout the whole Island by reason of the greater conveniency which the Inhabitants found in riding upon Mules whereof this country produceth great abundance and those very large Things were therefore in a very bad posture since there wanted sufficient forces to withstand so powerfull an enemy who were masters of the field nor could they long maintain two Forts whereof Nicossia being one by reason of the largenesse thereof required a great many souldiers to defend it and the other which was Famagosta though it was lesser was so weak and imperfect as it likewise required many men and those valiant ones too to make good the defects of the Fort. And though these forces were but small yet were they of lesser use for want of experienced Commanders for there was not any one in the whole Island of quality or condition save Astore Baglione who was Generall of that Militia Martiningo being dead at sea as hath been said Nor was there any Commissary Generall of the Island nor any Venetian Magistrate as is usually had in all places in times of danger for Lorenzo Bembo who held that place was dead but a little before in whose place though the Senate soon chose Sebastian Veniero Commissary of Corfu yet could he not come so soon to Cyprus to execute his office The chief commands of War were therefore conferred upon divers Cyprian Gentlemen who were of great wealth and nobility and very well affected towards the Common-wealth but of very little or no experience at all in the Militia and therefore the lesse fit for such employment Count Rocas was made Baglione's Lieutenant who after Bembo's death held supream authority in all things belonging to the Militia Iacomo di Nores Count of Tripoli was Master of the Artillery Iovanni Singlitico Captain of all the Horse of the Kingdom Iovanni Sosomino Captain of the Pioners Sapione Caraffa and Pietro Paolo Singlitico Captains of the Country people who were to be placed in strong scituations upon the Mountains and so other offices and employments were disposed of to others And the received opinion being that the Turks would first assault Famagosta Baglione would go to the custody thereof himself that he might use his endeavours where there should be most need Things being thus ordered after many consultations it was concluded That the first thing they would do should be by all possible means to hinder the enemy from landing or at least to infest them keeping along the shoar whither they should seem to come so as they should be enforc'd to separate and change their station by that means prolonging the businesse since they could not tarry long upon those downs without danger where there was no harbour for their Fleet.
City had sent some of their men to perswade other Citizens who had retired themselves to certain narrow passages amidst the mountains and were free from being injur'd by the Turks that following their example they should discend into the plains and submit willingly unto the Turks it was resolved one night to send out 100 Horse and 400 Foot to fire that Hamlet whereof almost all the inhabitants to the number of above 400 were put to the sword Thus their treachery was severely punisht and by the terror thereof the desire of Novelty was curb'd in many of the Inhabitants by reason of the slavery wherein they were for the aforesaid causes so as it was clearly seen that hoping by change of Government to change their fortune they were not onely not likely to oppose the Enemy but rather to afford them all conveniency which inclination of theirs Mustafa sought by all possible means to nourish making many presents and greater promises to such as should come in unto him But the Turks pursuing their way without any obstacle drew near the walls of Nicessia and as soon as the Army was discovered by those that were within the Town they were all possest with infinite fear Nicolo Dandalo was then Governour of that City being made Lieutenant thereof by the Common-wealth a man of weak judgement to manage so weighty a businesse but who had that preferment put upon him out of an opinion conceived that though he was not very quick witted yet he was good at action by reason of the experience which he was believed to have gotten in severall imployments at Sea He having either lost his understanding through the extraordinary apprehension of danger or not knowing through his want of reason and understanding how to provide against so great an exigency increased the difficulties and danger for when the Enemies Fleet was arrived he had not got the Ditches to be fully emptied nor ordered the Militia nor those of the Country nor provided for sufficient victualls for the City To amend which disorders he was forced to commit greater a publick Edict was made that it should be lawfull for every one to take Corn wheresoever they could finde it which being brought into the City should be understood to be their own which being too late a remedy could not work the effect which was expected a good part thereof being left abroad in the Country houses with a double inconvenience to the Country-men by reason of the advantage the Enemy made thereof Moreover having with very little regard to the eminency of the danger dismist the meaner sort he in great haste and confusion sent for them back before they were got to their own homes and did at the same time list new Souldiers in the Country as the occasion and necessity did best dictate whilst our men opprest thus by many mischiefs spent their time in ordering their affairs and in advising how they might hinder or disturb the Enemies proceedings all resolutions being the longer in taking for want of any Chief-taine who might decide the diversity of opinions the Turks had leasure and opportunity given them to set up their Pavillions plant their Artillery and fortifie their Quarters not meeting with any disturbance save by shot from the Town For though the Stradiotti did often sally out wiâ—h some companies of Harchebugiers to skirmish yet not daring by reason of their small numbers to go further from the walls then they were sheltred by shot from the Town nor the enemy approaching so near as that they might be thereby prejudiced nothing of moment insued And Andrea Cortese Captain of the Stradiotti a bold and adventurous man being one day advanc'd a good way before his own men he was inviron'd by a great many of the Enemy and after having valiantly defended himselfe for a long while was slain The Turkish Army incampt themselves from Santa Marina to Aglangia possessing the whole space of ground which was opposite to four Bulworks and on the other side of the Fort whither the Campe reached not each Bashaw sent out 100 Horse and as many Foot so as the City being inviron'd on all sides could neither receive in nor send out any men Nicossia stands in the midst of the Island almost equally distant from the Northern and Southern shore and from the two utmost parts of the Island Baffo and Carpasso It abounds in fresh water is of an indifferent wholsome air being breath'd on by the pleasant South-west wind which inliven â—nd refresheth the Inhabitants when they are wearied and swâ—â—er'd with the immoderate heat of that Climate wherefore it was more inhabited then any other City of the Kingdom and this was the cause why the Island being to be secured by a Fort the Cyprians not valuing any other scituation concur'd all of them readily and liberally in contributing towards this so as this City was reduced into a Fort-Royall by the means of Francesco Barbaro Commissary of the Island and of Iulio Sâ—vorgnano the Governour to whom the Senate had committed the particular care thereof The Fort was of a circular form with eleven Bulworks whose Front was 75 paces and their shoulders thirty so as each of them was capable of 2000 foot and of four pieces of Cannon and they were so built as there being out-lets on every side the Souldiers might go shelter'd on all sides to the Counterscarpe but they were chiefly secured to the Plat-forms which were above 30 paces broad so as it was held by such as were professors of military discipline one of the fairest and best Fortifications that was in the world for as much as could be contributed by Art But as there was plenty of these things so was there scarcity of defendants for when Astore Baglione went from thence Colonell Roncone remained there with charge of the Communalty of the Island and of all the Italian Militia and some other Captains who though they had some experience in War and were ambitious of honour yet having but small Authority their advice profited but a little for they were either not listned to through the indiscretion of such as stood at the helm of Government or else accepted of with much dispute and difficulty and therefore but slowly and badly executed It was therefore resolved to send to Famagosta to desire Baglione that he himselfe would come to Nicossia and bring some Souldiers along with him but the Magistrates of that City thinking that they had not men enough to defend it and not being certain but that the Enemy might alter their minds so as they might have occasion to use them themselves they positively refused to part either with their men or with their Captain and Baglione making use of their Authority desired to be excused for that time adding that Martiningo's Souldiers having lost their Commander said absolutely that they would render obedience to none but to him so as his comming away might cause some great disorder in that City There were then in
any order or discipline all over the City plundering the Houses destroying the Churches dishonouring Matrons violating Virgins and putting all to the Sword without any distinction either of sex age or condition So as the Turks slew that day above 20000 persons and those whose lives were spared by the cruell Enemy rather for their greater punishment then out of any charity were tyed in chains drag'd over the dead carkasses of their parents and friends and carried away Prisoners Thus that City which for many years had lived in great pomp and splendour and in great abundance of all things did in one day undergo all the extreams of calamity affording by this so horrible spectacle a new example of variety of humane affairs This sacking hapned on the ninth of September the fourth day after the Turkish Army was incamp'd before the City The booty which was exported by the Enemy and sent to Constantinople to be presented to the grand Signor and to the Bashaws was very great and rich yet did they not go away wholly triumphant for a ship which was loaded with many of the most precious things and with the better sort of Prisoners was not got far from the Island when the Ammunition falling on fire it utterly perished with all that was within it Nicossia being taken and sack'd Mustaâ—a leaving 4000 Foot to guard it march'd with his Army towards Famagosta for after the taking of Nicossia the Turks found no obstacle but easily made themselves Masters of all the rest of the Island All the other Towns being neither strong nor having people to defend them yielded suddenly to the enemy as did also Cirenes though Iovan Maria Mudazzo who had the custody of the Castle and Captain Alfonzo Palazzo in order to the advice and exhortations of those of Famagosta had some few daies before signified that they would defend themselves as long as they could Those of the Mountains did the like Scipio Garaffa Paolo Singlitico and others of the Nobility accompanied with many Grecian Priests and by a great croud of country people comming in suddainly to Mustafa and swearing fealty unto him so as now nothing in the whole Island but Famagosta held for the Venetians Mustafa therefore led his Army thitherward and pitcht his Camp at the Pomadamo three miles distant from the City making many Turks ride daily to fro within sight of those of the Town with the heads of divers chief persons who were slain at Nicossia upon their Launces to terrifie the souldiers and to make them desist from their resolution of standing out the siege He afterwards drew a little neerer the City making his Trenches with baskets full of sand for that that soyl was not proper for such works But those of the Town sallying out to skirmish with the enemy drove them twice from their Trenches and by their Artillery from the Fort destroyed three Forts which the Turks had with much expedition raised at St. Georgio at Priepole and at la Torre del Ocha whereby the besieged got no great good as it fell out afterwards for in a few daies they had consumed in this businesse onely more then 50000 weight of powder But because the winter came already on which was not seasonable for the siege which was likely to prove a long and hard businesse and because some of the men were to be employed in re-inforcing the Gallies by reason of the advertisment that the Christian Fleets were joyned Mustafa being desirous not to try his fortune again whereby he might lessen the glory which he had gotten in taking Nicossia had severall treaties with the besieged to come to an agreement Wherefore suffering Iovanni Sosomano whom he had taken prisoner to go into the Town under pretence of getting monies for his ransom he made many motions tending to surrendring the Town that he should tell the Governours and Commanders That if they would not of themselves resolve to surrender the City they might whilst they had time to do so write to their Masters at Venice to acquaint them with the condition they were in with how hard it was to hold out against so great an Army and to exhort them to make use of this occasion of accommodating their affairs with the grand Signior and consequently of securing their Dominions by yielding up that which they could by no means keep Mustafa made severall Letters of the same tenure be written and ordered it so as they might seem to be written by the Governours of Famagosta and come to the hands of the Consul at Constantinople But the Governours and people of Famagosta were resolved to hold it out to the last therefore they did not onely not listen to any such discourse but in stead of writing to the Senate for leave to surrender they resolved to write very effectually for reliefe And to the end that the condition of affairs and their own particular needs might be the better understood they sent Nicolo Donato to Venice who was then with two Gallies in the Haven at Famagosta with whom came also Ierolimo Rogozzoni Bishop of that City very well instructed with all things and â—it for such an employment But it is now time that we return to acquaint you with the proceedings of the Christian Fleet which parting as hath been said all joyntly together from the Haven at Suda came to Scythia where the Commanders began to give their severall opinions how those forces were to be made use of to the best advantage Some were for assaulting some of the Ottaman Towns and for the endammaging them as much as possibly they could upon their own confines whereby they might make them forego Cyprus and come with their Fleet and the greatest part of their forces to relieve themselves where their affairs should be endangered most Which if it should not so succeed yet it would stand with their first purpose to counterpoise the losse which they might suffer in losing any of the Towns of Cyprus which peradventure might be more easily recovered by that means then by defending it now Wherefore they affirmed this to be the safer and more advantagious course to be taken than to go for Cyprus whereby in many cases they might rather reap losse then profit for it would not be in their power to force the Turkish Fleet to fight which riding in good order being flanckt on both sides by great Vessells full of Artillery might keep upon those shores as in a safe haven and either not be brought to fight or if they should it would be a sure token that they knew they might do it upon great advantage Nor could they hope for more safety when they should be arrived at Cyprus for the good they could expect by landing their men to assist Nicossia could not be answerable to the danger they might incur the enemy being so strong and Masters of the field and to besiege the besiegers would be almost impossible since there was such store of victualls in the Island And
those others who were not for advancing any further taking occasion from Doria's words and proceedings were for returning back Thus Doria's assured resolution appearing and the others dubiousnesse Generall Zane was forced to think of returning though much against his will seeing that he could not obey the Senate's orders and must leave the enemy free and at liberty to return home in triumph after having done such injuries and made such prey But assuredly if we shall reflect upon what ensued this advice did not deserve blame being accommodated to the time and an occasion of avoiding greater dangers For in returning the Fleet met with great storms which suffered it not to get wholly safe into the Havens for some of the Pope's and of Venetians Gallies being driven on land by boisterous winds split in sunder And the Turks as was understood afterwards being informed by Caiaceleby who had been sent towards Candia to discover the proceedings of the Christian Fleets that they were joyned and ready to set forwards to fight them laying aside whatsoever might be a hinderance to them all unuseful people had man'd all their Gallies with choise and fresh souldiers stood expecting our men who were wearied with so long a voyage so many sufferings The Christian Fleet being thus parted from Castel Rozzo came joyntly together to Scarpanto and entred into Tristano Haven where Doria taking his leave went presently with his Gallies towards Puglia and from thence to Sicily seeming to mind nothing save how to get quickly home So as Colonna and Zanne's indeavours proved all vain who were desirous to keep those Forces united and to fall upon some other enterprise For Doria refused to fall upon any petty businesse as not worthy for his Kings Fleet to run any hazard in and as for any long or difficult affair he said the season was not fitting Thus the Popes and the Venetian Fleet being weakned by Doria's going away and hearing that Piali was parted from Cyprus with a great number of Gallies in pursuit of them they steered their course towards Candia not without danger of being set upon by the Turkish Fleet which being advertis'd of our departure made such speed as it arrived at the Island of Stampalia Piali thinking as it was believed to find some assured prey of some scatter'd Gallies which might be sayling upon the shore of Candia void of any such feare which he could not do by reason of the great winds which blew from the North to which the best Havens of Candia which look towards the Archipelagus are directly exposed And this was so credibly believed as Quirini who was in the City of Candia with certain Gallies came suddenly to joyn with the rest of the Fleet at Suda which not long after went for the same reason all away together in a body to Candia to get into a place of more safety But Piali who peradventure intended no such thing or were it that by reason of the times he altered his design turning backward penetrated further into the Archipelagus intending as he seemed to winter in the Haven Calegiero which to that purpose he made be cleared of some shelves though changing his mind again he left some guards abroad and went with the Fleet to Constantinople The Venetian Generall indeavouring to dive into these designs of the Enemy had sent two Gallies towards the Archipelagus which lighting unawares upon five of the Turkish Galliouns upon the Island of Parâ—â— either of choice or out of necessity took severall wayes and ranne severall fortunes For the one of them which was commanded by Vicenzo Maria de' Priuli came to a fight and after a long and valiant contest had her Masters Mate and all that were in her cut in pieces and fell into the hands of the Enemy the other commanded by Angelo Suriano taking advantage of the time and giving way apace escaped the danger and got safe away At the same time five Gallies of St. Iohn of Ierusalem which were sayling towards Candia and commanded by Pietro Iustiniano Prior of Messina a noble Venetian who had given sufficient testimony of his valour some years before in the siege of Malta and was therefore made Generall of that religious order at Sea being assaulted by a great squadron of Turkish Gallies were all of them but hardly dealt with two of them being taken by the Enemy the other three whereof the Admirall Iustiniano was one got with much ado into the Haven at Suda Thus so great Venetian Forces put to Sea at so vast expence and with such incredible speed all humane accidents those of War especially being subject to various chance produced not the least good to their affairs nay it may be said they were rather cause of prejudice to them for they hoped so much in the good which they expected by their Fleet against the enemy and they were wholly so busied in the businesse of the Levant as they did not much mind lesser affairs which might have brought them certain and no small advantage The Turkish subjects in Albania had made an insurrection in severall parts and being desirous to shake off the yoke of slavery which they lived in under the Ottaman Empire they desired assistance of men and arms from the Magistrates of the Venetian Towns which lay upon those confines saying that assoon as they should see a Venetian Standard they would readily give obedience to the Common-wealth and would give up their Sons as hostages of their Loyalty in which their requests although they could not receive satisfaction according to their necessities and desires yet great store of the inhabitants of Monte Negro came in unto them and from about Boiano which is now called the Country of Drino and from other parts of the Marcovicchi to put themselves under the Venetians Government so as above a hundred Towns were received into the obedience of the Common-wealth by the Governours of Antiviri Dolcingo and Budua by which risings and by reason of the small Garrisons which were then in the neighbouring Turkish Towns it was thought they might make good this their action though sufficient forces had been ready to assault them The Venetian Magistrates of that Province ceased not notwithstanding to do all that they were able to nourish and increase the good affection of those people towards the Common-wealth and to make way for better successes Amongst these Magistrates Alessandro Dorato chief Magistrate of Antiviri the Arch-bishop of the City interposing himselfe therein by the means of some of his friends held secret intelligence with Mustafa who was Governour of Scutari to deliver up that Town into our mens hands upon promise of very great rewards for which enterprise whilst foot were assembling out of the neighbouring Garrisons and whilst Ferrara's Horse were expected together with two Briganâ—ines which were to come for that purpose from Zara the opportunity was lost for were it either that many Souldiers were come into the Fort of Scutari from Vallona
the inconstancy of Leagues by which never any great enterprise was atchieved or which could continue long by reason of the differing nay contrary designs of Princes by reason of the jealousie of States and the suspicion which one Prince hath always of another He who promiseth unto himself a better end of this League then was that of late years made against Soliman and who does not believe that what befell us at Pevesa and the difficulties we met with at Castel nuovo be to be renued to our prejudice and ignominy thinks that the world will alter and delights to cheat himself with vain hopes But some may be perswaded to be for this League not moved thereunto by any hopes but drawn out of a certain consideration that this treaty is already far advanc'd so as to withdraw from it now may taste of inconstancy and appear a fault that thereby we shal debar our selves ever hereafter of the aid of other Princes To which purpose I would I could forget how other Princes have carried themselves towards us and how little they have valued our faith or constancy How can we forget the confederacy broken by Lewis the 12fth King of France at the same time that he constantly affirmed and solemnly swore he would never foregoe our friendship whereof having once made use to his own advantage he did not onely abandon us who not to forsake him had with great expence and danger taken up arms Arms against the Emperour Maximilian but did mainly conspire against us that our ruine might be the reward of our fidelity I will say nothing of what followed afterwards the assistance in appearance but real oppression plotted against us by Ferdinando King of Spain the so various counsells of Pope Julio the 2d and Pope Leo the 10th sometimes for our good sometimes for our ruine So as it behoved us in a short time to change both friends and enemies because we found all confederacy fraudulent And at last our fore-fathers drew our Common-wealth out of so many calamities and restored her to her pristine greatnesse rather by knowing how to accommodate themselves to the times and by wisdom then by war These examples would not peradventure be to be praised if it were not usuall with Princes to proceed with such ambiguity nay often with such contrariety in their counsells as they must necessarily tread in the same steps who will preserve their Dominions So as not being sure that any respects shall be born to them they must be pardoned if they bear but little respect to others And it is an assured truth that those respects are not to be had where the common good is treated of the preservation of a Common-wealth or a State as in private actions We therefore ought to regard the treaty of League onely so far as we think it may make for our good holding it for a certain truth that those will deal just so with us who now seek to joyne with us in League whose proceedings if we will observe shall we not clearly see that their own private interest is the rule whereby they walk in all their designes and actions And I wish to God that this were well understood they would then know that their welfare is almost inseparably annex'd to ours For whatsoever we shall now do we may both for the present and for the future promise just so much to our selves from the assistance of others as will stand with their own advantage and according as times shall fall out But grant that so great an esteem should be put upon that have we I beseech you after the engagement of our word after the agreement unto Articles been faulty in our promises Have we treated upon advantagious or abusive tearms Much contestation and difficulties have still been found in this businesse we have no sooner yielded to many things but that those obstacles being taken out of the way others have been raised of greater importance and more difficult Which way of proceeding is such as ought rather make us forego such a confederacy though stipulated then invite us to observe it now when we are at liberty and that the present accidents advise us to prolong the time without further engaging our selves Is it not too apparent that we can make no use of this League save in show and by the vain report of great warlick preparations but never in reality The hundred Gallies which the Spaniards were bound by Articles to Man would now be reduced to fourscore and the time of their joyning with ours is spoken of uncertainly sometimes the whole month of May is taken for it sometimes no determin'd time The delay of these assistances are better exprest by effects then by words The last years orders to Doria are at first not well understood afterwards worse observed The Gallies destin'd for our present aid are to go to Barcellona to bring away the Emperour's sons the Bohemian Princes and we shall hope to find them at Otranto according to promise in fitting time for our occasions A greater doubt then this doth yet occur to me when I call to minde the Kings Agents pressing so earnestly that the businesse of Algiers should be specified in the confederacy and then meet with these difficulties For we must with reason doubt that the Spanish forces will go this first year for the Rivers of Affrica for their own particular service pleading for their excuse that the League hath not sufficient forces to send the Fleet into the Levant against the Enemy and making use of this occasion to minde that enterprise whilst they may be free from fear of the Turkish Fleet by the Turks being busied in the action of Cyprus and by the counterpoise of our forces at sea These then will be the aids these the forces these the hopes wherewith we are to continue the war maintain Famagosta defend Candia and beat the enemy from the confines of Friuli and Dalmatia against which we hear great store of men are raised But will our neighbours forces defend us or the strong opposite country secure us The Archduke Charles who was so forward in the beginning to defend those passes does not he now answer our desires by saying He can resolve upon nothing without the advice of his brother the Emperour And the Emperour seeming not to believe those rumours which were first raised by his Agents doth now so neglect his answer as I fear when need shall require he wil neglect his provisions But it is alleadged that peace will bring with it but a short and seeming security since the Turks may violate it the more easily when they shall have opportunity or a desire to do so when they shall see they may make peace when they please and are sure their injuries shall not be revenged I deny it not But I say the condition of these things is such as it is vain to perswade our selves that we by any thing we can do can alter their usuall and naturall
should remain in him who should be declared Captain-Generall of the League which should be Don John of Austria and in his absence Mark Antonio Colonna with the like Authority though he should at the same time retain the name and quality of Generall of the Church That it might be lawfull for Maximilian of Austria the Emperour Elect for the King of France and for the King of Portugall to joyn in this Confederacy and that all the Colleagues should use their uttermost endeavours to perswade them and the other Christian Princes to do so And in case of addition of any other Confedederates it was to be understood that what proportion of expence they should be at should go to the augmenting of the Forces of the League No particular mention was made of dividing such places as should be gotten but it was refer'd to what was exprest and declared in the Articles of the League in the year 37 if any difference should fall out between the Confederates the Pope should be the Arbitrator and Iudge so as that should be no breach of the Confederacy nor any impediment in the execution of what was established therein These Articles being sworn unto as hath been said and afterwards signed and sealed by the Embassadours were ratified by the same Princes within the appointed four moneths But because the Confederates were not bound to the observancy of these things till the next year there was another writing stipulated apart wherein these things were particularly contained which were to be done this year to wit That 80 Gallies and 20 Ships ought to be at Ottranto by the moneth of May to joyn with the Venetian Fleet Those of the Pope Savoy nor Malta not being therein comprehended And because a difficulty arose touching the satisfaction to be given to the Venetians towards the expences pretended unto for having more Gallies than by the covenant they were bound unto It was declared in the same writing that the Pope was to be judge thereof who was notwithstanding to determine particularly that their debt being known it should be made good out of what they ought or should owe to the King of Spain for Corn either formerly had or to be had hereafter the price whereof should be rated by the Pope who took upon him likewise though it was not expresly mentioned in the Writing to determine what satisfaction should be given to the Venetians for their pretences of charge for great numbers of Foot which they maintained in his Sea-Forts more then the Garrisons of those places to make use of them either in the Fleet or otherwise against the enemie as occasion shall serve At the same time that these Treaties of League and Peace were discussing in Venice wherein there was some difference in opinions they all agreed and were very diligent in providing for war It was resolved that 25 Gallies should be set out which should have for their Governours Venetian Gentlemen not onely of the Venetian Nobles but many of those of the Cities of Terra Ferma to the end that in the common cause all might be partakers as well of honours as of dangers and troubles and because their greatest want was of men by reason of the great mortality and the apprehension which was had thereof safe conduct was granted to the Banditi of the Common-wealth to come and serve in the Gallies either as Mariners or Souldiers and all Gentlemen of the Country who would come willingly to that service were exempted from any personall penalties for four years 2000 to serve in Gallies were likewise ordered from the Cities of the Terra Ferma though this tax was formerly wont to be laid onely upon the Country Souldiers were also brought from forrain parts to recruit the Sea Garrisons and for the service of the Fleet. And that nothing might be wanting to try the fortune of war again a new Generall being already chosen as hath been said they would also change the two Commissaries Quirini Captain of the Gulph was chosen in the place of Celsi and Trono Captain of the Ships in Canale's place But he dying at the same time Canale continued in his place Quirini was succeeded in his place of Captain of the Gulph by Trono who was then in the Fleet. Iovanni Venâ—ramini Iov Contarini were afterwards made purveyors who were to have particular care of the publick Monies and of all that was to be delivered out in the Fleet. This mean while Commissary Barbarigo having made haste from Venice was come to Corfu where the Fleet then was as hath been said to whom according to the order of the Senate the Government was assigned over by Generall Zanne But he held it but for a few dayes for Veniero hearing whilst he was in Candia of his election left such orders as he thought convenient for the arming of the Gallies of that Island and suddenly began his journey and comming to Corfu in the beginning of April took solemnly the place and dignity of Generall upon him When Generall Zanne returned to Venice there were many faults laid to his charge and as it often falls out upon such occasions the cause of the bad successes occasioned for the most part from bad seasons and for many almost inseparable accidents were attributed to his negligence and want of experience and whereas a kind of happy Genius had formerly made all his actions be commended and admired whereby it was thought that the publick affairs recommended to his charge should have good successe as he was thought to have been very fortunate in his private condition by reason of his Honour wealth and Children and for that he had twice before been Generall and so succesfull therein as all troubles and dangers ceased as it were with his election so now these so many adversities were taken from off the publick score and laid to his private misfortune Being thus accused of these faults he dyed two years after before he could justifie himself proving the saying true that No man can be said to be happy before his end The affairs of Cyprus and preservation of Famagosta whereupon the hopes of other events did depend were not at this time forgotten but as soon as the season would permit Antonio Quirini who being taken from the Government of Candia had this charge committed to him after Trono's decease departed with four Ships to carry the succour formerly ordered for Famagosta Which that it might the more safely arrive 12 Gallies were given for a convoy to the ships for it was heard that the Turks lay with some Gallies about the Island to hinder the supply Marco Quirini went with his Admirall along with this Convoy who to boot with guarding the succour had the opportunity of doing an honourable action for as he came to Famagosta he made the Ships advance within sight of the Enemy who were in Costanza and lay with his Gallies concealed near Land and seeing seven of the Enemies Gallies come forth to assault our
Ships he suddenly came behinde them to keep them from returning back unto the shore But the Turks when they saw our Gallies instead of indangering us sought to save themselves and to get to the shore whence they were come so as the men to whose assistance many were come from the Camp got safe to Land and abandoned their Gallies three whereof having but few men left in them were sunk by our shot the rest which were gotten a little further off escaped For some signs of foul weather appearing Quirini betook himselfe to get his ships to be towde into the Haven whereinto when they were gotten they might easily Land the supply which consisted of 1600 Foot and much Ammunition and Victualls The addition of these Forces and the rest of the recruit did much comfort the defendants and incourage them and Marco Quirini his gallantry was mightily cryed up by all the Famagostans and he purchas'd much more praise and reputation by other prosperous successes for whilst he kept in that Haven he took a Ship and other lesser Vessels of the Enemies loaded with Ammunition and Victualls which were going to the Army wich were very seasonably turned to the service of the besieged And going with his Gallies not long after to shelves of Gamâ—ella where he heard the Turks had made some Forts he at unawares fell upon them and destroyed them which things being done he thought he could doe no more good by his tarrying any longer there and therefore returned with his Gallies to Candia The Senators were not lesse solicitous this mean while in providing new supply for Famagosta whither they had sent two Ships with 800 Foot and severall Ammunitions which by relation of the Bishop of Ragozzoni the besieged wanted Honorio Scoto was made Commander of the Souldiers and Nicolo Donato had charge of the Ships who being come a little before from Cyprus upon the occasion that hath been mentioned offered to return himselfe with that succour for which he was much commended and to comfort those that were to undergo so sore a siege the Senate thought fit to wite Letters of praise and much affection to the communalty of Famagosta telling them That they were very well pleased with their constancy and fidelity which they would never forget but reward them for it when the times should prove better and that largely for their labours losse and dangers wishing them therefore to discharge their duties in the defence of themselves and families reposing their hopes of safety in themselves and in the assistance of their Prince and not in the words of barbarous Infidels for the Senate would minde nothing more than to provide for all things which should be necessary for that their dear and faithfull City And that the so many Fleets so many Souldiers such expence and such warlike preparations aimed chiefly at the freeing of them from that siedge Letters of almost the same contents were likewise written to Baglione exalting his valour as worthy of those he was descended from and of the affection which he and others of his Progenitors had alwayes born to the Common-wealth promising him rewards answerable to his merit and assistance proportionable to the Forces of the Enemy The Albaneses continued at this time in insurrection many of Dugagini Pedana Ematia and Sadrinia came in dayly to make several offers to the Representatives of the Common-wealth Wherefore Commissary Celsi was ordered to go to Cataro whither Zaâ—cheria Salamone was gone before with the Title of Commissary-Generall to defend the City and to advise of what was to be done in those parts but Celsi falling sick by the way Nicola Suriano who was left Vice-Captain in the Gulph whilst Trono exercised the same office further off at Sea received orders to enter the River of â—oiana with four Galies to foment the Insurrection of those people and to inform himselfe more particularly upon the place whether there was any hopes of good to be done in the enterprises of Burazzo Beutari or Alessio as was propounded and desired by the heads of the Albanesi But Suriano having tarried awhile in those parts found that effects were not answerable to words and that no design could be had by such commotions upon the Tovvns of the Enemy but with great uncertainty of successe Yet that they might not be wanting upon any occasion that should be offered the Senate had made Iacopo Malatesta Governour-Generall in Albania who going to Cataro began forthwith to make several proposals and it was at last resolved to fall upon Alessio which was thought to be more feasable then the rest by reason of scituation there being many strong passes there which might hinder the Enemy from being succord But whilst things necessary for this purpose were a preparing Malatesta being impatient of lying long idle went one day out of Cataro to pillage some Towns of Risano which were not far off and having overcome the difficulties of the scituation burnt the Villages and gotten much booty as he was returning safe with all his men through a valley the Enemy fell upon him and not being able to defend himself by reason of the disadvantagiousnesse of the place he was much endammaged not onely by musquet shot but by stones so as almost all his souldiers ran away and whilst he with some few of his men withstood the fury of the enemy who came down from the mountains his leg was broken with a stone and he was carried away prisoner into Risano by the enemy But Almoro Tiepolo Captain of the Pinnaces and Astore Viseconte Governour of Sebenico had better successe in Dalmatia for having assaulted the Town of Scardona they made the enemy seek their safety by flight so as our men had leasure not onely to take the Town but also to get great booty in the neighbouring Country The Turks ceased not this mean while to plot all the mischief they could against the Common-wealth those of Castelnuovo had held secret intelligence with Trojano Ciciliano a Foot-Captain in Cataro that upon their comming at unawares to the City by his means they might get in by the Porta della Fiumara where the walls were weakest But Ciciliano not being able to procure that that Guard might be committed to him out of another respect for that treachery was not as yet discovered the Turks sailed in that their designe and when the intelligence was known the traitor was put to death The enemy afterwards had other attempts upon that City making some Forts in the mouth of the Gulph whereby being able to keep out any vessells from entring thereinto Cataro was in a manner besieged and was in great danger of being taken Wherefore it behoved to send some Gallies to disturb those works and to keep navigation open These things made the Venetians be very vigilant in keeping Commanders of authority and strong Garrisons in their sea-Forts Thus Savorgnano not being able to serve any longer at Zara the Marquis Baltasar Rangone was put in his
place and Iacopo Foscarini was made Commissary Generall of Dalmatia Luigi Georgio went to Corfu and Marino de Cavalli to Candia the former in the place of Venierâ— who was chosen to be Generall of the Fleet and the latter in Mula's place who could no longer attend that charge by reason of sicknesse By reason of these extraordinary expences which amounted to 300000 Duckets a month it became them to use all means possible for the raising of monies wherefore the number of Procurators were again encreased sale was made of other publick goods and monies by severall bargains brought into the Exchequer wherein to make the Citisens more willing and ready Doge Mocinego encouraged them all he could and was still the more carefull and diligent in making all sorts of provisions as being very ambitious of glory He was much afflicted that his government should begin with the losse of so noble a Kingdom Wherefore the great Councill being one day assembled the Doge standing up spoke thus If ever citisens of any Common-wealth had a noble occasion to shew their generosity their desire of glory and of the common good you now have it to shew your worth in preserving the splendour and dignity of this your noble Country which the industry and perpetuall labours of our Ancestors hath to their immortall glory purchased We through their deserts and as the reward of their wisdom do now enjoy a Common-wealth which for excellency of government exceeds all the most antient and modern Common-wealths and is not much inferiour to any of the famousest for Forces and Empire And since the condition of times and place will not permit that greater perfection can be added to it in civill affairs nor perhaps that her antient glory may be increased by military actions by enlarging our confines which are every where environed by powerfull neighbours yet ought we with like endeavour and vigilancy minde the preservation of so miraculous a work recommended to our care to the end that we may leave it such to others as we have received it from our fore-fathers whereby we shall purchase no small praise We being now to govern our selves in a heavy war against the fury of so powerfull an enemy whose forces I confesse are to be feared but with wisdom not pusillanimity but so as fear may make us more diligent more joynt constant and firm in all labour and danger and not to slacken that fervour wherewith we undertooke the war nor to take us off from our noble and generous resolution of defending our Dominions against the unjust forces of those that seek to oppresse them Let us call to minde with how much praise and wonder to other Nations our fathers and grandfathers withstood the violence of almost all the Princes of Christendom who joyntly conspired the ruine of our Empire so as finally by their worth the fortune of the vanquishing enemy was overcome and by adversity the Common-wealth wone more glory and honour And if the losse of all our Dominions by Terra Ferma the having so many and so potent enemies and so neer at hand could not prevail over our noble Ancestors certainly if we will imitate their domestick worth the first frowns of fortune will not at all prevail over us nor not onely not discourage us but not make us forego any thing of our former hopes The losse of Nicossia is assuredly very sore but not such as may not be repaired The fortune of war at first is very uncertain and various but at last she associates with true worth and the most valiant are at the last the most glorious Our forces God be praised are yet safe and entire and such as had it not been for want of diligence and good advice in our Commanders or it may be for want of better fortune the enemies might have had no cause to rejoyce Our Common-wealth could at one and the same time make war in severall Countries nor did her being assaulted by Bajazet Prince of the Turks make her lay down the Arms which she had taken up against Lodowick Sforza Duke of Millan fighting on the one side for their own defence and safety on the other for the honour of the Venetian name and out of a desire of making new acquisitions Nor are these things so far out of our memory as that we not rather say we have seen them than heard of them We may hope for these and greater things if there be in us the like worth agreement and readinesse to maintain and defend the publick safety and dignity Wherefore though we may assure our selves that all other Christian Princes will for their own interests favour and assist our cause against the common enemy who is now become so formidable to them all yet we must repose our chiefest defence in our selves constantly believing that every ones particular good is inseparably annext to the preservation of the liberty and prosperity of this Common-wealth which being safe and powerfull whatsoever else is most dear unto us wives children friends and goods will be the more safely preserved from injuries and we shall have great rewards of honours and many other things reserved for us Therefore as the charity we bear to our Country comprehends all other loves to whatsoever we esteem dearest so he who is truly set on fire therewithall knows no danger shuns no inconvenience values no expence but freely sacrificeth himself and all that is his to this his true Mother and Nurse from whence he must acknowledge he hath received all things Then you Gentlemen who have still agreed in all things else must vâ—â— and contend onely in this generous emulation who shal contribute most and readilieâ—â— to the service of this his Country in this her so great necessity Let those who for their age or experience in the Militia or Sea-affairs are able to serve in person either by way of command or as private persons put themselves into the Fleet and such as are fitter for counsell let them busie themselves in thinking upon in minding and in providing for all such things as may secure the present dangers and may make way for better fortune In this the thoughts of all true Venetians ought to be busied this ought to be the true and onely â—ime and end of all their discourses and actions in these so dangerous times But above all things let every man according to his ability contribute monies to the Common-wealth which is the very â—inews of war assuring himself he can put it forth to no better advantage the little that he laies out hereupon preserves all the rest not onely his estate but his honour children and life none of which will be safe from the injuries of the insolent victorious enemy nor can any thing be dear or delightfull to him the prosperity and pristine greatnesse of this city being lesâ— We see how wonderfull readily noâ— onely thâ—se who live under the wings and protection of this Dominion who may be perswaded to
that the enemies were very near and did intend to assault it After these first Gallies were gone from Constantinope Ali went from thence also with 30 others to Fenica to take up men and from thence went to Cyprus where he tarryed for many dayes himselfe and sent his Gallies the mean while to Tripoli to take in more Souldiers and Ammunition and when the Army was provided of all things Ali leaving Arumâ—t with 20 Gallies ten Mahouns five Ships and many other Vessels to guard the Island went with 54 Gallies to find out Bashaw Pertau who being gone from Constantinople before and meeting by the way with the Gallies of Napoli and Metelino was come with about 100 Gallies to Castel Ruzzo where the whole Fleet was to make their Rendevouz Not long after Uluzzali who was gone from Algiers came to the same place with 20 Vessels and with many others belonging to particular Pyrats and last of all Cessan Son to Barbarossa came thither with 20 Gallies which had been battered and were now new Calkt The Turkish Fleet being thus all met together which consisted of about 250 sayl they went to the Island of Candia whither being come they entred the Haven of Suda and going soon after towards Cania they landed many men not far from the City who burnt divers Villages and made much prey of beasts and other goods for the Inhabitants were all fled either to the City or to the Mountains The Commissary of Cania sent forth a good Band of the Garrison of that Fort and with them many of Quirini's Souldiers out of his Gallies which were then in that Haven to suppresse the insolency of these Men and to prevent further mischiefe who made the Enemy to retreat and our Souldiers being afterward recruited with 300 Corsick foot who were very opportunely come thither a little before in a ship of Genua under the conduct of Colonel Iustiniano they pursued the Turks who as they retreated towards the Gallies to save themselves were many of them slain and durst not accost the Fort knowing that it was well man'd but they had a great mind to have pillag'd the whole Island and the Maritime parts had they not been diverted by foul weather Uluzzali forbare not notwithanding to go to Rethimo with 40 Gallies in which City for all the rest were fled at the news of the approach of the Turkish Fleet not having sufficient Garrisons to defend themselves there was none left but Ierolimo Iustiniano one of the Counsellors and Captain Ieraldo Alfieri with 100 foot who as the Enemy drew near the City began to shoot apace at their Gallies not without somewhat indamaging them whereupon the Enemy thinking that there were men enough in the Town able to defend it they departed for that time without making any further attempt But afterwards landing some men on the neighbouring shores and taking some Prisoners they understond by them that the City had not men enough within to defend it So as Uluzzali resolved to return thither as to a secure prey Iustiniano seeing the Enemy returned and landed with a full resolution to assault the City was forced to abandon it and to retire into the neighbouring Mountains to save those few Souldiers and with them and some others that he had pickt up in the Country he betook himselfe to guard the strongest passes to the end that the Enemy might not get further in to doe more mischiefe When the Turks were entred the City void of Inhabitants 't is a sad thing to say the cruelties which they used to that miserable Town they plundered the Houses ransackt the Churches fired both publick and private Edifices did not pardon the quiet of the dead but digging up the graves scattered them up and down every where moved thereunto either out of hopes of finding some Monies there or by that naturall inhumanity of dealing with the dead as they could not do with the living For which wickednesse they did in some sort pay for some of their Gallies were by a great tempest driven upon the shore where together with the death of many they were split and many others who out of a desire of pillage were gotten further into the Island were cut in pieces by the Souldiers who were gotten out of Cania and by the Country people who came down from the Mountains So as upon mustering their men at their departure they found above 2000 missing The Enemies being gone from Candia went to Cerigo where they did much harm and from thence the whole Fleet past to Giunco and went to the Islands of Zante and Cefalonia burning all the Towns and laying the Countries waste all the Inhabitants being withdrawn into Forts Whilst the Turks did this mean while diligently attend their businesse at Sea they forgat not their Land affairs for they had assembled together an Army numerous enough and made Acmat Bashaw Captain thereof who being gone with his men from Constantinople and keeping awhile in Scopio made men doubtfull whether he was to go for Dalmatia or for Transilvania the times being such as there was reason to suspect either of them but soon after Acmat marched towards Ducagini with above 15000 Horse and it was known that the Belgerbie of Greece raised many Horse to joyn with Acmats Army which made it be believed that these men were intended against the Venetians Dominions and chiefly since the Fleet was seen to advance so far which being assisted by the Land forces it was thought that the Turks intended to attempt joyntly somewhat in the Gulph These things being first designed by the Turks were the more hotly pursued for that all Agreement grew desperate and all treaty of Peace was broken For when Ragazzoni was come to Constantinople it was known that the hopes had much prejudiced this businesse that if the Venetians would prosecute the Treaty it might be brought to a good end the Turks having begun to hope they might attain those things by agreement which were not to be had without doubt and difficulty by Arms. For before Ragazzoni came to Constantinople a messenger was come thither sent in great haste by the Sangiacco of Chersego Son to Mehemet which gave notice of the others comming with certain intelligence that he brought orders for a treaty of Peace which as it caused much joy so did fill it men with immoderate hopes So as the Bashaw entering upon this Treaty did in a magnificent manner extoll the Ottaman Forces He said that Selino was heinously offended that he had mighty designs against the Common-wealth the which he prepared to assault with powerfull Forces both by Sea and Land and out of these discourses he took occasion to propose unreasonable conditions of Peace but yet proceeding very cunningly therein he sought to moderate the severity of what he related in Selino's name by his own indeavours full of humanity and affection In fine he advised the Consull to counsell his Senators to deliver up the possession of Cyprus freely as
oppose him he was come near the very city of Venice making the terrour of his Arms be felt every where or else as it was afterwards conceived and as the effects shewed to bring safety and reputation by these forces to their affairs in Albania where the inhabitants were risen in severall parts who were fierce men and could not well tolerate the yoke of Turkish slavery By which risings whilst men hoped easily to take Alessio and Scutari they hastned the losse of Antiveri and Dolcigno whereunto many land-forces were already drawn near for the St. Iacâ—â—â— of Scopia Durazzo and Ducagini were joyned together so as their Army amounted to above 5000 men bringing with them ten great guns and many lesser The Marcovicchans who had rebelled against the Turks had made themselves masters of some strong passes which hindered the enemies Army from going to Antiveri and on the other side the garrison of Dolcigno assisted by the country people had possessed themselves of Corno and St. Georgio places upon the Botana which being very narrow and very advantagiously seated a few might keep a great many out Nicolo Suriano was likewise very seasonably come at this time who hearing what eminent danger Dolcigno was in had brought with him a good relief of men from Cataro with which the guards were made the stronger and the passes better secured And a little while after entring with two gallies into the River of Boiana they disturbed and damnified the enemy who were encamped about those shores by frequent shot so as for a while the Turks were doubtfull what to do and kept aloof off But hearing that the Turkish Fleet advanced the two gallies commanded by Michiele Barbarigo and by Pietro Bartalazzi of Zara went from those shores to go to finde out the Fleet at Corfu according to orders received from the Generall though their diligence therein proved unfortunate for meeting with some Turkish gallies they were taken by them The newes of the approach of the enemies Fleet made those foot be likewise sent for who as hath been said were upon the guard of the passes into Dolcigno it being feared that to weaken the garrison of that Town which was but badly walled especially on the side towards the sea would make the danger greater Wherefore the country people who were up being terrified and wanting both Arms and Commanders did likewise abandon the passes leaving the enemy's Army free entrance by whose advancing and by the still continuing newes that the Turkish Fleet was not far off those of Dolcigno being sorely affraid and thinking themselves not able to withstand so great a power by reason of their small numbers and for that the Town was not strong either by nature nor art began to think upon their own safety propounding the last desperate tearms of taking away the Artillery of the Town of embarcking themselves and all they could of theirs in some small Vessells and of getting safe to Cataro burning and ruinating the Town themselves so to keep it from falling into the power of the enemy from being serviceable unto them And whilst being yet rather resolved to fly then to defend themselves Nicolo Suriano and Sciarra Martiningo returned with fresh succour who entring the Town appeased the tumult and somewhat comforting the mindes of those who were confused through fear they made them prepare for defence The enemie's Camp this mean while approached and beginning to batter the walls with six piece of Cannon they quickly deprived our men of all defence so as a good band of Janisaries began already to prepare to give an assault Wherefore Martiningo not hoping long to defend the Town unlesse he were suddenly recruited by a great supply resolved that Suriano should return to Cataro with his gallies and bring with him a good company of French foot whom not long before he had conducted into Cataro which was very speedily done all that could being first taken from out his gallies wherewith the garrison of the Town was recruited These helps kept the defendants a while in heart But the enemies Fleet still advancing and Suriano being forc'd therefore to go from those shores they were all seazed on by excessive fear and the more for that Martiningo being then ill-disposed who standing underneath the walls had a stone which fell upon him which bereaving him of his sense made him for a while be thought dead he could not behave himself so as the occasion required Wherefore despairing to be able to maintain that Fort which was plaid upon both by sea and land where there was no materialls for Rampiers nor sufficient ammunition after having withstood battery twelve daies they were forc'd to yield leaving the Town in the Bashaw's possession which he received with promise of saving all their lives and goods and of allowing them four ships to carry as many to Ragugi as would depart thither and of treating those well that would tarry there and with particular permission to the souldiers to march out with their arms and colours Which conditions were afterwards but badly observed for some contention arising hereupon between Pertaw and Acmat Bashaw were it true or fained they took occasion to deal hardly with those miserable people who had submitted themselves upon his word making the souldiers and most of the townsmen prisoners and putting many valiant Albanesian souldiers to the sword They kept their word onely to the Governour to Martiningo and to some few others of the better sort whom they conveyed safe to Ragugi Dolcigno being taken the Army marched suddenly towards Antiveri where all by reason of their neighbours successe were full of fear though the Town being four miles from the shoar was safe from any fear of the Fleet but the Governour not waiting till the Camp drew nearer sent the keys by some of the chiefest of the town to the Bashaw for which he was afterwards sentenced by the Senate to perpetuall banishment And the Buduani Agostino Pasquillio their Governour being already gone forsook their Country and endeavouring to save themselves in Cataro and other neighbouring places were most of them taken prisoners and the town was first sack'd then burnt All things were now so full of terrour flight death and rapine as those miserable Inhabitants proceeded not by any counsell but by dispair whereby the ruine of their country became more certain to the enemy Uluzzali being thus gone with fifteen gallies to Curzola after having made much prey in the Island he drew near the Town from which though there were but few inhabitants in it being at first beaten back by the Artillery he forbore attempting it any more so as by a notable example 40 men onely making women put on military apparell and appear upon the walls to cause the number of the defendants seem the more were sufficient to save that Town from utter ruine and to keep off the Enemie Thus Uluzzali departed from Curzola and taking with him some Gallies of Caracosa went to
praise and merit got by their valour and encouraged them to hope for greater things As for the rest he sometimes threatned their cowardice with severe punishment promised sometimes great honour and rewards to their valour He held forth unto them the booty and prey they were to get which he confirmed by their companions having enrich'd themselves at Nicossia He entreated he conjured them not to suffer the victorious army incur any shame that they should not fear them to whom they had ever been a terrour He â—ad them remember Nicossia shewing them that they might get another noble victory and put an end to the war with more ease and advantage for that the enemy were still the same weak and unexperienced in the true Militia They therefore ought to be the same and to be mindfull of their invincible forces whereby they had got the glorious name of conquerours having hardly ever attempted any thing wherein they were not successfull teaching the world by their example that fortune of war obeys true valour The Bashaw having much encouraged the souldiers with these and the like speeches would be present himself at the assault to the end that seeing what was done being seen himself by others he might by his advice provide for all things by his presence encourage his souldiers This assault proved terrible dangerous the Turks fought valiantly hoping to get the city that day but our men keeping together and resolute to keep what they had could not be beaten off the enemy appeared no sooner but they were disperst repulst and slain their blowes proved the sorer to the enemy for that being made at a multitude none of them proved vain Thus for five hours space the third assault was valiantly with stood But those who defended the Ravelin of the gate Limisso being disordered by fire-works and not being able to govern themselves well in so little a compasse laboured still when the battle was almost ended in all other places and were much endammaged by the enemy so as being forc'd to yield at last they suffered the Turks to mount the Ravelin and all other helps failing the Captains by necessary but dreadfull advice resolved immediately to give fire unto a Mine which they foreseeing the danger had prepared in the same place and the souldiers of the camp and those of the city being intermingled on the Ravelin those pursuing these retreating both enemies and friends were blown up and buried in those ruines The Ravelin being lost there was onely the thicknesse of the in-works made as hath been said of bags of earth between the besiegers and the besieged so as the souldiers of the camp and those of the city spoke often together and according to the custom of war the Turks mockt and laught â—t our men for their vain hopes saying That the Christian Fleet was sled for fear back towards Venice and our men reproached the enemy for that like country people not like souldiers they used their spades and mat-hooks not trusting to the valour of their forces Amongst which jesting speeches some serious discourse was sometimes mingled the Turks made some proposalls of agreement be put by certain slaves that were in their camp which they had oft-times formerly endeavoured by severall Letters written sometimes to the Governours and sometimes to the common people of the city which were conveyed in by arrowes But no answers of comming to a parley was ever assented unto according as was desired Wherefore the Turks finding they could not prevail by their craft betook themselves to another assault by the Ravelin which they had already got When the combat was come to it was egregiously fought on all sides but chiefly by our men and to the singular glory of the chief commanders for stout Baglione encouraged his souldiers more by his example than by his words and placing himself amongst the foremost took as it is said the Venetian Standard which the enemies got at the taking of Nicossia from the hands of an Ensigne-bearer and Luigi Martiningo who had the particular charge of that place committed to him did discharge the part of a wise and valiant commander in all things did supply the battle with fresh souldiers often assisting those that were wearied entertaining the enemy where they fought most and repulsing those that gave back The Turks having received a repulse betook themselves to molest our men yet further with new machinations they filled up all the space which was between the gate and the Ravelin with wood and faggots which they set on fire throwing in severall mixtures that the combustion might be the greater whereby they did much torment our men by the heat and also by the stench of that wood which growes in that Island and which is called by those of the country Tezza which being set on fire makes a very horrible stinke This fire continuing for many daies the souldiers had much adoe and were greatly incommodited to defend that place having in vain tryed all things to quench it Those valiant men notwithstanding these so many and so grievious perplexities did still defend the city all of them growing so couragious and being so resolute to maintain the siege to the utmost that even old men and women kept continually upon the walls and together with the souldiers discharged the duties of the Militia But things were now brought to the last extremity the persisting in labour and danger afforded no hopes of safety The Enemies were still recruited with new Forces and with all things necessary the want of men ammunition and victualls grew dayly greater and greater within the Town a great many of the valiantest Souldiers were already slain and many being wounded were given over for want of Medicaments and Physitians The few that were yet well were wasted not onely by continuall pains-taking but by sufferings being forced to feed upon Asses Horses Dogs and other such nauseous food and to drink nothing but water their wine being all spent They were reduceâ— to such weaknesse as they seemed to live more by vigour of winde then by strength of body so as finding it was now impossible to maintain the city any longer the citisens resolved to beseech the Governours and Commanders to provide for their safety and not to wait the utmost extremities Matteo Golâ—â— spoke in the â—ame of all the rest Who intreated the Magistrates in the name of the whole city that considering the loyalty and constancy of the Inhabitants the dangers and sufferings which they had so patiently undergone and that since things were now brought to the utmost extremity they would not suffer their fidelity to be rewarded by the totall ruine of their country but rather by the preservation thereof so as to the double praise of those who had so long defended her it might be seen that their generous minds which could be wrought upon by â—o fear of the Enemy had been moved by the love of their friends by a desire of giving
the opportunity of assaulting the Enemy upon the Flank But it is most certain that by this either not very sincere or unfortunate advice the victory proved the more bloody and the booty and glory somewhat the lesser though they were both very great For we took 117 of the Enemies Gallies many were sunk and very few of them escaped free away There were above 5000 prisoners taken of which 25 of good quality and degree a great many Christians were also set at liberty vvho vvere detained in miserable slavery in the Turkish Gallies There were many reasons given for this so good successe and it may be all of them true the goodnesse of our Vessels which were strong and sound at Sea and wherein our Souldiers being sheltred by our waste cloathes fought the more boldly and more secure our store of Artillery wherewith our Fleet was better furnisht then that of the Enemy and made better use of them as well by reason of their skil who managed them as also that the Prows of our Gallies being low and eeven not raised up as those of the Turks the shot being almost level with the superficies of the water hit the Enemies Gallies more justly moreover the conditions of the Weapons vvas of no smal consideration our men fought armed against unarmed Enemies and whereas the Turks did use their Bows and Arrows most vvherewith our men though wounded were yet able to fight all our Musket shot was mortall nor were our men weakned by frequent shooting as vvere the Turks their Bows growing slacker and their hands vveaker by often dravving Our greater Gallies were likevvise of great use by vvhose shot the squadrons of the Enemies Gallies being divided and disordered they began to lose their courage and force But really the vvorth and valour of the Souldiers vvas of most avail as might be known vvhen they came to grappling vvherein many of our Gallies boorded by the Enemy though upon disadvantage being to resist a greater number they did notwithstanding bear avvay the Victory by the defendants valour in vvhose Arms all their hopes did then consist The Italian foot vvon much commendations nor did the Spaniards merit lesse praise but of all the rest the Grecians shevving both courage and discipline as those vvho vvere most accustomed to that kind of Militia and knew all advantages in vvounding and in escaping being wounded behaved themselves with great praise and profit It was likewise considerable that the fighting near the Enemies Country as it made our men the more valiant being necessitated to fight knowing that their sole hope of safety lay in their forces so the Turks having opportunity of getting into their own Country was the reason of their speedier flight This so great Victory was of rare example in all ages but rather to be desired then hoped for in ours by reason of the Turks mighty power and of the discords between our Princes so as it was deservedly acknowledged by the Christians as the work of Gods all-powerfull hand whereof manifest signes were seen for on a suddain the troubled skies became clear and the winde which at first stood fair for the enemy altered to our advantage Besides it was confess'd by all sides that being moved thereunto by divine inspiration all the Commanders agreed in going near the Enemy when it was least hoped they should do so The Victory being thus got the Christian Fleet sailing very slowly as well by reason of towing the gallies which they had taken as that the sea was covered over with dead carkases with shrouds of ships and other impediments retired to Petala a neighbouring place in the Rivers opposite to the Curzolari Rocks But the next day the Venetian Generall past with his gallies for his better accommodation to the Dragoniste where the first care was to cure the wounded and to view all their men to see who were wanting that they might proceed to some further enterprise answerable to their forces But finding that they were not able to land above 5000 Foot they thought them not sufficient for the expugning of Lepanto which was proposed wherefore they resolved to forbear falling thereupon lest they might hasard the reputation they had won in their victory Whilst the Commanders were intent about these businesse the souldiers and marriners went from one gally to another to enquire after their friends and acquaintance they rejoyced with those that they found alive talk'd of all that they had done and reflecting back upon the danger past they thought it to be greater then what at first they had imagined and were the more encouraged by their good fortune conceiving the better of themselves All men throughout the whole Fleet were joyed with the glory they had won and gladded of the rich spoiles of the enemies which they had got The mean while Generall Veniero knowing that nothing could be more welcome to his Country then the newes of so great a victory dispatcht away Omfredo Iustiniano speedily in his gally who making very great haste came in ten daies to Venice where it is impossible to say how all men of all conditions were ravished with joy for this successe This Gally appeared on the 17th of October in the morning entring by the Haven between the two Castles within sight of la Piazza di san Marco which was tâ—â—n full of people and having many souldiers in the Poop clad in Turkish habits which they had taken from the enemy people knew not at first what to think by reason of the novelties but when they saw some Banners dragg'd along in the water and that after some shot being made those within the gally cryed with a loud voice Victory victory was joyfully eccâ—oed from the Piazza And the newes being forthwith spread throughout the whole City people flock'd from all parts to St. Marks Piazza every one embracing other for joy insomuch as when the Doge came from his Palace with the Senate to St. Marks Church he could hardly get thither for the croude of people Te Deum was presently sung and a Masse celebrated as the time required with all humble and devout thanks to God for so great a mercy Four daies solemn procession was ordered to be observed in the city of Venice and throughout all the other Towns in that State in Terrâ— feâ—maâ— and the memory of that happy day was celebrated with other demonstrations of joy as ringing of bells and bonefires And it was ordain'd by decree of Senate that that day should for ever after be kept holy with much solemnity and particularly that the Doge and Senators should every year visit the Temple of the blessed Iustina in remembrance of the singular favour which they had received from God under her protection Their obsequies which were slain in the fight were afterwards celebrated with much solemnity and honoured with Verses and funerall Orations And Iustiâ—iano who brought the happy newes had the honour of Knighthood conferred upon him Not long after Contarâ—â—i's gally came
Ten by whom this businesse was negotiated to assist the Enterprise so as meeting him near Liesena they joyn'd together and went to the mouth of the Gulph of Catarro and passing a little forward tarryed in a narrow place which by reason of the streightnesse thereof may easily be shut up and is commonly called Le Catene or the Chaine Here they thought they might most safely land their men all that coast of Castel Nuovo being full of Flats which in bad weather are very dangerous Whence it hapned that a shallop wherein Colonell Castracani's men were not being able to keep at anchor was by the fury of the wind driven on ground which the Turks being aware of they got upon a little hill not far off and by Musket-shot slew some of those that were in her who were not able to make any defence so as inforc'd by necessity they went on land though in an enemie's Country and finding themselves backt by some of our Gallies they were the better incouraged and did for a while withstand the Enemy though they were far inferiour to them in number till such time as some Boates were sent out unto them wherein most of them saved themselves After this the rest of the men were landed without any opposition which being done Martiningo ordered his Brother Silla to march immediately with a band of 200 French Harchibugiers by the way of the Mountain which stands on the right hand of Castel-Nuovo and that he should indeavour to make himselfe Master of some important Passes whereby he apprehended the Enemy might be relieved and he made as many more French Souldiers march towards the Town conducted by Captain Santa Maria and for the rest of his men he gave the charge of the Battel to his Serjeant Maiore Carlo Frisone a Bergamas Captain the reereward to Latino Orâ—inâ— and put himselfe in the Van and marcht thus in three squadrons the one a little after the other In this order he drew very near the Fort the land Forces being still backt by the Gallies which coasted along the shore and observed what way they went Then Martiningo having placed Corps de Guards in severall places fell presently to make Trenches having brought good store of Pioners to that purpose from Catarro and began to plant Cannon But these works were mightily disturb'd by frequent shot from within the Town so as being to use more time then was imagined the news of our mens arrivall and of the expugning of Castel-Nuovo was noysed in the neighbouring places whereby many came from severall parts to the reliefe thereof by wayes unknown to our men and chiefly on that part whither Silla Martiningo was sent to guard the Pass the enemy grew so numerous as though Silla was furnisht with more men from his Brother it was clearly seen no such succour could be sent him as was able to make good that Pass which whilst it was open they had great conveniency of bringing Garrisons to raise the siege and free the Fort from danger which when the Captains considered and found that the businesse grew every day worse on their side they began to think they should not be able to get the Town so quickly as they had imagined it being much better furnished with defendants than they thought Wherefore it was resolved to recall the Souldiers which were sent to guard the Passes who could not retreat without some danger and at the same time to reimbark the Artillery and the rest of their men it being then the opinion of all men that whatsoever they should attempt would prove unsuccesfull and not void of danger So as raising the siege Generall Veniero came to Zara and Sciarra with his French Souldiers returned to the custody of Catarro Thus ended this Enterprise not otherwise then was foreseen by many before who thought it a vain design to be able to storm Castel-Nuovo in so short a time with so few men it not being likely that a Fort esteemed very much by the Turks and which they had used so great warlike preparations to get some few years before should in so dangerous a time be left with a small Garrison to the discretion of the Enemy nor yet that being placed in a Country so full of Souldiers the succors would be long a comming which might be brought from the neighbouring parts This success being therefore answerable to the advice made Martiningo lose much reputation who was formerly well esteemed of by many rather for couragious daring than for military wisdome This afforded just occasion to Mehemet Bashaw of upbraiding the weaknesse of our Counsels and forces as he was discoursing with the Venetian Baylo These were the Christians actions which were not answerable to the reputation they had won by so famous a Victory the Fleet lying at Corfu and Messina with all their Souldiers idle spectators of the Enemies insultings at Sea vvanting forces to make any important attempts elsewhere and the worst was that the forces lay not then onely idle but did much lessen vvasting their Victualls and losing many men dayly through sufferings and want of action Wherefore there being no appearance of Don Iohns departure from Messina Generall Foscherini infinitely weary of such delayes was still thinking of severall affairs He propounded to attempt something by himselfe alone he discours'd with such as were skilfull in the Enemies forts and in their inhabitants in those parts nothing troubled his mind which was full of aspiring thoughts and greatly desirous of glory and of maintaining the good opinion which he had won more then quiet But at last tempering his bolder counsells vvith mature wisdome he got the mastery of himselfe He knevv it became him not to attempt any thing vvith small forces left if the Enemies Fleet should advance he must be forced to let it passe and lessen much the reputation of the League to their great prejudice especially to those Christians who were subjects to the Turk and who being incouraged by the happy success at Lepanto were risen but he chiefly shun'd doing any thing which might be displeasing to the Spaniards or which might give them any just excuse of being faulty to the common obligations which he did the rather for that all other acquisitions were held poor all enterprises to no purpose in respect of what might be hopâ—d for by fighting the Enemies Fleet with the whole Colleagues forces which was alwayes the Senates intention greatly indeavouring this union and hoping therein very much Foscherini being much troubled with these difficulties and finding no better remedy for the sore loss of time he thought it expedient to send the Commissary Soranzo who was now return'd from Candia to Messina hoping that this wisdome and dexterity together with this demonstration of honour might work much with Don Iohn and might make him hasten his journey Soranzo parted thus from Corfu vvith 25 Gallies being to make the whole voyage with bad winds so as he could not avoid all inconveniences some of his
took Valentiennes with forrain foot the most vvhereof vvere French And a little before the Duke of Alva had chased and routed a great many both foot and horse of the same Nation which vvent to Garrisonize the Tovvn of Mons. These things as they did much increase the danger of losing those Countries so did they beget great jealousie in the Spaniards that so many French Souldiers were brought into Flanders not onely by permission but by order from the King of France which was the rather believed for that the Duke of Alva giving notice of these passages to the Spanish Court to Rome to Millan had much amplified the business and caused many fears of greater Commotions Wherupon the Governour of Millan the Spanish Embassador at Rome and Cardinall Granville exclaiming very much and appearing to be full of jealousies and fears were the first reason why Don Iohn staid at Messina openly discovering themselves to be so ill satisfied vvith the French and the French growing as jealous of the Spaniards by reason of their speeches and proceedings and fearing lest the Catholick Fleet might turn upon Provence to their prejudice they betook themselves to fortifie Marcelles and increased the Garrisons thereof It was also noysed abroad that the Duke of Alva should have said in publick that he held the War to be alredy begun between the Crovvns of France and Spain at vvhich speeches the King of France being very much troubled he mediated by his Embassadors not onely with the Pope and vvith the Venetians but even vvith the King of Spain himselfe complaining partly That a thing of such importancy should be affirmed by one of his majesties chiefe Ministers of State which as he was very far from thinking of he thought he should finde others to be so too and partly seeking to justifie some of his actions which might seem to have given occasion to these the Duke of Alva's speeches He therefore constantly affirmed that those French with whom the Count Nassaw had taken Valentiennes were all of the Hughenot faction his subjects but as it was well known coâ—â—umacions and rebels to the Crown of France that he had been alwaies much displeased at the commotions of Flanders as one who was sensible of the peoples rebellion in his own Kingdom and whom it became to obviate not to 〈◊〉 by such examples the darings of subjects against their Prince and as one also who did at much desire the exaltation of Christendom as did any one though his particular troubles would not permit him to act therein with others at so opportune a time But though he could not 〈◊〉 therein with his Forces he was far from hindring the good actions of others that he had armed some Vessels not with intention to prejudice any but for the safety of his Seas which were mightily infected by Pyrats neither were those hit armed Vessels so many as could make it be suspected that he either could or would fall upon any enterprises And that these his words might be the better believed he publish'd an Edict upon pain of punishment prohibiting all his subjects to go armed into Flanders and placed guards in all places to hinder them if any contumacious people as he termed them should be so bold as to countervene his orders Nor being herewithal content he began at the same time to do severall things whereby he seemed as if he himselfe would also enter into the League making the Cardinall of Louvain hold many discourses thereupon with the Embassador of the Common-wealth then resident in France wherein he strove to make it be believed that the King of France was well inclined to the Peace and to the good of Christendom and chiefly to the Crown of Spain So as laying at last all other respects aside he would side with the League and proceeding to particular Agreement he propounded severall conditions and chiefly to ratifie friendship and good intelligence between him and the Catholick King by Mariages Though these things came to the Spaniards knowledge yet were they not satisfied therewith but gave out that the French did this to work their ends the more easily by assaulting the King of Spain's Territories in severall parts which were unprovided for them that for certain the Admirall and the King of Navarre did publickly perswade the Christian King to this Rupture whose he would be forced to please for some other particular interests of his own That it was said by all the chiefe of that Court that there could be no quiet in France till the King should resolve to fall upon some important forrain Enterprise wherin the Catholicks Hugenots were to be joyntly imploy'd and that it was clear enough that the French thought this the easiest of all other Enterprises by reason of their conveniency of assaulting Flanders and of straiâ—ning the Spanish Army in point of Victuals as also in respect of the difficulties the King of Spain should meet with in relieving his men That the King of France might make this War upon some appearing pretentions of right which the Crown of France hath to these Countries wherein doubtedly the Queen of England would joyn both with mind and might nor was the League treated of by Monsieur de Momâ—rancy nay concluded as some say with the English to any other end but that being free from all other jealousies they might the better minde the molesting of the Catholick King and therewith assault Flanders That the Queens minde was sufficiently known by her many no friendly actions and especially for that the English did at this time flock over in so great numbers into Holland and Zealand wherein they had already taken some Towns That the ill will of that Queen and of that Kingdom could be no longer concealed now by whom and from whence though with much secrecy and cunning the Kings Rebels had been many wayes assisted and those insurrections nourisht and fomented with several hopes and some sums of Money Moreover that the friendship which the French held with the Turks afforded more just reason for these suspitions it being very likely that the French might be now as much solicited to turn their Forces upon the Catholick King as they had often formerly obtain'd that the Turks Fleet should proceed to the prejudice of the said King nay that it was given out that the more to invite them thereunto the Turks had granted the City of Tunis to the Crown of France upon being preserved by their forces from the Armies of Spain The Pope was much troubled at these things as well for the great Concern of Christendom as in respect of his own credit which seemed not to suffer a little since the conventions of the League were violated by the Fleets suspension and therewith his authority who as Head thereof had a little before established and confirmed it and he was the more scandalized thereat for that many things were in hand which shew'd but little respect towards the Pontificiall Majesty whereof he
great the jealousies of States are and how easily Princes are more subject then other men to every impression of various affections The Catholick King feared that the French would make war upon him and desired peace The Christian King desired to keep fair with the Spaniards but apprehended lest their forces which were prepared against others might be turned upon his Kingdom Both these Princes were busied in other affairs and were therefore better pleased with Agreement and each of them feared the other would break it And yet those vain jealousies which seemed to tend to the quiet and safety of their affairs did in a manner afford occasion of many troubles and of great prejudice But the Catholick King was resolved before the Embassadour Tiepolo came to his Court to send to Don John that laying aside all other respects he should forthwith go with all the gallies that he had with him and joyne with those of the Venetians and when the Fleets should be met that he should immediately passe on to the Levant being hereunto moved either that he might the better know the King of France his minde towards him or that he did fear his forces the lesse after the recovery of Valentiannes and other prosperous successes which ensued in Flanders or that he better understood the inconvenience and prejudice which upon other occasions might arise to his affairs it having made much for the reputation of the French amongst the Turks by his seeming to be so concerned in all they did as that he was thereby enforc'd to abandon his other enterprises or else for that as a just and wise Prince he thought it did in no way become him to abandon the Articles of the League But were it one or more of these reasons that moved him thereunto it was then said for certain that this resolution arose from his own meer will for he had dispatched this order away to Don Iohn before he communicated it to his Counsellors fearing lest they might have propounded somewhat which might have diverted him from doing so as had formerly hapned But when Antonio Tiepolo was come to that Court being now no more to speak of the jealousies of France nor of the joyning of the Fleets he according to his Commission desired the King onely That since the best season for actions at sea was now well nigh over he would give Don John leave in case the occasion of affairs should so require it to winter abroad in the Levant shewing that great advantage might be made thereby for their Islands would by this means be eased of the burthen which was now become grievous and insupportable of having so long nourished so great a Fleet which burthen would be laid upon the enemies countries from whence they might easily be furnished with abundance of victualls Moreover they would the sooner and more easily prosecute any thing which they should either have begâ—n or should intend to do The courage also of those which were risen would thereby be augmented and others would be invited to do the like the enemy would be driven to within the straits of Constantinople and they would be hindred from comming forth early to prejudice Christians as they had done the preceding years and in fine the League would thereby get great reputation in all things and the enemy dishonour But he concealed somewhat from the King which moved the Venetians as much as any other reason to desire this which was that by this the Spaniards would be made forgo their so highly vallued interests in the African enterprises and by laying aside those thoughts would be brought to minde the common affairs in the Levant the more But all this did no good for the King alledging many reasons to the contrary would not give way thereunto following therein either his own inclination which was not to hasard too much to fortune or else the perswasion of those who liked not the League But howsoever this advice was not much liked it being thought that thereby occasion for great good successes if they should be favoured by fortune would be taken away and that Don Iohn ought not to have been limited in his Commissions granted him as Generall of the associate Princes which were that he should endeavour to do whatsoever might make for the advantage of the League which was questionlesly known would be very great by wintring in the enemies Countries in the Levant Don Iohn had been perswaded formerly to this very thing wherein the Pope likewise interposed his authority But he not being willing to determinate it of himself had referred the consideration thereof to Spain which was an evident signe that his common Orders were limited and restrained by particular Commission Whilst Christian Princes were thus imployed whilst the League proâ—â—eded very slowly the Turkish Fleet was already very numerous powerful at sea for Uluzzali who was declared General at sea had with great diligence rig'd up 100 gallies besides those former which as hath been said were gone under the command of Carozzali wherewith he likewise parted from the straits of Galipoli And when the whole Fleet was met he made forward with intention to pillage the Island of Candia and to do other prejudice to the parts belonging to the Venetians according as he should hear newes of the Christian Fleets proceedings At which time certain word being come to Venice of the suspension of the Spanish Fleet great sorrow was seen in all men their wonder encreasing together with their sorrow that the Spaniards who seemed at first to desire the League should when it was concluded so many difficulties were overcome nay when they saw their hopes were great deptive themselves of the present and assured advantage which they might have by the League for fear of dangers which were uncertain and far off and that they should give occasion of dissolving it when they ought to have confirmed it and establish it with more forces and confidence So as seeing they could not penetrate into their secret designes nor thinking it fit to ground any thing upon such helps the Senate resolved to order Generall Foscherini that waiting no longer for the joyning of the Fleets he should as soon as Commissary Soranzo should be returned from Corfu advance with their own forces for the consolation and safety of their subjects and affairs and that proceeding with caution and circumspection he should do as he should see occasion for Gods glory and the good of the Common-wealth Therefore when Foscheriâ—i had received this order being impatient of lying so long idle as soon as Colonna and Commissary Soranzo were come to Corfu he began without any further delay to endeavour the Fleets departure towards the Levant that they might approach the enemy Wherein finding all men willing a Councell was called wherein to boot with the three Generalls Pâ—mpeo Colonna Lieutenant to Mark Antonio and Commissary Sorâ—nzo did intervene Mark Antonio with much freedom and affection declared himself to be
Veniero finding himselfe indisposed by reason of his great Age and much labour having got leave from the Senate return'd to his Country with much glory being met by many of the Senators in the Butcentauro and received very honourably by the Nobility and People The affairs in Dalmatia were not at this time altogether quiet for though there were no setled Armies there yet the neighbouring Saniacki over-ran and pillaged the Country with their Turkish Horse much to the prejudice of the Venetian subjects to hinder which the Stradiotti went often forth on Horseback and the foot Garrisons so as they had continuall skirmishes but without any notable effects on either side For both the Venetians and Turks proceeded but slowly therein both of them thinking that it made not much for them to use powerful forces in Dalmatia The Turks feared that to send a strong Army into that Province to attempt any great enterprise might make the Emperour more jealous of their forces whereby he might the more easily imbrace the offers made him by the Colleagues and make War with them in Hungary and the Venetians whose designs lay altogether in the Levant where all their forces were imploy'd did forbear busying themselves in other enterprises for that they thought that whatsoever of importance might be then attempted either in Dalmatia or in Albania was to depend upon the success of the Fleet as also the fortune of the whole War They knew also that they were not likely to do any good with but small forces the enemy being very strong in that Country by reason of their usuall Garrisons and that they were apt to assemble together great numbers of men Whence it was that having gotten the Town of Macarsca by the advice of Luigi Grimani and of Iulio de Pompei which was a place of some consideration and formerly much frequented by Merchants being both fortified and garrisonized they were notwithstanding quickly forced to abandon it our men being much inferiour in numbers to the Enemy The like befell them at the Fort of Clissa which being gotten by our men by intelligence held with them within they kept it but for a very short time for the Souldiers of the Garrison hearing that the Turks were comming to assault it with great forces were so terrified at the very news thereof as they fled all for safety to Sebeâ—ico before the Enemy were come The Turks let slip no occasion whereby they might prejudice the Venetians wherefore not having at this time sufficienâ— forces assembled to storm their Towns they plotted otherwise against them particularly against the Town of Catarro which they designed to take by siege there being no way left to victuall it by land Therefore to block up all access also by Sea they had gone about severall times to build a Fort in the mouth of the Channel wherein that City was placed but they were alwaies disturbed therein by our men But the Saniacco del Ducaâ—o being at last come thither with a great many of men he perfected it and built a Fort upon the point of Vorbagno about three miles distant from Castel-Nâ—ovo where the Channel is not above forty paces over Whereof when the Senate heard they had reason to think that the City of Catarro was in great danger wherefore they sent particular orders to General Foscerini that he should send to destroy that work So Commissary Soranzo having no other occasion of imployment at that time it being in the midst of winter wenâ— with 22 gallies and 6 galliasses to the mouth of the Channel of Cattaro He had with him Paolo Orsino Pompeio Colonna Morettâ— Calauresâ— and other Commanders who conducted 4000 Foot to this Enterprise And as they were on the way Nicolo Suriano Captain of the Gulph came in unto them with 4 gallies being all of them come to Gianizza they landed many men part whereof went with Pompeio Colonna to possess themselves of a neighbouring hill to keep the Souldiers of Caâ—â—el-Nâ—â—vo from succouring those of the Fort and part went with Nicolo da Gambara â—o a place not far off whither Zacharia Salamone who had been formerly adverstised with the whole design was to come at the same time from Catarro with some souldiers of that Garrison and with some other people that were raised in the Country of Zaâ—câ—eria Then Zoranzo entred the Channel with 18 of his best Gallies and going formost himselfe he pasâ— beyond the Fort from which though many shot were made yet did not the Fleet receive any harme but passing on safely he put himselfe into a fit place where he might batter both by Sea and Land The Fort was made of great Oaks very artificially fastned and chained together so as they made a double rank and incompassed a great Plat-form upon which some Parapets were raised for the safeguard of the Defendants The whole Fort was 150 paces in compasse the shape thereof quadrangular without any flanks but so placed as one of the Fronts played upon the Gallies as they entered the Channell and the other when they were past on It was well furnished with Artillery and had 200 souldiers to defend it Wherefore our men resolved to batter it both by sea and land at one and the same time to the end that the defendants being busied in severall places and confused through fear might abandon it the sooner The next morning after their first arrival they began to batter apace both by sea and land and soon after our souldiers came with ladders to assault it After a short defence the enemy was forced to yield leaving the way open for the assailants to enter and to make themselves masters of the Fort. There were many small guns found therein and eighteen great ones which the Commissary sent to Venice and blew up the Fort. This businesse being speedily and prosperously performed and â—â—â—ufficient garrison put into Cattaro they returned to Corfu with their gallies and with the rest of their men where the Fleet still lay During the winter season many things were treated of in Rome about provisions of war for the next summer They knew that dangers were much encreased the enemy having had so much time given him to repair himself for the losses he had suffered in the battle and to gather together greater forces Wherefore they resolved to increase the forces of the League also to the number of 300 gallies and 60000 Foot It was likewise propounded to send 100 gallies very early into the Levant not expecting the union of the whole Fleet which would require more time that the enemy might be prevented who as it was said would put to sea very betimes to hinder the relieving of Candia to pillage the Venetian shoars and to infuse fear into all Yet they came not to any setled resolution of obviating these dangers either for that they did not value them so much as they ought to have done or as some said fearing that when their forces should be divided and part of
Mamalucchi have now fallen if that had stood These two joyn'd together did so counterpoise the Turkish Forces as their safety would have freed now the Kingdom of Hungary and the rest of Christendom from danger He who shall well consider the progress of the ancient Monarchs will find that their chiefest difficulty lay in getting to such a pitch of power and force as no one Potentate could of himself alone give a just counterpoise to their power Other acquisitions have been the sooner and more easily made by reason of the almost insuperable difficulties which have been still met withal in getting many Princes joyn in the destruction of one alone The Romans spent many years in conquering Italy but being by the Conquest thereof made stronger then the rest they in a few years vanquish'd so many Princes as they subjugated the greatest and farthest distant Provinces It is therefore evident that the longer Christians defer to oppose the Turks they make the danger the greater and the remedy more difficult I will not say that to take upon them the defence of Hungary is a glorious thing for Christian Princes to do not that it is a duty which they owe to their Religion to their profession not that it makes for every one of their Interests but I will more truly say it is necessary for the preservation of their States This Kingdom being lost which hath for so many years withstood the violence of the Turkish Forces on this side and retarded the course of their Victories what remains to keep them from over-running Austria from disturbing all Germany and from entring into the Confines of this your State This very Kingdom which hath hitherto been the great Bulwark to hinder their advancing if this be lost which God forbid it will be of great opportunity for them to the subjugating of other Nations and to the ruinating of other Kingdomes But this being defended as it is necessary it should be so is it neither impossible nor yet very hard to withstand their farther progress if Princes do not rather want will then Forces The Hungarian Nation by ancient custom and almost by nature haâ—h always been warlike our Princes and our people have won great and particular praise and honour in War nor hath my now King and Master nor his Subjects degenerated nor are they to degenerate any whit from the Worth of their Ancestors They have minds and for as much as is possible for men to have Forces ready to defend themselves But alas how can one only Kingdom not very great not very rich find men monies munition and so many other requisites for War to withstand the numerous Turkish Armies gather'd together out of so many Provinces Marry if it be assisted and succour'd by other Princes the Kingdom of Hungaries Forces will not only be so increased but even the Honour and Courage thereof as we no ways doubt to frustrate all the Enemies designs made against us nor will we refuse if occasion shall be offer'd to give him Battle in a pitcht field so to secure by our own dangers if God shall please to favour as we are to hope he will our pious and generous boldness not only of our own Country but all the Kingdomes and Provinces of Christendom for many years But I find I have transgress'd my bounds by my too long speaking I speak of things that are well known and to those that understand them better then I do The sum of all is this Our Kingdom is one of the out-walls of Christendom against the fury of the Turkish Forces Common safety and common defence ought to be provided for by common Forces and Counsels Your wisdom and piety makes you foresee and consider dangers and your power and authority endows you with means to give a speedy and opportune remedy thereunto The Embassadour was very attentively listned unto whose speech made the greater impression in all that heard him because they were all very well minded to the business it was therefore resolved that endeavours should be made with all the Princes of Christendom by means of the Commonwealths Embassadors to make them all joyn with common consent and force to assist the Kingdom of Hungary and to provide against such great dangers to the which they readily offered their best assistance and the power of the whole Common-wealth But these Treaties wrought no better effect then they had formerly done so as the danger growing daylie greater and King Lodowick thinking himself necessitated to fight the Turks for the freeing of Belgrado a strong and important City and the Frontire Town of that Kingdom from the fury of the Turks before which the Turkish Army was already incamped he sent Iovan Statilio his Embassador again to Venice to borrow some monies of the Senate by which he might increase his Forces and put himself with better hopes upon the fortune of Battel The Commonwealth had formerly many times furnished the King of Hungary with monies to assist him against the Turks and they thought themselves now more obliged to abbet that Kingdom out of the particular strait conjunction which they held with King Lewis and for that by reason of the greatness of the Ottoman house those respects were grown more considerable for which he had endeavoured the preservation and prosperity of that warlike Kingdom The Senate therefore resolved to send thirty thousand Ducats to King Lodowick together with greater promises and offers and not concealing the friendship which they held with him they ordered Lorenzo Orio who was their Embassadour in Hungary to follow his Camp Bet the King's forces had ill success Belgrado was lost nor were the other Cities of the Kingdom free from fear of the Turkish forces for Soliman left his Artillery and part of his Militia in Hungary intending to return thither as he told the Venetians by one of his Chiaus whom he sent to Venice to acquaint them with this his victory and subdue that Kingdom At this time to the great grief of the whole City Duke Loredano died who had governed the Commonwealth very prudently for the space of twenty years and who incouraging others by his invincible spirit had overcome the malice of Fortune and reduced the City to a peaceable and quiet condition He was of a great wit and natural insight into Affairs and of much experience in the world having spent his youth in continual Navigations and his riper years in managing the most important Affairs of the Common-wealth exercâ—sing the chiefest places of Magistracy both within the Common-wealth and abroad He dyed being almost 90 years old having even till then had vivacity in his Intellectuals though his body was subject to divers infirmities His Encomium was made by Andrea Navaghiero and he was buried with great pomp in St Iohn and St Pauls Church Antonio Grimani was chosen to succeed him a man famous for his wealth and for the honours he had attain'd to in the Common-wealth and one who had often times
tryed both prosperous and adverse fortune and who was lately return'd to his Country after having been many years banish'd for that being General at Sea he had not made good use of occasion in fighting and in overcoming the Turkish Fleet at Lepanto Grimani took upon him the place of Duke the Common-wealth being as you have heard by what is past in Peace and Tranquillity But such seeds of discords and war between Princes were already sown as it was to be feared they might bring forth new troubles in the Common-wealth and perhaps necessitate her to take up Arms again for Cesar who was already gone to Aquisgrane in Germany where he took upon him the first Crown of the Empire had still a great desire to come into Italy wherefore he had often times sollicicited the Venetian Senate to joyn with him thinking that the Friendship and Forces of the Common-wealth would be of great importance for his designs Therefore amongst other things he promised to invest them fully with all those Towns and Territories which he then possess'd and unto which the Empire laid any claim or pretence which the Venetians who knew that by just title and right they had long belonged to them did little value and therefore this was of no greater force then his other promises to make them alter their first intentions Wherefore they delay'd sending to congratulate with him according to custom for his acquired Dignity and having chosen Francisco Contarini for their Leiger Embassadour in the place of Gaspero Contarini who had stay'd at that Court the usual prefix'd time lest they might give any the least suspition to the French of their joyning with Cesar in any undertaking they retarded his expedition Wherefore Cesar dispairing to make the Venetians forego their friendship with the French he took a new resolution which was to send Monsiâ—ur Philiberto Embassadour to the Court of France with a resolute intention as he would have it believed either to agree with the King of France touching the Affairs of Italy excluding the Venetians or else that they being jealous thereof might at last be moved to joyn with him so to shun the greater evils which they had a little before had tryal of by the joyning of those two Crowns against the Common wealth And that he might leave nothing unattempted he by his Embassadour who was then resident in England complained grievously to the King thereof whose Authority was then so great as he was made Arbitrator and Moderator of all the important businesses which past amongst the Princes accusing the Venetians for that not having observed what they had promised in the Agreement made with Maximillian they had refused peace when he had offered it them But the Princes did the less believe these things for that Cesar at that same time that he seemed so much to desire peace was known to prepare for war Therefore King Francis acquainting with great sincerity the Venetians with this whole Treaty would not listen to Cesars Proposals but growing rather every day more and more desirous either to fall foul upon Cesars Territories or else to defend his own Dominions from being assaulted by him he applied himself to confirm his friends thereby to increase his power and reputation he therefore spoke with the King of England at Ardes a Town in Picardie to confirm the peace made between them but a little before and having a daughter born unto him he desired the Senate that she might be held at the Font by their Embassador and proceeded very civilly in all things with the Commonwealth But for all this the League which had been long treated of at Rome was not yet concluded but the Articles being drawn up by common consent and the Venetians having sent sufficient Commissions to their Embassadour then resident at Rome to ratifie them the Conclusion was defer'd by reason of new difficulties which arose For the King of France who was at first content that the League should aim onely at the peace and safety of Italy to the which the other Italian Prince being invited there was place reserved for such as would Confederate to the end that they might join in the Common cause made now new proposals which aimed at other ends moved thereunto either out of new desires or out of some new occasion seeing Cesar busied about many weighty affairs for there were many Commotions in many of the chiefest Cities of Spain which in a tumultuous manner sought to withdraw themselves from Charles his Government and constituting a popular Government to injoy Liberty as many Towns in Germany doe Besides many of the Princes and people of Germany shewed themselves to be but badly satisfied with the new Emperour for divers of his actions especially for Luther's being banished by Imperial Proclamation at the Dyet at Wormes so that he had reason enough to be troubled Wherefore the King of France thinking that those dangers were sufficiently secured which had first made him endeavour the League being little satisfied therewith as humane mindes especially those of Princes disquieted with new longings are easie to give way to new desires he more fervently coveted greater matters thinking that he had now a fitting opportunity offered him to oppose Cesar's greatness which did already grow too immoderate and particularly to drive him out of his Territories in Italy wherefore he made his forces move towards Navarre to assist the King and repossessed him of his ancient States which were formerly taken from him by King Ferdinando and did little less then discover his intentions openly in the Treaty of League with the Pope and Venetians The Pope moved by these or by some more hidden reasons he likewise being full of new cogitations began to propound new Articles in the conventions of the League desiring that it might be specified that all the Colleagues should be bound to assist him in punishing the Churches contumatious Subjects whereby it clearly appeared that his ancient desire of driving Duke Alfonso d'Este out of the Dominions of Ferara was risen up in him again which was nothing else but to kindle a great combustion in Italy for the less able the Duke knew himself to be to resist the power of the Colleagues by reason of his small forces and the little love his Subjects bore him the more he should be inforc'd to have recourse to Forraign aid for his defence and to leave no stone unturned The Venetians knowing that whereas they desired to procure quiet and safety both to themselves and to all Italy the way would by these new Obligations be opened to new troubles and to greater dangers they began likewise to proceed more slowly in concluding the Agreement For they maturely considered that it made not for their good wholly to break the Truce for five years confirmed by Cesar and to anger the King of England who they knew would not be pleased with the new Confederacy he having done many friendly offices to the Emperour Whilst the business
one of which went for two Gallies and that this made very much for the enterprize for these might keep and live at Sea in the Winter and might counterpoise those kind of Vessels whereof the Imperial Fleet consisted they excused themselves likewise by the necessity they were in to keep many men of War at Sea to secure the Navigation of their Gallies of Traffique from so many Pyrats with whom the Seas were fester'd and yet that they might not be wanting to the prosperous success of the undertaking they promised the King if as the commanders advised more men were to be raised they would contribute readily to that expence which was thought to be very useful nay requisite every one believing for certain that when the Imperial Army should part from Rome it would go for Naples But above all things it was thought to be of very great concernment to draw the Pope into their confederacy which they had the better hopes to do for that he in his giving an account to the King of France and to the Venetians of his agreement made with the Emperour did very much excuse himself as of a thing done out of great necessity confessing himself to be very much obliged to the Princes of the League and that he had been severely treated with in all things by the Imperialists Wherefore the Venetians after he was out of the Castle and was come to Orvietto sent Commissary Luigi Pisani presently thither who was in the common name to condole with him for his past sufferings to testifie how greatly displeased they were at it and how endeavour some and diligent they had been to procure his Liberty and how great their joy was to see their desire effected That the Commonwealth had willingly employd their forces therein and had been at the expence of maintaining so great an Army at a time when they were enforced to keep another Army on foot in Lombardy nor had they refused to undergo any whatsoever danger for the preservation of the dignity of the Apostolique See and for the particular conveniency and safety of the Popes person and that they did still continue in the same readines and in a great desire to revenge the so hainous injuries done unto him and to the dignity he represented and not to suffer that the Majesty of Popedom and the Ecclesiastical State should for the future be exposed to such danger and indignity as they saw by experience might easily happen when the Imperialists had Territories and powerful Forces in Italy that it became his great wisdom to foresee and to provide against so great dangers and to endeavour by all means possible to keep himself and his successours from falling into such eminent evils and not to suffer that the time of his Popedome should be contaminated with the perpetual memory of misery and calamity That the King of France the King of England the Florentines and the Duke of Milan were in this of the same opinion with the Venetian Senate That a great desire might be seen in them all not to suffer so great an insolency pass unpunished That these wicked ones had provoked the anger of man and God against them That it was not to be doubted but that justice and innocency would at last prevail and that he should gloriously be restored to more then his former greatness That therefore all the Confederates did desire and expect with assured hope that his Holiness assisting their pious intention by his authority would as the head thereof confirm their confederacy and ratifie once more the things wherein he did formerly joyn with them for that That first agreement ought to be prefer'd before this last since the first was made by him as Pope and willingly and that he had consented to the last being compell'd thereunto as a prisoner desirous of Liberty The King of France made the like Intercession having sent Monsieur de Longeveille to Rome to witness unto the Pope his constant will to compell the Emperour Charles by force of Arms to grant those things which they had propounded unto themselves as the end of their Confederacy These addresses were graciously listened unto by the Pope who returned many thanks unto the King and to the Senate seeming to wish much good to these Princes but being notwithstanding very irresolute and doubtfull or as he said considering his office and the condition of the times and troubles he inclined to neutrallity and would not so soon commit himself again to the uncertain events of war suffering himself peradventure to be prevailed with by Cesar's speeches who had written very civilly with his own hand seeming willing to adhere to his counsels and to put the Treaty of Peace into his hand Or it may be more likely that beginning then to think upon those things which were afterwards discovered being overcome with an ardent desire to revenge the injuries done to himself and the house of Medici he had forgotten all other offences that he might the better resent those but he endeavoured by various excuses and delayes to conceal it For should he have discovered it he might have caused such mistrust in Lautrech as he might likely enough have altered his resolution of advancing to assault the Kingdome of Naples which appeared to be onely means of drawing the souldiers out of Rome But this his will not being yet revealed Lautrech who expected assistance and favour from him did with more fervency pursue the design against Naples Therefore after having tarried long at Bullognia whither he was come after the agreement made with the Pope and the Switzers Dutch and Gascone Foot which he expected to reinforce his Army being come unto him he resolved though it were in the midst of winter to march with all his men towards Naples not being to be disswaded by the many intercedings of the Venetians who for the security of their own affairs for the new stirrings of the Dutch Foot and for the service of the Florentines and Duke of Milan's Confederates desired that the Army might not be carried into parts so far off as it might not be ready upon any occasion to assist all the rest but Lautrech being constant to his resolution went by the way of Remaga and La Marca thinking it better for the conveniency of Victuals and intending to pass by the way of Tronto into the Kingdome of Naples whether the Venetian Forces were sent before being divided into two parts the one of which was led on by Valerio Orsino and Commissary Pâ—sant and Camillo Orsino and Pietro Pesaro followed with the other and in their march they took Civitella Sulmena and many other Towns of l' Abruzze which yielded of their own good will There were in the Venetian Army some Troups of Albanesi Horse to the number of 500 who were commanded by Andrea Ciurano a noble Venetian who amongst the rest won great praise in all actions were very serviceable to our Army and as much the contrary to our enemy
and a terrour to all the country When all the souldiers were assembled and the whole Army mustered near the Town San Termo it was found to consist of about thirty Thousand Foot of a good number of Horse and of all other things requisite for whatsoever enterprise Therefore the Prince of Orange and the Marquis Guasto much troubled at the danger which they saw their affairs were in in the Kingdome of Naples did at last though not without much adoe draw all their men out of Rome which was much furthered by twenty Thousand Duckets which the Pope gave to the Imperial Commanders though under some other pretence whereby they were inabled to give some pay to the Dutch Foot who were more unwilling then the rest to depart But the whole Army was not above fourteen Thousand Foot their numbers being much lessened by the Plague that was in Rome and by the going away of many souldiers loaded with prey So as the Pope being partly free of that oppression which made him proceed with some more reservedness towards the Confederates began to treat more freely with them and to discover part of his thoughts He sent the Archbishop Sepontino to Venice to demand the immediate delivery up unto him of the Cities of Cervia and Ravenna and the Bishop of Pistoia to France to the King whom he had held in hand till then with hopes of renewing the League to excuse himself for not being able to satisfie his desire in declaring himself not being able by reason of his weakness to think of any thing but Peace to which purpose he sent the same Bishop as his Nuntio into Spain to treat thereof with Cesar in which message he mingled some complaints against the Venetians for having taken and still detained some Towns belonging to the Church The Venetian Senate were very much troubled at this the Pope's request not so much for the thing it self as that they knew being made at such a time and after so importunate a manner it shewed clearly that the Pope sought an occasion to alienate himself wholly from them for it stood not with reason that while all things were in such disorder and that many of the Ecclesiastick Towns were yet in the Imperialists hand they should rashly quit those Towns Yet some were so fully resolved not to loose the Pope upon any whatsoever conditions as they maintained that howsoever the Pope was to be gratified and for the rest to rely upon his word hoping that he would never abandone the Commonwealths Interest This business being discuss'd in the Senate Dominico Trevisano a man of great authority as well for the dignity of being one of St. Mark 's Procurators as for his long experience spoke as is said to this effect Our proceedings in these last wars have hetherto been such as if we do not go astray and do not contaminate the sincerity and generosity which hath accompanied them they will remain of perpetual glorious memory to posterity For we have wisely constantly and religioussy defended and maintained the Liberty of Italy and the Grandezza and reputation of the Church of Rome not abandoning our own interests nor having done any thing in respect thereof which was not just and laudable We are desired by the Pope to deliver up unto him the cities of Cervia and Ravenna whereinto we put our men at such time as he was in greatest danger and trouble that the Imperialists might not possess themselves thereof to which purpose we put our Garrisons into them to preserve them from the common enemy Whether to give the Pope satisfaction herein be just advantagious for the State and for our affairs and suting with the present condition of the times or no may easily be discerned by any one who delights not in deceiving himself and who will measure the present result with reason not with passion I will not inlarge my self now upon the right and pretentions wee have to these Cities I believe they be true and good But I will say we must consider things in the condition they are in not in that they ought to be Therefore it will be sufficient to say that when we sent our men and our Commanders into these Cities they were in the Churches possession and they were guarded and defended by us with an intention of preserving them not of possessing them It will therefore agree very well with that untainted fidelity wherewith this Commonwealth hath alwayes proceeded to restore that which we would take it is true thinking it belonged to another though it were or ought to have been ours But set this respect aside though it be of no small esteem in so religious and so well instituted a Common-wealth as this of ours let us consider I beseech you whether it be a usefull advice or no whether it be a resolution well squared out to these times to detain these cities now any longer The war is hotter then ever and the event thereof very doubtfull wherein if to the misfortune of the Italians the Imperialists prevail who know's not in how many dangers and troubles we must be continually having many potent enemies at hand and but few friends Therefore all our thoughts all our endeavours should now aim at our confirming the forces of the League by driving the Emperours forces out of Italy at the establishing Francisco Sforza in the Dukedome of Milan at giving a particular King to the Neapolitans upon which things the true safety and establishment of our State on terra ferma doth depend which hath been so long floating and is still exposed to great danger And what is of more moment to attain unto these advantagious ends then the Popes favour what can be more prejudicial then to have him against us Why do you think it is that Cesar doth with such earnestness and such humanity endeavour his friendship unless it be that he finds clearly it is his surest foundation for greatness in Italy And shall we be aiding and assisting to this desire of our Enemies whereas we ought to labour all that we can to break their designs And yet it is most certain that if we adde this ill satisfaction to the inclination which the Pope begins to have to Cesars proceedings we shall make him to fall upon some prejudicial Agreement unto the League and particularly prejudicial unto our Commonwealth which is most concern'd therein When on the contrary by gratifying the Pope in this his desire we may hope nay rather be assured to sever him from the Emperour and win him to side with us And say this succeed not we shall assuredly setâ—ce him in that neutrality wherein he acquainted us he would continue unless he were compell'd to the contrary by some urgent necessity We ought to endeavour that he be thrust upon this necessity by some bad behaviour of the Imperialists as it may very well fall out he may be but shun by all means giving him occasion to do so which will redound to our prejudice
Nicossia 10000 foot for her defence whereof 1500 were Italians and all the rest Inhabitants of the Island to wit 3000 of the common sort 2500 of the City 2000 newly listed into the Militia taken out of the Country houses and paid partly out of the Exchequer partly out of private mens Purses and 1000 Nicossian Gentlemen These were almost all new men unexperienced and not over-well armed in so much as many wanting Pikes and Muskets were forced to use â—ills and Halberts But the City was very well provided of Artillery nor were there wanting such as knew how to manage them They had likewise great store of Pioners to make use of upon any occasion for to boot with 400 â—â—sted under Iovan Sossomeno they had taken in above 4000 more 〈◊〉 such imployments Yet amidst so many men and so much ground the Commanders not agreeing in the manner how to ordeâ— their in works this so necessary provision was left unperfect By these disorders these Forces were weakned which were certainly too few to resist so puissant an Army of the Enemies wherein on the contrary great observancy and reverence was giâ—â—h to the Commanders and all military actions being severely ordered were with strange readinesse observed Mustafa's authority who was a bold and warlike personage as also his reputation by the same which he had won by fighting in Selino's Army before he was Emperour against his brother Achomet the unhoped for victory which was then gotten being attributed to his forward valour The Souldiers who were accustomed to the duties of War to labour and hardships grew much more hardy by the opinion they had of their Captains worth and by the hopes of great reward which was promised them upon getting the victory There were as hath been said a great number of men in the Army the chiefe foundation whereof consisted in 6000 Iaâ—isarus and 4000 Spacchi these are Souldiers who are kept in continuall pay to serve on Horse-back and upon occasion do serve with others on foot valiant mentâ— and brought up in War Therefore the more humane foresight had been wanting to provide against such Forces the more did they apply themselves to beg assistance from God Solemn processions were daily made throughout the City which were done the more frequently and with the more devotion by the example and exhortation of Francisco Contarini Bishop of Baffo in whom Episcopall dignity became more honourable and reuerend by the ancient Nobility and by the riches of his family and by his own goodnesse and worth He being the prime ecclesiastick person for Philippo Mocenico Arch-Bishop of Nicossia was then at Venice was not wanting in performing such duties to those people which they could have expected from their own Pastour The chief of the City being one day assembled in the Church of Santa Sophia where were also many men of all conditions he spoke thus unto them If I shall look upon the greatnesse of the present dangers I cannot but much apprehend the common safety and as doubting the issue and with a submisse minde yield to adverse fortune And if on the other side I think upon your worth magnanimity fortitude and constancy I finde a certain warmth arise within me which encourageth me to hope for better things But if I raise my self from these more lowly cogitations to the consideration of divine providence and goodnesse my first fear is not onely allayed but is changed into an assured hope For when I observe the truth better I know that hard and difficult things become easye to such as are valiant and even impossibilities to faithfull Christians are made facile Therefore if you be not wanting in your antient and known worth and if you continue constant and stedfast in that faith which together with your own safeties you have undertaken to defend I am assured you wil find these troubles at the last not ordained for your ruine but for your praise and eternall glory We know by infinite examples of all ages how many sieges have been withstood and rendred vain by a few though the besiegers wâ—re very numerous Constant worth and a noble resolution of undaunted mind being sufficient to stave off greatest dangers But as for such whom God hath taken into his particular custody no powers of man hath been able to prejudice them nay Natures self the very Heavens and Elements have been subservient to them The waters stood still and made a safe passage to the Iewes through the midst of the sea the most scorched grounds afforded them fountains of clear water to refresh them withall and the Heavens gave them Manna a miraculous food to nourish them We are to hope for these or the like assistances from the hand of God for Selino Ottaman is a no lesse wicked and cruell persecutor of the faithfull then was that antient Pharaoh Nor are we Christians who are bought with the blood of his Son lesse dear to God or lesse beloved by him then any others have formerly been of which future miracle we have an evident late example which may perswade us to believe we shall share of Do you not know in what condition the Island of Malta was this time five year begirt by so long and so sore a siege oppugned by so many souldiers defended by so few void of all hopes of help and in all sorts of want and necessities Yet the defendants no whit lessening their valour nor loyalty for whatsoever adverse fortune the Barbarians power was rendred vain and uselesse and they were laught at for their over-daring attempt And that the power of divine providence might the more appear the Fort when reduced to the last extremity was freed from the siege by the enemy before it was relieved by friends You are to imitate these stout and valiant men by exposing your selves willingly to all the labours and dangers of war nay you must exceed them for those Knights being forrainers of severall Nations fought for religion and glory you do not onely defend these but also your wives children and estates so as all things both human and divine invite you to shew invincible valour and that the more readily and boldly as that you being free men and generous are to fight against slaves base and unarmed people wont to overcome more by their numbers then their valour Which advantage they at the present want this City being defended by strong walls and by so many great guns as this alone will be sufficient to repulse the enemy who if they shall dare to assault us you are sure of the victory if you can but withstand their first brunt For it cannot be long ere the succour come which you have heard our common-wealth is sending us with a powerfull Fleet which will never refuse to expose all her forces readily for the preservation of this Kingdom which she esteems as a noble member of her State and loves so well These humane provisions being of themselves sufficient to deliver us will through your
being so closely pursued by our men as comming very near the Town of Modone they made many shot even to within the walles But the Gallies which fought the Spanish ship having got the start much and meeting every where with friendly acception escaped all of them except one that was commanded by the St. Iacco of Metiline Nephew to the famous Ariadeno Barbarossa which being the last that tarryed to fight the ship and for that the slaves hoping to get liberty slackned their rowing was taken by the Marquiss of Santa Croce These actions continued so long till the night came on which bereft our men of making any other attempts against the Enemy Wherefore Don Iohn gave order that the whole Fleet should return to the Haven of Navarino being unwilling to abandon the Engine of 4 gallies which might afford occasion to the Enemy to turn his departure flight if he should leave his Instrument of war behind him But the great ships being also out of the Haven and a favourable winde blowing a little at the South-east he ordered the ships to go presently towards Zante and he the next morning went with the whole Fleet the same way being so desirous to return speedily as steering his course through the Channel of Viscardo contrary to the opinion of his most skilfull Marriners who advised him to go to Cefalonia the Fleet run a great hazard about the gulf of Lartâ— and one of the Popes gallies was split against the shelves of Paru Uluzzali when the Leagues Fleet was gone being free from fear of meeting any impediment in his voyage went with all his gallies carelesly without any order to Câ—pe Malio where by reason of a contrary North-winde he staid some dayes but afterwards the winde turning fair he came with 100 gallies to Constantinople and was received with much joy and honour the Turks holding themselves absolutely to be conquerors because they had defended Morea and all their other Dominions having offered battel severall times as they said to the Christians and at last chas'd them from their Territories and made the Sea safe and open But the same difficulties and desires continued still in the Christian Fleet which came on the 20 of Octob. to Corfu though their forces were increased by the Duke of Sesse's comming to them with 13 gallies and Iohn Andrea Doria with some ships laden with Corn. Severall undertakings were daily propounded in Councill but none approv'd of The Enterprise of Santa Maura was chiefly had in consideration whereunto Don Iohn seemed to be well inclined yet it was hindred by the Duke of Sesse who being of a contrary opinion did absolutely oppose it affirming it was not time now to beleaguer Forts without Tents nor to cross the Sea with numerous Vessels and in an Enemies Country All designs being therefore laid aside the Spaniards resolved to turn West-ward the Leagues Fleet having been but 50 dayes together Don Iohn went first to Messina where leaving part of his gallies he returned to Naples with the rest and dismissing the Italian foot he sent the Spanish and Dutch foot to their Garrisons But Colonna by Commission from the Pope went to the Court of Spain to give the King an account of what had been done and to treat how the War was to be carryed on the next year and what provisions would be requisite thereunto Colonna was very glad of this occasion that he might satisfie the King of some doubts which he feared might have some impression in him by the relation of those who envying his glory and seeking out some occasion to blame his actions and of putting the King in an ill opinion of him had accused him for having gone into the Levant before Don Iohns arrival though it was very clear that those things could not be done which were ordered by Don Iohns selfe without the Fleets departure from Corfu Colonna having dispatcht the publick business and justified himselfe very well went from the Court and returned to his imployment with increase of honour and merit The Spanish Gallies and those of the Church being gone onely the Venetians remained and they almost idle at Corfu where they lay armed all the Winter that they might go out to prejudice the enemy very early the next spring These were the successes of the year 1572. wherein Christendom had good hope to repair her selfe in part for the so many mischiefs she had received from the Turks and to recover her pristine dignity since the so famous victory which God had miraculously granted her seemed to have made way for other noble Achievements and that they might have so quel'd the forces of the Ottaman Empire as that the Christian Princes might have been free from fear of being injur'd by them a long time But really our posterity may have just cause to blame the Princes of this Age for not knowing how to make use of the opportunity which was offered them of suppressing the insolency of the common Enemy which was grown so formidable to them all and all future Ages will grieve for the misfortune of this our time wherein to the greater infamy thereof the occasion of so much hoped for happinesse was lost The Leagues Fleet being departed those of Morea and of Brazzo di Maina who were risen up in favour of the Christians and who waiting for the successe of the Fleets as neither having field forces nor strong holds to defend themselves were retired to the mountains to save themselves from the violence of the Turks were forced to surrender to their power and to return to greater slavery being deprived of all hopes of ever getting quit of it The Venetians complained grievously to the Pope by their Embassadors who at this time were sent upon a solemn Embassy according to custome to render obedience to his Holinesse in the name of the Common-wealth of these irresolute Counsels and of the Spaniards slack provisions and chiefly of the departing from Navarino so much and so unseasonably at this time prest by them wherefore to gratifie them the Pope sent his Chamberlain Iovanni Claudio Gonsaga forthwith to Don Iohn to perswade him to tarry where he was in expectation of receiving orders from Spain to winter in the Levant which resolution they hoped the King had already put on being perswaded thereunto joyntly both by the Pope and the Venetians and the affairs in Flanders having had prosperous successe to facilitate the which in case the King should not be already resolved thereupon the Pope sent Monsignor di Lanzano speedily away to Spain But all these indeavours proved to no purpose for having already given a positive answer to the Popes and the Venetians other Embassadors that he would not keep his Fleet so far from his Dominions he would not be brought to alter his minde and Don Iohn not valuing the Popes desire as knowing peradventure the Kings and his Counsellors minde pursued his voyage as hath been said to the West and in the interim Generall