to his hope so great an enterprise had been wherein hâ— had consumed so much treasure caused his Councel of War to be assembled in the which were present the seven and twenty Kings that accompanied him and likewise many Princes and Lords and the most part of the chief Commanders of the Army In this Councel it was resolved that in regard Winter was at hand and that the rivers had already overflowed their banks with such force and violence as they had ravaged and carried away mâ—st of the Trenches and Pallisadoes of the Camp and that moreover great numbers of the souldiers died daily of sickness and for want of victuals that therefore the King could not do better then to raise his Siege and be gone before Winter came for fear lest staying longer he should run the hazard of losing himself and his Army All these reasons seemed so good to the King that without further delay he resolved to follow this counsel and to obey the present necessity though it were to his great grief so that incontinently he caused all his Infantry and Ammunition to be imbarqued then having commanded his Camp to be set on fire he himself went away by Land with three hundred thousand Horse and twenty thousand Rhinocerots Now after they had taken an account of all the dead they appeared to be four hundred and fifty thousand the most of whom died of sickness as also an hundred thousand Horses and threescore thousand Rhinocerots which were eaten in the space of two months and an half wherein they wanted victual so that of eighteen hundred thousand men wherewith the King of Tartaria came out of his Country to besiege the City of Pequin before the which he lay six months and an half he carried home some seven hundred and fifty thousand less then he brought forth whereof four and fifty thousand died of sickness famine and war and three hundred thousand went and rendred themselves unto the Chineses drawn thereunto by the great pay which they gave them and other advantages of honour and presents which they continually bestowed on them whereat we are not to marvel seeing experience doth shew how that alone is of far more power to oblige men then all other things in the world After the King of Tartaria was gone from this City of Pequin upon a Munday the sevenâ—eenth of October with three hundred thousand horse as I have related before the same day about evening he went and lodged near to a river called Quaytragun and the next morning an hour before day the Aâ—my began to mâ—rch at the souâ—d of the Drums Fifes and other instruments of war acâ—ordâ—ng to the order prescribed them In this manner he arrived a little before night at a Town named Guiiampâ—a which he found altogether depopulated After his Army had reposed thereabout an hour and an half he set forth again and marching somewhat fast he came to lodg at the foot of a great mountain called Liampeu from whence he departed towards morning Thus marched he eight leagues a day for fourteen days together at the end whereof he arrived at a good Town named Guauxitim which might contain about eleven or twelve thousand fires There he was counselled to furnish himself with victuals whereof he had great need for which purpose therefore he begirt it round and skaliâ—g it in the open day he qâ—ickly mâ—de himself Master of it and put it to the sack with so cruel a Massacre of the inhabitants as my fellows and I were ready to swoond for very astonishment Now after that the wood and fire had consumed all things and that the Army was abundantly provided of ammunition and victual he depâ—rted at the break of day and though he past the next morning in the view of Caixiloo yet would not he attaque it for that it was a great and strong Town and by scituation impregnable having heard besides that there were fifty thousand men within it whereof ten thousand were Mogors Cauchins and Champaas resolute souldiers and much more warlike then the Chineses From thence passing on he arrived at the walls of Singrachirau which are the very same that as I have said heretofore do divide those two Empires of China and Tartaria There meeting with no resistance he went anâ— lodged on the further side of it at Panquinor which was the first of his own Towns and sâ—ated some three leagues from the said wall and the next day he marched to Psipator where he dismissed the most part of his people In this place he stayed not above seven days which he spent in providing pay for his souldiers and in the execution of certain prisoners he had taken in that war and brought along with him These things thus expedited he as a man not very well pleased imbarqued himself for Lançâ—me in sixscore Lanlees with no more then ten or eleven thousand men So in six dayes after his imbarquing he arrived at Lançame where not permitting any reception to be made him he landed about two hours within night The King abode in this City of Lançame until such time as all his forces as well horse as foot were arrived there which was within six and twenty days then having all his Army together he went on to another City far greater and fairer called Tuymicoa where he was visitâ—d by some Princes his Neighbours and hy the Ambassadors of many other Kings and Soveraigns of more remoter Countrys of which the chiefest were six great and mighty Monarchs namely Xataanas the Sophy of Persia Siamon Emperour of the Gueos whose Country borders on that of Bramaa and Tanguu the Calamiâ—ham Lord of the indomptable force of the Elephant of the Earth as I shall deliver hereafter when I come to treat of him and his State the Sournaâ— of Odiaa that names himself the King of Siam whose dominion râ—ns seven hundred leagues along the coast with that of Tanauserin and on Champaa side with the Malayos Berdios and Patanes and through the heart of the Country with Passioloqua Capioper and Chiammay as also with the Lauhos and Gueos so that this Prince alone hath seventeen Kingdoms within his State by reason whereof for to make himself the more redoubted amongst the Gentiles he causeth himself to be stiled The Lord of the white Elephant the fifth was the great Mogor whose State is within the heart of the Country near to the Corazones a Province bordering upon Persiu and the Kingdom of Dely and Chitor and the last an Emperour of a Country named Caran as we were informed there the bounds of whose Soveraignty are at the Mountains of Goncalidau sixty degrees further on where a certain people live whom they of the Country call Moscovites whereof we have some in this City which were fair of complection well shapen and apparelled with Breeches Cassocks and Hats like to the Flemings which we see in Europe the chiefest of them wearing Gowns lined with Sables and the rest with ordinary furs The Ambassador
have a good successe in the pleasure thou seemest to take in making war upon thine enemies The Ambassador having received this Letter departed from the Court the third day of November in the year one thousand five hundred forty and six accompanied with certain Lords who by the expresse commandement of the Calaminham went along with him to Bidor where they took their leave of him after they had made him a great feast presented him with divers gifts But before I intreat of the way which we held from this place till we came to Pegu where the King of Bramaa was I think it convenient and necessary to make a relation here of certain things which we saw in this country wherein I will acquit my self as succinctly as I can as I have done in all other matters whereof 〈◊〉 have spoken heretofore for if I would discourse in particular of all that I have seen and of that which hath past as well in this Empire as in other Kingdomes where I have been during my painfull voyages I had then need to make another volume far bigger then this same and be indued with a wit much above that I have howbeit that I may not wholly conceal things so remarkable I am contented to say so much thereof as my grosse stile will permit me to deliver The Kingdome of Pegu hath in circuit an hundred and forty leagues is scituate on the South side in sixteen degrees and in the hearâ— of the Country towards the rhomb of the East it hath an hundred forty leagues being invironed all above with an high ground named Pangavirau where the Nation of the Bramaas doth inhabit whose country is fourscore leagues broad and two hundred long This Monarchy was in times past one sole Kingdome which now it is not but is divided into thirteen estates of Soveraignes who made themselves masters of it by poysoning their King in a banquet which they made him in the City of Chaleu as their histories relate of these thirteen estates there are eleven that are commanded by other Nations who by a tract of another great country are joyned to all the bounds of the Bramaas where two great Emperors abide of which the one is called the Siamon and the other the Calaminham who is the same I purpose only to treat of According to report the Empire of the Prince is above three hundred leagues bredth and as much in length and it is said that antiently it contained seven and twenty Kingdomes the inhabitants whereof spake all one language within this Empire we saw many goodly Cities exceedingly well peopled and abounding with all provisions necessary for mans life as flesh fresh water fish corn pulse rice pastâ—res vines and fruits the chief of all these Cities is Tymphan where this Emperor the Calaminham with his Court commonly resides it is seated along by a great river named Pitâ—y and invironed all about with two broad walls of earth made up with strong stone on either side having very broad ditches and at each gate a Castle with high Towers certain Merchants affirmed unto us that this City had within it some four hundred thousand fires and albeit the houses are for the most part not above two stories high yet in recompense thereof they are built very stately and with great charge especially those of the Nobility and of the Merchants not speaking of the great Lords which are separated by great inclosures where are spacious outward Courts and at the entring into them arches after the manner of China as also gardens and walks planted with trees and great ponds all very handsomely accommodated to the pleasures and delights of this life whereunto these people are very much inclined We were also certified that both within the inclosure of the City and a league about it there were six and twenty hundred Pagodes some of which wherein we had been were very sumptuous and rich indeed for the rest the most of them were but petty houses in the fashion of Hermitages These people follow four and twenty Sects all different one from another amongst the which there is so great a confusion of errors and diabolicall precepts principally in that which concerns their bloudy Sacrifices as â—abhor to speak of them but the Idol which is most in vogue amongst them and most frequented is that whereof I have already made mention called Quiâ—y Frigau that is to say The God of the Meats of the Sun for it is in this false God that the Calaminham believes and does adore him and so do all the chiefest Lords of the Kingdome wherefore the Grepos Menigrepos and Talagrepos of this false god are honored far more then all others and held in the retation of holy personages their superiours who by an eminent title are called Cabizondos never know women as they say but to content their bruitish and sensuall appetites they want not diabolicall inventions which are more worthy of tears then recital during the ordinary Fairs of this City called by them Chanduâ—â—s we saw all things there that nature hath created as iron steel lead tin copper lattin saltpeter brimstone oyl vermillion honey wax sugar lacre benjamin divers sorts of stuffes and garments of silk pepper ginger cinamon linnen cloth cotton wool alum borax corâ—alines christall camphire musk yvory cassia rhubarbe turbith scamony azure woad incense cochenill saffron myrâ—he rich porcelain gold silver rubies diamonds emerauds saphirs and generally all other kind of things that can be named and that in so great abundance as it is not possible for me to speak that which I have seen and be believed women there are ordinarily very white and fair but that which most commends them is that they are of a good nature chast charitable and much inclined to compassion The Priests of all these four and twenty Sects whereof there are a very great number in this Empire are cloathed in yellow like the Roolims of Pegu they have no money either of gold or silver but all their commerce is made with the weight of cates casis maazes and conderins The Court of the Calaminham is very rich the Nobility exceeding gallant and the revenue of the Lords and Princes very great the King is feared and respected in a marvellous manner he hath in his Court many Commanders that are strangers unto whom he giveth great pensions to serve him for the safety of his person our Ambassador was assured that in the City of Timphan where most commonly the Court is there are above threescore thousand horse and ten thousand Elephants the gentlemen of the country live very hand somely and are served in vessels of silver and sometimes of gold but as for the common people they use porcelain lattin in summer they are apparrelled in sattin damask and wrought taffetiâ—s which come from Persia in winter in gowns furred with marterns there is no going to Law amongst them noâ— does any man enter into bond there but if there be any difference
his Subject with all the purity and affection which a Vassal is obliged to carry unto his Master I Angeessiry Timorraia King of Batas desiring to insinuate my self into thy friendship that thy Subjects may be inriched with the fruits of this my Country I do offer by a new Treaty to replenish the Magazins of thy King who is also mine with Gold Pepper Camfire Benjamon and Aloes upon condition that with an entire confidence thou shalt send me a safe conduct written and assigned with thine own hand by means whereof all my Lanchares and Jurupanges may navigate in safety Furthermore in favor of this new amity I do again beseech thee to succor me with some Powder and great Shot whereof thou hast but too much in thy Store-houses and therefore mayst well spare them for I had never so great need of all kind of warlike munitions as at this present This granted I shall be much indebted to thee if by thy means I may once chastise those perjured Achems the mortal and eminent Enemies of thy Malaca with whom I swear to thee I will never have peace as long as I live until such time as I have had satisfaction for the blood of my three children which call upon me for vengeance and that therewith I may asswage the sorrow of their noble Mother who having given them suck and brought them up hath seen them since miserably butchered by that cruel Tyrant of Achem in the Towns of Jacur and Lingua as thou shalt be more particularly informed by Aquarem Dabolay the Brother of those childrens desolate Mother whom I have sent unto thee for a confirmation of our new amity to the end Signior that he may treat with thee about such things as shall seem good unto thee as well for the service of God as for the good of thy people From Paniau the fifth day of the eighth Moon This Embassador received from Pedro de Faria all the honor that he could do him after their manner and as soon as he had delivered him the Letter it was translated into the Portugal out of the Malayan Tongue wherein it was written Whereupon the Embassador by his Interpreter declared the occasion of the discord which was between the Tyrant of Achem and the King of Batas proceeding from this that the Tyrant had not long before propounded unto this King of Batas who was a Gentile the imbracing of Mahometâ— Law conditionally that he would wed him to a Sister of his for which purpose he should quit his wife that was also a Gentile and married to him six and twenty years Now because the King of Batas would by no means condescend thereunto the Tyrant incited by a Cacis of his immediately denounced War against him So each of them having raised a mighty Army they fought a most bloody Battel that continued three hours and better during the which the Tyrant perceiving the advantage the Bataes had of him after he had lost a great number of his people he made his retreat into a Mountain called Cagerrendan where the Bataes held him besieged by the space of three and twenty days but because in that time many of the Kings men fell sick and that also the Tyrants Camp began to want Victuals they concluded a Peace upon condition that the Tyrant should give the King five bars of Gold which are in value two hundred thousand crowns of our mony for to pay his Soldiers and that the King should marry his eldest son to that sister of the Tyrant who had been the cause of making that War This accord being signed by either part the King returned into his Country where he was no sooner arrived but relying on this Treaty of Peace he dismist his Army and discharged all his Forces The tranquillity of this Peace lasted not above two months and an half in which time there came to the Tyrant three hundred Turks whom he had long expected from the Straight of Mecqua and for them had sent four Vessels laden with Pepper wherein also were brought a great many Cases full of Muskets and Hargebusezes together with divers Pieces both of Brass and Iron Ordnance Whereupon the first thing the Tyrant did was to joyn those three hundred Turks to some Forces he had still afoot then making as though he would go to Pacem for to take in a Captain that was revolted against him he cunningly fell upon two places named Iacur and Lingua that appâ—rtained to the King of Batas which he suddenly surprized when they within thâ—m least thought of it for the Peace newly made between them took away all the mistrust of such an attempt so as by that means it was easie for the Tyrant to render himself Master of those Fortresses Having taken them he put three of the Kings sons to death and seven hundred Ouroballones so are the noblest and the valiantâ—st of the Kingdom called This while the King of Batas much resenting and that with good cause so great a Treachery sware by the head of his god Quiay Hocombinor the principal Idol of the Gentiles sect who hold him for their god of Justice never to eat either fruit salt or any other thing that might bring the least gust to his palate before he had revenged the death of his children and drawn reason from the Tyrant for this loss protesting further that he was resolved to dye in the maintenance of so just a War To which end and the better to bring it to pass the King of Batas straightway assembled an Army of fifteen thousand men as well natives as strangers wherewithall he was assisted by some Princes his friends and to the same effect he emplored the Forces of us Christians which was the reason why he sought to contract that new amity we have spoken of before with Pedro de Faria who was very well contented with it in regard he knew that it greatly imported both the service of the King of Portugal and the conservation of the Fortress besides that by this means he hoped very much to augment the Revenue of the Customs together with his own particular and all the rest of the Portugals profit in regard of the great Trade they had in those Countries of the South After that the King of Batas Embassador had been seventeen days with us Pedro de Faria dismissed him having first granted whatsoever the King his Master had demanded and something over and above as fire-pots darts and murdering Pieces wherewith the Embassador departed from the Fortress so contented that he shed tears for joy nay it was observed that passing by the great door of the Church he turned himself towards it with his hands and eyes lift up to Heaven and then as it were praying to God Almighty Lord said he openly that in rest and great joy livest there above seated on the Treasure of thy Riches which are the spirits formed by thy Will here I promise thee if it may be thy good pleasure to give us
to be two thousand in number besides those that were killed which because they could not be so suddenly buried were thrown into the current of the River Hereupon the two Kings continued quiet for four days after at the end whereof one morning when nothing was less thought of there appeared in the midst of the River on Penaticans side a Fleet of fourscore and six Sails with a great noise of musick and acclamations of joy At first this object much amazed the Bataes because they knew not what it was howbeit the night before their scouts had taken five fishermen who put to torture confessed that this was the Army which the Tyrant had sent some two months before to Tevassery in regard he had War with the Sornau King of Siam and it was said that this Army was composed of five thousand Lussons and Sornes all choyce men having to their General a Turk named Hametecam Nephew to the Bassa of Cairo Whereupon the King of Batas making use of these fishermens confession resolved to retire himself in any sort whatsoever well considering that the time would not permit him to make an hours stay as well because his Enemies Forces were far greater then his as for that every minute they expected succors from Pedir and Pazen whence as it was reported for certain there were twelve ships full of strangers coming No sooner was the King fortified in this resolution but the night ensuing he departed very sad and ill contented for the bad suâ—cess of his enterprize wherein he had lost above three thousand and five hundred men not comprising the wounded which were more in number nor those that were burnt with the fire of the Mynâ— Five days after his departure he arrived at Panaiu where he dismissed all his Forces both his own subjects and strangers That done he imbarqued himself in a small Lanchara and went up the River without any other company then two or three of his Favorites With this small retinue he betook himself to a place called Pachissaru where he shuâ— himself up for fourteen days by way of pennance in a Pagod of an Idol named Giâ—nasserâ—d which signifies the God of Sadness At his return to Panaiu he sent for me and the Mahometan that brought Pedro de Faria's Merchandise The first thing that he did was to enquire particularly of him whether he made a good sale of it adding withall that if any thing were still owing to him he would command it to be presently satisfied Hereunto the Mahometan and I answered that through his Highness favor all our business had received a very good dispatch and that we were well payd for that we had sold in regard whereof the Captain of Malaca would not fail to acknowledg that courtesie by sending him succor for to be revenged on his Enemy the Tyrant of Achem whom he would inforce to restore all the places which he had unjustly usurped upon him The King hearing me speak in this manner stood a while musing with himself and then in answer to my speech Aâ— Portugal said he since thou constrainest me to tell thee freely what I think beleeve me not hereafter to be so ignorant as that thou mayst be able to perswade me or that I can be capable to imagine that he which in thirty years space could not revenge himself is of power to succor me at this present in so short a time or if yet thou thinkest I deceive my self tell me I pre thee now whence comes it that thy King and his Governors could not hinder this cruel King of Achem from gaining from you the Fort of Pazem and the Galley which went to the Moluâ—quaes as also three Ships in Queda and the Gallion of Malaca at such time as Garcia was Captain there besides the four Foists that were taken since at Salengor with the two Ships that came from Bengalâ— or Lopâ— Chanocâ— 's Iounk and Ship as likewise many other Vessels which I cannot now remember 〈◊〉 the which as I have been assured this Inhumane hâ—th put to death above a thousand Portugals and gotten an extream rich boâ—ty Wherefore if this Tyrant should happen to come once more against me how canst thou have me rely upon their word which have been so often overcome I must of necessity then continue as I am with three of my children murdered and the greatest part of my Kingdom destroyed seeing you your selves are not much more assured in your Fortress of Malaca I must needs confess that this answer made with so much resentment rendred me so ashamed knowing he spake nothing but truth that I durst not talk to him afterwards of any succor nor for our honor reiterate the promises which I had formerly made him CHAP. VIII What past between the King of Batas and me until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca my Arrival in the Kingdom of Queda and my return from thence to Malaca THe Mahometan and I returning to our lodging departed not in four days after employing that time in shipping an hundred Bars of Tin and thirty of Benjamin which were still on Land Then being fully satisfied by our Merchants and ready to go I went to wait upon the King at his Passeiran which was a great place before the Palace where those of the Country kept their most solemn Fairs There I gave him to understand that now we had nothing more to do but to depart if it would please his Majesty to permit us The entertainment that he gave me then was very gracious and for answer he said to me I am very glad for that Hermon Xabandar who was chief General of the Wars assured me yesterday that your Captains commodities were well sold but it may be that that which he told me was not so and that he delivered not the truth for to please me and to accommodate himself to the desire he knew I had to have it so wherefore continued he I pre-thee declare unto me freely whether he dealt truly with me and whether the Mahometan that brought them be fully satisfied for I would not that to my dishonor those of Malaca should have cause to complain of the Merchants of Panaiu saying that they are not men of their word and that there is not a King there who can constrain them to pay their debts and I swear to thee by the faith of Pagan that this affront would be no less insupportable to my condition then if I should chance to make peace with that Tyrant and perjured Enemy of mine the King of Achem. Whereunto having replyed that we had dispatched all our affairs and that there was nothing due to us in his Country Verily said he I am very well pleased to hear that it is so wherefore since thou hast nothing else to do here I hold it requisite that without any further delay thou shouldst go for the â—â—me is now fit to set sail and to avoyd the great heats that ordinarily are endured in passing the Gulph which is
great that it contains along the Coast above three thousand leagues as may easily be seen by the cards and globes of the world if so be their graduation be true Besides if this loss should happen which God of his infinite mercy forbid though we have but two much deserved it for our carelessness and sins we are in danger in like manner to lose the Customs of Mandorim of the City of Goa which is the best thing the King of Portugal hath in the Indiaes for they are Ports and Islands mentioned heretofore whereon depends the greatest part of his Revenue not comprehending the Spices namely the Nutmegs Cloves and Maces which are brought into this Kingdom from those Countries Now to return to my discourse I say that the Tyrant of Achem was advised by his Councel how there was no way in the world to take Malaca if he would assail it by Sea as he had done divers times before when as Dom Stephano de Gama and his Predecessors were Captains of the Fortress but first to make himself Master of the Kingdom of Aaru to the end he might afterwards fortifie himself on the River of Panetican where his Forces might more commodiously and nearly maintain the War he intended to make For then he might have means with less charge to shut up the Straights of Cincapura and Sabaon and so stop our Ships from passing to the Seas of China Sunda Banda and the Molucques whereby he might have the profit of all the Drugs which came from that great Archipelague And verily this counsel was so approved by the Tyrant that he prepared a Navy of an hundred and threescore Sails whereof the most part were Lanchares with oars Galiots Calabuzes of Iaoa and fifteen Ships high built furnished with Munition and Victual In these Vessels he imbarqued seventeen thousand men namely twelve thousand Soldiers the rest Sailers and Pioners Amongst these were four thousand Strangers Turks Abissins Malabares Gusurates and Lusons of the Isle of Borneo Their General was one named Heredin Mahomet Brother-in-law to the Tyrant by marriage with a Sister of his and Governor of the Kingdom of Baarros This Fleet arrived safely at the River of Panetican where the King of Aaru attended them with six thousand of his own natural Subjects and not a forraigner amongst them both in regard he wanted mony for to entertain Soldiers and that also he had a Country unprovided of victual to feed them At their arrival the Enemies found them fortifying of the Trench whereof I spake heretofore Whereupon without any further delay they began to play with their Ordnance and to batter the Town on the Sea side with great fury which lasted six whole days together In the mean time the besieged defended themselves very valiantly so as there was much blood spilt on either side The General of the Achems perceiving he advanced but little caused his Forces to Land and mounting twelve great Pieces he renewed the battery three several times with such impetuosity that it demolished one of the two Forts that commanded the River by means whereof and under the shelter of certain packs of Cotton which the Achems carried before them they one morning assaulted the principal Fortress In this assault an Abissin commanded called Mamedecan who a month or thereabout before was come from Iuda to confirm the new League made by the Bassa of Caire on the behalf of the grand Signior with the Tyrant of Achem whereby he granted him a Custom-house in the Port of Pazem This Abissin rendered himself Master of the Bulwark with threescore Turks forty Ianizaries and some Malabar Mooâ—s who instantly planted five Ensigns on the walls In the mean time the King of Aaru encouraging his people with promises and such words as the time required wrought so effectually that with a valorous resolution they set upon the Enemy and recovered the Bulwark which they had so lately lost so as the Abissin Captain was slain on the place and all those that were there with him The King following his good fortune at the same instant caused the gates of the Trench to be opened and sallying out with a good part of his Forces he combated his Enemies so valiantly as he quite routed them In like manner he took eight of their twelve Pieces of Ordnance and so retreating in safety he fortified himself the best he could for to sustain his Enemies future assaults CHAP. XI The Death of the King of Aaru and the cruel Iustice that was executed on him by his Enemies the going of his Queen to Malaca and her reception there THe General of Achem seeing the bad success which he received in this incounter was more grieved for the death of the Abissin Captain and the loss of those eight Pieces of Ordnance then for all them that were slain besides whereupon he assembled his Councel of War who were all of opinion that the commenced siege was to be continued and the Trench assailed on every side which was so speedâ—ly put in execution that in seventeen days it was assaulted nine several times in so much as by divers sorts of fire-works continually invented by a Turkish Engineer that was in their Camp they demolished the greater part of the Trench Moreover they overthrew two of the principal Forts on the South side together with a great Platform which in the manner of a false-bray defended the entry of the River notwithstanding all the resistance the King of Aaru could make with his people though they behaved themselves so valiantly as the Achems lost above two thousand and five hundred men besides those that were hurt which were far more then the slain whereof the most part dyed shortly after for want of looking to As for the King of Aaru he lost not above four hundred men howbeit for that his people were but few and his Enemies many as also better ordered and better armed in the last assault that was given on the thirteenth day of the Moon the business ended unfortunately by the utter defeat of the King of Aaru's Forces For it was his ill hap that having made a salley forth by the advice of a Cacis of his whom he greatly trusted it fell out that this Traytor suffering himself to be corrupted with a bar of gold weighing about forty thousand duckets which the Achem gave him whereof the King of Aaru being ignorant set couragiously on his Enemies and fought a bloody battel with them wherein the advantage remained on his side in all mens judgment but that Dog the perfidious Cacis whom he had left Commander of the Trench sallied forth with five hundred men under colour of seconding the King in his pursuit of so prosperous a beginning and left the Trench without any manner of defence which perceived by one of the Enemies Captains a Mahometan Malabar named Cutiale Marcaa he presently with six hundred Gusarates and Malabars whom he had led thither for that purpose made himself Master of the Trench
Malaca and that he saw there was so little utterance of that commodity as he could not meet with any Merchant that would deal for it he was fain to resolve for to spend the winter there until such time as he might meet with some opportunity to put it off Howbeit he was advised by some of the best experienced of the Country to send it unto Lugor which is a great Town in the Kingdom of Siam an hundred leagues lower towards the North for they alledged that this Port was very rich and of great vent by reason of a world of Junks that arrived there dayly from the Isle of Iaoa from Lava Taniampura Iapara Demaa Panaruca Sydayo Passarvan Solor and Borneo whose Merchants were used to give a good rate for such like commodities in exchange of gold or stone This advice was well approved of by Antonio de Faria who instantly went about to put it in execution To which end he took order for the providing of a vessel by reason the Foyst wherein he came was altogether unfit for a further voyage Matters thus disposed of he deputed one named Christovano Borhalho for his Factor a man exceeding well vers'd in business of Traffique with whom there imbarqued some sixteen men as well Soldiers as Merchants with a hope that one crown would yield them six or seven what in the commodities they should carry as in those they should return Hereupon wretched I being one of the sixteen we parted from the Port on a Saturday and sailed with a favorable wind along the coast till Thursday next in the morning that we arrived at Lugor Road and anchored at the mouth of the River There it was thought fit to pass the rest of the day to the end we might inform our selves of what was behoveful for us to do as well for the sale of our commodities as for the safety of our persons And to say truth we learnt such good news that we were confident of gaining above six times double and to be sure of freedom and liberty during all the month of September according to the Ordinance of the King of Siam because it was the month of the Kings Sumbayas Now the better to clear this you must know that all along this coast of Malaya and within the Land a great King commands who for a more famous and recommendable Title above all other Kings causeth himself to be called Prechau Saleu Emperor of all Sornau which is a Country wherein there are thirteen Kingdoms by us commonly called Siam to the which fourteen petty Kings are subject and yield homage that were anciently obliged to make their personal repair unto Odiaa the Capital City of this Empire as well to bring their Tribute thither as to do the Sumbaya to their Emperor which was indeed to kiss the Courtelas that he ware by his side Now because this City was seated fifty leagues within the Land and the Currents of the Rivers so strong as these Kings were oftentimes forced to abide the whole winter there to their great charge they petitioned the Prechau King of Siam that the place of doing this their homage might be altered whereupon he was pleased to ordain that for the future there should be a Viceroy resident in the Town of Lugor which in their language is called Poyho unto whom every three years those fourteen Kings should render that duty and obedience they were accustomed to do unto himself and that during that time they spent there in performing the same being the whole month of September both their own merchandize and that of all others as well natives as strangers that either came in or went out of the Country should be free from all manner of imposts whatsoever So that we arriving in the time of this freedom there was such a multitude of Merchants that flocked thither from all parts as we were assured there was no less then fifteen hundred Vessels in the Port all laden with an infinity of Commodities of very great value And this was the good news we learnt at such time as we arrived at the mouth of the River wherewith we were so well pleased that we presently resolved to put in as soon as the wind would permit us But alass we were so unfortunate that we could never come to see what we so much desired for about ten of the clock just as we had dined and were preparing to set sail we saw a great Junk coming upon us which perceiving us to be Portugals few in number and our Vessel small fell close with our prow on the larboard side and then those that were in her threw into us great Cramp-irons fastened unto two long chains wherewithall they grappled us fast unto them which they had no sooner done but straightway some seventy or eighty Mahometans came flying out from under their hatches that till then had lien lurking there who with a mighty cry cast so many stones darts and lances which â—ell as thick as hail upon us that of us sixteen Portugals twelve rested dead in the place together with six and thirty others as well Boys as Mariners Now for us four remaining Portugals after we had escaped so dreadful â—n incounter we leapt all of us into the Sea where one was drowned and we three that were left getting to land as well as we could being dangerously hurt and wading up to the wast in mud went and hid our selves in the next adjoyning wood In the mean time the Mahometans of the Junk entring into our Frigot not contented with the slaughter they had made of our men like mad dogs they killed six or seven Boys out-right whom they found wounded on the Dâ—ck not sparing so much as one of them That done they imbarqued all the goods of our Vessel into their Junk then made a great hole in her and so sunk her Immediately whereupon leaving their anchor in the Sea and the Cramp-irons wherewithall they had grappled us unto them they set sail and made away as fast as ever they could for fear of being discovered After this our escape seeing our selves all sore hurt and without any hope of help we did nothing but weep and complain for in this disaster we knew not what to resolve on so much were we amazed with that which had befaln us within the space of half an hour In this desolation we spent the rest of that sad day but considering with our selves that the place was moorish and full of Adders and Lizards we thought it our safest course to continue there all the night too as accordingly we did standing up to the middle in the Owze The next morning as soon as it was day we went along by the Rivers side until we came unto a little channel which we durst not pass as well for that it was very deep as for fear of a great number of Lizards that we saw in it so that in great pain we stayd not only that night there but five days
requisite for the purging of him from so enormous a crime Hereunto the Hermit answered Pleaseth the Lord who living reigneth above the beauty of the stars that the knowledge which by this discourse thou shewest to have be not prejudiciall unto thee For I be assured that he who knows these things and doth them not runs a far greater danger than he that sins through ignorance Then one of ours named Nuno Coelho who would needs have an oar in our talk told him that he was not to be angry for a matter of so small importance whereunto the Hermit beholding him with so stern a countenance answered Certainly the fear which thou hast of death is yet lesse since thou imployest thy selfe in actions as infamous and black as the soul that is in thy body and for my part I cannot but be perswaded that all thy ambition is wholly placed upon money as but too well appears by the the thirst of thy insatiable avarice whereby thou wilt make an end of heaping up the measure of thine infernal appetite Continue then thy theeveries for seeing then thou must go to hell for that which thou hast already taken out of this holy house thou shalt also go thither for those things which thou shalt steal otherwise so the heavier the burden shall be that thou bearest the sooner shalt thou be precipitated into the bottom of hell where already thy wicked works have prepared thee an everlasting abode Hereupon Nuno de Coelho prayed him to take all things patiently affirming that the Law of God commanded him so to do Then the Hermit lift up his hand by way of admiration and as it were smiling at what the souldier had said Truly answered he I am come to see that I never thought to see or hear namely evil actions disguised with a specious pretext of vertue which makes me believe that thy blindnesse is exceeding great since trusting to good words thou spendest thy life so wickedly wherefore it is not possible thou shouldest ever come to Heaven or give any account to God at the last day as of necessity they must do Saying so he turned him to Antonio de Faria without attending further answer from him and earnestly desired him not to suffer his company to spit upon and prophane the altar which he vowed was more grievous to him then the induring of a thousand deaths whereupon to satisfie him he presently commanded the forbearance of it wherewith the Hermit was somewhat comforted Now because it grew late Antonio de Faria resolved to leave the place but before he departed he held it necessary to inform himself of certain other particulars whereof he stood in some doubt so that he deserved of the Hermit how many persons there might be in all those Hermitages whereunto Hiticon answered that there were about three hundred and threescore Talagrepos besides forty Menigrepos appointed to furnish them with things requisite for their maintenance and to attend them when they were sick moreover he asked him whether the King of China came not somtimes thither he told him No for said he the King cannot be condemned by any body he is the son of the Sun but contrarily he had power to absolve every one Then he enquired of him if there were any arms in their Hermitages O no answered the Hermit for all such as pretend to go to heaven have more need of patience to indure injuries then of arms to revenge themselves Being also desirous to know of him the cause why so much silver was mingled with the bones of the dead This silver replied the Hermit comes of the alms that the deceased carry with them out of this into the other life for to serve them at their need in the heaven of the Moon where they live eternally In conclusion having demanded of him whither they had any women he said That they which would maintain the life of their souls ought not to taste the pleasures of the flesh seeing experience made it apparent that the Bee which nourisheth her self in an hony-comb dâ—th often sting such as offer to meddle with that sweetness After Antonio de Faria had propounded all these questions he took his leave of him and so went directly to his ships with an intention to return again the next day for to set upon the other Hermitages where as he had been told was great abundance of silver and certain Idols of gold but our sins would not permit us to see the effect of a business which we had been two months and an halfe a purchasing with so much labor and danger of our lives as I will deliver hereafter At the clearing up of the day Antonio de Faria and all of us being embarqued we went and anchored on the other side of the Island about a faulcon shot from it with an intent as I have before declared to go a shore again the next morning and set upon the Chappels where the Kings of China were interred that so we might the more commodiously lade our two vessels with such treasures which peradventure might have succeeded according to our desires if the business had been well carried and that Antonio de Faria had followed the counsel was given him which was that since we had not been as yet discovered that he should have carried the Hermit away with him to the end he might not acquaint the House of the Bonzos with what we had done howbeit he would never hearken to it saying that we were to fear nothing that way by reason the Hermit was so old and his legs so swoln with the gout as he was not able to stand much less to go But it fell out clean contrary to his expectation for the Hermit no sooner saw us imbarqued as we understood afterwards but he presently crawled as well as he could to the next Hermitage which was not above a flight shoot from his and giving intelligence of all that had past he bad his companion because himself was not able to go away with all speed to the Bonzoâ—s house to acquaint them with it which the other instantly performed so that about midnight we saw a great many of fires lighted on the top of the wall of the Temple where the Kings were buried being kindled to serve for a signal to the Countrey about of some extraordinary danger towards This made us ask of our Chineses what they might mean who answered that assuredly we were discovered in regard wherof they advised us without any longer stay to set sail immediatly Herewith they acquainted Antonio de Faria who was fast asleep but he straightway arose and leaving his anchor in the sea rowed directly afraid as he was to the Island for to learn what was done there Being arrived near to the Key he heard many bels ringing in each Hermitage together with a noise of men talking whereupon the Chineses that accompanied him said Sir never stand to hear or see more but retire we beseech you as fast as
the good I have done you for Gods sake To conclude all the vessels where these things are exposed to sale are seldom less in number then two hundred besides thousands of others which sell such like wares in a far greater quantity We saw likewise many Barcasses full of men and women that played upon divers sorts of instruments and for mony gave them musick that desired it There were other vessels laden with horns which the Priests sold therewith to make feasts in Heaven for they say that those were the horns of several beasts which were offered in sacrifice to the Idols out of devotion and for the performance of vows that men had made in divers kind of misfortunes and sicknesses wherein they had at others times been And that as the flesh of those beasts had been given here below for the honour of God to the poor so the souls of them for whom those horns were offered do in the other world eat the souls of of those beasts to whom those horns belonged and thereunto invite the souls of their friends as men use to invite others here on earth Other vessels we saw covered with blacks and full of tombs torches and great wax lights as also women in them that for money would be hired to weep and lament for the dead others there were called Pitaleus that in great barques kept divers kinds of wild beasts to be shewed for mony most dreadful to behold as Serpents huge Adders monstrous Lizards Tygers and many others such like we saw in like sort a great number of Stationers which sold all manner of books that could be desired as well concerning the creation of the world whereof they tell a thousand lies as touching the States Kingdoms Islands and Provinces of the world together with the Laws and Customs of Nations but especially of the Kings of China their number brave acts and of all things else that happened in each of their reigns Moreover we saw a great many of the light swift Foysts wherein were men very well armed who cried out with a loud voice that if any one had received an affront whereof he desired to be avenged let him come unto them and they would cause satisfaction to be made him In other vessels there were old women that served for midwives and that would bring women speedily and easily a bed as also a many of Nurses ready to be entertained for to give children suck There were barques likewise very well adornâ—d and set â—orth that had in them divers reverend old men and grave matrons whose profession was to make marriages and to comfort widows or such as had lost their children or suffered any other misfortune In others there were a number of young men and maids that lacked Masters and Mistresses which offered themselves to any that would hire them There were other vessels that had in them such as undertook to tell fortunes and to help folks to things lost In a word not to dwell any longer upon every particular that was to be seen in this moving Town for then I should never have done it shall suffice me to say that nothing can be desired on land which was not to be had in their vessels and that in greater abundance then I have delivered wherefore I will passe from it to shew you that one of the principal causes why this Monarchy of China that contains two and thirty Kingdoms is so mighty rich and of so great commerce is because it is exceedingly replenished with rivers and a world of Chanals that have been anciently made by the Kings great Lords and people thereof for to render all the Country navigable and so communicate their labours with one another The narrowest of these Chanals have bridges of hewed stone over them that are very high long and broad whereof some are of one stone eighty ninety nay an hundred spans long and fifteen or twenty broad which doubtlesse is very marvellous for it is almost impossible to comprehend by what means so huge a masse of stone could be drawn out of the Quarry without breaking and how it should be transported to the place where it was to be set All the ways and passages from Cities Towns and Villages have very large causeys made of fair stone at the ends whereof are costly pillars and arches upon which are inscriptions with letters of gold containing the pray sers of them that erected them moreover there are handsome seats placed all along for poor passengers to rest themselves on There are likewise innumerable Aqueducks and fountains every where whose water is most wholesom and excellent to drink And in divers parts there are certain Wenches of love that out of charity prostitute themselves to travellers which have no mony and although amongst us this is held for a great abuse and abomination yet with them it is accounted a work of mercy so that many on their death-beds do by their testaments bequeath great revenues for the maintenance of this wickedness as a thing very meritorious for the salvation of their souls moreover many others have left lands for the erecting and maintaining of houses in deserts and unhabited places where great fires are kept all the night to guide such as have strayed out of their way as also water for men to drink and seats to repose them in and that there may be no default herein there are divers persons entertained with very good means to see these things carefully continued according to the institution of him that founded them for the health of his soul. By these marvels which are found in the particular Towns of this Empire may be concluded what the greatness thereof might be were they joyned all together but for the better satisfaction of the Reader I dare boldly say if my testimony may be worthy of credit that in one and twenty years space during which time with a world of misfortune labour and pain I traversed the greatest part of Asia as may appear by this my discourse I had seen in some countrys a wonderfull abundance of several sorts of victuals and provisions which we have not in our Europe yet without speaking what each of them might have in particular I do not think there is in all Europe so much as there is in China alone And the same may be said of all the rest wherewith Heaven hath favoured this clymate as well for the temperature of the air as for that which concerns the policy and riches the magnificence and greatness of their estate Now that which gives the greatest luster unto it is their exact observation of justice for there is so well ruled a Government in this Country as it may justly be envied of all others in the world And to speak the truth such as want this particular have no gloss be they otherways never so great commendable Verily so often as I represent unto my self those great things which I have seen in this China I am on the one
Tribunal fourteen steps high that was all overlaid with fine gold Her face was very beautiful and her hands were heaved up towards Heaven at her armpits hung a many of little idols not above half a finger long filed together whereupon demanding of the Chineses what those meant they answered us That after the waters of Heaven had overflowed the earth so that all mankind was drowned by an universal Deluge God seeing that the world would be desolate and no body to inhabit it he sent the goddess Amida the chief Lady of honour to his wife Nacapirau from the Heaven of the Moon that she might repair the loss of drowned mankind and that then the goddess having set her feet on a Land from which the waters were withdrawn called Calemphuy which was the same Island whereof I have spoken heretofore in the streight of Nanquin whereof Antonio de Faria went on land she was changed all into gold and in that manner standing upright with her face looking up unto Heaven she sweat out at her armpits a great number of children namely males out of the right and females out of the left having no other place about her body whence she might bring them forth as other women of the world have who have sinned and that for a chastisement of their sin God by the order of nature hath subjected them to a misery full of corruption and filthiness for to shew how odious unto him the sin was that had been committed against him The goddess Amida having thus brought forth these creatures which they affirm were thirty three thousand three hundred thirty and three two parts of them females and the other males for so say they the world was to be repaired she remained so feeble and faint with this delivery having no body to assist her at her need that she fell down dead in the place for which cause the Moon at that time in memory of this death of hers whereat she was infinitely grieved put her self into mourning which mourning they affirm to be those black spots we ordinarily behold in her face occasioned indeed by the shadow of the earth and that when there shall be so many years ran out as the goddess Amida brought forth children which were as I have delivered thirty three thousand three hundred thirty and three then the Moon will put off her mourning and afterwards be as clear as the day With these and such like fopperies did the Chineses so turmoil us as we could not chuse but grieve to consider how much those people which otherwise are quick of apprehension and of good understanding are abused in matter of Religion with such evident and manifest untruths After we were come out of this great place where we saw all these things we went unto another Temple of religious Votaries very sumptuous and rich where they told us the Mother of the then reigning King named Nhay Camisama did abide but thereunto we were not permitted to enter because we were strangers From this place through a street arched all along we arrived at a Key called Hichario Topileu where lay a great number of vessels full of pilgrims from divers Kingdoms which came incessantly on pilgrimage to this Temple for to gain as they believe plenary indulgences which the King of China and the Chaems of the Government do grant unto them besides many priviledges and franchises throughout the whole Country where victuals are given them abundantly and for nothing I will not speak of many other Temples or Pagodes which we saw in this City whilest we were at liberty for I should never have done to make report of them all howbeit I may not omit some other particulars that I hold very fit to be related before I break off this discourse whereof the first were certain houses in several parts of this City called Laginampurs that is to say The School of the poor wherein fatherless and motherlesâ— children that are found in the streets are taught to write and read as also some trade whereby they may get their living and of these houses or schools there are about some five hundred in this City Now if it happen that any of them through some defect of nature cannot learn a trade then have they recourse to some means for to make them get their living according to each ones incommodity As for example if they be blind they make them labour in turning of handmils if they be lame of their feet they cause them to make laces riband and such like manufactures if they be lame of their hands then they make them earn their living by carrying of burdens but if they be lame both of feet and hands so that nature hath wholly deprived them of means to get their living then they shut them up in great Convents where there are a number of persons that pray for the dead amongst whom they place them and so they have their share of half the offerings that are made there the Priests having the other half if they be dumb then they are shut up in a great house where they are maintained with the amerciaments that the common sort of women as oyster-wives and such like are condemned in for their scolding and fighting one with another As for old queans that are past the trade and such of the younger sort as by the lewd exercise thereof are becomâ— diseased with the pox or other filthy sickness they are put into other houses where they are very well looked unto and furnished abundantly with all things necessary at the charge of the other women that are of the same trade who thereunto pay a certain sum monthly and that not unwillingly because they know that they shall come to be so provided for themsâ—lves by others and for the collecting of this mony there are Commissioners expresly deputed in several parts of the City There are also other houses much like unto Monasteries where a great many of young maids that are Orpâ—ans are bred up and these houses are maintained at the charge of such women as are convicted of adultery for say they it is most just that if there be one which hath lost her self by her dishonesty there should be another that should be maintained by her vertue Other places there are also where decayed old people are kept at the charge of Lawyers that plead unjust causes where the parties have no right and of Judges that for favoring one more thâ—n another and corrupted with bribes do not execute justice as they ought to do whereby one may see with how much order and policy these people govern all things In the prosecution of my discourse it will not be amiss here to deliver the marvellous order and policy which the Kings of China observe in furnishing their States abundantly with provisions and victuals for the relief of the poor people which may very well serve for an example of charity and good government to Christian Kingdoms and Commonwealths Their Chronicles
propound things unto him that cannot be whereupon turning himself towards us Go get you gone said he unto us and to morrow morning fail not to be ready for to come again when I shall send for you These words exceedingly contented us as there was great cause they should and accordingly the next day he sent us nine horses very well furnished upon which we mounted and so went to his Tent He in the mean time had put himself into a Piambre that is somewhat like to a Litter drawn with two horses richly harnessed round about him for his Guard marched threescore Halberdiers six pages apparelled in his Livery mounted on white Curtals and we nine on horsback a little more behind In this manner he went on towards the place where the King was whom he â—ound lodged in the great and sumptuous Edifice of the Goddess Nacapirau by the Chineses called the Queen of Heaven whereof I have spoken at large in the thirty â—ourth Chapter Being arrived at the first trenches of the Kings Tent he alighted out of his Litter and all the rest likewise off â—rom their horses for to speak to the Nautaran of whom with a kiâ—d of ceremony after the fashion of the Gentiles he craved leave to enter which was presently granted him Thereupon the Mitaquâ—r being returned into his Litter passed through the gates in the same manner as beâ—ore only we and the rest of his followers waited upon him on foot When he came to a low and very long Gallery where there was a great number of Gentlemen he alighted again out of his Litter and told us that we were to attend him there for that he would go and know whether it were a fit time to speak with the King or no. We stayed there then about an hour during the which some of the Gentlemen that were in the Gallery observing us to be strangers and such kind of people as they had never seen the like they called us and very courteously bid us to sit down by them where having spent some time in beholding certain tumblâ—â—s shewing â—eats of activity we perceived the Mitaquer coming forth with four very beautiful boys attired in long coats after the Turkish fashion garded all over with green and white and wearing about the small of their legs little hoops of gold in the foâ—m of irons and shackleâ— The Gentlemen that were pâ—esent as soon as they saw them rose up on their feet and drawing out their Courâ—elasses which they wore by their sides they laid them on the ground with a new kind of ceremony saying three times Let the Lord of our heads live an hundred thousand years In the mean while as â—e lay with our heads bending to the ground one of those boys said aloud unto us You men of the other end of the world rejoyce now for that the hour is come wherein your desire is to be accomplished and that you are to have the liberty which the Mitaquer promised you at the Castle of Nixiamcoo wherefore arise from off the earth and lift up your hands to Heaven rendring thanks unto the Lord who during the night of our peaceable rest enammels the Firmament with Stars seeing that of himself alone without the merit of any flesh he hath made you to encounter in your exile with a man that delivers your persons To this Speech prostrated as we were on the ground we returned him this answer by our truch-man May Heavens grant us so much happiness as that his foot may trample on our heads whereunto he replied Your wish is not small and may it please God to accord you this gift of riches These four boys and the Mitaquer whom we followed past through a Gallery erected upon five and twenty pâ—llars of brâ—ss and entred into a great room where there were a number of Gentlemen and amongst them many strangers Mogores Persians Bordies Calamiâ—hams and Bramaas After we were out of this room we came unto another where there were many armed men ranged into five Files all along the room with Courtelasses on their shoulders that were garnished with gold Tâ—ese stayed the Mitaquer a little and with great complements asked him some questions and took his oath upon the Maces the boys carried which he performed on his knees kissing the ground three several times whereupon he was admitted to pass on into a great place like a quadrangle there we saw four ranks of Statues of brass in the form of wild men with clubs and crowâ—s of the same mettal guilt These Idols or Gyants were each of them six and twenty spans high and six broad as well on the breâ—t as on the shoulders their countenances were hideous and deformed and their hair curled like to Negroes The desire we had to know what these figures signified made us to demand it of the Tartars who answered us that they were the three hundred and threescore gods which framed the days of the year being placed there expresly to the end that in their effigies they might be continually adored â—or having created the fruits which the earth produceth and withall that the King of Tartary had caused them to be transported thither from a great Temple called Angicamoy which he had taken in the City of Xipaton out of the Chappel of the Tombs of the Kings of China for to triumph over them when as he should happily return into his Country that the whole world might know how in despight of the King of China he had captivated his gods Within this place whereof I speak and amidst a plantation of Orange-trees that was invironed within a fence of Ivy Roses Rosemary and many other sort of flowers which we have not in Europe was a Tent piâ—ched upon twelve Ballisters of the wood of Champhire each of them wreathed about with silver in the fashion of knotted card-work bigger then ones arm In this Tent was a low Throne in the form of an Altar garnished with branched work of fine gold and over it was a cloth of State set thick with silver Stars where also the Sun and Moon were to be seen as also certain clouds some of them white and others of the colour of which appear in the time of rain all enammelled so to the life and with such art that they beguiled all those that bâ—held them for they seemed to rain indeed so as it was impossible to see a thing more compleat either for the proportions or colours In the midst of this Throne upon a bed lay a great Statue of silver called Abicau Nilancor which signifies the God of the health of Kings that had been also taken in the Temple of Angicamoy Now round about the same Statue were four and thirty Idols of the height of a child of five or six years old ranged in two Files and set on theâ—r knees with their hands lifted up towards this Idol as if they would adore him At the entry into this Tent there were four young Gentlemen richly clad
of this Emperor of Caran was more remarkable in his entry then all the rest He had for his Guard about sixscore men armed with â—â—rows and Partisans damasked with gold and silver and all attired alike in violet and green After them marched on horsback twelve Ushers carrying silver Maces before whom twelve horses were led that had carnation clothes on them bordered about with gold and silver They were followed by twelve huge tall men that seemed to be Giants clothed with Tygers skins as wild men are used to be painted of them holding in his hand a great Greyhound by a silver chain Then appeared twelve little Pages mounted on white Haâ—kneys having green velvet Saddles trimmed with silver lace and frenge they were all apparelled alike in crimson sattin Cassocks lined with marterns breeches and hats of the same and great chains of gold scarf-wise about them These twelve boys were all of one equal stature so fair of face so well favoured and of so sweet a proportion of body as I believe there have never been any seen more accomplished For himself he was seated in a Chariot with three wheels on each side garnished all over with silver Round about this Pirange for so was this Chariot called there were forty foot-men in jerkâ—ns and breeches of green and red cloth laced all over with carnation silk lace having swords by their side above three fingers bâ—oad with the hilts handles and chaps of silver and hunting horns hanging in silver chains bandrick-wise about thâ—m and on their heads they wore caps with feathâ—rs in them full of silver spangles Thus was the equipage of this Ambassador so sumptuous and stately that one might very well conclude he belonged to some very rich and mighty Prince Now going one day as attendants on the Mitaquâ—r who went to visit him from the King amongst other things that we saw in his lodging we observed there for one of the greatest rarities in that Country five Chambers hung all with very rich Arras such as we have in Christendom and no question brought from thence In each of these Chambers was a Cloth of State of gold or silver tinsel and under it a Table with a Bason and Ewer of silver of a very costly fashion also a Chair of State of rich violet stuff trimmed with gold frenge and at the foot of it a Cushion of the same all upon an exceeding large foot-pace of tapestry There was also a chaâ—ingdish of silver with a perfuming pot of the same out of the whâ—ch proceeded a most delicate odour At the door of each of those five Chambers stood two Halberdiers who permitted persons of quality to enter that came thither to see them In another very great room in form like to a Gallery there was upon a very high and large foot-pace a little table placed covered with a damask table-cloth edged about with gold-frenge and upon a silver plate a napkin with a fork and a spoon of gold as also two little salt-sellers of the same mettal Now about ten or eleven paces on the one side from this table were two cupbards of plate of all kind of fashions and other vessels of great value Moreover at the four corners of this table were four cisterns about the bigness of a bushel with their kettels fastened to them with chains all of silver as also two very great candlesticks of the same with white wax candles in them but not lighted There were also at the door of the room twelve handsome Halberdiers clothed in mantles like to Irish rug with Scymitars by their sides all covered over with plates of silver which Guard as ordinarily it is with them were very haughty and rude in their answers to all that speak to them Although this Ambassadour was come thither in the way of visit as the râ—st yet the principal subject of his Ambassy was to treat of a marriage between the Emperour of Caran and a sister of the Tartar named Meica vidau that is to say a rich Saphir a Lady about some thirty years of age but very handsom and exceeding charitable to the poor whom we saw divers times in this City at the chiefest Feasts which these people use to solemnize at certain times of the year after the manner of the Gentiles Howbeit setting aside all this whereof I had not spoken but that it seemed more remarkable unto me then all the rest I will return to my former discourse as well concerning our liberty as the voyage that we made even to the Islands of the Sea of China whether the Emperour of Tartaria caused us to be conveighed to the end that such as shall come after us may attain to the knowledge of a part of those things whereof it may be they have never heard spoken until this present CHAP. XLI In what manner we were brought again before the King of Tartaria with our departure from that Kingdom and all that we saw and befell us in our voyage till our arrival at the Court of the King of Cauchinchina AFter some time had been spent in the Celebrations of certain remarkable Feasts that were made for joy of the conclusion of a marriage betwixt the Princess Meica vidau the Kings sister and the Emperour of Caran the Tarâ—ar by the advice of his Captains resolved to return anew to the Siege of Pequin which he had formerly quitted taking the ill success that he had there as a great affront to his person To this effect then he caused all the Estates of his Kingdom to be assembled and also made a league with all the Kings and Princes bordering in his Dominions whereupon considering with our selves how prejudicial this might prove to the promise had been made us for the setting of us at liberty we repaired to the Mitaquer and represented unto him many things that made for our purpose and obliged him to keep his word with us To the which he returned us this answer Certainly you have a great deal of reason for that you say and I have yet more not to refuse you that which you demand of me with so much justice wherefore I resolve to put the King in mind of you that you may enjoy your liberty and the sooner you shall be gone from hence the sooner you shall be freed from the labours which the time begins to prepare for us in the enterprise that his Majesty hath newly undertaken by the counsel of some particulars who for that they know not how to govern themselves have more need to be counselled then the earth hath need of water to produce the fruits that are sowed in her but to morrow morning I shall put the King in mind of you and your poverty and withall I shall pâ—esent unto him how you have poor fatherless child ren as you have heretofore told me to the end he may be thereby incâ—ted to cast his eyes upon you as he is accustomed to do in like cases which is none of the least marks
that instant riding of horses and not knowing what to think of this novelty sent presently for Zeimoto just as he was shooting in the Marsh but when he saw him come with his Harquebuse on his shoulder and two Chineses with him carrying the fowl he wasso mightily taken with the matter as he could not sufficiently admire it for whereas they had never seen any Gun before in that Country they could not comprehend what it might be so that for want of understanding the secret of the powder they all concluded that of necessity it must be some Sorcery Thereupon Zeimoto seeing them so astonished and the Nautaquim so contented made three shoots before them whereof the effect was such that he killâ—d one Kite and two Turtle Doves In a word then and not to lose time by endeering the matter with much Speech I will say no more but that the Nautaquim caused Zeimoto to get up on the horses croupper behind him and so accompanied with a great croud of people and four Hushers who with Battouns headed with iron went before him crying aâ—l along the streets Know all men that the Nautaquim Prince of this Island of Tanixumaâ— and Lord of our heads enjoyns and expresly commands That all persons whatsoever which inhabit the Land that lies between the two Seas do honour thiâ— Chenchicogim of the further end of the world for even at this present and for hereafter he makes him his kinsman in such manner as the Jacharons are who sit next his Person and whosoever shall not do so willingly he shall be sure to lose his head Whereunto all the people answered with a great noise We will do so for ever In this pomp Zeimoto being come to the Pallace gate the Nautaquim alighted from his horse and taking him by the hand whilest we two followed on foot a prety way after he led him into his Court where he made him sit with him at his own table and to honour him the more he would needs have him lodg there that night shewing many other favours to him afterwards and to us also for his sake Now Zeimoto conceiving that he could not better acknowledge the honour which the Nautaquim did him then by giving him his Harquebuse which he thought would be a most acceptâ—ble present unto him on a day when he came home from shooting he â—endred it unto him with a number of Pigeons and Turtle-doves which he received very kindly as a thing of great value assuring him that he esteemed of it more then of all the treasures of China and giving him withall in recompence thereof a thousand Taeis in silver he desired him to teach him how to make the powder saying that without that the Harquebuse would be of no use to him as being but a piece of unprofitable iron which Zeimoto promised him to do and accordingly performed the same Now the Nautaquim taking pleasure in nothing so much as shooting in this Harquebuse and his Subjects perceiving that they could not content him better in any thing then in this wherewith he was so much delighted they took a pattern of the said Harquebuse to make others by it the effect thereof was such that before our departure whichwas five months an half after there was six hundred of them made in the Country nay I will say more that afterwards namely the lâ—st time that the Vice-roy Don Alphonso de Noroâ—ha sent me thither with a present to the Kâ—ng of Bungo which happened in the year 1556. those of Iappon affirmed that in the City of Fucheo being the chief of that Kingdom there were above thirty thousand whereat finding my self to be much amazed for that it seemed impossible unto me that this invention should multiply in such sort certain Merchants of good credit assured me that in the whole Island of Iappon there were above three hundred thousand Harquebuses and that they alone had transported of them in the way of trade to the Country of the Lequios at â—ix several times to the number of five and twenty hundred so that by the means of that one which Zeimoto presented to the Nautaquim in acknowledgment of the honour and good offices that he had done hâ—m as I have declared beâ—ore the Country was filled with such abundance of them as at this day there is not so small an hâ—mlet but â—ath an hundred at the least for as for Cities and great Towns they have them by thousands whereby one may perceive what the inclination of this people is and how much they are naturally addicted to the wars wherein they take more delight then any other Nation that we know We had been now three and twenty dayes in the Island of Tanixumaa where very contentedly we past away the time either in fishing fowling or hunting whereunto these people of Iappon are much addicted when as a vessel belonging to the King of Bungo a 〈◊〉 in that Port in the which were divers men of quality and certain Merchants whoâ—as â—oon as â—hâ—y were landed went to wait upon the Nautaquim with their presents according to the usual 〈◊〉 of the Country Amongst them there was an ancient man very well attâ—ndâ—d and unto whom the rest carried much respect that falling on his knees before the Nautaquim presented him with a letter and a rich Courtâ—lass garnished with gold together with a box full of veâ—â—iloes which the Nautaquim received with a great deal of ceremony Then having spent some time with him in asking of certain questions he read the letter to himself and thereupon having remained a prety while as it were in suspencâ— and dismissed the bearer thereof from his presence with an express charge unto those about him to see him honourably entertained he called us unto him and commanded the Truchman that was there by to use these words unto us My good Friends I intreat you that you will hear this letter read which is sent me from my Lord and Vncle and then I will let you know what I desire of you So giving it to a Treasurer of his he commanded him to read it which instantly he did and these were the contents of it Thou right eye of my face Hyascarangoxo Nautaquim of Tanixuma I Orgemdoo who am your Father in the true love of my bowels as he from whom you have taken the name and being of your Person King of Bungo and Facataa Lord of the great House of Fiancima Tosa and Bandou Chief Soveraign of the petty Kings of the Islands of Goto and Xamanaxequa I give you to understand my Son by the words of my mouth which are spoken of your person that some dayes since certain men coming from your Country have assured me that you have in your Town three Chenchicogims of the other end of the world men that accommodate themselves very well with those of Japan are clothed in silk and usually wear swords by their sides not like Merchants that use traffique but in the quality of
carried yet was it our good fortune to be advertised of it the day before his coming to us so that we had time enough to arm our selves outwardly with all the apparances of misery and affliction we could possibly devise and counterfeit which expedient next to Gods assistance stood us in more stead then any other we could have thought upon This man then came one morning well accompanied to the prison and after he had viewed us all one after another he called to him the Iurabaca who served to interpret for him Ask these men said he what is the cause that the mighty hand of God hath so abandoned them as to permit their lives through an effect of his Divine Iustice to be subjected to the judgement of men without having so much remorse of conscience as to set before their eyes the tâ—rrour of that dreadful vision which doth use to fright the soul at the last gasp of a mans life for it is to be believed that they who have done that which I observe in them have heaped sin upon sin We answered him thereunto that he had a great deal of reason for what he spake in regard it was very probable that the sins of men were the principal cause of their sufferings howbeit that God as the Soveraign Lord of all did nevertheless in that case accustome to take pity of them with sobs and tears continually called upon him and that it was also his bounty wherein all our hope was placed to the end he would be pleased to inspire the Kings heart with a will to do as justice according to our works for that we were poor strangers destitute of all favour a thing whereof men make most account in this woâ—ld That which you say replyed he is very well provided that your hearts be conformable to your words and then you are not to be found fault with for it is most certain that he which enammels all that our eyes do behold for the beautifying â—f the night and that hath likewise made whatsoever the day doth shâ—w us for the sustenance of man who are but worms of the earth will not refuse you your deliverance seeing you beg of him with so many sighs and tears wherefore I intreat you not to dissemble with me but truly to confess what I desire to understand from you at this present namely what people you are of what Nation in what part of the world you live in and how the Kingdom of your King is named whereunto you shall adde the cause that hath brought you hither and to what place you were going with so much riches which the Sea hath cast up on the shoars of Taydican whereat all the Inhabitants have so wondred as they were perswaded that you were Masters of all the Trade of China To these and other like questions which this Spie asked of us we returned him such answers as was most behoofull for us to give him wherewith he was so contented that making us many offers he promised to move the King for our deliverance In the mean time he spake not a word to us of the occasion for which he was sent but still fained himself to be a stranger and a Merchant like one of us Howbeit when he went away he carefully recommended us to the Jaylour and willed him not to let us want any thing promising to satisfie him for it to his content In acknowledgment whereof we gave him many humble thanks with tears in our eyes whereby he was greatly moved to compassion so that he gave us a Bracelet of gold that weighed thirty Duckats and also six sacks of Rice and withall desired us to excuse hâ—m for the smalness of the present he had given us After this he returned back to the King unto whom he rendred an account of all that had past with us assuring him that we were not such as the Chineses had made him to believe and offered for proof thereof to pawn his life an hundred times if need were which was the cause that the King abated much of the suspicion wherewithall they had inveighed him about our manner of lying But as he was resolving to give order for our enlargement as well upon the report of this man as in regard of the letter which the Broquen had written him there arrived at the Port a Chinese Pyrat with four Juncks unto whom the King gave his Country for a place of Retreat upon condition that he should share with him the moity of the booty which he should take by means whereof he was in great favour with the King and all them of the Country Now forasmuch as our sins would have it that this Pyrate was one of the greatest enemies the Portugals had at that time by reason of a fight that we had had with him a little before in the Port of Lamau where Laâ—cerote Pareyra born at Lyma commanded in chief and in which he had two Juncks burnt and three hundred of his men slain this dog was no sooner advertised of our imprisonment and how the King was resolved to free us but that he imbroyled the business in a strange manner and told him so many lies of us that he lacked but little of perswading him that ere long we would be the cause of the loss of his Kingdom For he assured him that it was our custom to play the Spies in a Countâ—y under pretence of trading and then to make our selves Masters of it like robbers as we were putting all to the sword that we met withall in it which wrought so powerfully with the King that he revoked all that he had resolved to have done and changing his mind he ordained that in regard of what had been told him we should each of us be dismembred into four quarters and the same set up in the publique streets that all the world might know we had deserved to be used so CHAP. XLVIII The King of the Lequios sending a cruel Sentence against us to the Broquen of the Town where we were prisoners to the end he should put it in execution and that which hapened unto us till our arrival at Liampoo AFter that this â—ruel Sentence of death had been pronounced against us the King sent a Peretanda to the Broquen of the City where we were prisoners to the end that within four dayes it should be executed upon our persons This Peretanda departed presently away and upon his arrival at the City he went and lodged himself at a certain widows house that was his sister a very honourable woman and from whom we had received much alms This same man having secretly imparted unto her the cause of his coming how he was not to return but with a good Certificate unto the King of the performance of this exâ—cuâ—ion she went strait-way and acquainted a Niece of hers with it who was daughter to the Broquen of the City in whose house lay a Portugal woman the wife of a Pilot who was a
by the four women upon whom she leaned directly to the Gallows whereon she and her four children were to be hanged and there the Rolim of Mounay who was held amongst them for a holy man used some speeches unto her for to encourage her the better to suffer death whereupon she desired them to give her a little water which being brought unto her she filled he mouth with it and so spurted it upon her four children whom she held in her arms then having kissed them many times she said unto them weeping O my Children my Children whom I have conceived anew within the interior of my Soul how happy would I think my self if I might redeem your lives with the loss of mine own a thousand times over if it were possible for in regard of the fear and anguish wherein I see you at this present and wherein every one sees me also I should receive Death with as good an heart from the hand of this cruel Enemy as I willingly desire to see my self in the presence of the Soveraign Lord of all things within the repose of his celestial Habitation Then turning her to the Hangman who was going to bind her two little boys Good Friend said she be not I pray thee so voyd of pity as to make me see my children dye for in so doing thou wouldst commit a great sin wherefore put me first to death and refuse me not this boon which I crave of thee for Gods sake After she had thus spoken she took her children again in her arms and kissing them over and over in giving them her last farewell she yielded up the ghost in the Ladies lap upon whom she leaned not so much as once stirring ever after which the Hangman perceiving ran presently unto her and hanged her as he had done the rest together with her four little children two of each side of her and she in the middle At this cruel and pitiful spectacle there arose from amongst all this people so great and hideous a cry that the Earth seemed to tremble under the feet of them that stood upon it and withall there followed such a Mutiny throughout the whole Camp as the King was constrained to fortifie himself in his quarter with six thousand Bramaa Horse and thirty thousand Foot and yet for all that be thought not himself secure enough from it had not the night come which onely was able to calm the furious motions of these men of war For of seven hundred thousand which were in the Camp six hundred thousand were by Nation Pegu's whose King was the Father of this Queen that was thus put to death but this Tyrant of Bramaa had so disarmed and subjected them as they durst not so much as quich upon any occasion Behold in what an infamous manner Nhay Canatoo finished her days a Princess every way accomplished wife to the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano and the daughter of the King of Pegu Emperor of nine Kingdoms whose yearly Revenue amounted unto three millions of Gold As for the infortunate King her Husband he was the same night cast into the River with a great stone tyed about his neck together with fifty or threescore of his chiefest Lords who were either the Fathers Husbands or Brothers of those hundred and forty Ladies that were most unjustly put to such an ignominious death amongst the which there were three whom this King of Bramaa had demanded in marriage at such time as he was but a simple Earl but not one of their Fathers would condescend unto it whereby one may see how great the revolutions of time and fortune are After the Tyrant of Bramaa had caused this rigorous Justice to be done he stayed there nine whole days during the which many of the Inhabitants of the City were also execued At last he departed for to go to Pegu leaving behind him Bainhaa Chaque Lord Steward of his House to take order for all things that might conduce to the pacifying of that Kingdom and to provide for the repairing of what the fire had consumed to which purpose he placed a good Garison there and carryed with him the rest of his Army Ioano Cayeyro followed him also with seven hundred Portugals not above three or four remaining behind in the ruines of Martabano and those too not very considerable except it were one named Gonçalo Falcan a Gentleman well born and whom these Gentiles commonly called Crisna Pacan that is to say Flower of Flowers a very honorable Title amongst them which the King of Bramaa had given him in recompence of his services Now for as much as at my departure from Malaca Pedro de Faria had given me a Letter directed unto him whereby he desired him to assist me with his favor in case I had need of it in the affair for which he sent me thither as well for the service of the King as for his own particular as soon as I arrived at Martabano where I found him resident I delivered him this Letter and withall gave him an account of the occasion that brought me thither which was to confirm the ancient league of Peace that the Chaubainhaa had made by his Embassadors with them of Malaca at such time as Pedro de Faria was first Governor of it and whereof he could not chuse but have some knowledg adding moreover how to that effect I had brought the Chaubainhaa Letters full of great protestations of amity and a Present of certain very rich Pieces of China Hereupon this Gonçalo Falcan imagining that by means hereof he might insinuate himself much more into the good grace of the King of Bramaa to whose side he turned at the siege of Martabano quitting that of the Chaubainhaa whom formerly he served he went three days after the Kings departure to his said Governor and told him that I was come thither as Embassador from the Captain of Malaca to treat with the Chaubainhaa unto whom the Captain sent an offer of great Forces against the King of Bramaa in so much that they of the Country were upon the point of fortifying themselves in Martabano and chasing away the Bramaas out of the Kingdom whereunto he added so many other such like matters that the Governor sent presently to apprehend me and after he had put me into safe custody he went directly to the Junck in which I came from Malaca and seized upon all the goods that were in her which were worth above an hundred thousand duckets committing the Necoda Captain and Master of the Junck to prison as also all the rest that were in her to the number of an hundred threescore and four persons wherein comprized forty rich Merchants Malayes Menancabo's Mahumetans and Gentiles Natives of Malaca All these were incontinently condemned to a confiscation of their goods and to remain the Kings prisoners as well as I for being complices in the Treason which the Captain of Malaca had plotted in secret with the Chaubainhaa against the King of Bramaa Having
rigorous justice of the Lord above This said they withdrew as if they would shew that by this action they had left the body of the deceased exempt from the power of the divell which besieged it before In the place of these same came in six and twenty of their principall Talagrepos being fourscore years old and upwards apparrelled in robes of violet coloured damask and carrying silver censors in their hands before whom for the greater gracing of them marched twelve gentlemen Ushers with Maces of the same metall as soon as these Priests had censed the hearse four severall times with many ceremonies they all prostrated themselves with their faces on the ground and then one of them began to say as if he had spoken to the dead man If the clouds of heaven were able to tell our grief unto the beasts of the fielâ— they would forsake their pasture for to help us to wail thy death and the great extremity whereunto we are reduced or els they would beseech thee Lord to imbarque us with thee into this deadly house where thou seest not us because we are not worthy of so great a favour but that all this people may be comforted in thee before the tomb shall hide thy body from us shew us Lord by figures of earth the peaceable joy and sweet contentment of thy repose that we may be all awaked out of the heavy sleep wherein the obscurities of the flesh doth wrap us and that we miserable wretches may be incited to imitate thee and follow thy steps for to behold thee in the joyfull house of the Sun at the last gasp of our lives To these words the people having made a very dreadfull cry answered incontinently The Lord grant us this grace Then the twelve gentlemen Ushers that carried the Maces going on afore to make way thorough the press though with much ado because the people would not withdraw there came forth of an house on the right side of the Scaffold four and twenty little boys richly apparelled with chains of gold and pretious stones about their necks who playing after their manner on divers instruments of musick and falling down on their knees in two ranks before the hearse they continued playing on their instruments to the tune whereof there were only two of them that sung whereunto five others answered from time to time in such a dolefull manner as made all the assistants shed abundance of tears yea some of them were so sensible of it as they could not forbear plucking of their hair and knocking their heads against the steps of the Throne where the hearse stood During this and many other ceremonies there performed six young gentlemen Grepos sacrificed themselves by drinking out of a golden cup a certain yellow liquor so venemous that before they had made an end of their draught they fell down stark dead on the ground this action of theirs brought these Martyrs of the divell into the number of their Saints so as they were envied by every one for it and presently their bodies were carried with a solemn procession to be burnt in a great fire that was made of Sanders Aloes and Benjamin where they were quickly reduced unto ashes The next morning the Scaffold was disgarnished of all the richest pieces about it and the hearse but the cloths of estate the hangings and banners as also many other moveables of great worth were not stirred and so with divers ceremonies fearfull cries and lamentations and a strange noyse of severall sorts of instruments they set fire on the Scaffold and all that was upon it anoynting it often with odoriferous liquors and confections of great price Thus was the body consumed to ashes in a very short time but whilst it was burning the King and all the Grandees of his Court which were then present cast in by way of alms many pieces of gold preâ—ious stones jewels and chains of pearl of exceeding great value all which so ill imployed were instantly consumed by the fire together with the body and bones of that wretched dead man so as we were certainly informed afterward that this funerall pomp cost above an hundred thousand duckets besides the garments which the King and the Grandees of the country gave to thirty thousand Priests that vvere assisting at it wherein was imployed an incredible quantity of stuffes of severall sorts witnesse the Portugals who mightily profited by so lucky an occasion because they sold at what price they would such as they brought from Bâ—ngala for which they were paid in lingots of gold and silver CHAP. LXI The election of the new Roolim of Mounay the grand Talagrepo of these Gentiles of the Kingdome of Pegu. THe next day between seven and eight in the morning which was the time when the ashes of the deceased began to be cold the King and all the great Lords of the Court came unto the place where the body had been burnt marching all in order after the manner of a stately procession and assisted by all the Grepos amongst whom there were an hundred and thirty with silver censors and fourteen with miters of gold on their heads they were apparrelled in long robes of yellow sattin as for all the rest to the number of ten thousand they were cloathed with taffeta of the same colour and with a kind of surpliss of fine linnen which was not done without a very great charge by reason of the number of them Being arrived at the place where the Roolim had been burnt after some ceremonies performed as is usuall with them according to the time and sence that every one had of it a Talagrepo of the Bramaa Nation and Uncle to the King as Brother to his Father whom the people held for the ablest of them all having been chosen to preach that day went up into the Pulpit for that effect The beginning of his Sermon was an Elegy touching the defunct whose life he commended with many speeches that made for his purpose wherein he grew so earnest and hot as turning himself to the King with tears in his eys and lifting up his voice somewhat louder to the end he might hear him the better he said unto him If the Kings in these times wherein we live do consider how little a time they have to live and with what rigour of justice they shall be chastised by the Almighty hand of the most high God for the crimes of their tyrannicall lives possibly it would be better for them to feed in the open fields like bruit beasts then to be so absolute in their will and to use it with so little reason even as to be cruel to the good and slack in punishing the wicked whom by their soveraign power they have put into greatnesse and authority and truly they are much to be lamented whose good fortune hath raised them up to an estate so dangerous as is that of Kings at this day by reason of the insolence and liberty wherein they continually
Captain of Malaca and by whom I had been sent as Ambassador to the Chaiubanbaa of Marâ—abano as I have declared heretofore To him I rendred an exact accompt of all that had past for which he shewed himself very sorrowfulL and accommodated me with divers things whereunto his conscience and generosity obliged him in regard of the goods which I had lost for his occasion A little after that I might not lose the oportunity of the season I imbarqued my self with an intention to go to the Southward and once more to try my fortune in the Kingdomes of China and Iapan to see if in those countries where I had so many times lost my coat I could not find a better then that I had on Being imbarqued at Goa in a Junck that belonged to Pedro de Faria which was bound in way of trade for Zunda I arrived at Malaca the same day that Ruy vas Pereyra termed Marramaque died who was then Captain of the fortresse there Being departed from that place to go to Zunda at the end of seventeen dayes I arrived at Banta where the Portugals are accustomed to traffique And because there was at that time great scarcity of pepper over all the country and that we came thither of purpose for it we were constrained to passe the winter there with a resolution to go for China the year following We had been almost two moneths in this Port where we exerâ—ised our commerce very peaceably whenas from the King of Demaa Emperor of all the Islands of Iaoa Angenia Bâ—la Madura and of the rest of the Islands of that Archipelago there landed in this country a widdow woman named Nhay Pombaya about the age of threescore years who came as Ambassador to Tagaril King of Zuâ—da that was also his Vassall as well as all the rest of that Monarchy for to tell him that he was within the term of six weeks to be in person at the town of Iapara where he was then making preparation to invade the Kingdome of Passaruan When this woman arrived in this Port the King went in person to the Vessell where she was from whence he carried her to his Palace with great pomp and put her into the company of his wife for her better entertainment whilest he himself retired to another lodging farther off to do her the more honor Now that one may know the reason wherefore this ambassage was executed rather by a woman then a man you must note that it hath alwayes been the custome of the Kings of this Kingdome to treat of the most important matters of their State by the mediation of women especially when it concernes peace which they observe not only in particular messages that are sent by the Lords to their Vassalls such as this was but also in matter of publique and generall affairs which is performed by ambassage from one King to another and all the reason they give for it is That God hath given more gentlenesse and inclination to courtesie yea and more authority to women then to men who are severe as they say and by consequent lesse agreeable to those unto whom they are sent Now it is their opinion that every one of those women which the Kings are accustomed to send about affaires of importance ought to have certain qualities for well executing of an ambassage and worthily discharging the Commission which is granted to them for first of all they say That she must not be a Maid for fear she chance to lose her honor in going out of her house because that even as with her beauty she contents every one so by the same reason she may be a motive of discord and unquietnesse in matters where unity is required rather then an accesse to concord and the peace which is pretended unto To this they adde that she must be married or at leastwise a widdow after a lawfull marriage that if she have had children she must have a Certificate how she hath given them all suck with her own breasts alledging thereupon that she who hath borne children and doth not nourish them if she can is rather a carnall voluptuous corrupted and dishonest woman then a true mother And this custome is observed so exactly over all this country principally amongst persons of quality that if a mother hath a child which she cannot give suck unto for some valuable consideration she must make an attestation thereof as of a thing very serious and much importing her honor That if being young too she happens to lose her husband and becomes a widdow she must for the better testifying of her vertue enter into Religion to the end she may thereby shew that she did not formerly marry for the pleasure which she expected from her marriage but to have children according to the pure and honest intention wherewith God joyned together the first married couple in the terrestiall Paradise Furthermore that there might be nothing to be found fault with in the purity of their marriage and that it might be altogether conformable to the Law of God they say that after a woman is with-child she ought no longer to have the company of her husband because the same could not then be but dishonest and sensuall To these conditions they add many others which I will passe over in silence for that I think it unreasonable to use prolixity in matters that I hold worthy of excuse if I do not relate them at length In the mean time after that Nhay Pombaya had delivered her Embassage to the King of Zunda as I have declared before and treated with him about the occasion which brought her thither she presently departed from this Towne of Baâ—ta whereupon the King having speedily prepared all things in readinesse he set sail with a Fleet of thirty Calaluzes and ten Iuripangâ—es well furnished with ammunition and victuall in which forty vessells there were seven thousand fighting men besides the Mariners and Rowers Amongst this number were forty Portugalls of six and forty that we were in all in regard whereof they did us many particular favours in the businesse of our Merchandize and publikely confessed that they were much obliged to us for following them as we did so that we should have had little reason to have excused our selves from accompanying them in this war CHAP. XLIV The expedition of the Pangueyran Emperor of Jaoa and King of Demaa against the King of Passeruan and all that which passed in this war THe King of Zunda being departed from the Port of Banta the fifth day of Ianuary in the year one thousand five hundred forty and six arrived on the nineteenth of the same at the Town of Iapura where the King of Demaa Emperor of this Island of Iaoa was then making his preparatives having an army on foot of eight hundred thousand men This Prince being advertised of the King of Zundaes coming who was his brother-in-law and vassall he sent the King of Panaruca Admirall of the Fleet to
receive him who brought along with him an hundred and threescore Calaluzes and ninety Lanchares full of Luffons from the Isle of Borneo With all this company he arrived where the King of Zunda was who entertained him very courteously and with a great deal of honor Fourteen daies after our coming to this Town of Iapara the King of Demaa went and imbarqued himself for the Kingdome of Passarâ—an in a Fleet of two thousand and seven hundred sails amongst the which were a thousand high-built Juncks and all the rest were Vessells with oars The eleventh of February he arrived at the river of Hicandurea which is at the entrance of the bar and because the King of Panaruca Admirall of the Fleet perceived that the great Vessells could not passe unto the Port which was two leagues off by reason of certaine shelves of sand that were in divers parts of the river he caused all those that were in them to be disimbarqued and the other Vâ—ssells with oars to go and anchor in the road before the Town with an intention to burn the Ships that were in the Port which indeed was accordingly executed In this Army was the Emperor Panguâ—yran in person accompanied with all the grandeâ—s of the Kingdome the King of Zunda his brother-in-law who was Generall of the Army went by land with a great part of the forces and being all arrived at the place where they meant to pitch their Camp they took care in the first place for the fortifying thereof and for placing the Canon in the most commodious places to batter the Town in which labour they bestowed the most part of the day As for the night ensuing it was spent in rejoycings and keeping good watch untill such time as it was day whenas each Captain applied himself to that whereunto his duty obliged him all in generall imploying themselves according to the ingineers directions so that by the second day the whole Town was invironed with high Pallisadoes and their Platformes fortified with great beames whereupon they planted divers great pieces of Ordnance amongst the which were Eagles and Lions of metall that the Acheâ—s and Turks had cast by the invention of a certain Renegado born in the Kingdome of Algarâ—es appertaining to the Crown of Portugal and by reason this wicked wretch had changed his belief he called himself Coia Geinal for as for the name which he had before when he was a Christian I am contented to passe it over in silence for the honor of his Family being indeed of no mean extraction In the mean time the besieged having taken notice how ill-advised they had been in suffering the enemies to labour two whole daies together peaceably in fortifying of their Camp without any impeachment of theirs and taking the same for a great affront they desired their King to permit them to fal upon them the night following alledging how it was probable that men vvearied vvith labour could not make any great use of their arms nor be able to resist this first impetuosity The King who at that time commanded the Kingdom of Passaruan was young indued with many excellent qualities vvhich made him to be exeeedingly beloved of all his subjects for as it was reported of him he was very liberal no manner of Tyrant exceedingly affable to the common people a friend to the poor and so charitable towards Widovvs that if they acquainted him vvith their necessities he relieved them instantly and did them more good then they asked of him Besides these perfections that vvere so recommendable he possessed some others so conforâ—able to mens desires as there vvas not any one that vvould not have exposed his life a thousand times for his service if need â—ad been Furthermore he had none but choice men vvith him even the flovver of all his Kingdome besides many strangers upon vvhom he conferred much vvealth honor and many graces which he accompanied vvith good vvords that being indeed the means vvhereby the minds both of great and small are so strongly gained that they make them Lions of sheep vvhereas carrying ones self other vvayes of generous Lions they are made fearfull hares This King then examining the request vvhâ—ch his people made unto him and referring himself to the advice of the antientest and most prudent Councellors of his State vvhich vvere vvith him there vvas a great contention about the successe that the affairs might have but in the end by the counsell of all in generall it vvas concluded That in case â—ortune should be altogether adverse unto them in this sally which they mâ—ant to make against their enemies yet would it be a much lesse evill and lesse considerâ—ble affront then to see the King so besieged by vile people who against all reason would reduce them by force to quit their beliefe wâ—erein they had been bred by their Fathers to imbrace another new one by the suscitation of the Farazes who place their salvation in washing their parts behind in not eating of swines flesh and marâ—ying of seven wives whereby the best advised may easily judge that God was so much their enemy as he would not assist them in any thing seeing that with so great offence they would under pretext of Religion and with reasons so full of contradiction compell their King to become a Mahometan and render himself tributary to them To these reasons they added many others which the King and they that were with him found to be so good as they all with one common consent agreed thereunto which is en evident mark that it is a thing no lesse naturall for a good Subject to expose his life for his King then for a vertuous wife to conserve her chastity for the husband which God hath given her This being so said they a matter of so great importance was no longer to be deferred but we all in generall and each one in particular are by this sally to make demonstration of the extreme affection which we bear to our good King who we are assured will never be unmindfull of them that shall fight best for his defence which is all the inheritance we desire to leave to our children Whereupon it was resolved that the night following they should make a sally upon their enemies Whereas the joy which this designed sally brought to all the inhabitants of the Town was generall they never stayed till they were called but two hours after midnight and before the time which the King had appointed they assembled all in a great place which was not far from the Royall Palace and where they of the country had accustomed to keep their Fairs and to solemnize their most remarkable feasts on those principall dayes which were destined to the invocation of their Pagodâ—s The King in the mean time wonderfully content to see such heat of courage in them of seventy thousand inhabitants which were in the Town drew out twelve thousand only for this enterprise and divided them into four companies each
it had pleased him to shew me the grace that I had been so too that so I might not have offended him as I have done since for seeing my self continually pressed by thâ—se Gentiles to follow their pernicious errors I withstood them a long time but whereas the flesh is fraile being very poor far from my country and without hope of liberty my sins made me at their intreaties to yeeld to that which they desired of me with so much importunity by reason whereof this Kingâ— Father did me many great favours and being sent for yesterday from a place where I was to look unto two of the chiefest Gentlemen of this country it pleased God that I fell into the hands of these dogs to the end I should no longer be one for which the Lord be blessed for evermore This mans discourse exceedingly astonished us and as much as the novelty of so strange an accident required so that having comforted him as well as we could in such termes as we thought were necessaty for the time wherein we were we asked him whether he would go with us to Zunda and from thence to Malaca where God might shew him the grace to die in his service like a good Christian. Whereunto having made answer that he desired nothing more and that he had never had other design we gave him another habit because he was cloathed like a Pagan and kept him alwayes with us as long as the siege lasted CHAP. XLV The death of the King of Demaa by a very strange accident and that which arrived thereupon TO come again now to our history you are to understand that the Pangueyran of Pata King of Demaa being certified by some of the enemies whom his men had taken prisoners of the piteous estate whereunto the besieged were reduced the most part of them dead their ammunition failing and their King dangerously hurt all these things together carried him more ardently then ever to the assault which he had purposed with himself to give to the besieged Town He resolved then to scale it in plain day and to assault it with more violence then before so that instantly great preparations were made over all the Camp where divers Serjeants at Armes on horseback and carrying Maces on their shoulders went proclaiming aloud after the men of war had been made to assemble together with the sound of trumpets The Pangueyran of Pata by the power of him who hath created all things Lord of the Lands which inviron the Seas being willing to discover unto all in generall the secret of his soul doth let you know that nine daies hence he will have you be in a readiness to the end that with the courages of Tygers and redoubled forces you assist him in the assault which he intends to give unto the Town for a recompence whereof he liberally promiseth to do great favours as well in money as in honorable and remarkable titles those to the five souldiers which fiâ—st of all shall plant colours on the enemies walls or that shall perform actions which shall be agreeable to him Whereas contrarily they which do not carry themselves valiantly in this enterprise conformably to his pleasure shall be executed by the way of justice without any regard had to their condition This Ordinance of the Kings full of menaces being published over every part of the Camp put them into such an alarm as the Commanders began incontinently to make themselves ready and to provide all things necessary for this assault without scarce taking any rest either day or night making withall so great a noyse by intermingling their hues and cries with the sounds of drums and other instruments of war as it could not be heard without much terror In the mean time whereas of the nine daies destined for the purpose aforesaid seven were already pâ—st so as there rested no more but two at the end whereof an assault was to be given to the Towne one morning as the Pangueyran sate in Councell to resolve of the â—ffairs of this siege with the principall Lords of his Army as also of the means of the time and places whereby they were to assault the Town and of other necessary things it was said that from the diversity of opinions which the one and the other had there arose so great a contention amongst them as the King was constrained to take every ones advice in writing During this time whereas he had alwayes neer about him a young Page who carried Bethel an herb whose leaves are like unto Plantain which these Pagans are accustomed to chaw because it makes them have a sweet breath and also purges the humours of the stomack he asked this Page then for some of it who at first seemed not to hear him being much about twelve or thirteen years old for I hold it fit to make mention of his age in regard of that I am to say of him hereafter Now to return to the Pangueyran as he vvas continuing his discourse vvith his Councell of War thorough much speaking and somevvhat in choler his mouth became dry so that he asked the Page again for some Bethel which he ordinarily carried in a little box of gold but he heard him no more this second time then he had done the first insomuch as the King having asked him for some the third time one of the Lords that vvas neere to the Page pulled him by the sleeve and bid him give the King some Bethel vvhich immediately he did and falling on his knees he presented him vvith the box vvhich he had in his hands the King then took tvvo or three leaves of it as he used to do and vvithout being othervvise angry giving him a light touch vvith his hand on the head art thou deaf said he unto him that thou couldst not hear me and thereupon re-entred into discourse vvith them of his Councell Novv because these Iaoas are the most punctillious and perfidious Nation of the vvorld and that vvithall they of this country hold it for the greatest affront that can be done thena vvhen one gives them a touch on the head this young Page imagining that the King had touched him so out of a mark of so great a contempt as he should thereby be made infamous for ever though indeed none of the company took notice of it he went aside weeping and sobbing by himself and in the end resolved to revenge the injury which the King had done him so that drawing out a little knife which he wore at his girdle he stabbed the King with it into the midst of the left pap and so because the blow was mortall the King fell instantly down on the ground not able to say any more then these two or three words I am dead wherewithall those of the Councell were so frighted as it is not possible to expresse it After that this emotion was a little calmed they fell first unto looking to the King to see if some remedy might
dispensation from this voyage by the means of a great sum of money which they made up amongst themselves and carried to the Colonel Now whereas there is no place where money is not powerfull enough to overthrow all things and from which a man can hardly defend himself the Colonel Raudiuaa suffered himself to be overcome with such a masse of coyn as these men presented him with and consented that they should not budge from their homes In this sort he was constrained to take up in their steads most of the poor impotent and old men of the country without any regard had to the Kings expresse Injunction to the contrary Being arrived with this goodly company of souldiers at the City of Odiaa he was commanded to make a shew of them before the King as all the Colonels did of theirs as soon as this Prince cast his eye from a window where he was upon men so wretched old and poorly clad he caused one file of them to come before him then having asked of them how old they were and why they presented themselves before him in so bad an equipage one amongst them speaking for the rest recounted unto him the whole businesse as it had past which put the King into such choler that having presently commanded Quiay Raudiuaa to be brought before him and reviled him publikely for his villany and basenesse he caused him to be bound hand and foot and having given order for the melting of five Turmes of silver he made it to be powred into his mouth in his presence whereof he died instantly Whereupon beholding him lie dead before him If it be so said he unto him that there needed but five Turmes of silver to kill thee how could'st thou imagine that the threescore thousand duckats which thou tookest of the cowards of Banchaa for to dispense with them from the war should not be capable of sending thâ—â— into the other world God forgive thee thy avarice and â—e the little punishment I have inflicted on thee for the same After this he sent presently to search his house where the five thousand Turmes he had taken were found which were immediately brought to the King who caused this money to be distributed in his presence to those old and impotent poor wretches which Raudiuaa had brought thither being in number above three thousand that done he sent them home to their houses willing them to pray unto God for him As for those effeminate men who to be exempted from going to the war had given the five thousand Turmes to the Colonell he commanded them to be attired like women and so banished them into an Island called Pulho Caton wherewith yet not contented he confiscated all their estates which he ordered should be bestowed on such as behaved themselves best in the war And not long after observing that one of the hundred and threescore Portugals which went along with him in this expedition hung back in a certain attempt which the rest of his fellows went upon where they carried themselves so valiantly and with such courage as they regained the principall Fort which the enemy had taken in the Town of Lautor he commanded him to return to Siam seeing he was not like his other companions and that as long as he continued there he should neither offer to go out of the house where he was nor take upon him the name of a Portugal on paine of having his beard shaven off and used like those of Banchaa since he was as cowardly as they whereas contrarily to all the rest of the Portugals he sent treble pay and exempted them from all duties that were to be paid for their Merchandize as also gave them power to build Churches in any part of his Kingdome for the adoring of the name of the God of the Portugals By these and many other examples which I could produce here it is manifest how great and commendable the inclinations of this Prince were who notwithstanding that he was a Gentile was of a wonderfull good nature and exceedingly addicted to vertuous actions It is not to be believed with what infinite sorrow both all the great Lords and generally all the subjects of this Kingdome bewailed the death of their good King but at length an Assembly was made of all the Priests of this City who as it was said were twenty thousand in number by whose direction the principall persons of the Kingdom concluded upon the funerall pomp and ceremonies which were to be used thereabout according to the custome of the country whereupon a mighty great pile was forthwith erected â—â—â—ade of Sandal Aloes Calembaa and Benjamin on the which the body of the deceased King being laid fire was put to it with a strange ceremony during all the time that the body was a burning the people did nothing but wail and lament beyond all expression but in the end it being consumed to ashes they put them into a silver shrine which they imbarqued in a Laulea very richly equipped that was accompanied with forty Seroos full of Talagrepos which are the highest dignity of their Gentile Priests and a great number of other Vessells wherein there was a world of people after them followed an hundred small barques laden with divers figures of Idolls under the formes of Adders Lizards Tygers Lions Toads Serpents Bats Geese Bucks Dogs Elephants Cats Vultures Kites Crows and other such like creatures whose figures were so well represented to the life as they seemed to be living In another very great ship was the King of all these Idolls which they called The gluttonous Serpent of the profound pit of the house of smoke This Idoll had the figure of a monstrous Adder was as big about as an hogshead and vvrithed into nine circles so that whenas it was extended it was above â—n hundred spans long it had the neck standing upright and out of the eyes throat and breast issued flames of artificiall fire which rendred this monster so dreadfull and furious as all that beheld it trembled for fear Now upon a Theater three fathom high and richly guilt was a very beautiful little boy about four or five years old covered all over with pearls and chains and bracelets of precious stones having wings and a bush of hair of fine gold much after the manner as we use to paint Angells This child held a rich Curtelas in his hand by which invention these Pagans would give to understand That it was an Angell of heaven sent from God to imprison all those many devills to the end they should not steal away the Kings soul before it should arrive at the place of rest which was prepared for it there above in glory for a recompence of the good works which he had done below in the world In this order all these Vessells got to land at a Pagode called Quiay Poutâ—r where after that the silver shrine in which the Kings ashes were was placed and the little boy taken from thence
himself absolute Lord of the Empire of Sâ—rnaâ— whereof the revenue was twelve millions of gold besides other comings in which amounted to as much more With all these inventions this Queen used so great diligence for the contenting of the desire which she had to raise her Favorite to the Royalty to marry her self to him and to make the illegitimate son which she had bad by him successor of the Crown as within the space of eight moneths fortune favouring her designes and hoping more fully to execute her wicked plot shee caused most of the great men of the kingdom to be put to death and confiscated all their lands goods and treasures which she distributed amongst such of her creatures as she daily drew to her party Now forasmuch as the young King her son served for the principall obstacle to her intentions this young Prince could not escape her abominable fury for she her self poysoned him even as she had poysoned the King his father That done she married with Vquumcheniraa who had been one of the Purveyors of her house and caused him to be crowned King in the city of Odiaa the eleventh of November in the yeare one thousand five hundred forty five But whereas Heaven never leaves wicked actions unpunished the year after one thousand five hundred forty and six and on the fifteenth day of January they were both of them slain by Oyaa Passilico and the King of Cambaya at a certain banquet which these Princes made in a Temple that was called Quiay Figrau that is to say the god of the atoms of the Sun whose solemnity was that day celebrated So that as well by the death of these two persons as of all the rest of their party whom these Princes also killed with them all things became very peaceable without any further prejudice to the people of the kingdom onely it is true that it was despoyled of the most part of the Nobility which formerly it had by the wicked inventions and pernicious practices whereof I have spoken before CHAP. LXIX The King of Bramaa's enterprize upon the Kingdom of Siam and that which past untill hiâ— arrivall at the city of Odiaa with his besieging of it and all that ensued thereupon THe Empire of Siam remaining without a lawfull successor those two great Lords of the Kingdom namely Oyaa Passiliâ—â— and the King of Cambaia together with four or five more of the trustiest that were left and which had been confederate with them thought fit to chuse for King a certain religious man named Pretiâ—m in regard he was the naturall brother of the deceased Prince husband to that wicked Queen of whom I have spoken whereupon this religious man who was Talagrepo of a Pagodâ— called Quiay Mitrau from whence he had not budg'd for the space of thirty years was the day after drawn forth of it by Oyaa Passilico who brought him on the seventeenth day of January into the city of Odiaa where on the nineteenth he was crowned King with a new kind of ceremony and a world of magnificence which to avoid prolixity I will not make mention of here having formerly treated of such like things Withall passing by all that further arrived in this Kingdom of Siam I will content my self with reporting such things as I imagine will be most agreeable to the curious It happened then that the King of Bramaa who at that time reigned tyrannically in Pegu being advertised of the deplorable estate whereinto the Empire of Sâ—rnau was reduced and of the death of the greatest Lords of the Country as also that the new King of this Monarchy was a religious man who had no knowledge either of arms or war and withall of a cowardly disposition a tyrant and ill beloved of his subjects he fell to consult thereupon with his Lords in the town of Anapleu where at that time he kept his Court. Desiring their advice then upon so important an enterprize they all of them told him that by no means he should desist from it in regard this Kingdome was one of the best of the world as well in riches as in abundance of all things thereunto they added that the season which was then so favourable for him â—romised it to him at so good a rate as it was likely it would not cost him above the revenue of one only year what expence soever he should make of his treasure besides if he chanced to get it he should remain Monarch of all the Emperors of the world and therewithall he should be honored with the soveraign title of Lord of the whiâ—e Elephant by which means the seventeene Kings of Capimper who made profession of his Law must of necessity render him obedience They told him moreover that having made so great a conquest he might thorough the same territories and with the succour of the Princes his Allies passe into China where was that great City of Pequin the incomparable pearl of all the world and against which the great Cham of Tartaria the Siamon and the Calaminham had brought such prodigious Armies into the field The King of Bramaa having heard all these reasons and many others which his great Lords alledged unto him wherein his interest was especially concerned which alwayes works powerfully on every man was perswaded by them and resolved to undertake this enterprise For this effect he went directly to Martabano where in lesse then two moneths and an half he raised an Army of eight hundred thousand men wherein there were an hundred thousand strangers and amongst them a thousand Portugals which were commanded by Diego Suarâ—z d' Albergaria called Galego by way of nick name This Diego Suarez departed out of the Kingdome of Portugal in the year one thousand five hundred thirty and eight and went into the Indiaes with the Fleet of the Vice-Roy Don Garcia de Noronha in a Junck whereof Ioano de Sepulveda of the town of Euora was Captain but in the time of which I speak namely in the yeare one thousand five hundred forty and eight he had of this King of Bramaa two hundred thousand duckats a yeare with the title of his brother and Governor of the Kingdome of Pegu. The King departed then from the Town of Marâ—abano the Sunday after Easter being the seventh of April 1548. His Army as I have already said was eight hundred thousand men whereof only forty thousand were horse and all the rest foor threescore thousand of them being Harquebuziers there were moreover five thousand warlike Elephants with whom they fight in those countries and also a world of baggage together with a thousand pieces of Canon which were drawn by a thousand couple of Buffles and Rhinocerots withall there was a like number of yoke of oxen for the carriage of the victualls Having taken the field then with these forces he caused his Army to march still on untill at length he entred into the Territories of the King of Siam where after five days he came to a
delay This done he parted the day following with a small train from the City of Pegu to give example to others to do the like and wept and lodged at a Town called Mouchan with an intention to tarry there those fifteen days he had limited the Lords to come unto him Now whenas six or seven of them were already past he was advertised that Xemin de Satan Governor of a Town so named had secretly sent a great sum of gold to the Zemindoo and had withall done him homage for the same Town where he commanded This news somewhat troubled the King of Bramaa who devising with himself of the means which he might use to meet with the mischief that threatned him he sent for Xemin de Satan who was then in the said Town of his Government with a purpose to cut off his head but he betaking himself to his bed and making shew of being sick answered that he would wait upon the King as soon as he was able to rise Now in regard he found himself to be guilty and misdoubting the cause wherefore he was sent for he communicated this affair to a dozen of his kinsmen that were there present with him who all of them concluded together how since there was no better way to save himself then in killing the King that without further delay it was to be put in execution so that all of them offering secretly to assist him in this enterprise they speedily assembled all their Confidents without declaring unto them at first the occasion wherefore they did it and withall drawing others unto them with many fair promises they made up of all being joyned together a company of six hundred men Whereupon being informed that the King was lodged in a certain Pagode they fell upon it with great violence and fortune was so favourable unto them that finding him almost alone in his chamber they slew him without incurring any danger That done they retired into an outward Court where the Kings Guard having had some notice of this treason set upon them and the conflict was so hot between them that in half an hours space or thereabout eight hundred men lay dead in the place whereof the most part were Bramaaes After this Xemin de Satan making away with four hundred of his followers went to a place of a large extent called Poutel whither all those of the country round about resorted unto him who being advertised of the death of the King of Bramaa whom they mortally hated made up a body of five thousand men and went to seek out the three thousand Bramaaes which the King had brought thither vvith him And forasmuch as these same vvere dispersed in severall places they vvere all of them easily slain not scarce so much as one escaping With them also vvere killed fourscore of three hundred Portugals that Diego Suarez had with him vvho together vvith all the rest vvhich remained vvith their lives saved rendred themselves upon composition and vvere received to mercy upon condition that for the future they should faithfully serve Xemin de Satan as their proper King vvhich they easily promised to do Nine days after this mutiny the Rebell seeing himself favoured by fortune and such a multitude of people at his devotion which were come to him out of this Province to the number of thirty thousand men caused himself to be declared King of Pegu promising great recompences to such as should follow and accompany him untill he had wholly gained the Kingdome and driven the Bramaaes out of the country With this design he retired to a fortresse called Tagalaa and resolved to fortifie himself there out of the feare he was in of the forces vvhich vvere to come to the succour of the deceased King thinking to find him alive having been advertised that many vvere already set forth from the City of Pegu for that purpose Now of those Bramaaes which Xemin de Satan had slain one by chance escaped and cast himself all woundeâ— as he vvas into the river and swimming over never left travelling all that night and the day follovving for fear of the Pegues untill he arrived at a place called Coutasarem where he incountred with the Chaumigrem the deceased Kings Foster-brother vvho vvas incamped there vvith an army of an hundred and â—ourscore thousand men vvhereof there vvere but only thirty thousand Bramaaes all the rest Pegues finding him then upon the point of parting from thence in regard of the heat that vvould be vvithin tvvo hours after he acquainted him vvith the death of the King and all that had past besides Now though this news greatly troubled the Chaumigrem yet he dissembled it for the present with so much courage and prudence as not one of his followers perceived any alteration in him But contrarily putting on a rich habit of Carnation Sattin imbroidered with gold and a chain of precious stones about his neck he caused all the Lords and Commanders of his Army to assemble before him and then speaking to them with the semblance of a joyfull man Gentlemen said he this fellow which you saw come to me but now in such hast hath brought me this Letter which I have here in my hand from the King my Lord and yours and although by the contents thereof he seemeth to blame us for our carelessâ—ness in lingering thus yet I hope e're long to render him such an accompt of it as his Highnesse shall give us all thanks for the service we have done him By this letter too he certifies me that he hath very certaine intelligence how the Zemindoo hath raised an army with an intent to fall upon the Towns of Cosmin and Dalâ—â— and to gain all along the rivers of Digon and Meâ—doo the whole Province of Danaplâ—â— even to Ansedaa wherefore he hath expresly enjoyned me that as soon as possibly I may I put into those places as the most important such forces as shall be able to resist the enemy and that I take heed nothing be lost through my nâ—gligence because in that case â—e will admit of no excuse This being so it seems to me very importanâ— and necessary for his service that you my Lord Xemiâ—brum go instantly without all delay and put your self with your forces into the Town of Dâ—laa and your brother-in-law Baâ—â—haa Quem into that of Digon with his fifteen thousand men as for Colonel Gipray and Monpocasser they shall go with their thirty thousand souldiers into Ansedaa and Danapluu and Ciguamcan with twenty thousand men shall march along to Xaraa and so to Mâ—lacou moreoâ—er Quiay Brazagaran with his brethren and kinsmen shall go for Generall of the Frontier with an Army of fifty thousand men to the end that assisted with those forces he may in person give order wheresoever need shall be Behold what the King hath written to me whereof I pray you let us make an agreement and all sign it together for it is no reason that my head should answer for your
amounting to the number of seven or eight thousand men amongst the which were six and twenty Portugals of forty that were with the King But these ministers of Satan not contented with having committed so horrible a Treason went directly to the Queens lodging where having found her sick in her bed they most mercilesly butchered her with three of hâ—r Daughters and all the women they could meet withall After this with an inraged fury they set fire on the Town in six or seven places which kindling by the violence of the vvinde that was very high at that time it took hold of it in such sort as in lesse then two hours it was almost burnt down to the ground Whereupon vve seven and twenty Portugals that remained retired with much adoe to our Vessel vvhere we saved our selves as it vvere by miracle leaving our anchor in the sea and setting sail with all the speed we could The next morning the mutiners who were about ten thousand having sacked the Town divided themselves into two troops and retired to a hill called Canaphamaâ— there they fortified themselves with an intent to create a new Head that should govern them because the Fucarandono had been slain with the stroak of a lance which he had received in his throat together with all the rest of his kinsmen which had given a beginning to this Mutinie The same day after the end of this disorder advertisement was given thereof to the Prince the Kings Son who was at that time in the fort of Osquy some seven leagues from the town of Fucheo This young Prince extremely afflicted with this newes would presently have gone to the town with some of his favorites which were all the company that he had then with him but the Fingeindono his governor was utterly against it alledging many reasons to perswade him not to budge from that place until he had been more amply informed in what termes this affair stood for it was very credible that they who durst kill his father would not stick to dispatch him out of the way too since it lay in their power so to doe he not being in a condition to defend himself Wherefore he advised him to assemble all the forces he could to the end he might by their means subdue and chastise his enemies The Prince approved of this counsell and having taken order for that which he judged was most necessary according to the estate wherein he as he commanded some that were about him to go and wind the horn a thing observed in Iapan which caused such a hurly burly over all the country as words are not able to expresse it Now the better to understand this same you must know that by an ancient custome of this Kingdome of Iapan all the inhabitants in whatsoever place they lived from the least to the greatest are bound to have in their houses a horn of a great sea-winckles shell which they are forbidden at any time to winde upon pain of great punishment save in one of these four cases namely a tumult a fire a robberie and a treason so that if one winds a horn the cause of it is presently known because if it be a tumult one winds it once if a fire twice if a robberie thrice and if it be a treason four times insomuch that at the first winding of the horne all others are bound upon pain of death to wind theirs and in such sort as the first hath winded his to the end that it may be distinctly known what it is and that there may be no confusion Now because this signal of treason is not so ordinary as the others which arrive very often when it happens to be given all the people are so affrightrd with it as without further delay they run thronging to the place where the horn was first winded so that by this means the bruit passeth from one to another with such speed as within lesse then an hour one is advertised thereof above twenty â—eagues about But to return to that which I said but now as soon as the Prince had given order for that particular he retired into a Monastery of Religious persons which stood in the midst of a wood there he remained shut up three daies during the which he did nothing but bewail his Father Mother and Sisters and that vvith exceeding demonstrations of sorrovv testified by his sighs and tears At the end of that time in regard great numbers of his subjects vvere assembled unto him he went out of that Monastery to provide for that which he judged necessary as well for the safety of his kingdome as for the chastisement of the rebels vvhose goods and estates were immediately confiscated their houses demolished and such terrible Proclamations published against them as could not be heard without trembling Seven daies after this deplorable event the Prince was counselled in regard he had as already I have said great numbers come unto him to go and besiege the ten thousand Mutiners in the place of their retreat Whereupon he parted from the fort of Osquy and marched directly to the town with his Army which it was said consisted of very neer an hundred and thirty thousand men whereof seventeen thousand were horse and the rest foot all lusty and well armed and capable of executing any high enterprise Being arrived at the town he was vvonderfully vvell received by the people vvho â—estified a great deal of resentment for the death of the late King his father He vvould not go at first to the Roiall Palace but went before he past any further to the Pagode where his father was buried there he took care to make him a funerall Pomp with a great deal of cost and honor according to the manner of the country which lasted the two nights following In conclusion he was shewed the same robe all bloudy that his father had on when he was killed upon which he took a solemn oath never to pardon any of them that should be found guilty no not if they were Bonzes and to burn all the Temples whereinto those traitors had fled for sanctuary The fourth day after his entry into the town he was proclaimed King though but with little ceremony and magnificence in regard of the general mourning That done accompanied as he was with an hundred and threescore thousand men he marched directly to the place whither the mutiners were retired Now to the end he might the more easily take them and keep them from flying away he besieged them in the mountain where they were and that for the space of nine daies But whereas they saw that they could hold out no longer for lack of victuals and that they had no hope of succor they thought it was better for them to die like valiant men then to let themselves be besieged like cowards vvith this resolution under the favor of a very dark and rainy night they descended from the mountain by four severall waies and falling
on the Kings Army which was ready to receive them in battel array as having been advertised of their design there ensued so dreadfull and furious a fight betwixt them as it lasted two hours within day but at length the conflict ended with the death of seven and thirty thousand men amongst the which the ten thousand Mutiners were slain not one of them deigning to save himself upon any termes whatsoever In the mean time the death of his men greatly afflicted the King who after this punishment of the rebels retyring to the town the first thing he did was to provide for the curing of the hurt men wherein he spent a good time in regard they were very many and whereof a great number died afterwards CHAP. LXXVI Our passing from the Town of Fucheo to the Port of Hiamangoo and that which befell us there together with my departure from Malaca and arrival at Goa After that this revolt had taken an end by the death of so many men on the one and the other side we few Portugals that remained as soon as time would permit us got to the port of the town where seeing the Country desolated the merchants fled away and the King resolved to leave the town we lost all hope of selling our comodities yea and of being safe in this harbour which made us set sail and go ninety leagues further to another Port called Hiamangoo which is in the bay of Canguexumaa there vve sojourned tvvo months and an half not able to sell any thing at all because the country vvas so full of Chinese comodities as they fell above half in half in the price for there vvas not a Port or Read in all this Iland of Iapan vvhere there were not thirty or forty Iuncks at anchor and in some places above an hundred so that in the same very year at least two thousand merchants ships came from China to Iapan Now most of this merchandise consisted in Silk which was given at so cheap a rate that the peece of Silk which at that time was worth an hundred Taies in China was sold in Iapan for eight and twenty or thirty at the most and that too with much adoe besides the prices of all other commodities were so low as holding our selves utterly undone we knew not what resolution or counsell to take But whereas the Lord doth dispose of things according to his good pleasure by waies which surpasse our understanding he permitted for reasons only known to himself that on the new moon in December being the fifth day of the month there arose so furious a tempest of wind and rain as all those vessels saving a few perished in it so that the losse caused by this storm amounted unto a thousand nine hundred and seventy two Iuncks amongst the which were six and twenty Portugals ships wherein five hundred and two of our nation were drowned besides a thousand Christians of other Countries and eight hundred thousand duckets worth of goods cast away Of Chinese vessels according to report there were a thousand nine hundred thirty and six lost together with above tvvo millions of gold and an hundred and threescore thousand persons Now from so miserable a ship-wrack not above ten or eleven ships escaped of which number was that wherein I was imbarqued and that almost by miracle by reason whereof these same sold their commodities at what price they would As for us after we had uttered 〈◊〉 and prepared our selves for our departure we put to sea on a twelfth day in the morning and although we were well enough contented in regard of the profit we had made yet were we not a little sad to see things fall out so to the cost of so many lives and riches both of those of our nation and of strangers But when we had weighed anchor and hoisted our sailes for the prosecution of our course the ties of our main sail brake by which means the sail yard falling down upon the of the ship brake all to peices so that we were constrained by this accident to recover the port again and to send a shallop on shore to seek for a sail yard and shipwrights to fit it for us To this effect we sent a present to the Captain of the place that he might suddenly give us necessary succor as accordingly he did so that the very same day the ship was put into her former estate and better then before Neverthelesse as we were weighing anchor again the cable of our anchor broke and because we had but one more in the ship we were forced to indeavor all that we might for the recovery thereof by reason of the great need we stood in of it now to do this we sent to land for such as could dive who in consideration of ten duckets that we gave them fell to diving into the sea where they found our anchor in six and tvventy fathome depth so that by the means which we fastned unto it vve hoysted it up though vvith a great deal of labour vvherein vve all of us bestovved our selves and spent the most part of the night As soon as it vvas day vve set saile and parting from this river of Hiamangoo it pleased God that in fourteen daies vvith a good vvind vve arrived at Chincheo vvhich is one of the most renovvned and richest Ports of the Kingdome of China there vve vvere advertised that at the entrance of this river there lay at that time a famous Pirate called Cheopocheca vvith a mighty fleet vvhich put us into such a fear that in all hast vve got avvay to Lamau vvhere vve made some provision of victuals vvhich lasted us untill our arrivall at Malaca Having stayed some time at Malaca for the dispatch of certain affaires that I had there I imbarqued my self for Goa vvith an intent of length to return into Portugal if I could meet vvith shipping ready to depart from thence at that time but some fevv daies after my arrivall there it happened that a Portugal named Antonio Ferreyra brought a present of very rich peeces to the Vice-Roy Don Pedro Mascarenhas which the King of Bungo sent him from Iapan to getherwith a letter whereof the contents were these Illustrious Lord and of great majesty Vice-Roy of the limits of the Indiaes the dreadfull Lion in the flouds of the sea by the force of thy ships and artillerie I Yacatauandono King of Bungo Facata◠Omangucha and the Countries of the two seas Lord of the petty Kings of the Ilands of Tosa Xemenarequa and Miaygimaa do give thee to understand by this my letter that Father Francisco Xavier having been not long since in this Country preaching to them of Omangucha the new law of the Creator of all things I secretly promised to him that at his return into my Kingdome I would receive from his hand the name and water of holy Baptism howsoever the noveltie of so unexpected a thing might put me into bad terms with my subjects Whereupon he also
promised me on his side that if God gave him life he would come back again unto me as speedily as he could And for asmuch as his return hath been longer then I looked for I have sent thus expresly to know both of him and of you the cause of this retardment of his Wherefore my Lord I desire you that he may hasten away to me with all the speed that the first season which shall be proper for navigation will permit For besides that his arrivall in my Kingdome is greatly important for the service of God it will be also very profitable to my self for the contracting of a new league with the great King of Portugal to the end that by this amitie my country and his may hereafter be but one thing and that his subjects may in all our ports and rivers be as free as they are in your Cochim where you are wherefore your Lordship shall exceedingly oblige me by sending one unto me that may be witnesse of the desire I have to serve your King for I will do it as willingly as the Sun is ready to hasten his course from the morning to the night Moreover Antonio Ferreyra will give thee the very same armes wherewith I vanquished the Kings of Fiangaa and Xemenarequa and which I wore in the day of battel I am ready in all things to obey my elder Brother that invincible King of the other end of the world Lord of the treasures of great Portugal The Vice-Roy having read this Letter sent for one father Belquior Rector of the Colledg of the Jesuits and having imparted unto him the King of Bungoes desire he told him that in regard Father Xavier was dead he could wish that he would in his stead undertake this voyage to Iapan which in all probalitie would very much redound to the service of God and the propogation of the Christian faith The Rector upon the hearing hereof willingly imbraced the imployment wherewith the Vice-Roy was exceedingly well pleased and very much commended him for such his good and pious resolution After this the Vice-Roy consulting with some of his friends about the chusing of a man that in qualitie of his Ambassador might accompany the Father in this expedition I was nominated unto him as the fittest he could fix upon in regard of the knowledg I had both of the Country and of the then King thereof whereupon I was immediatly also sent for and the Vice-Roy acquainting me with the great desire he had that I should take this negotiation upon me which he said did so much import the honor of God and the King our Masters service he prest me so earnestly to it that I knew not how to refuse him although I must confesse I was very unwilling thereunto So that consenting to what I could not well avoide he commanded that all things necessary for our voyage should with all convenient speed be prepared CHAP. LXXVII Father Belquior's and my departure from the Indiaes to go to Japan and that which befell us till our arrivall at the Island of Champeiloo FOurteen dayes after namely on the sixteenth of April One thousand five hundred fifty and four Father Belquior and I set sail for Malaca in a ship wherein also was Don Antonio de Noronha Son to Don Garcia de Noronha who had been Vice-Roy of the Indiaes that was going to take possession of the Government of the Fortresse there from the which the Vice-Roy had sent order to displace Don Alvaro de Tayda who was Captain of it as well for that he would not obey his Commands as for many other misdemeanors which he had committed whereof I will not speak in particular here because they are altogether from my purpose at this time The fifth day of June following we and the new Captain arrived at Malaca where the Licentiat Gasper Iorge Superintendant Generall of the Indiaes who was the man that prosecuted this businesse caused the people of the Town to assemble together upon the tolling of a Bell and having read unto them the Vice-Roys Letters Patents whereby he displaced Don Alvaro he examined him upon divers Interrogatories whereof two Registers made a verbal process which was signed both by them and the said Superintendent and the new Captain After all this Don Alvaro was deposed from his Government made a prisoner and all his estate confiscated the like was done to all his partakers who had favoured him in the imprisoning of Gamboa Superintendent of the Treasure and in disobeying the Vice-Roys Commissions as also in many other disorders that had been committed thereupon vvhich was executed with so much rigour as the most part fled to the Mahometans whereby the Fortresse remained so bare of men as it was in danger of being undone had not the new Captain provided for it with a great deal of prudence granting a general Abolition unto all although they returned for all that but with an ill will These revolutions and this excesse of justice which put all the Country into an uproar were the cause that Father Belquior and I could not this year pass unto Iapan as we had resolved so that we were constrained to winter at Malaca until April following in the year One thousand five hundred fifty and five which was ten months During that time the Auditor Gaspar Iorge continuing the rigorous executions which he exercised day by day was a subject of great scandal to all the Country vvherewith not yet contented and relying on the large Commission vvhich the Vice-Roy had given him he would needs intermeddle with the Captain Don Antonio's Jurisdiction and indeed he incroached so far on his Authority as Don Antonio had no more but the name of it and was no other then as a guard of the Fortress Now though he was very sensible of this affront yet he did dissemble and endure it with a great deal of patience But these excessive rigours of this Auditor continuing for the space of four months during the which there vvere many discontentments vvhereof I will not treat here in particular because the discourse of it would be infinite One day Don Antonio seeing the time proper for the execution of that which he had formerly resolved on caused some whom he had destined for it to seise on him in the Fortress and carry him to a private house vvhere according to report he was stript stark naked and his hands and feet being bound with cords he was grievously whipped After which having drop'd scalding oyl on his bare flesh which had almost killed him and clapt irons on his legs and manacles on his hands they pluck'd off all the hair of his beard leaving him not so much as one and did many other such like things unto him as it was publickly spoken so that the poor Licentiat Gaspar Iorge who termed himself Auditor Generall of the Indiaes great Provisor of the deceased and Orphelins and Superintendent of the Treasure of Malaca and or the Countries of the South
of all Iapan do now flourish all they of the Ship thought it requisite that I should go to the Fortresse of Osquy where we heard the King then was Now though I feared to undertake this Journey in regard the Country was all up yet I resolved for it at the perswasion of them of the ship who all in generall intreated me very earnestly unto it Having prepared my self then and received a Present worth five hundred Crowns which Don Francisco Captain of the Ship sent to the King I took four of my companions with me and so went away After I was landed at the Town Key the first thing I did was to go to the house of the Admirall of the Sea who received me with great demonstrations of friendship and confirmed me against the fear I was in whereupon having given him an account of the cause of my coming thither I desired him to give me horses and men that might conduct me to the King which most willingly he did and more freely then I required Being departed from this Town the next morning about nine of the clock I arrived at a place called Fingau which might be a quarter of a league from the Fortresse of Osquy There I sent one of those of Iapan which I had with me to let the Captain of the place understand that I was arrived and that I had an Embassie to deliver to his Highnesse from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes In which regard I intreated him to appoint me such a time as he pleased that I might speak with him Hereunto he returned me this answer by a Son of his That my Companions and I were very welcome and that the King was in the Isle of Xequa where he was entertaining himself in the catching of a great Fish whereof the name was not known and which was come thither from the bottom of the Sea with a great number of many other little fishes and that having cooped him up in a Channel there it was likely that he would spend all the day in that sport and not return till night But that he would howsoever immediately advertise him of my arrivall Thereupon he sent me to repose my self in a better lodging which he gave me where I was abundantly furnished with all that was necessary for mee yea and he told me by way of Complement that all this Country was no lesse the King of Portugals then Malaca Cochin and Goa Then one of his Followers whom he had appointed to wait on us gave us an extraordinary good reception in a Pagode whereof the Bonzâ—s made us a very sumptuous Feast In the mean time the King having notice of my arrivall dispatched away from the Island where hee was catching that great Fish three light Galleys and in them his Chamberlain a great Favourite of his named Oretandano who about evening came to me to the place where I was and having told me that by word of mouth which the King had enjoyned him he drew forth a Letter and having kissed it with the Ceremonies and Complements used amongst them he delivered it unto me wherein I found this written Being at his present imployed in an exercise which is very pleasing unto me I have been advertised of thy arrival in my Country wherewith I am so contented that I protest unto thee I would have come away presently unto thee had I not sworn that I would not part from hence till I had killed a great Fish which I hold coop'd up here Wherefore I intreat thee as my good Friend since by reason thereof I cannot go to thee that thou wilt come thy self to me in this Vessel which I have sent for thee for on thy coming and on the death which I hope to give to this Fish my perfect content depends Having read this Letter I instantly imbarked my self in the Galley wherein Oretandono came for me and my followers in the other two with the Present they carried And forasmuch as those Galleys were very swift we arrived within lesse then an hour at the Island which was some two leagues and an half off Now we came thither at such time as the King with above two hundred men in boats with darts in their hands was pursuing a prodigious Whale which was altogether unknown and strange to them as having never seen such a Fish before in all that Country After they had killed and drawn it to land the King was so pleased therewith that to recompence all the fishermen that were imployed in the action he exempted them from a certain Tribute which they had accustomed to pay before as also conferred new Honours on some Gentlemen whom he loved and that were there with him and gave a thousand Taeis in silver to his Pages withall he received me with a smiling countâ—nance and questioned me very exactly about many particulars whereunto I answered the best that I could alwayes adding something of mine own thereunto as judging it necessary for the increasing of the Portugals reputation and of the great esteem vvherein we vvere at that time in the Country for all the inhabitants held it for most certain that the King of Portugal was indeed the only Prince which might terme himself the Monarch of the world as well for the large extent of his territories as for his power and mighty treasure in regard whereof chiefly they of these Countryes made great account of our amitie These things done the King vvent from this Iland towards Osquy and about an hour within night he arrived at his Castle vvhere he was received with a great deal of rejoycing and applaued by every one for so honourable an exploit as that of killing the Whale attributing to him alone that which all the rest had done whereby one may see that this pernicious vice of flatttery raigns so absolutely in the Courts of Princes as it hath established its felf a place even amongst the very Gentiles and Infidels The King having dismissed all them that had accompanied him vvent to Sup with his Wife and Daughters and would not then be attended on by any body because the feast was made at his vvives charge And whereas vve vvere then at a Treasurers house of his where vve vvere appointed to lodg he sent for us all five and intreated us that vve should eat in his presence after the manner of our Country adding that the Queen did infinitely desire it Then having caused a table to be covered for us and on it placed store of excellent good meat and vvell drest vvhich vvas served up by very fair vvomen vve fell to eating after our manner of all that vvas set before us vvhilest the jeasts vvhich the Ladies broke upon us in seeing us feed so vvith our hands gave more delight to the King and Queen then all the Comedies that could have been represented before them for those people being accustomed to feed vvith tvvo little stâ—cks as I have declared elsevvhere they hold it for a great incivilitie to touch
goods that were in her and many other things wherein we spent four hours at the least after which he dismissed us saying that within six dayes he would be at the Town and that there he would receive the Letter see the Father and make answer to all CHAP. LXXX My reception by the King of Bungo as Ambassador from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes AFter the six daies were past the King parted from Osquy to go to the town of Fucheo accompanied with a great number of Nobilitie and a guard of six hundred foot and two hundred horse which made a goodly shew Being arrived there he was received by the people with great demonstrations of joy with Shewes Interludes and many other inventions after their manner that were very costly after which he went to his Palace an exceeding fair and magnificent structure whither the next day he sent for me and bid me bring him the Vice-Roys Letter as being come for no other end but to receive it and that after he had read it he would speak with Father Belquior touching the matters that were most important Whereupon I presently returned to my lodging and having made ready all that was necessary for me about two of the clock in the afternoon the King sent the Captain of the town and four other of the chiefest men of the Court for me who conducted me to the Palace accompanied with forty Portugals which marched all on foot because it is the custome of the Country so to do All the streets thorow which we past were very handsomly set forth and there was such a world of people as the officers had much adoe to make way for us Three Portugals on horseback carried each of them a peece of the present and a little after them followed two curious Spanish Gennets with rich Saddles and Trappings and with such Armes as are used in Justs Upon our arrival at the first court of the Palace we found the King there on a scaffold which had been erected expresly for him accompanied with all the Lords of the Kingdome amongst whom vvere the Ambassadors of three strange Princes namely the first of the King of the Lequios the second of the King of Chauchim and Isle of Tosa and the third of the Emperor of the Miacoo and round about as far as the court extended there were above a thousand harquebuziers and four hundred men mounted on good horses besides a multitude of people without number After that the forty Portugals and I were come to the Scaffold where the King was we performed all the ceremonies and complements which are used to be done to him in such cases and then approaching a little neerer to him I delivered him the Letter from the vice-Roy which he would not receive but standing Then being set down again in his place he gave it to one about him that was as his Secretary who read it aloud that every one might hear After it was read the King questioned me before the three strange Ambassadors and the great Lords with whom he was accompanied about certain things which he was curious to know touching our Europe whereof one was how many men armed cap-a-pe and mounted on such horses as those were that I saw there the King of Portugal could bring into the field Whereupon fearing least I should blush if I came to tell a lie I must confesse that I was much troubled how to answer which one of my companions who was neer me perceiving speaking for me made answer That he could bring an hundred or sixscore thousand a matter whereat the King was much abashed and I too But the King taking pleasure as it seemed in the marvellous answer which this Portugal gave him bestovved above an hours time in asking him questions In the mean season even the King himself and all they that were present with him being exceedingly amazed to hear such great and strange things delivered he turned to them and said I sware truly unto you that I should desire nothing so much in the world as to see the Monarchy of this great Country whereof I have heard such wonderfull things as well concerning the immence treasures and the infinite number of ships which he hath for could I but once do this I should live very well contented the rest of my daies Thereupon having sent me and those that accompanied me away he said unto me When thou shalt think it a fit time thou maiest bid the Father come unto me for he shall find me ready here to receive him After I was retired to my lodging I gave Father Belquior an accompt of the Kings good reception of me together with all that had past besides and how desirous he was to see him in regard whereof I held it fit since all the Portugals vvere then together and in their best clothes that he should go to him out of hand which he liked very vvell of Having furnished himself then with certain things necessary for the better setting forth of his person he and I went avvay accompanied vvith forty Portugals all very well apparrelled and vvearing chaines of gold Scarfe-wise and four pretty boyes in cassocks and hats of white taffata and silken crosses on their brests together with a converted Iapanois Christened Ioana Fernandez to serve for Interpreter When wee vvere arrived at the first Court of the Kings Palace we found some Lords attending us there who vvith a great deal of courtesie and demonstrations of friendship brought the Father and me up to a chamber where the King stayed for him who having taken him by the hand with a joyfull countenance said unto him Beleeve me Father this day is the only one that I can call mine in regard of the extreme pleasure I take to see thee before mine eyes because me thinks I see Father Xavier to whom I wished as well as to mine own person Then leading him into another inner chamber that was richlyer furnished he set him down by him and made very much of the four little Boyes for that it was a new thing to him and never seen in that Country before The Father rendred him thanks conformable to the great honor he did him and after that manner which they are wont to use amongst themselves and which Ioana Fernandez had taught him After this he entertained him with the principall cause of his coming which was that the Vice-Roy had sent him expresly to serve him and to shew him the assured way of salvation which the King seemed to like of by his action of bowing down of his head The Father going on made an holy speech somewhat like unto a Sermon unto him agreeable to the businesse in hand and which he had directly studied for that purpose Whereunto the King made this answer Good Father I know not how to expresse the great content which I take in seeing thee in this house and in learning all that which my ears have heard thee say which I do not answer for
THE VOYAGES AND ADVENTURES OF Fernand Mendez Pinto A Portugal During his TRAVELS for the space of one and twenty years in The Kingdoms of Ethiopia China Tartaria Cauchinchina Calaminham Siam Pegu Japan and a great part of the East-Indiaes With a Relation and Description of most of the Places thereof their Religion Laws Riches Customs and Government in time of Peace and War Where he five times suffered Shipwrack was sixteen times sold and thirteen times made a Slave Written Originally by himself in the Portugal Tongue and Dedicated to the Majesty of Philip King of Spain Done into English by H. C. Gent. LONDON Printed by I. Macock for Henry Cripps and Lodowick Lloyd and are to be sold at their shop in Popes head Alley neer Lumbar-street 1653. TO THE Right Noble Lord and worthy of all Honor William Earl of Strafford Vicount Wentworth Baron Wentworth of Wentworth Woodhouse Newmarsh Oversley and Raby My Lord PVrchas a Writer of good credit here in England gives this testimony of my Author that no man before him to his knowledg hath spoken so much and so truly of those Oriental parts of the World which are so little known to us as he hath done And that too not upon hearsay and report but for the most part as an ocular Witness and personal Actor of and in all that he hath related which is so full of Variety and strange Occurrences that as another Writer affirms the like will hardly be met withall elsewhere So that the most curious Wits which delight in reading of rare Books will I beleeve find all the satisfaction they can desire in this same of his where without so much as stirring out of their Studies or running the danger of Shipwrack they may traverse the Seas view the goodliest Provinces of the World entertain themselves with stupendious and unheardâ—of things consider in the manner of those peoples living whom we term Barbarians their Laws their Riches their Government in time of Peace and War and in a word represent unto themselves as in a picture all that is most exquisite and of greatest marvel in the extent of Europe Affrica and Asia These together with many other remarkable matters are contained in this Work which I have taken the presumption to present unto your Honor being invited thereunto by the example of two Translators of it into the Spanish and French Tongues whereof the one dedicated it to the Archbishop of Toledo in Spain and the other to the Cardinal Richelieu of France both of them the most eminent persons of their time in those Kingdoms And with whom your Honor may justly be ranked especially in respect of the Nobility of your Birth as well as for the great Hope which your many present Vertues and Abilities do give unto the World of your future Worth and Estimation Be pleased then my Lord to receive it favorably as a tender of the great desire I have to appear in all occasions Your Honors most humble and devoted Servant HENRY COGAN AN Apologetical Defence OF FERNAND MENDEZ PINTO HIS HISTORY IF it be true that Authors do render themselvs commendable by their Works there is no doubt but that Fernand Mendez Pinto hath by this same of his justly acquired such reputation as will make him be esteemed for ever He was a man of a strong wit and sound judgment and indued with a most rare and extraordinary memory as appears in the Relation of his Voyages and Adventures which sufficiently testifie how far he excelled therein retaining in his remembrance an infinitie of such strange and wonderful things whereof to his cost he was for the most part an eye witness as many great Personages of Asia and Europe took no little delight in hearing him recount them especially Philip the second King of Spain who at several times spent many houres in discoursing with him there about which questionless he would never have done being a Prince in the opinion of all the world of a most exact and profound judgment had he not been verily perswaded that what he delivered was true Nevertheless since there may be some who in regard of the stupendious things which he delivers wil seem to give no credit thereunto I have held it very necessary to cite here many several authentick Authors that in their writings have confirmed the verity of his Narrations as followeth Of the Riches and Grandeurs of these Orientall Countries and perticularly of the Kingdome of China Nicholas Trigault the Iesuite treates diffusedly in his book intituled De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas in the first part thereof principally in the 6 th Chapter Gasper de la Cruz in his book of China the third fourth fifth and nineteen Chapters John de Lucena in the life of Francis Xavier the Iesuite in the tenth Book from the seventeenth to the twenty fourth Chapter Anthony Galuan in his Treatise of the Discovery of those Parts fol. 39. and in his History of Florida Mendoza in his History of China the second Chapter of the third Book Trigault in his first Book the seventh Chapter Palatii Regis Doctor Babia in the third part of his Pontifical History the 18 Chapter in the life of Sixtus Quintus Boterus in his Relations John de Sanctis in his Orientall Aethiopian History Chap. 8. and in the Ecclesiastical History of Rebullosa Ribadeneyra Mathew and Lewes Gusman in divers Chapters of the Orientall Histories Josephus de Acosta Peter of Leon Zarate Michael Vazquez de Padilla Peter Martyr Cefas Bishop of Chiapa Francesco Lopez de Gomorra Hierosme du Pré Ferdinand de Cordoua Hierosme Romain Illescas Antonio de Herrera Pineda Prudentius de Sandobal and Garcilasso in divers places of his Royal Commentaries and in the 20 th Chapter of his third Book Touching that which Fernand Mendez writes of the Governors of those Kingdomes of the strict observation of Iustice of the Names of the Iudges Vice-Royes Magistrates Captains Governours and Ministers of the State Boterus in his universal Relations sayes the same Trigault in divers places particularly in the sixth Chapter of the first book de Senensis Reipublicae administratione Gaspar de la Cruz in the 16.17.18 and 19. Chapters Babia in the third page of his Ponticall book in the life of Sixtus Quintus Lucena in the life of Francis Xavier the tenth book Mendoza in the ninth and tenth chapters of his third Book and in many other Chapters of his new world Mafeus in his Oriental History and in the Letters of China written by Guerrier the Iesuit Concerning the great number of prisons and other particularities the same may be seen at large in the History of China Mendoza in the twelfth Chapter of his first book Gaspar de la Cruz Chapter ninth and twenty second Trigault in divers places of his History Lucena in the twenty first Chapter of his tenth book and Alexander Valignario in his Letters missive That which he speaks of the great multitudes of people that are in those Countries
with the continuance of our Voyage and what we saw during the same 241 CHAP. LX. Our arrival at Pegu with the death of the Roolim of Mounay 245 CHAP. LXI The Election of the new Roolim of Mounay the grand Talagrepo of these Gentiles of the Kingdom of Pegu. 248 CHAP. LXII In what manner the Roolim of Mounay was conducted to the Isle of Mounay and put into possession of his Dignity 252 CHAP. LXIII A continuation of the success which we had in this Voyage with my departure from Goa to Zunda and what passed during my abode there 255 CHAP. LXIV The expedition of the Pangueyram Emperor of Jaoâ— and King of Demaa against the King of Passervan and all that which passed in this War 258 CHAP. LXV The death of the King of Demaa by a very strange accident and that which arrived thereupon 263 CHAP. LXVI That which befell us until our departure towards the Port of Zunda from whence we set sail for China and what afterwards happened unto us 266 CHAP. LXVII My passing from Zunda to Siam where in the company of Portugals I went to the War of Chyamay and that which the King of Siam did until he returned into his Kingdom where his Queen poysoned him 269 CHAP. LXVIII The lamentable death of the King of Siam with certain illustrious and memorable things done by him during his life and many other accidents which arrived in that Kingdom 273 CHAP. LXIX The King of Bramaa's enterprize against the Kingdom of Siam and that which past until his arrival at the City of Odiâ—â— with his besieging of it and all that insued thereupon 278 CHAP. LXX The King of Bramaa's raising his siege from before the City of Odiaâ— with a description of the Kingdom of Siam and the fertility thereof 283 CHAP. LXXI A continuation of that which happened in the Kingdom of Pegu as well during the life as after the death of the King of Bramaa 286 CHAP. LXXII That which arrived in the time of Xemin de Satan and an abominable case that happened to Diego Suarez together with the Xemindooes expedition against Xemin de Satan and that which insued thereupon 289 CHAP. LXXIII That which the Xemindoo did after he was crowned King of Pegu with the Chaumigreâ—s the King of Bramaa's Foster-brothers marching against him with a great Army and divers other memorable things 295 CHAP. LXXIV The finding of the Xemindoo and bringing him to the King of Bramaa with the manner of his execution and death and other particularities concerning the same 301 CHAP. LXXV My imbarquing in the Kingdom of Pegu to go to Malaca and from thence to Japon with a strange accident which arrived there 305 CHAP. LXXVI Our passing from the Town of Fucheo to the Port of Hiamangoo and â—hat which befell us there together with my departure from Malaca and arrival at Goa 310 CHAP. LXXVII Father Belquiors and my departure from the Indiaes to go to Japon and that which befell us till my arrival at the Island of Champeiloo 312 CHAP. LXXVIII Our departure from the Island of Champeiloo and our arrival at that of Lampacau with a relation of two great disasters which happened in China unto two Portugal Colonies and of a strange accident besides that fell out in the Country 314 CHAP. LXXIX Our arrival in the Kingdom of Bungo and that which past thereupon 318 CHAP. LXXX My reception by the King of Bungo as Embassador from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes 321 CHAP. LXXXI What past after our departure from Zequa till my arrival in the Indiaes and from thence into the Kingdom of Portugal 323 THE Travels Voyages Adventures OF Ferdinand Mendez Pinto CHAP. I. After what manner I past my Youth in the Kingdom of Portugal until my going to the Indiaes SO often as I represent unto my self the great and continual Travels that have accompanied me from my birth and amidst the which I have spenâ— my first years I find that I have a great deal of reason to complain of Fortune for that she seemeth to have taken a particular care to persecute me and to make me feel that which is most insupportable in her as if her glory had no other foundation then her cruelty For not content to have made me be born and to live miserably in my Country during my youth she conducted me notwithstanding the fear I had of the dangers that menaced me to the East Indiaes where in stead of the relief which I went thither to seek she made me find an increase of my pains according to the increase of my age Since then it hath pleased God to deliver me from so many dangers and to protect me from the fury of that adverse Fortune for to bring me into a Port of safety and assurance I see that I have not so much cauâ—e to complain of my Travels past as I have to render him thanks for the benefits which until now I have received of him seeing that by his divine bounty he hath preserved my life to the end I might have means to leave this rude and unpolished Discourse unto my children for a memorial and an inheritance For my intention is no other but to write it for them that they may behold what strange fortunes I have run for the space of one and twenty years during the which I was thirteen times a captive and seventeen times sold in the Indiaes in Aethiopia in Arabia in China in Tartaria in Madagascar in Sumatra and in divers other Kingdoms and Provinces of that Oriental Archipalage upon the Confines of Asia which the Chineses Siames Guâ—os and Lecquios name and that with reason in their Geography the eye-lids of the World whereof I hope to entreat more particularly and largely hereafter Whereby men for the time to come may take example and a resolution not to be discouraged for any crosses that may arrive unto them in the course of their lives For no disgrace of Fortune ought to esloign us never so little from the duty which we are bound to render unto God because there is no adversity how great soever but the nature of man may well undergo it being favored with the assistance of Heaven Now that others may help me to praise the Lord Almighty for the infinite mercy he hath shewed me without any regard to my sins which I confess were the cause and original of all my mis-fortunes and that from the same divine Power I received strength and courage to resist them escaping out of so many dangers with my life saved I take for the beginning of my Voyage the time which I spent in this Kingdom of Portugal and say That after I had lived there till I was about eleven or twelve years old in the misery and poverty of my fathers house within the Town of Monte-mor Ovelho an Uncle of mine desirous to advance me to a better fortune then that whereunto I was reduced at that time and to take me from the caresses
Fortress because of the fear they were in of the Turkish Army which was every hour expected in the Indiaes by reason of the death of Sultan Bandur King of Cambaya whom the said Governor had put to death the Summer before In regard this affair was of great importance it was the cause that all the Captains assembled together to deliberate thereupon At length to meet with the present necessity they concluded that three of those five ships appertaining to the King should go to Diu conformable to the contents of the said Mandate and that the other two which belonged to particular Merchants should pursue their course to Goa The Kings three ships sailing to Diu and the other two Merchants towards Goa it pleased God to conduct them safe thither Now as soon as the Kings three ships came to the mouth of the River of the Port of Diu which fell on the fifth of September the same year 1538. Antonio de Silvâ—ra the Brother of Louys Silvera Earl of Sortelha who was Captain there at that time gave them all the testimony that possibly he could of the joy he took at this their arrival For proof whereof he bestowed liberally on every one keeping a set table for above seven hundred persons which they brought along with them besides his secret rewards and extraordinary gifts whereby he supplyed the necessities they had suffered during their Voyage Whereupon the Soldiers considering how this Captain entreated them very royally that he payed them before-hand distributed their pay and munition unto them with his own hands caused the sick to be carefully tended and shewed himself most ready to assist every one it so wrought upon them that of their own accord they offered to stay there for to serve him being no way constrained thereunto as they use to be in those Countries in all the Fortresses which expect a siege This done as soon as the three ships had sold the Merchandise they had brought they set sail for Goa carrying none with them but the Officers of the Vessels and some Seaâ—men to conduct them where they abode till such time as the Governor had given them dispatches for to go to Cochin where being arrived they took in their lading and returnâ—d all five safe into Portugal Seventeen days after we were arrived at the Fortress of Diu where at that time two Foists were ready prepared to go to the Streight of Mecqua for to discover and find out the design of the Turkish Army whose coming was greatly feared in the Indiaes because one of those Foists was commanded by a Captain that was a great friend of mine who gave me good hope of the Voyage he was bound for I imbarqued my self with him Relying then on the promises which the Captain made me that by his favor and means I should quickly be rich the only thing in the world that I most desired and suffering my self to be deceived by my hopes I imagined that I was already Master of great wealth never considering how vain and uncertain the promises of men are and that I could not reap much benefit by the Voyage I was going to undertake by reason it was dangerous and unseasonable for Navigation in that Country Now being departed from Diu we sailed in a time full of storms because it was about the end of Winter which seemed to begin anew so impetuous were the winds and so great was the rain Nevertheless how violent soever the Tempest was and dark the weather we letted not to discover the Isles of Curia Muria and Avedalcuria at the sight whereof we thought our selves quite lost and without hope of life Whereupon to decline the danger we turned the prow of our Vessel to the South-east knowing no other mean then that to avoyd shipwrack But by good fortune for us it pleased God that we let fall an anchor at the point of the Island of Socotora there we presently anchored a league below the place where Don Francisco d' Almeyda caused a Fortress to be built in the year 1507. when he came from Portugal as the first Victory that ever was in the Indiaes In the said place we took in fresh water and some provision of Victuals that we bought of the Christians of the Country which are the descendants of those whom the Apostle S. Thomas converted in those parts Being refreshed thus we parted from thence with a purpose to enter the Straight so that after we had sailed nine days with a favorable wind we found our selves right against Mazua There about Sun set we descryed a sail at Sea whereunto we gave so hard chace that before the first watch of the night we came up close to her and then to satisfie the desire we had for to learn something of the Captain by gentleness touching the Turkish Army we demanded of him whether it was parted from Sues or whether he had not met with it in any place and that we might be the better informed we spake aloud to all those that were in the ship But in stead of answer without speaking a word and in contempt of us they gave us a dozen pieces of Ordnance whereof five were small and the other seven field Pieces together with good store of Musquet shot And withall in a kind of jollity and as it were beleeving that we were already theirs they made all the ayr about resound again with their confused cries After this to brave and terrifie us the more they flourished a many flags and streamers up and down and from the top of their poop they brandished a number of naked Scymitars commanding us with great threatening to come aboard and yield our selves unto them At the first view of so many Rhodomontades and bravings we were in some doubt and amaze which caused the Captains of our Foists to call the Soldiers to Councel for to know what they should do and the conclusion was to continue shooting at them till the next morning that so by day-light they might be the better fought withall and invested it being agreed upon of all sides that they were not to be let go unpunished for their presumption Which accordingly was performed and all the rest of the night we gave them chace plying them with our Ordnance So morning come their ship being shot through and through in many places and cruelly battered all over they rendred themselves into our hands In the incounter there were threescore and four of their men killed and of fourscore that remained the most part seeing themselves reduced to extremity cast themselves into the Sea choosing rather there to be drowned then to be burnt in their ship with the artificial fires that we had hurled into her so that of all the fourscore there escaped but five very sore hurt whereof one was the Captain This same by force of torture whereunto he was exposed by the Command of our two Captains confessed that he came from Iudaa and that the Turkish Army was already departed
forty Portugals aforesaid who received us with great demonstrations of joy but not without shedding of some tears for though they lived there at their ease and were absolute Masters of all the Country as they said yet the consideration how they were as men banished from their Country into this place did very much trouble them Now because it was night when we arrived and that we had all need of rest Barbosa was of the opinion that we should not see the Emperors Mother till the next morning which was a Sunday the fourth of October that come and we well refreshed we went accompanied with Barbosa and his forty Portugals to the Princesses Palace where we found her at Mass in her Chappel A while after being advertised of our arrival she caused us to be admitted into her presence Whereupon we fell on our knees before her and with all kind of humility kissed the Ventilow that she held in her hand To these submissions we adjoyned many other Ceremonies according to their fashion conformable to the instructions we had taken from the Portugals that conducted us thither She received us with a smiling countenance and to testifie how much she was pleased with our coming Verily said she you cannot imagine how glad I am to see you that are right Christians for it hath been a thing which I have always as much desired as a fair garden enameled with flowers doth the mornings dew wherefore you are most welcome come and may your entrance into my house be as propitious as that of the vertuous Queen Helena 's was into blessed Ierusalem Herewith she made us to sit down upon maâ—â— not above five or six paces distant from her Then shewing her self exceedingly contented she questioned us about certain matters of which she assured us that she very much longed to be satisfied First she asked us the name of our holy Father the Pope also how many Kings there were in Christendom and whether any of us had ever been in the holy Land whereupon she much condemned the Christian Princes for their neglect and want of care in seeking to ruine the power of the Turk who she said was the common Enemy of them all Likewise she would know of us whether the King of Portugal was great in the Indiaes what Forts he had there in what places they were seated and how defended She made us many other like demands to the which we answered the best we could for to content her whereupon she dismissed us and we returning to our lodging continued there nine days which we spent in waiting on this Princess with whom we had much discourse on several subjects That Term expired we went to take our leaves of her and in kissing of her hands she seemed to be somewhat troubled at our departure Truly said she it grieves me that you will be gone so soon but since there is no remedy I wish your Voyage may be so prosperous that at your arrival in the Indiaes you may be as well received by yours as the Queen of Sheba was heretofore by King Solomon in the admirable Palace of his greatness Now before we departed she bestowed on us twenty four Oqueaâ— of Gold which make two hundred forty Duckets of our mony She caused us also to be conducted by a Naiquâ— and twenty Abissins as well to serve us for Guides and guard us from Robbers whereof that Country was full as to furnish us with Victuals and Horses until such time as we got to Arquico where our Foists attended for us This Princess also sent a rich present of divers Jewels of Gold and Stones by Vasco Martins de Sâ—ixas unto the Governor of the Indiaes which by ill fortune was lost in this Voyage as shall be declared hereafter After we were returned to the Port of Arquico where we found our companions caulking of our Foists and furnishing them with all that was necessary for our Voyage we fell to work with them for the space of nine days At length all things being ready we set sail and parted from thence on Tuesday the sixth of November 1538. We carried with us both Vasco Martins de Seixas that had the Present and a Letter from the Princess to the Governor of the Indiaes as also an Abissin Bishop who was bound for Portugal with an intent to go from thence to Galicia Rome and Venice and afterwards to travel to Ierusalem which especially he desired to see in regard of the holiness of the place An hour before day we left the Port and sailâ—d along the Coast afore the wind until such time as about noon we reached the point of the Cape of Coçam and before we arrived at the Island of Rocks we discâ—â—ned three Vessels on the other side that seemed to us to be Gelvas or Terrades which are the names of the Vessels of that Country Whereupon we gave them chace and with the strength of our oars because the wind was then somewhat down we pursued them in such sort that in less then two hours having gotten up to them we might easily perceive them to be Turkish Gallies whereof we were no sooner assured but that we presently betook our selves to flight and made towards the Land with all the haste that might be so if it were possible to escape the danger that inevitably threatned us But whether the Turks suspected our design or knew it in less then a quarter of an hour they hoisted up all their sails and having the wind favorable they followed us very hard so as in a little while getting within a small faulcon shot of us they discharged all their Ordnance upon us wherewith they not only killed nine of our men and hurâ— six and twenty but so bâ—ttered our Foists that we were fain to cast a great part of our goods into the Sea Mean while the Turks lost no time but joyned us so close that from their poop they hurt us easily with their pikes Now there were four and forty good Soldiers remaining yet unhurt in our Foists who knowing that upon their valor and the force of their arms depended the lives both of themselves and all the rest they determined to fight it out With this resolution they set couragiously upon the Admiral of the three Gallies wherein was Solyman Draguâ— General of the Fleet Their onset was so furious as they invested her from poop to prow and killed seven and twenty Ianizaries nevertheless she being instantly succored with fresh men by the other two Gallies which had stayed a little behind we were so wearied and oppressed with numbers that we were not able to make any further resistance for of four and fifty that we were at first there was but eleven left alive whereof two also dyed the next day whom the Turks caused to be cut in quarters which they hung at the end of their main yards for a sign of their Victory and in that manner carried them to the Town of Mocaa whereof the Father-in-law
the victory against this Tyrant of Achem and to permit us to regain that from him which with such notable treachery he hath taken from us in those places of Jacur and Lingua we will always most faithfully and sincerely acknowledg thee according to the Law of the Portugals and according to that holy Verity wherein consists the Salvation of all that are born in the world Furthermore in our Country we will build fair Temples unto thee perfumed with sweet odours where all living Souls shall on their bended knees adore thee as it hath been always used to be done unto this present in the Land of Portugal And hear what besides I promise and swear unto thee with all the assuredness of a good and faithful servant that the King my Master shall never acknowledg any other King then the great Portugal who is now Lord of Malaca Having made this protestation he presently imbarqued himself in the same Lanchara wherein he came thither being accompanied with eleven or twelve Balons which are small Barques and so went to the Isle of Vpa distant not above half a league from the Port. There the Bandara of Malaca who is as it were chief Justicer amongst the Mahometans was present in person by the express commandment of Pedro de Faria for to entertain him And accordingly he made him a great Feast which was celebrated with Hoboys Drums Trumpets and Cymbals together with an excellent consort of voyces framed to the tune of Harps Lutes and Viols after the Portugal manner Whereat this Embassador did so wonder that he would often put his finger on his mouth an usual action with those of that Country when they marvel at any thing About twenty days after the dâ—parture of this Embassador Pedro de Faria being informed that if he would send some Commodities from the Indiaes to the Kingdom of Batas he might make great profit thereof and much more of those which should be returned from thence he to that effect set forth a Iurupango of the bigness of a small Carvel wherein he ventured a matter of some ten thousand duckets In this Vessel he sent as his Factor a certain Mahometan born at Malaca and was desirous to have me to accompany him telling me that thereby I should not only much oblige him but that also under pretext of being sent as Embassador thither I might both see the King of Batas and going along with him in his journey against the Tyrant of Achem which some way or other would questionless redound to my benefit Now to the end that upon my return out of those Countries I might make him a true relation of all that I had seen he prayed me carefully to observe whatsoever should pass there and especially to learn whether the Isle of Gold so much talked of was in those parts for that he was minded if any discovery of it should be made to write unto the King of Portugal about it To speak the truth I would fain have excused my self from this Voyage by reason those Countries were unknown to me and for that the inhabitants were by every one accounted faithless and treacherous having small hope besides to make any gain by it in regard that all my stock amounted not to above an hundred duckets But because I durst not oppose the Captains desire I imbarqued my self though very unwillingly with that Infidel who had the charge of the Merchandise Our Pilot steered his course from Malaca to the Port of Sorotilau which is in the Kingdom of Aaru always coasting the Isle of Samatra towards the Mediterranean Sea till at length we arrived at a certain River called Hicandure After we had continued five days sailing in this manner we came to an Harbor named Minhatoley distant some ten leagues from the Kingdom of Peedir In the end finding our selves on the other side of the Ocean we sailed on four days together and then cast anchor in a little river called Gaateamgim that was not above seven fathom deep up the which we past some seven or eight leagues Now all the while we sailed in this River with a fair wind we saw athwart a Wood which grew on the bank of it such a many Adders and other crawling creatures no less prodigious for their length then for the strangeness of their forms that I shall not marvel if they that read this History will not beleeve my report of them especially such as have not travelled for they that have seen little beleeve not much whereas they that have seen much beleeve the more All along this River that was not very broad there were a number of Lizards which might more properly be called Serpents because some of them were as big as an Almadia with scales upon their backs and mouths two foot wide Those of the Country assured us that these creatures are so hardy as there be of them that sometimes will set upon an Almadia chiefly when they perceive there is not above four or five persons in her and overturn it with their tails swallowing up the men whole without dismembering of them In this place also we saw strange kind of creatures which they call Caquesseitan They are of the bigness of a great Goose very black and scaly on their backs with a row of sharp pricks on their chins as long as a writing pen Moreover they have wings like unto those of Bats long necks and a little bone growing on their heads resembling a Cocks spur with a very long tail spotted black and green like unto the Lizards of that Country These creatures hop and fly together like Grashoppers and in that manner they hunt Apes and such other beasts whom they pursue even to the tops of the highest Trees Also we saw Adders that were copped on the crowns of their heads as big as a mans thigh and so venomous as the Negroes of the Country informed us that if any living thing came within the reach of their breath it dyed presently there being no remedy nor antidote against it We likewise saw others that were not copped on the crowns nor so venomous as the former but far greater and longer with an head as big as a Calves We were told that they hunt their prey in this manner They get up into a tree and winding their tails about some branch of it let their bodies hang down to the foot of the tree and then laying one of their ears close to the ground they harken whether they can hear any thing stir during the stillness of the night so that if an Ox a Boar or any other beast doth chance to pass by they presently seize on it and so carries it up into the tree where he devours it In like sort we descryed a number of Baboons both grey and black as big as a great Mastiff of whom the Negroes of the Country are more afraid then of all the other beasts because they will set upon them with that hardiness as they have much ado to resist
them CHAP. VII What happened to me at Penaiu with the King of Batas expedition against the Tyrant of Achem and what he did after his Victory over him BY that time we had sailed seven or eight leagues up the River at the end we arrived at a little Town named Botterrendan not above a quarter of a mile distant from Panaiu where the King of Batas was at that time making preparation for the War he had undertaken against the Tyrant of Achem. This King understanding that I had brought him a Letter and a Present from the Captain of Malaca caused me to be entertained by the Xabandar who is he that with absolute power governs all the affairs of the Army This General accompanied with five Lanchares and twelve Ballons came to me to the Port where I rode at anchor Then with a great noise of Drums Bells and popular acclamations he brought me to a certain Key of the Town called Campalator There the Bendara Governor of the Kingdom stayed for me in great solemnity attended by many Ourâ—balons and Amborraias which are the noblest persons of his Court the most part of whom for all that were but poor and base both in their habit and manner of living whereby I knew that the Country was not so rich as it was thought to be in Malaca When I was come to the Kings Palace and had past through the first Court at the entrance of the second I found an old woman accompanied with other persons far nobler and better apparelled then those that marched before me who beckoning mâ— with her hand as if she had commanded me to enter Man of Malaca said she unto me Thy arrival in the King my Masters Land is as agreeable unto him as a sâ—owre of rain is to a crop of Rice in dry and hot weather Wherefore enter boldly and be afraid of nothing for the people which by the goodness of God thou seest here are no other then those of thine own Country since the hope which we have in the same God makes us believe that he will maintain us all together unto the end of the world Having said so she carried me where the King was unto whom I did obeysance according to the man-of the Country then I delivered him the Letter and the Present I had brought him which he graciously accepted of and asked me what occasion drew me thither Whereunto I answered as I had in commission that I was come to serve his Highness in the Wars where I hoped to 〈◊〉 the honor to attend on him and not to leave him till such time as he returned Conqueror of his Enemies Hereunto I likewise added that I desired to see the City of Achem as also the scituation and fortifications of it and what depth the River was of whereby I might know whether it would bear great Vessels and Gallions because the Captain of Malaca had a design to come and succor his Higness as soon as his men were returned from the Indiaes and to dâ—liver his mortal Enemy the Tyrant of Achem into his hands This poor King presently believed all that I said to be true and so much the rather for that it was conformable to his desire in such sort that rising out of his Thâ—one where he was set I saw him go and fall on his knees before the carcass of a Cows head set up against the wall whose horns were guilt and crowned with flowers Then lifting up his hands and eyes O thou said he that not constrained by any material love whereâ—nto Nature hath obliged thee dost continually make glad all those that desire thy milk as the own mother doth him whom she hath brought into the world without participating either of the miseries or pains which ordinarily she suffers from whom we take our Being be favorable unto the prayer which now with all my heart I offer up unto thee and it is no other but this that in the meadows of the Sun where with the payment and recompence which thou receivest thou art contented with the good that thou dost here below thou wilt be pleased to conserve me in the new amity of this good Captain to the end he may put in execution all that this man here hath told me At these words all the Courtiers which were likewise on their knees said three times as it were in answer How happy were he that could see that and then dye incontinently Whereupon the King arose and wiping his eyes which were all beblubbered with the tears that proceeded from the zeal of the prayer he had made he questioned me about many particular things of the Indiaes and Malaca Having spent some time therein he very courteously dismissed me with a promise to cause the Merchandise which the Mahometan had brought in the Captain of Malaâ—a's name to be well and profitably put off which indeed was the thing I most desired Now for as much as the King at my arrival was making his preparations for to march against the Tyrant of Achem and had taken order for all things necessary for that his Voyage after I had remained nine days in Panaiu the Capital City of the Kingdom of Batas he departed with some Troops towards a place named Turban some five leagues of where he arrived an hour before Sun-set without any manner of reception or shew of joy in regard of the grief he was in for the death of his children which was such as he never appeared in publique but with great demonstrations of sorrow The next morning the King of Batas marched from Turban towards the Kingdom of Achem being eighteen leagues thither He carried with him fifteen thousand men of War whereof eight thousand were Bataes and the rest Menancabes Lusons Andraguires Iambes and Bournees whom the Princes his neighbors had assisted him with as also forty Elephants and twelve Carts with small Ordnance namely Faulcons Bases and other field Pieces amongst the which there were three that had the Arms of France and were taken in the year 1526. at such time as Lopo Vaz dâ— Sampayo governed the State of the Indiaes Now the King of Batas marching five leagues a day came to a River called Quilem There by some of the Tyrants Spies which he had taken he learnt that his Enemy waited for him at Tondacur two leagues from Achem with a purpose to fight with him and that he had great store of strangers in his Army namely Turks Cambayans and Malabars Whereupon the King of Batas assembling his Councel of War and falling into consultation of this affair it was concluded as most expedient to set upon the Enemy before he grew more strong With this resolution having quit the River he marched somewhat faster then ordinary and arrived about ten of the clock in the night at the foot of a Mountain half a league from the Enemies Camp where after he had reposed himself a matter of three hours he marched on in very good order for which effect having
deal of blood Having buried him in the owze the best we could the other three Mariners and my self resolved to cross the River for to go and sleep on certain great Trees that we saw on the other side for fear of the Tygers and Crocodiles whereof that Country is full besides many other venomous creatures as an infinite of those copped Adders I have spoken of before in the sixth Chapter and divers sorts of Serpents with black and green scales whose venom is so contagious as they kill men with their very breath This resolution being thus taken by us I desired two of them to swim over first and the other to stay with me for to hold me up in the water for that in regard of my great weakness I could hardly stand upon my legs whereupon they two cast themselves presently into the water exhorting us to follow them and not be afraid But alas they were scarce in the midst of this River when as we saw them caught by two great Lâ—zards that before our faces and in an instant tearing them in pieces dragged them to the bottom leaving the water all bloody which was so dreadful a spectacle to us as we had not the power to cry out and for my self I knew not who drew me out of the water nor how I escaped thence for I was gone before into the River as deep as my waste with that other Mariner which hâ—ld me by the hand CHAP. X. By what means I was carried to the Town of Ciaca and that which befell me there my going to Malaca with a Mahometan Merchant and the Tyrant of Achems Army marching against the King of Aaru FInding my self reduced to that extremity I have spoken of I was above three hours so besides my self as I could neither speak nor weep At length the other Mariner and I went into the Sea again where we continued the rest of that day The next morning having discovered a Baâ—que that was seeking the mouth of the River as soon as it was near we got out of the water and falling on our knees with our hands lift up we desired them to come and take us up whereupon they gave over rowing and considering the miserable state we were in they judged immediately that we had suffered shipwrack so that coming somewhat nearer they asked us what we desired of them we answered that we were Christians dwelling at Malaca and that in our return from Aaru we were cast away by a storm about nine days before and therefore prayed them for Gods sake to take us away with them whithersoever they pleased Thereupon one amongst them whom we guessed to be the chiefest of them spake to us thus By that which I see you are not in case to do us any service and gain your meat if we should receive you into our Barque wherefore if you have any mony hidden you shall do well to give it us aforehand and then we will use towards you that charity you require of us for otherwise it is in vain for you to hope for any help from us Saying so they made shew as though they would be gone whereupon we besought them again weeping that they would take us for slaves and go sell us where they pleased hereunto I added how they might have any ransom for me they would require as having the honor to appertain very nearly unto the Captain of Malaca Well answered he then we are contented to accept of thy offer upon condition that if that which thou sayst be not true we will cast thee bound hand and foot alive into the Sea Having replyed that they might do so if they found it otherwise four of them got presently to us and carried us into their Barque for we were so weak at that time as we were not able to stir of our selves When they had us aboard imagining that by whipping they might make us confess where we had hid our mony for still they were perswaded that we had somâ— they tyed us both to the foot of the Mast and then with two double coards they whipped us till we were nothing but blood all over Now because that with this beating I was almost dead they gave not to me as they did to my companion a certain drink made of a kind of Lime â—â—eepâ—d in Urine which he having taken it made him fall into such a furious vomiting as he cast up both his lungs and his liver so as he dyed within an hour after And for that they found no gold come up in his vomit as they hoped it pleased God that that was the cause why they dealâ— not so with me but only they washed the stripes they had given me with the said liquor to keep them from festering which notwithstanding put me to such pain as I was even at the point of death Being departed from this River which was called Arissumhea we went the next day after dinner ashore at a place where the houses were covered with straw named Ciaca in the Kingdom of Iambes there they kept me seven and twenty days in which time by the assistance of Heaven I got my self throughly cured of all my hurts Then they that had a share in my person who were seven in number seeing me unfit for their Trade which was fishing exposed me to sale three several times and yet could meet with no body that would buy me whereupon being out of hope of selling me they turned me out of doors because they would not be at the charge of feeding me I had been six and thirty days thus abandoned by these Inhumanes and put a grasing like a cast Horse having no other means to live but what I got by begging from door to door which God knows was very little in regard those of the Country were extream poor when as one day as I was lying in the Sun upon the sand by the Sea side and lamenting my ill fortune with my self it pleased God that a Mahometan born in the Isle of Palimban came accidentally by This man having been sometimes at Malaca in the company of Portugals beholding me lie naked on the ground asked me if I were not a Portugal and willed me to tell him the truth whereunto I answered that indeed I was one and descended of very rich parents who would give him for my ransom whatsoever he would demand if he would carry me to Malaca where I was Nephew to the Captain of the Fortress as being the son of his sister The Mahometan hearing me say thus If it be true replyed he that thou art such as thou deliverest thy self to be what so great sin hast thou committed that could reduce thee to this miserable estate wherein I now see thee Then I recounted to him from point to point how I was cast away and in what sort the fishermen had first brought me thither in their Barque and afterwards had turned me out to the wide world because they could not find any body
Fortress where she was saluted with an honorable peal of Ordnance which lasted the space of a good hour Being landed and having seen certain things which Pedro de Faria desired to shew her as the Custom-house the River the Army the Manufactures stores of Powder and other particulars prepared before for that purpose she was lodged in a fair house and her people to the number of six hundred in a field called Ilher in Tents and Cabbins where they were accommodated the best that might be During all the time of her abode which was about a matter of five months she continued soliciting for succor and means to revenge the death of her husband But at length perceiving the small assistance she was likely to have from us and that all we did was but a meer entertainment of good words she determined to speak freely unto Pedro de Faria that so she might know how far she might trust to his prom ses To which end attending him one Sunday at the gate of the Fortress at such time as the place was full of people and that he was going forth to hear Mass she went to him and after some complements between them she said unto him Noble and valiant Captain I beseâ—ch you by the generosity of your race to give me the hearing in a few things I have to represent unto you Consider I pray you that albeit I am a Mahometan and that for the greatness of my sins I am altogether ignorant in the knowledg of your holy Law yet in regard I am a woman and have been a Queen you ought to carry some respect to me and to behold my misery with the eyes of a Christian. Hereunto at first Pedro de Faria knew not what to answer in the end putting off his cap he made her a low reverence and after they had both continued a good while without speaking the Queen bowed to the Church gate that was just before them and then spake again to Pedro de Faria Truly said she the desire I have always had to revenge the death of my husband hath been and still is so great that I have resolved to seek out all the means that possibly I may to effect it since by reason of the weakness of my sex Fortune will not permit me to bear arms Being perswaded then that this here which is the first I have tryed was the most assured and that I more relyed upon then any other as trusting in the ancient amity which hath always been betwixt us and you Portugals and the obligation wherein this Fortress is engaged to us passing by many other considerations well known to you I am now to desire you with tears in mine eyes that for the honor of the high and mighty King of Portugal my soveraign Lord and unto whom my husband was ever a loyal Subject and Vassal you will ayd and succor me in this my great adversity which in the presence of many noble Personages you have promised me to do howbeit now I see that in stead of performing the promises which you have so often made me you alledg for an excuse that you have written unto the Vice-roy about it whereas I have no need of such great Forces as you speak of for that with an hundred men only and such of my own people as are flying up and down in hope and expectation of my return I should be able enough though I be but a woman in a short space to recover my Country and revenge the death of my husband through the help of Almighty God in whose Name I beseech and require you that for the service of the King of Portugal my Master and the only refuge of my widowhood you will since you can assist me speedily because expedition is that which in this affair imports the most and so doing you shall prevent the plot which the wicked enemy hath upon this Fortress as too well you may perceive by the means he hath used to effect it If you will be pleased to give me the succor I demand of you say so if not deal clearly with me for that you will prejudice me as much in making me lose time as if you refused me that which so earnestly I desire and which as a Christian you are obliged to grant me as the Almighty Lord of Heaven and Earth doth well know whom I take to witness of this my request CHAP. XII The Queen of Aaru's departure from Malaca her going to the King of Jantana his summoning the Tyrant of Achem to restore the Kingdom of Aâ—ru and that which past between them thereupon PEdro de Faria having heard what this desolate Queen said openly unto him convinced by his own conscience and even ashamed of having delayed her in that fashion answered her that in truth and by the faith of a Christian he had recommended this affair unto the Viceroy and that doubtless there would some succor come for her ere it were long if so be there were no trouble in the Indiaes that might hinder it wherefore he advised and prayed her to stay still in Malaca and that shortly she should see the verity of his speeches Thereunto this Princess having replyed upon the uncertainty of such succor Pedro de Faria grew into choller because he thought she did not believe him so that in the heat of his passion he lashed out some words that were more rude then was fit Whereupon the desolate Queen with tears in her eyes and beholding the Church gate which was just against her and sobbing in such manner as she could scarcely speak The clear Fountain said she is the God which is adored in that house out of whose mouth proceeds all truth but the men of the Earth are sinks of troubled water wherein change and faults are by nature continually remaining wherefore accursed is he that trusts to the opening of their lips For I assure you Captain that â—ver since I knew my self to this present I have neither heard nor seen ought but that the more such unhappy wretches as my late husband was and my self now am do for you Portugals the less you regard them and the more you are obliged the less you acknowledg whence I may well conclude that the recompence of the Portugal Nation consists more in favor then in the merits of persons And would to God my deceased husband had nine and twenty years ago but known what now for my sins I perceive too well for then he had not been so deceived by you as he was But since it is so I have this only left to comfort me in my misery that I see many others scandalized with your amity as well as my self For if you had neither the power nor the will to succor me why would you so far engage your self to me a poor desolate widow concerning that which I hoped to obtain from you and so beguile me with your large promises Having spoken thus she turned her back to the Captain
retire to the Lanchara where we remained with five Boys and eight Mariners not having so much as the worth of a peny left of all our merchandize which amounted to fifty thousand crowns in gold and stone only In this Lanchara we past away all the night very much afflicted and still harkening what might be the end of this mutiny which was risen among the people as I have before related At length perceiving the matters grew worse and worse and that there was no hope for us to recover any part of our goods we thought it a far safer course to go away to Patana then by staying to run a hazard of being killed as above four thousand persons were With this resolution we parted from this place and in six days arrived at Patana where we were very well received by the Portugals which were in that Country unto whom we recounted all that had past at Pan and the pitious estate wherein we had left that miserable Town This accident very much afflicted them so that desiring to give some remedy thereunto with a true affection of charitable Christians they went all to the Palace of the King and complained to him of the wrong that had been done to the Captain of Malaca beseeching him thereupon they might be permitted to recover if it were possible the loss they had sustained and have leave granted to right themselves upon any merchants goods belonging to the Kingdom of Pan to the value of the sum they had been despoyled of The King having heard their complaint and presently granting what they demanded It is reasonable said he that you should do as you have been done unto and that you should spoyl them that first have spoyled you especially in a matter that concerns the Captain of Malaca unto whom all of you are so much obliged The Portugals having rendred him very humble thanks for this grace returned to their houses where they concluded to seize upon all the goods they could meet with belonging to the Kingdom of Pan until such time as they had fully recovered their loss It hapned then about nine days after they being advertised that some ten leagues off in the river of Calantan were three Junks of China very rich and appertaining to Mahometan Merchants Natives of the Kingdom of Pan that by foul weather at Sea were constrained to put in there our people resolved to fall upon them To which effect out of three hundred Portugals that were then in the Country we chose out fourscore with whom we imbarqued our selves in two Foysts and one round ship well provided of all things we thought to be necessary for this enterprize So we departed three days after with all speed for fear lest the Mahometans of the Country having discovered our design should advertise them of it whom we went to seek Of these three vessels one Ioano Fernandez Dabrea born in the Isle of Madera was General who with forty Soldiers went in the round ship and the other two Foysts were commanded by Laurenco de Goes and Vasco Sermento both of them of the City of Braganea in Portugal and very well experienced in Sea-service The next day we arrived at the river of Calentan where as soon as we decryed the three Junks riding at anchor which we had been told of we set very valiantly upon them and albeit those that were in them did at first do their best endevor to defend themselves yet at length all their resistance was in vain for in less then an hour we reduced them all under our power so as seventy and four of theirs were slain and but three of ours though we had many men hurt I will not hold you here with any particular discourse of what was done on either side let it suffice that after the three Junks had rendred themselves we presently set sail and carryed them away with us in all haste because the whole Country thereabout was in an uproar directing our course towards Patana where by the favor of a fair wind we arrived the next day in the afternoon Having then cast anchor we saluted the Town with a peal of Ordnance in sign of joy which put the Mahometans of the Country out of all patience for though we stood in the terms of good friends with them yet they left not to use all possible means both of Presents which they gave to the Governors and the Kings Favorites and otherwise for to make our prizes voyd and that the King would expel us out of his dominions whereunto he would at no hand consent saying that he would not for any thing in the world break the peace which his Ancestors had made with the Christians of Malaca â—nd that all that he could do therein was to become a third betwixt them Whereupon he deâ—â—â—ed us that the three Necodas of the Junks so are the Commanders of them called in that Country restoring unto us what had been taken from the Captain of Malaca we would likewise render unto them as well their vessels free as the overplus a matter which Ioano Fernandez Dabrea and the rest of the Portugals very willingly agreed unto to testifie the desire they had to content him As indeed he was exceedingly well pleased with them for it which he expressed both in courteous language and many promises of his future favor Thus were the fifty thousand duckets recovered that Pedro de Faria and Tome Lobo had lost and the Portugals were in great esteem over all that Country so that their valor rendred them very formidable to the Mahometans A little after the Soldiers assured us that in the three Junks we had taken there was only in lingoâ—s of silver besides the other merchandize wherewithall they were laden to the value of two hundred Taieis which in our mony amounts to an hundred thousand duckets CHAP. XIV The Misfortune that befell us at the entry into the River of Lugor our hiding our selves in a Wood with that which happened unto us afterwards and our return unto Malaca HAving sojourned six and twenty days at Patana for to sell away some few commodities of China that I had there arrived a Foyst from Malaca commanded by one Antonio de Faria who came thither by the express commandment of Pedro de Faria to treat with the King about some accord as also to confirm the ancient league anew which he had with Malaca and withall to give him thanks for the good entertainment he gave in his Kingdom to those of the Portugal Nation This business was carryed with a fair shew of an Embassie accompanyed with a Letter and a Present of Jewels sent in the name of the King of Portugal our Master and taken out oâ— his Coffers as all the Captains of that place used to do Now for as much as the said Antonio de Faria had brought along with him some ten or twelve thousand crowns worth of Indian woolen and linnen cloth which he had taken up on his credit at
pleased God to restore us to our perfect health so that this virtuous Dâ—me seeing us able to travel recommended us to a Merchant her kinsman that was bound for Patana with whom after we had taken our leave of that noble Matron unto whom we were so much obliged we imbarqued our selves in a Cataluz with Oars and sailing on a River called Sumhâ—chitano we arrived seven days after at Patana Now for as much as Antonio de Faria looked every day for our return with a hope of good success in his business as soon as he saw us and understood what had past he remained so sad and discontented that he continued above an hour without speaking a word in the mean time such a number of Portugals came in as the house was scarce able to contain them by reason the greatest part of them had ventuâ—ed goods in the Lanchara whose lading in that regard amounted to seventy thousand duckets and better the most of it being in silver coyn of purpose with it to return gold Antonio de Faria seeing himself stripped of the twelve thousand duckets he had borrowed at Malaca resolved not to return thither because he had no means to pay his Creditors but rather thought it fitter to pursue those that had robbed him of his goods so that he took a solemn Oath upon the holy Evangelists to part incontinently from that place for to go in quest of those Pyrats for to revenge upon them the death of those fourteen Portugals and thirty six Christians Boys and Mariners killed by them as aforesaid Adding withall that if such a course were not taken they should every day be used so â—ay far worse All the Assistants very much commended him valorous resolution and for the execution thereof there were many young Soldiers amongst them that offered to accompany him in that voyage some likewise presented him with mony and others furnished him with divers necessaries Having accepted these offers and presents of his friends he used such diligence that within eighteen days he made all his preparations and got together five and fifty Soldiers amongst whom poor unfortunate I was fain to be one for I saw my self in that case as I had not so much as a single token nor knew any one that would either give or lend me one being indebted besides at Malaca above five hundred duckets that I had borrowed there of some of my friends which with as much more that dog had â—obbed me of amongst others as I have related befoâ—e having been able to save nothing but my miserable carcass wounded in three places with a Javelin and my skull crackt with a stone whereby I was three or four times at the point of death But my companion Christovan Borralho was yet â—ar worse entreated then my self and that with more hurts which he received in satisfaction of five and twenty hundred duckets that he was robbed of as the rest CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainan his arrival at the River of Tinacoren and that which befell us in this Voyage AS soon as Antonio de Faria was ready he departed from Patana on a Saturday the ninth of May 1540. and steered North North-west towards the Kingdom of Champaa with an intent to discover the Ports and Havens thereof as also by the means of some good booty to furnish himself with such things as he wanted for his haste to part from Patana was such as he had not time to furnish himself with that which was necessary for him no not with victual and warlike ammunition enough After we had sailed three days we had sight of an Island called Pullo Condor at the height of eight degrees and three quarters on the North Coast and almost North-west towards the mouth of the River of Camboia so that having rounded all the Coast we discovered a good Haven Eastward where in the Island of Camboia distant some six leagues from the firm Land we met with a Junk of Lequios that was going to the Kingdom of Siam with an Embassador from the Nautauquim of Lindau who was Prince of the Island of Tosa and that had no sooner discovered us but he sent a message by a Chinese Pilot to Antonio de Faria full of complements whereunto was added these words from them all That the time would come when as they should communicate with us in the true love of the Law of God and of his inâ—inite clemency who by his death had given life to all men and a perpetual inheritance in the house of the good and that they beleeved this should be so after the half of the half time was past With this complement they sent him a Courtelas of great value whose handle and scabbard was of gold as also six and twenty Pearls in a little Box likewise of gold made after the fashion of a Salt-seller whereat Antonio de Faria was very much grieved by reason he was not able to render the like unto this Prince as he was obliged to do for whâ—n the Chinese arrived with this message they were distant above a league at Sea from us Hereupon we went ashore where we spent three days in taking in fresh water and fishing Then we put to Sea again laboring to get to the firm Land there to seek out a River named Pullo Cambim which divides the State of Camboia from the Kingdom of Champaa in the height of nine degrees where arriving on a Sunday the last of May we went up three leagues in this River and anchored just against a great Town called Catimparu there we remained twelve days in peace during the which we made our provision of all things necessary Now bâ—cause Antonio de Faria was naturally curious he endevored to understand from the people of the Country what Nation inhabited beyond them and whence that mighty River took its souâ—ce whereunto he was answered that it was derived from a lake named Pinator dâ—stant from them Eastward two hundred and sixty leagues in the Kingdom of Quitirvan and that it was invironed with high mountains at the foot whereof upon the brink of the water were eight and thirty villages of which thirteen were very great and the rest small and that only in one of the great onâ—s called Xincaleu there was such a huge myne of gold as by the repâ—â—t of those that lived thereabout there was every day a bar and a half drawn out of it which according to the value of our mony makes two and twenty millions in a year and that four Lords had share in it who continually were in war together each one striving to make himself master of it I and that one of them named Raiahitau had in an inner yard of his house in pots under ground that were full to the very brims above six hundred bars of gold in powder like to that of Mexancabo of the Island of Samatra And thâ—â— if three hundred Harquebusiers of our Nation should go and assault it
without doubt they would carry it Moreover that in another of those Villages called Buaquirim there was a quarry where out of an old Rock they digged a great quantity of Diamonds that were very fine and of greater value then those of Lava and Taniampura in the Isle of Iaoa Whereupon Antonio de Faria having questioned them about many other particularities they made him a relation of the fertility of the Country which was further up this River no less fit to be desired then easie to be conquered and that with little charge Being departed from this River of Pullo Cambim we sailed along the Coast of the Kingdom of Champaa till we came to an Haven called Saleyzacau seventeen leagues farther on towards the North whereinto we entred Now because there was nothing to be gotten there we went out of this place about sun-setting and the next morning we came to a River named Toobasoy without the which Antonio de Faria cast anchor because the Pilot would not venture to enter into it for that he had never been there before and therefore knew not the depth of it As we were contesting hereabout some for to enter and others gainsaying it we discerned a great sail making towards this Port from the main Sea Hereupon without stirring from the place where we were we prepared to receive them in a peaceable manner so that as soon as they came neer us we saluted them and hung up the flag of the Country called Charachina which is a sign of friendship used among them in such like occasions They of the ship in stead of answering us in the same manner as in reason it seemed they should have done and knowing that we were Portugals to whom they wished not well gave us very vile and base words and from the top of their poup made a capher slave hold up his arse bare to us with a mighty noise and din of Trumpets Drums and Bells by way of scorn and derision of us Whereat Antonio de Faria was so offended that he gave them a whole broad side to see if that would make them more courteous To this shoâ— of ours they returned us an answer of five pieces of Ordnance namely three Faulcons and two little field-pieces whereupon consulting together what we should do we resolved to abide where we were for we held it not fit to undertake so doubtful an enterprize until such time as the next days light might discover the forces of this Vessel unto us that so we might afterwards either set upon her with the more security or let her pass by This counsel was approved both by Antonio de Faria and us all so that keeping good watch and giving order for all that was necssary we continued in that place expecting day now about two of the clock in the morning we perceived three black things close to the water coming towards us which we could not well discern whereupon we wakened Antonio de Faria who was then asleep on the hatches and shewed him what we had discovered being by that time not far from us He fearing as we did lest they were Enemies cryed out presently Arm Arm Arm wherein he was straightway obeyed for now plainly perceiving that they were Vessels rowing towards us we betook us to our Arms and were bestowed by our Captain in places most necessary to defend our selves We conceived by their silent approaching to us that they were the Enemies we had seen over night so that Antonio de Faria said unto us My masters this is some Pyrat coming to set upon us who thinks we are not above six or seven at the most as the manner is in such kinde of Vessels wherefore let every man stoop down so as they may not see any of us and then we shall soon know their design in the mean time let the pots of powder be made ready with which and our swoâ—ds I hope we shall give a good end to this adventure Let every one also hide his match in such sort as they may not be discovered whereby they may be perswaded that we are asleep all which as he had prudently ordained was incontinently executed These three Vessels being come within a â—light shoot of ourâ— went round about her and after they had viewed her well they joyned all close together as if they had entred into some new consultation continuing so about a quarter of an hour that done they separated themselves into two parts namely the two lesser went together to our poup and the third that was greater and better armed made to the starboard of us Hereupon they entred our Lorch where most conveniently they could so that in less then half a quarter of an hour above forty men were gotten in which seen by Antonio de Faria he issued out from under the hatches with some forty Soldiers and invoking Saint Iames our Patron he fell so couragiously upon them that in a short time he killed them almost all Then with ayd of the pots of powder that he caused to be cast in amongst those that were remaining in the three Vessels which he presently took he made an end of defeating them the most of them being constrained to leap into the Sea where they were all drowned but five whom we took up alive whereof one was the capher slave that shewed us his tail and the other four were one Turk two Aâ—hems and the Captain of the Junk named Similau a notorious Pyrat and our mortal Enemy Antonio de Faria commanded them instantly to be put to torture for to draw out of them who they were from whence they came and what they would have had of us whereunto the two Achems answered most brutishly and when as we were going about to torment the slave in like maner he began with tears to beseech us to spare him for that he was a Christian as we were and that without torture he would answer truly to all our demands whereupon Antonio de Faria caused him to be unbound and setting him by him gave him a piece of Bisket and a glass of wine then with fair words he perswaded him to declare the truth of every thing to him since he was a Christian as he affirmed To which he replyed in this sort If I do not speak the truth unto you then take me not for such as I am my name is Sebastian and I was slave to Gaspar de Mello whom this dog Similaâ— here present slew about two years ago in Liampao with five and twenty other Portugals that were in his ship Antonio de Faria hearing this cryed out like a man amazed and said Nay now I care not for knowing any more is this then that dog Similau that slew thy master Yes answered he it is he and that meant likewise to have done as much to you thinking that ye were not above six or seven for which effect he came away in haste with a purpose as he said to take you alive for to make
your brains fly out of your heads with a frontal of cord as he did to my Master but God I hope will pay him for all the mischief he hath committed Antonio de Faria being also advertised by this slave that this dog Similau had brought all his men of war along with him and left none in his Junk but some Chinese Mariners he resolved to make use of this good fortune after he had put Similau and his companions to death by making their brains fly out of their heads with a cord as Similau had done to Gaspar de Mello and the other Portugals in Liampao Wherefore he presently imbarqued himself with thirty Soldiers in his Boat and the three Machnaâ— wherein the Enemies came and by means of the â—lood and a favorable wind he arrived withless then an hour where the Junk rode at anchor within the River about a league from us whereupon he presently boarded her and made himself master of the poup from whence with only four pots of powder which he cast in among the Rascals that were asleep upon the hatches he made them all leap into the Sea where nine or ten of them were drowned the rest crying out for help were taken up and saved because we stood in need of them for the navigation of the Junk that was a great tall Vessel Thus you see how it pleased God out of his divine justice to make the arrogant confidence of this cursed dog a means to chastise him for his cruelties and to give him by the hands of Portugals a just punishment for that which he had done unto them The next morning taking an inventory of this prize we found six and thirty thousand Taâ—is in silver of Iapan which amounts in our mony to fifty four thousand duckets besides divers other good commodities that were not then praised for want of time because the Country was all in an uproar and fires every where kindled whereby they use to give warning one to another upon any alarm or doubt of Enemies which constrained us to make away with all speed Antonio de Faria parted from this River of Toobasoy on a Wednesday morning being Corpus Christi Eve in the year 1540. and sailed along by the Coast of the Kingdom of Champaa fearing to abandon it the wind being Easterly which in that place is oftentimes very impetuous especially in the conjunction of the new and full Moons The Friday following we found our selves just against a River called by the inhabitants of the Country Tinacoreu and by us Varella whereinto we thought fit to enter as well to be informed of certain things Antonio de Faria desired to know as also to see whether he could learn any news of Coia Acem whom he sought for in regard that all the Junks of Siam and of all the Coast of Malaya that sail to China use to trade in this River where many times they sell their commodities well in exchange of gold Calembouc wood and Ivory whereof there is abundance in that Kingdom and having cast anchor a little within the mouth of the River over against a Village named Taquilleu there came a number of Paroos and many other small Boats with fishermen full of refreshments who having never seen men made like unto us said one to another Lo this is a strange novelty wherewithall God doth visit us let us beseech him he will be pleased that these bearded men may not be such as for their particular profit do spy Countries like Merchants and afterwards rob them like Theeves Let us get to the woods for fear lest the sparks of these firebrands do not burn up our houses and reduce the fields of our labors into ashes as they use to do unto the Lands of other men Whereunto some of them made answer God forbid it should be so but if by misfortune they should come amongst us let us carry our selves in such sort as they may not perceive we fear them as Enemies for so they would set upon us with the more confidence wherefore the best course for us will be in a fair way and with gentle words to endevor to learn of thâ—m what they would have of us that upon knowledg thereof we may certifie it unto Hoyaa Paquir who is now at Congrau Antonio de Faria making as though he did not understand them although all that they said was delivered to him by an Interpreter received them very courteously and bought the refreshments which they brought of them at their own price wherewithall they were very well satisfied And they demanding of him from whence he came and what he would have he answered them that he was of the Kingdom of Siam and as a Merchant was going to traffique in the Isle of Lequios being come into that place only to learn some news of a friend of his named Coia Acem that was also bound thither whereupon he enquired of them whether he were past by or no howsoever he intended to depart thence suddenly both for to lose no time as for that he knew he could not sell his commodities there To which they replyed You say true for in this village of ours there is nothing but nets and fisher Boats wherewith we get our living and that poorly enough God knows Howbeit added they if thou wilt go up the River to the Town of Pilaucacem where the King is thou wilt sell not only the commodities which are in thy ships be they never so rich but likewise more then ten such ships as thine could carry by reason that there are Merchants in that place so wealthy and that drive so great a trade as they go with whole Troops of Elephants Oxen and Camels whom they send laden with goods to the Lands of the Lauhos Pafuaas and Gueos which are inhabited by very rich people Antonio de Faria seeing a good occasion offered to inform himself of that he desired to know questioned them at large concerning many things whereunto some of them that seemed to be of more authority then the rest answered very aptly how the River where we rode at anchor was called Tinacoreu and that it extended to Moncalor a mountain distâ—nt from thence some fourscore leagues and that further upwards it was far broader but not so deep where in many places there was great shelves of sand and a world of land overflown with water in the which werâ— such a multitude of fowls as they covered all the Country thereabout And how beyond that it was all mountainous and rocky and so full of Elephants Rhinoceroses Lions wilde Boars Buffles and such other wilde beaâ—ts as men could not possibly live there for them And moreover how in the midst of that continent there was a great Lake which the inhabitants thereof called Cunebetea and others Chiammay from whence this River took its beginning as also three others that watered a good part of this Country And that the said Lake according to the report of those who have written of
came two Lanteaas from Land to us which are Vessels like to Foists with great abundance of refreshments and those that were in them having saluted us after their manner went aboard the great Junk wherein Antonio de Faria was but when they beheld men such as we were having never seen the like before they were much amazed and demanded what people we were and wherefore we came into their Country Whereunto we answered by an Interpreter that we were Merchants born in the Kingdom of Siam and were come thither to sell or barter our Commodities with them if so be they would permit us To this an old man much respected of all the rest replyed that here was no Traffique used but in another place â—urther forward called Guamboy where all strangers that came from Cantan Chincheo Lamau Comhay Sumbor Liampau and other Sea-coast Towns did ordinarily trade Wherefore he counselled him to get him suddenly from thence in regard this was a place destined only to the fishing of Pearls for the Treasure of the house of the son of the Sun to the which by the Ordinance of the Tutan of Comhay who was the soveraign Governor of all the Country of Cauchenchina no Vessel was permitted to come but only such as were appointed for that service and that all other ships which were found there were by the Law to be burnt and all that were in them but since he as a stranger and ignorant of the Laws of the Country had transgressed the same not out of contempt but want of knowledg he thought fit to advertise him of it to the end he might be gone from thence before the arrival of the Mandarim of the Army which we call General to whom the Government of that fishing appertained and that would be within three or four days at the most being gone not above six or seven leagues from thence to a Village named Buhaquirim for to take in Victual Antonio de Faria thanking him for his good advice asked him how many Sails and what Forces the Mandarim had with him Whereunto the old man answered that he was accompanied with forty great Junks and twenty five Vancans with oars wherein there were seven thousand men namely five thousand Soldiers and the rest Slaves and Mariners and that he was there every year six Months during the which time was the fishing for Pearls that is to say from the first of March to the last of August Our Captain desiring to know what duties were payd out of this fishing and what revenue it yielded in those six Months the old man told him that of Pearls which weighed above five Carats they gave two thirds of the worser sort hâ—lf less and of seed Pearl the third part and that this Revenue was not always alike because the fishing was sometimes better in one year then in another but that one with another he thought it might yield annually four hundred thousand Taâ—is Antonio de Faria made very much of the old man and gave him two cakes of Wax a bag of Pepper and a tooth of Ivory wherewith both he and the rest were exceedingly well pleased He also demanded of them of what bigness this Isle of Ainan might be whereof so many wonders were spoken Tell us first replyed they who you are and wherefore you are come hither then will we satisfie you in that you desire of us for we vow unto you that in all our lives we never saw so many young fellows together in any Merchants ships as we now see in this of yours nor so spruce and neâ—t and it seems that in their Country China Silks are so cheap as they are of no esteem or else that they have had them at so easie a rate as they have given nothing near the worth for them for we see them play away a piece of Damask at one cast at Dice as those that come lightly by them A speech that made Antonio de Faria secretly to smile for that thereby he well perceived how these fishermen had a shrewd guess that the same were stollen which made him tell them that they did this like young men who were the sons of very rich Merchants and in that regard valued things far under that they were worth and had cost their fathers dissembling then what they thought they answered in this manner It may very well be as you say Whereupon Antonio de Faria gave a sign to the Soldiers to leave off their play and to hide the pieces of Silk that they were playing for to the end they might not be suspected for Robbers by these folks which immediately they did and the better to assure these Chineses that we were honest men and Merchants our Captain commanded the scuttles of the Junk to be opened that we had taken the night before from Captain Sardinha which was laden with Pepper whereby they were somewhat restored to a better opinion then they had of us before saying one to another Since now we find that they are Merchants indeed let us freely answer to their demand so as they may not think though we be rude that we know nothing but how to catch fish and Oysters The old man desiring to satisfie Antonio de Faria's demand Sir said he since now I know what you are and that only out of curiosity you fairly require to learn this particular of me I will clearly tell you all that I know thereof and what I have heard others deliver concerning it that have been elder then my self and which have a long time governed this Archipelague They said then that this Island was an absolute State under a very rich and mighty King who for an higher and more transcendent title then other Monarchs his Contemporaries carried caused himself to be stiled Prechau Gamâ—u He dying without heirs so great a discord arose amongst the people about the succession to the Crown as encreasing by little and little it caused such effusion of blood that the Chronicles of those times affirm how only in four years and an half sixteen Lacazaas of men were slain every Lacazaa containing an hundred thousand by means wheroof the Country remained so deserted of people that unable to defend it self the King of Cauchin conquered it only with seven thousand Mogores which the King of Tartarie sent him from the City of Tuymican that then was Metrapolitan of all his Empires This Island of Ainan being conquered the King of Cauchin returned into his Country and for Governor thereof left behind him a Commander of his named Hoyha Paguarol who revolted from him for certain just causes as he pretended that invited him thereunto Now to have the assistance and support of the King of China he became his Tributary for four hundred thousand Taeis by the year which amount to six hundred thousand duckets in consideration whereof the King of China obliged himself to defend him against all his enemies whensoever he should have need This accord continued beâ—ween them the space
him to be drawn towards the prow he caused his head to be chopt off and the rest of the body to be cut in pieces which were cast into the Sea Having obtained this victory in the manner I have before declared caused our hurt men to be drest and provided for the guard of our Captains we took an Inventory of the goods that were in these two Junks and found that our prize was worth forty thousand Taeis which was immediately committed to the charge of Antonio Borges who was Factor for the Prizes Both the Junks were great and good yet were we constrained to burn one of them for want of Mariners to man it There was in them besides seventeen pieces of brass Ordnance namely four Faulconets and thirteen small pieces the most part whereof had the Royal Arms of Portugal upon them for the Pyrat had taken them in the three ships where he killed the forty Portugals The next day Antonio de Faria went about once more to get into the River but he was advised by fishermen which he took a little before that he should beware of going to the Town because they were advised there of all that had passed betwixt him and the renegado Pyrat for whose death the people were in an uproar in so much that if he would let them have his commodities for nothing yet would they not take them in regard that Chileu the Governor of that Province had contracted with him to give him the third part of all the prizes he took in lieu whereof he would render him a safe retreat in his Country so that his loss now being great by the death of the Pyrat he should be but badly welcomed by him and to that purpose had already commanded two great Rafts covered with dry wood barrels of pitch and other combustible stuff to be placed at the entering into the Port that were to be kindled and sent down upon us as soon as we had cast anchor for to fire us besides two hundred Paraos full of shot and men of war were also in readiness to assault us These news made Antonio de Faria conclude to make away unto another Port named Mutipinan distant from thence above â—orty leagues towards the East for that there were many rich Merchants as well Natives as Strangers which came in great Troops from the Countries of Laubos Pafuaas and Guâ—os with great sums of mony So we set sail with the three Junks and the Lorâ—h wherein we came from Patana coasting the Land from one side to the other by reason of a contrary wind until we arrived at a place called Tilaumera where we anchored for that the current of the water ran very strong against us After we had continued so three days together with a contrary wind and in great want of victual our good fortune about Evening brought four Lanteaas unto us that are like unto Foysts in one of the which was a Bride that was going to a Village named Pandurea Now because they were all in jollity they had so many Drums beating aboard them as it was almost impossible to hear one another for the noise they made Whereupon we were in great doubt what this might be and wherefore there was such triumphing some thought that they were spies sent from the Captain of Tanauquir's Army who insulting for that we were already in their power gave this testimony thereof Antonio de Faria left his anchors in the Sea and preparing himself to sustain all that might happen unto him he displayed all his Banners and Flags and with demonstration of joy attended the arrival of these Lanteaas who when they perceived us to be all together imagining it was the Bridegroom that stay'd to receive them they came joyfully towards us So after we had saluted one another after the manner of the Country they went and anchored by the shore And because we could not comprehend the mystery of this affair all our Captains concluded that they were spies from the Enemies Army which forbore assaulting us in expectation of some other Vessels that were also to come In this suspicion we spent the little remainder of that Evening and almost two hours of the night But then the Bride seeing that her Spouse sent not to visit her as was his part to do to shew the love she bore him she sent her Uncle in one of the Lanteaas with a Letter to him containing these words If the feeble sex of a woman would permit me to go from the place where I am for to see thy face without reproach to mine honor assure thy self that to kiss thy tardy feet my body would fly as doth the hungry Faulcon after the fearful Heron But since I am parted from my fathers house for to seek thee out here come thy self hither to me where indeed I am not for I cannot see my self but in seeing thee Now if thou dost not come to see me in the obscurity of this night making it bright for me I fear that to morrow morning when thou arrivest here thou shalt not find me living My Vncle Licorpinau will more particularly acquaint thee with what I keep concealed in my heart for I am not able to say any more such is my grief to be so long deprived of thy so much desired sight Wherefore I pray thee come unto me or permit me to come unto thee as the greatness of my love to thee doth deserve and as thou art obliged to do unto her whom now thou art to possess in marriage until death from which Almighty God of his infinite goodness keep thee as many years as the Sun and Moon have made turns about the World since the beginning of their birth This Lanteaa being arrived with the Brides Uncle and Letter Antonio de Faria caused all the Portugals to hide themselves suffering none to appear but our Chinese Mariners to the end they might not be afraid of us To our Junk then they approached with confidence and three of them coming aboard us asked where the Bridegroom was All the answer we made them was to lay hold of them and clap them presently under hatches now because the most part of them were drunk those that were in the Lanteaa never heard our bustling with them nor if they had could they have had time to escape for suddenly from the top of our poup we fastned a cable to their mast whereby they were so arrested as it was impossible for them to get loose of us whereupon casting in some pots of powder amongst them the most of them leapt into the Sea by which time six or seven of our Soldiers and as many Mariners got into the Lanteaa and straight rendred themselves masters of her where the next thing they did was to take up the poor wretches who cryed out that they drowned Having made them sure Antonio de Faria went towards the other three Lanteaas that anchored some quarter of a league from thence and coming to the first
wherein was the Bride he entred her without any resistance in regard there were none other in her but a few Mariners and six or seven men that seemed to be of good reckoning all of kin to the Bride being there only to accompany her together with two little boys her brothers that were very white and certain ancient women of such as in China are hired for mony to dance sing and play of instruments upon like festival occasions The other two Lanteaas beholding this sad success left their anchors in the Sea and fled in such haste as if the Devil had been in them but for all that we took one of them so that we had three of the four This done we returned aboard our Junk and by reason it was now midnight we did nothing for the present but take our prisoners and shut them up under the hatches where they remained until day that Antonio de Faria came to view them and seeing they were most of them aged full of sorrow and fit for nothing he caused them to be set a shore retaining only the Bride and her two brothers because they were young white and well-favored and some twenty Mariners which afterwards were of great use to us for the navigation of our Junks This Bride as since we learned was daughter to the Aâ—chary of Colem which signifies Governor and betrothed to a youth the son of the Chifuu Captain of Pandurea who had written unto her that he would attend her in this place with three or four Junks of his fathers who was very rich but alass we shamefully cozened him After dinner being departed from thence the Bridegroom arrived seeking for his Bride with five sail full of Flags Streamers and Banners Passing by us he saluted us with great store of musick and shews of gladness ignorant of his misfortune and that we carryed away his wife In this jollity he doubled the Cape of Tilaâ—mera where the day before we took this prize and there anchored attending his Bride according as he had written to her whil'st we sailing on arrived three days after at the Port of Mutiâ—iman which was the place we aymed at in regard of the advice that Antonio de Faria had that there he might sell off his commodities CHAP. XVII Antonio de Faria's Arrival at the Port The Information that Antonio de Faria had of the Country some passages between him and the Nautarel of the Town his going to the River of Madel with his incountring a Pyrat there and that which passed betwixt them BEing arrived at this Port we anchored in a Rode which the Land makes near to a little Island on the South side of the mouth of the River at the entry whereinto we remained without saluting the Port or making any noise intending as soon as it was night to send for to sound the River and to be informed of that we desired to know Upon the appearing of the Moon which was about eleven of the clock Antonio de Faria sent away one of his Lanteaas well furnished and twelve Soldiers in her besides the Captain named Valentino Martins Dalpoem a discreet man and of great courage that at other times had given good proof of himself in like occasions who departing went always sounding the depth of the River until he arrived where divers Vessels rode at anchor There he took two men that were sleeping in a Barque laden with earthen ware and returning aboard undiscovered he rendred Antonio de Faria an accompt of what he had found touching the greatness of the place and the fewness of the Ships that were in the Port wherefore his opinion was that he might boldly enter into it and if it happened he could not trade there as he desired no body could hinder him from issuing forth whensoever he pleased by reason the River was very large clean and without any shelves sands or other things that might endanger him Having consulted then with his company he concluded by their advice not to put the two Mahometans that were taken to torture as was before ordained because there was no need of it Day being come Antonio de Faria desiring before he stirred to be informed from those two Mahometans of some particulars he would fain know and thinking he might sooner prevail with them by fair meanâ— then by menaces and torment he made very much of them and then declared his mind Whereupon both of them with one accord said that touching the entrance of the River there was nothing to be feared in regard it was one of the best in all that Bay and that ordinarily far greater Vessels then his went in and out there for that the shallowest place was fifteen fathom at the least and as for the people of the Country he was not to stand in any doubt of them by reason they were naturally weak and without arms And that the strangers which were at that instant there arrived some nine days before from the Kingdom of Benan in two Companies of fifty Oxen a piece laden with store of Silver Wood of Aloes Cloth Silk Linnen Ivory Wax Lacre Benjamin Camphire and Gold in Powder like to that of the Islâ—nd of Samatra who were come with thâ—â— Merchandise to buy Pepper Drugs and Pearls of the Isle of Ainan Being demanded whether there was any Army in those parts they answered No because most of the Wars which the Prechau that is the Emperor of the Caâ—chins made or were made against him were by Land and that when any was made upon the Rivers it was always with little Vessels and not with such great Ships as his for that they were not deep enough for them Further being asked whether the Prechau was near to that place they replyed that he was twelve days journey from thence at the City of Quangepaarâ— where most commonly he with his Court resided governing his Kingdom in Peace and Justice and that the Mynes reserved for his Crown rendred him in yearly â—ent fifteen thousand Picâ—s of Silver every Pico weighing five quintals the moyâ—â—y whereof by the divine Law inviolably observed in his Countries was for the poor Laborers that tilled the ground to sustain their families withall but that all his people by a general consent hâ—d freely relinquished that right unto him upon condition that from thence-forward he should not constrain them to pay tribute or any other thing that might concern them and that the ancient Prechaus had protested to accomplish it as long as the Sun should give light to the Earth Antonio de Faria further demanded of them what belief they were of whereunto they answered that they hold the very verity of all verities and that they believed there was but one God Almighty who as he had created all so he preserved all howbeit if at any time our understandings were intangled with the disorder and discord of our desires that no way proceeded from the soveraign Creator in whom was no imperfection but only from the sinner
he hoped to reap thereby for which they gave him many thanks and so being on all sides agreed they used such diligence in discharging the goods as in three days the most of it was weighed and consigned into the hands of the owners thereof whereupon the accompts were made up and the lingots of silver received amounting in all to an hundred and thirty thousand Taeis after the rate of seven shillings and six pence the Taei as I have said elsewhere And though all possible speed was used herein yet before all was finished news came of that which we had done to the Pyrat in the River of Tananquir in so much that not one of the inhabitants would come near us afterward by reason whereof Antonio de Faria was constrained to set sail in all haste After we had quit the River of Mutepinan directing our course Northward Antonio de Faria thought good to make to the Coast of the Island of Ainan for to seek out a River named Madel with a purpose there to accommodate the great Junk wherein he was because it took in much water or provide himself of a better in exchange upon any terms whatsoever So having sailed for the space of twelve days with a contrary wind at length he arrived at the Cape of Pullo Hinhor which is the Island of Cocos There hearing no news of the Pyrat he sought for he returned towards the South Coast where he took certain Prizes which were of good value and well gotten as we thought For it was the main intention of this Captain to deal with the Pyrat which frequented this Coast of Ainan as they before had done with divers Christians in depriving them of their lives and goods For as God doth ordinarily draw good out of evil so it pleased him out of his divine Justice to permit that Antonio de Faria in revenge of the Robbery committed by Coia Acem upon us in the Port of Lugor should in the pursuit of him chastise other Theeves that deserved to be punished by the hands of the Portugals Now having for certain days together with much labor continued our Navigation within this Bay of Cauchenchina as we were newly entred into a Port called Madel upon the day of the nativity of our Lady being the eight of September for the fear that we were in of the new Moon during the which there oftentimes happens in this Climate such a terrible storm of wind and rain as it is not possible for ships to withstand it which by the Chineses is named Tufan and that the Sky charged full with Clouds had four days together threatened that which we feared it pleased God amongst many other Junks that fled into this Port for shelter there came in one belonging to a notorious Chinese Pyrat named Hinimilau who of a Gentile that he had been was not long before become a Mahometan induced thereunto as it was said by a Cacis of that accursed Sect who had made him such an Enemy to the Christian name as he vaunted publiquely that God did owe Heaven unto him for the great service he had done him upon Earth in depopulating it by little and little of the Portugal Nation who from their mothers wombs delighted in their offences as the very Inhabitants of the smoaky House a name which they give to Hell And thus did he with such sayings and other like blasphemies speak as villanously and abominably of us as could be imagined This Pyrat entring into the River in a very great and tall Junk came up to us where we rode at anchor and saluted us after the custom of the Country whereunto we returned the like as it is the manner there to do at the entry into any of the Ports they neither knowing us to be Portugals nor we what they were for we thought they had been Chineses and that they came into the Port to shrewd themselves from the storm as others did whereupon behold five young men that were Christians whom this Robber held as Slaves in his Junk guessing us to be Portugals fell a crying out three or four times together Lord have mercy upon us At these words we all stood up to see who they were and perceiving them to be Christians we called aloud to the Mariners for to stay their course which they would not do but contrarily beating up a Drum as it were in contempt of us they gave three great shouts and withall brandished their naked Scymitars in the ayr in a way of threatening us and then cast anchor some quarter of a league beyond us Antonio de Faria desiring to learn the reason hereof sent a Balon to them which no sooner arrived near them but the barbarous Rogues pelted them with so many stones that the Vessel was almost overwhelmed so that they were glad to return both Mariners and Soldiers being very sore hurt Antonio de Faria seeing them come back all bloody demanded the cause of it Sir answered they we are not able to tell you only you behold in what plight we are saying so and shewing him the hurts on their heads they declared unto him in what manner they had been entertained At first this accident much troubled Antonio de Faria so that he stood musing a good while upon it but at length turning himself to them that were present Let every one here said he prepare himself for I cannot be perswaded but this is that Dog Coia Acem who I hope this day shall pay for all the wrong he hath done us Whereupon he commanded presently to weigh anchor and with all the speed that might be he set sail with the three Junks and Lanteas Being come within a Musket shot of them he saluted them with six and thirty Pieces of Ordnance whereof twelve were Faulconets and other Field-pieces amongst the which was one of Battery that carried cast Bullets wherewith the Enemies were so amated as all the resolution they could take for the instant was to leave their anchors in the Sea not having leasure to weigh them and to make to the shoar wherein also they failed of their desire for Antonio de Faria perceiving their design got before them and boarded their Junk with all the Forces of his Vessels hereupon began a most furious Combat both with Pikes Darts and pots full of Powder thrown from either side so that for half an hour it could not be discerned who had the better But at length it pleased God to favor us so much that the Enemies finding themselves weary wounded and hurt threw themselves into the Sea Antonio de Faria seeing these wretches ready to sink by reason of the impetuousness and strength of the current he imbarqued himself with some Soldiers in two Balons and with much ado saved sixteen men whereunto he was induced by the great need he stood in of them for the maning of his Lanteas because he had lost a great many of his people in the former fights CHAP. XVIII What Antonio
Soldier as he was and verâ—t in the trade of Pyrat he got the wind of us that done falling down within a Musket shot of us he saluted us with fifteen Pieces of Ordnance wherewith we were much affrighted because the most of them were Faulconeâ—s but Antonio de Faria encouraging his men like a valiant Captain and a good Christian disposed them on the hatches in places most convenient as well in the prow as the poop reserving some to be afterwards fitted as need should require Being thus resolved to see the end of that which Fortune should present us it pleased God that we descryed a Cross in our Enemies Flag and on the foredeck a number of red Caps which our men were wont to wear at Sea in those times whereby we were perswaded that they might be Portugals that were going from Liampoo to Malaca Whereupon we made them a sign for to make our selves known to them who no sooner perceived that we were Portugals but in token of joy they gave a great shout and withall vailing their two top sails in shew of obedience they sent their long boat called a Bâ—lon with two Portugals in her for to learn what we were and from whence we came At length having well observed and considered us they approached with some more confidence to our Junk and having saluted us and we them they came aboard her where Antonio de Faria received them very courteously And for that they were known to some of our Soldierâ— they continued there a good while during the which they recounted divers particulars unto us necessary for our design That done Antonio de Faria sent Christovano Borralho to accompany them back and to visit Quiay Panian from him as also to deliver him a Letter full of complements and many other offers of friendship wherewith this Pyrat Panian was so contented and proud that he seemed not to be himself such was his vanity and passing close by our Junk he took in all his sails then accompanied with twenty Portugals he came and visited Antonio de Faria with a goodly rich Present worth above two thousand duckets as well in Ambergreece and Pearls as Jewels of Gold and Silver Antonio de Faria and the rest of us received him with great demonstrations of love and honor After that he and all his company were set Antonio de Faria fell to discourse with them of divers things according to the time and occasion and then recited unto them his unhappy Voyage and the loss he had sustained acquainting them with his determination to go unto Liampoo for to reinforce himself with men and make provision of Vessels with oars to the end he might return again to pass once more into the Streight of Cauchenchina and so get to the Mynes of Quoaniaparu where he had been told there were â—ix large houses full of lingots of Silver besides a far greater quantity that was continually melted all along the River and that without any peril one might be wonderfully enriched Whereunto the Pyrat Panian made this answer For mine own part Signior Captain I am not so rich as many think though it is true I have been so heretofore but having been beaten with the same misfortune which thou sayst hath befallen thee my riches have been taken from me Now to return to Patana where I have a wife and children I dare not by reason I am assured that the King will despoil me of all that I should bring thither because I departed from thence without his permission which he would make a most haynous crime to the end he might seize upon my estate as he hath done to others fâ—r far lesser occasions then that wherewith he may charge me Wherefore if thou canst be contented that I shall accompany thee in the Voyage thou meanest to undertaken with an hundred men that I have in my Iunk fifteen Pieces of Ordnance thirty Muskets and forty Harquebuses which these Signiors the Portugals that are with me do carry I shall most willingly do it upon condition that thou wilt impart unto me a third part of that which shall be gotten and to that effect I desire thee to give me an assurance undâ—r thy hand as also to swear unto me by thy Law to perform it accordingly Antonio de Faria accepted of this offer very gladly and after he had rendred him many thanks for it he swore unto him upon the holy Evangelists fully and without all fail to accomplish what he required and thereof likewise made him a promise under his hand to which divers of their company subscribed their names as witnesses This accord past between them they went both together into a River called Anay some five leagues from thence where they furnished themselves with all that they stood in need of by means of a Present of an hundred duckets which they gave to the Mandarin Captain of the Town CHAP. XX. Our Encounter at Sea with a little Fisher-boat wherein were eight Portugals very sore hurt and Antonio de Faria's meeting and fighting with Coia Acem the Pyrat BEing parted from this River of Anay and well provided of all things necessary for the Voyage we had undertaken Antonio de Faria resolvâ—d by the advice and counsel of Quiay Panian whom he much respected to go and anchor in the Port of Chincheo there to be informed by such Portugals as were come from Sunda Malaca Timor and Patana of certain matters requisite for his design and whether they had any news from Liampoo in regard the report went in the Country that the King of China had sent thither a Fleet of four hundred Junks wherein there were an hundred thousand men for to take the Portugals that reâ—ided there and to burn their houses for that he would not endure them to be any longer in his dominions because he had been lately advertised that they were not a people so faithful and peaceable as he had been formerly given to understand Arriving then in the Port of Chincheo we found five Portugal ships that were come thither about a month before from the places above mentioned These ships received us with great joy and after they had given us intelligence of the Country Traffique and Tranquillity of the Ports they told us they had no other news from Liampoo but that it was said a great number of Portugals were come thither from many parts to winter there and how that great Army which we so much feared was not thereabout but that it was suspected to be gone for the Islands of Goâ—o to the succor of Sucan de Pontir from whom the brute went a Brother-in-law of his had taken his Kingdom and that in regard Sucan had lately made himself subject to the King of China and his Tributary for an hundred thousand Taeis by the year he had in contemplation thereof given him this great Army of four hundred Junks with the forces aforesaid for to restore him to his Crown and Signiories whereof he had
they concluded to acknowledge it unto him by all demonstrations of affection For which purpose they returned him a Letter signed by them all as the Resolution of a General Assembly and sent it him together with two Lanteaâ—â— full of divers refreshments and that by an ancient Gentleman named Ieronimo de Rego a Personage of great wisdome and authoritie amongst them In this Letter they gâ—ve him thanks in very courteous termes both for the exceeding favour he had done them by rescuing their goods out of the enemies hands and for the noble Tâ—stimonie he had given them of his affâ—ction by his extraordinary liberality towards them for which they hoped that God would throughly requite him As for the fear he was in touching his wintering there by reason of what had past at Nouday he might be confident that way because the Country was so full of trouble by occasion of a mighty uprore that was then amongst the people thereof as if he had razed the very Citie of Canton it self they would not much regard it wherefore he might well thinke they would care much lesse for that which he had done at Nouday which in China compared with many others was no greater then Oeyras in Portugal is being equally with Lisbon And concerning the good news he had sent them of his arrivall in their Port they earnestly desired him to continue still at anchor there six dayes longer that they might in the mean while make some fit preparation for his entertaiment seeing that thereby onely they should be able to testifie their good will unto him having not the power other wayes to acquit so many obligations wherein they stood ingaged unto him These words of kindness were accompanied with many other complements whereunto Antonio de Faria returned them a most curteous Answer and condescending to their desire he sent all his sick men on shore in the two Lanteaas which brought the refreshments whom those of Liampoo received with great shew of affection and charity for presently they were lodged in the richest houses of the Town and plentifully accommodated with all things necessary for them wanting nothing Now during the six dayes Antonio de Faria remained in that place there was not a man of any qualitie in all the Town but came and visited him with many presents and divers sorts of provisions refreshments and fruits and that in such abundance that we were amazed to behold them the more too for the good order and magnificence wherewith every thing was accompanied During the six dayes that Antonio de Faria continued in the Port according to his promise to them of Liampoo he never budgd from his Ships At length on Sunday morning before day which was the time limited for our going to the Town an excellent consort of Musick was heard both of Instruments and Voyces the harmony whereof was wonderfully pleasing and after that a Triumph of Drums and Trumpets together according to the manner of our own country Then some two houres before Sun-rising the night being very quiet and the Moon exceeding bright Antonio de Faria set sail with his whole Fleet having all his Ships decked with Silken Flaggs and streamers of sundry Colours and every scuttle both of the greater and lesser masts hung round about with cloth of Silver and many brave Standards of the same After these Vessels followed a number of row-Barges wherein were a great many of Trumpets Hoboyes Flutes Fifes Drums and other such Instruments each one of a several Invention When it was broad day the winde began to calm as we were within half a League of the Town whereupon there came presently to us some twenty Lanteaas very well set forth and full of Musicians that played on divers Instruments So in lesse then an hour we arrived at the Road but first there came aboard Antonio de Faria about threescore Boats and Manchaas adorned with Pavilions and Banners of Silke as also with Turkie Carpets of great value In these Boats were about three hundred men all richly apparrelled with chains of Gold and guilt Swords hanging in Belts after the fashion of Affrick every thing so well accommodated that we which beheld this Equipage were no lesse contented then astonished therewith With this train Antonio de Faria came to the Town where there stood ranged in excellent order twenty six ships and fourscore Junks besides a great sort of Vancons and Barcasses all in File one after another so making as it were a fair long street every where beautified with Pines Laurels and green Canes with many Triumphal Arches beset with Cherries Pears Lemons Oranges and sundry odoriferous green Herbs wherewith the Masts and Cordage were covered all over As soon as Antonio de Faria came neer the place which was prepared for his landing he saluted the Town with a great peâ—l of Ordnance which was instantly answered with the like by all the Ships Junks and Barques before mentioned in order a matter very pleasing and wherewith the Chinese Merchants were so taken as they demanded of us Whether this man unto whom we did so much honour was either the brother or kinsman of our King whereunto certain chief meâ— of the Town answered That his Father shod the Horses whereon the King of Portugal rode and that in that regard all this honour was done him adding withall That they thought themselves scarce worthy to be his slaves much lesse his servants The Chineses beleeving all this to be true said one to another as it were in admiration Verily there be great Kings in the world whereof our ancient Historians for want of knowledge of them have made no mention in their Writings and it seems that above them all the King of these Portugals is to be most esteemed for by that which is delivered to us of his greatnesse he must needs be richer more mighty and greater then either the Tartar or the Cauchin as is most apparent since be that shooes his horses which is but an ordinary and contemptible trade in every Country is so respected by those of his Nation Whereupon another that heard his Companion say thus Certainly said he this Prince is so great that if it were not a blasphemy one might almost compare him to the Son of the Sun The rest that were about him added It well appears to be so by the great riches which this bearded Nation get in every place where they come by the power of their armes wherewith they affront all the People of the world This salutation being ended on either part a Lanteaa came aboard Antonio de Faria's Junk gallantly equipped and covered all over with boughs of Chesnut trees full of their bristled â—ruit just as they grew and intermingled with delicate small green trees which those of the Country call Lechias stuck every where with most fragrant Roses and Violets all plashed so close together that we could not see the Rowers now upon the upper end of the Deck of this Vessel there was
of it a Cushion of the same In this Chair he sate him down and heard Masse which was celebrated vvith a great deal of Ceremonie and a marvellous consort both of Voyces and Instruments Masse being ended the Sermon followed that was made by Estevano Nogueyra an ancient man and Curate of the place vvho to speak the truth through discontinuance of preaching was but little verst in Pulpit matters and illiterate vvithall howbeit desiring to shew himself that day a learned man in so remarkable a solemnity he laboured to make demonstration of his best Rhetorick To which effect he grounded all his Sermon on the Prayses of Antonio de Faria and that in words so ill placed and so far from his Text as our Captain was much ashamed at it wherefore some of his friends pluckt him three or four times by the Surplis for to make him give over wherewith being neâ—led he turned him about to those that would have had him leave off I will not said he unto them but will rather say more for I speake nothing but that which is as true as Gospel in regard whereof let me alone I pray you for I have made a vow to God never to desist from commending this noble Captain as he more then deserves at my hands for saving me seven thousand Duckats venture that Mem Taborda had of mine in his Iunk and was taken from him by that dog Coia Acem for which let the soul of so cursed a rogue and wicked Devil be tormented in Hell for ever and ever whereunto say all with me Amen This Conclusion provoked all the Assembly so to laugh that we could not hear one another in the Church for the noise that was made there This tumult over there came out of the Vestry six little Boyes attired like Angels with Instruments of Musick in their hands guilt all over and then the same Priest falling on his knees before the Altar of our Lady and lifting up his hands began to sing aloud these words Virgin you are a Rose whâ—reunto the little Boyes answered very melodiously with their Instruments all being performed with such harmony and devotion as it drew tears from most of the Assistants Masse being finished the four principal Governours of the Town namely Mateus de Brito Lançarote Pereyra Ieronimo de Rego and Tristan de Gaa came unto Antonio de Faria and bâ—ing accompanied with all the Portugals which were above a thousand in number they conducted him into a great place before the Town Hall that was compassed about with a small thick wood of Chesnut Trees all full of Fruit just as they grew adorned above with Standards and Banners of Silk and strewed below with Flower de luces and Red and White Roses whereof there is great abundance in China In this Wood were three long Tables set under a goodly spacious Arbor that was covered over with Myrtle and round about were divers Conduits of Water which ran from one to the other by certain Inventions of the Chineses that were so subtile as one could not possibly discern the secret For by the means of a kinde of Bellows like unto that of an Organ that was joyned to the principall Conduit the water rebounded up so high that when it came to descend again it fell as small as dew so that with one onely pot full of water they could gently moisten that great place before these three Tables were three Court-cup-boards placed upon the which was a great deal of very fine Pourcelain and six huge Vessels of Gold that the Chinese Merchants had borrowed of the Mandarins of the Town of Liampoo For in that Country Persons of quality are served all in Gold Silver being for those of meaner condition They brought likewise divers other pieces all of Gold as great Basons Saltsellers and Cups After they were dismissed which were not for the Banquet there onely remained those that were invited being fourscore in number besides fiftie of Antonio de Faria's Souldiers These being set at Table were served by young Wenches very beautiful and finely apparrelled according to the manner of the Mandarins At every course that was served up they sung very melodiously to the tune of certain Instruments vvhereon some of their companions played As for Antonio de Faria he was served by eight Maidens the Daughters of worthy Merchants exceeding fair and comely whom their Fathers had brought thither for that purpose at the request of Mateus de Brito and Tristan de Gaa They were attired like Mermaids and carried the meat to the Table dancing to the sound of divers Instruments a marvellous thing to behold and vvherewithal the Portugals vvere so mightily taken as they could not sufficiently commend the excellent Order and Gentilenesse of these Magnificencies by which their eyes and eares were so charmed Remarkable it was also that at every health the Trumpets Hoboys and Drums plaid their parts In this sort the Banquet continued two hours during vvhich there vvas alvvayes one device or other after the Portugal or Chinese fashion I vvill not stand here to recount the delicacy or abundance of the meats that vvere served up in it for it would be a matter not onely superfluous but even infinite to recite every thing in particular After they were risen from Table they went all to another great place that vvas invironed vvith Scaffolds all hung with Silk and full of People where ten Bulls and five vvild Horses were baited being accompanied with the sound of Trumpets Fifes and Drums in sequel vvhereof divers Mummeâ—ies of several Inventions were represented Now because it was late Antonio de Faria vvould have imbarqued himself again for to have returned unto his Ships but they of the Town would by no means suffer him for they had prepared the Houses of Tristan de Gaa and Mateus de Brito for his lodging having caused a Gallerie to be built from the one to the other for that purpose There was he lodged very commodiously during the space of five Months that he abode in that place alwaies entertained with new sports and delights of Fishing Hunting Hawking Comedies and Masques as also with sumptuous Feasts as vvell on Sundayes and Holydayes as other Dayes of the Week so that we passed these five Months in such pleasure as at our departure we did not thinke vve had been there five dayes This term expired Antonio de Faria made preparation of Vessels and Men for his Voyage to the Mines of Quoaniaparâ— for in regard the season was then proper for it he resolved to be gone as soon as possibly he could but in the mean time it happened that Quiay Panian fell into a dangerous sickness whereof not long after he died to the extream grief of Antonio de Faria vvho exceedingly affected him for many good qualities that were in him worthy of his friendship and therefore he caused him to be honourably buried as the last dutie that he could do to his Friend After the the death of Quiay
the which we thanked them weeping with so much acknowledgment of their goodness and charity as the tears stood in their eyes so that presently sending for a Physician they bid him look carefully to us for that we were poor flocks and had no other means but what we had from the house That done he took our names in writing and set them down in a great book whereunto we all of us set our hands saying it was necessary it should be so that an accompt might be rendred of the expence was to be made for us Having spent eighteen days in this Hospital where we were sufficiently provided for with all things necessary it pleased God that we throughly recovered our healths so that feeling our selves strong enough to travel we departed from thence for to go to a place called Zuzoangances some five leagues from that Hospital where we arrived about sun-set Now in regard we were very weary we sat us down upon the side of a fountain that stood at the entrance of that Village being much perplexed and unresolved what way to take In the mean time they which came to fetch water seeing us set there in so sad an equipage returned with their pitchers empty and advertising the inhabitants of it the most of them came presently forth to us Then wondering much because they had never seen men like unto us they gathered altogether as if they would consult thereupon and after they had a good while debated one with another they sent an old woman to demand of us what people we were and why we sat so about that fountain from whence they drew all the water they used Hereunto we answered that we were poor strangers natives of the Kingdom of Siam who by a storm at sea were cast upon their Countrey in that miserable plight wherein they beheld us Tell me replyed she what course would you have us to take for you and what resolve you to do for here is no house for the repose of the poor whereinto you may be received To these words one of our company answered with tears in his eyes and a gesture conformable to our designe that God being that which he was would never abandon us with his Almighty hand but would touch their hearts to take compassion of us and our poverty and further that we were resolved to travel in that miserable case we were in till we had the good fortune to arrive at the City of Nanquin where we desired to put our selves into the Lanteaas there to serve for rowers to the Merchants that ordinarily went from thence to Cantano and so to get to Comhay where great store of our Country Junks usually lay in which we would imbarque our selves Thereupon having somewhat a better opinion of us then before Seeing you are said she such as you deliver have a little patience till I come again and tell you what these folks resolve to do with you wherewith she returned to those country people which were about some hundred persons with whom she entred into a great contestation but at length she came back with one of their Priests attired in a long gown of red damask which is an ornament of chiefest dignity among them in this equipage he came to us with an handful of ears of corn in his hand Then having commanded us to approach unto him we presently obeyed him with all kind of respect but he little regarded it seeing us so poor whereupon after he had thrown the ears of corn into the fountain he willed us to put our hands upon them which we accordingly having done You are to confess said he unto us by this holy and solemn oath that now you take in my presence upon these two substances of bread and water which the high Creator of all things hath made by his holy will to sustain and nourish all that is born into the world during the pilgrimage of this life whether that which you told this woman but now be true for upon that condition we will give you lodging in this village conformably to the charities we are bound to exercise towards Gods poor people whereas contrarily if it be not so I command you in his Name that you presently get you gone upon pain of being bitten and destroyed by the teeth of the gluttenous Serpent that makes his abode in the bottom of the house of smoak Hereunto we answered that we had said nothing but what was most true whâ—rewith the Priest remaining satisfied since you are said he such as you say come you along boldly with me and rely on my word Then returning with us to the inhabitants of the place be told them that they might bestow their alms upon us without offence and that he gave them permission so to do whereupon we were presently conducted into the Village and lodged in the porch of their Pagode or Temple where we were furnished with all that was needful for us and had two mats given us to lie upon The next morning as soon as it was day we went up and down the street begging from door to door and got four Taeis in silver wherewith we supplied our most pressing necessities After this we went away to another place called Xianguulea that was not above two leagues from that with a resolution to travel in that sort as it were in pilgrimage to the City of Nanquin to which it was then some hundred and forty leagues for we thought that from thence we might go to Cantano where our ships traded at that time and it may be our designe had succeeded had it not been for ill fortune About even-song we arrived at that village where we sat us down under the shadow of a great tree that stood by it self but it was our ill hap to meet with three boyes that kept certain cattel there who no sooner perceived us but betaking them to their heels they cried our Thieves thieves whereat the inhabitants came instantly running out armed with lances and cros-bowes crying out stop the thieves stop the thieves and so perceiving us that fled from them they mauld us cruelly with stones and staves in such manner as we were all of us grievously hurt especially one of our boyes that died upon it Then seizing on us they tied our arms behind us and leading us like prisoners into the village they so beat and buffeted us with their fists as they had almost killed us then they plunged us into a cistern of standing water that reached up to our wasts wherein were a great number of horse-leeches In this miserable place we remained two days which seemed two hundred years to us having neither rest nor any thing to eat all that time At last it was our good fortune that a man of Zuzoangance from whence we came passing by chanced to understand how we had been used by those of the Village and thereupon went and told them that they did us great wrong to take us for thieves for
the goodliest things in this Country whereof the least is worth above a hundred thousand Taeis and bestowed them on thee but thou art of a humour more inclined to hunt a Hare then to retain this vvhich I novv tell thee The young Gentleman made no reply but smiling looked upon his Sisters Then the old man caused meat to be brought unto us before him and commanded us to fall to it as vve most vvillingly did whereat he took great pleasure in regard his stomack was quite gone with his sickness but his young daughters much more who with their brother did nothing but laugh to see us feed our selves with our hands for that is contrary to the custome which is observed throughout the whole Empire of China where the Inhabitants at their meat carry it to their mouthes with two little sticks made like a pair of Cizers After we had given God thanks the old man that had well observed us lifting up his hands to heaven with tears in his eyes Lord said he that livest raigning in the tranquility of thy high wisdome I laud thee in all humility for that thou permittest men that are strangers come from the farthest end of the world and without the knowledge of thy doctrine to render thee thanks and give thee praise according to their weak capacity which makes me beleeve that thou wilt accept of them with as good a will as if it were some great offering of melodious musick agreeable to thine eares Then he caused three pieces of linnen cloth and four Taeis of Silver to be given us willing us withall to passe that night in his house because it was somewhat too late for us to proceed on our journey This offer we most gladly accepted and with complements after the manner of the Country we testified our thankfulness to him wherewith himself his wife and his son rested very well satisfied CHAP. XXVII Our arrival at the Town of Taypor where we were made Prisoners and so sent to the Citie of Nanquin THe next morning by break of day parting from that place we went to a Village called Einginilau which was some four leagues from the old Gentlemans house where we remained three dayes and then continuing travelling from one place to another and from Village to Village ever declining the great Towns for fear lest the Justice of the country should call us in question in regard we were strangers in this manner we spent almost two months without receiving the least damage from any body Now there is no doubt but we might easily have got to the Câ—tie of Nanquin in that time if we had had a guide but for wâ—nt of knowing the way we wandred we knew not whither suffering much and running many hazards At length we arrived at a Village named Chaucer at such a time as they were a solemnizing a sumptuous Funeral of a very rich woman that had disinherited her kindred and left her estate to the Pagod of this Village where she was buried as we understood by the Inhabitants We were invited then to this Funeral as other poor people were and according to the custome of the Country we did eat on the grave of the deceased At the end of three dayes that we stayed there which was the time â—he funeral lasted we had six Taeis given us for an Alms conditionally that in all our Oraisons we should pray unto God for the soul of the departed Being gone from this place we continued on our journey to another Village called Guinapalir from whence we were almost two months travelling from country to country untill at last our ill fortune brought us to a Town named Taypor where by chance there was at that time a Chumbrin that is to say one of those Super-intendents of Justice that every three years are sent throughout the Provinces for to make report unto the King of all that passeth there This naughty man seeing us go begging from door to door called to us from a window where he was and would know of us who we were and of what Nation as also what obliged us to run up and down the World in that manner Having asked us these questions in the presence of three Registers and of many other persons that were gathered together to behold us we answered him that we were strangers Natives of the Kingdom of Siam who being cast away by a storm at Sea went thus travelling and begging our living to the end we might sustain our selves with the charity of good people until such time as we could arrive at Nanquin whither we were going with an intent to imbarque our selves there in some of the Merchants Lanteaas for Canton where the shipping of our Nation lay This answer we made unto the Chumbim who questionless had been well enough contented with it and would have let us go had it been for one of his Clarks for he told them that we were idle vagabonds that spent our time in begging from door to door and abusing the alms that were given us and therefore he was at no hand to let us go free for fear of incurring the punishment ordained for such as offend in that sort as is set forth in the seventh of the twelve books of the Statutes of the Realm wherefore as his faithful servant he counselled him to lay us in good and sure hold that we might be forth-coming to answer the Law The Chumbim presently followed his Clarks advice and carried himself toward us with as much barbarous cruelty as could be expected from a Pagan such as he was that lived without God or religion To which effect after he had heard a number of false witnesses who charged us with many foul crimes whereof we never so much as dreamt he caused us to be put into a deep dungeon with irons on our hands and feet and great iron collars about our necks In this miserable place we endured such hunger and were so fearfully whipped that we were in perpetual pain for six and twenty days together at the end whereof we were by the sentence of the same Chumbim sent to the Parliament of the Cheam of Nanquin because the Jurisdiction of this extended not to the condemnation of any prisoner to death We remained six and twenty days in that cruel prison whereof I spake before and I vow we thought we had been six and twenty thousand years there in regard of the great misery we suffered in it which was such as one of our companions called Ioano Roderiguez Bravo died in our arms being eaten up with lice we being no way able to help him and it was almost a miracle that the rest of us escaped alive from that filthy vermine At length one morning when we thought of nothing less loden with irons as we were and so weak that we could hardly speak we were drawn out of that prison and then being chained one to another we were imbarqued with many others to the number of thirty or forty
iustice that conducted us they took their leaves of us in most courteous manner The next morning as soon as it was day they sent us the Letter sealed with three Seals in green Wax the Contents whereof were these Ye servants of that high Lord the resplendent mirrour of an uncreated light before whom our merits are nothing in comparison of his we the least servants of that holy house of Tauhinaâ—el that was founded in favour of the fifth prison of Nanquin with true words of respect which we owe unto you we give your most humble persons to understand that these nine strangers the bearers of this Letter are men of a far country whose bodies and goods have been so cruelly intreated by the furie of the sea that according to their report of ninety and five that they were they only have escaped shipwrack being cast by the tempest on the shore of the Isles of Tautâ—a upon the coast of the Bay of Sumbor In which pitious and lamentable case as we have seen them with our own eyes begging their living from place to place of such as charitie obliged to give them something after the manner of good folkes it was their ill fortune without all reason or justice to be apprehended by the Chumbin of Taypor and sent to this fifth prison of Faniau where they were condemned to be whipped which was immediatly executed upon them by the Ministers of the displeased arm as by their Process better appeareth But afterwards when as through too much crueltie their thumbs were to be cut off they with tears besought us for that Soveraign Lords sake in whose service we are imployed to be assisting unto them which presently undertaken by us we preferred a Petition in their behalf whereunto this Answer was made by the Court of the crowned Lyon That mercy had no place where justice lost her name whereupon provoked by a true zeal to Gods honour we addressed our selves to the Court of those four and twenty of the austere life who carried by a blessed devotion instantly assembled in the Holy House of the remedy for the poor and of an extream desire they had to succour these miserable creatures they interdicted that great Court from proceeding any further against them and accordingly the success was agreeable to the mercy of so great a God for these last Iudges revoking the others first Sentence sent the cause by way of Appeal to your Citie of Pequin with amendment of the second punishment as you may see more at large by the proceedings In regard whereof most reverend and humble Brethren We beseech you all in the Name of God to be favourable unto them and to assist them with whatsoever you shall thinke necessary for them that they may not be oppressed in thier right which is a very great sin and an eternal infamy to us who again intreat you to supply them with your Alms and bestow on them means to cover their nakedness to the end they may not perish for want of help which if you do there is no doubt but that so pious a work will be most acceptable to that Lord above to whom the poor of the earth do continually pray and are heard in the Highest of Heavens as we hold for an Article of Faith On which earth may it please that divine Majestie for whose sake we do this to preserve us till death and to render us worthy of his presence in the house of the Sun where he iâ— seated with all his Written in the Chamber of the zeal of Gods honour the ninth day of the seventh Moon and the three and twentieth year of the Raign of the Lyon crowned in the Throne of the World CHAP. XXVIII The Marvels of the Citie of Nanquin our departure from thence towards Pequin and that which hapned unto us till we arrived at the Town of Sempitay THis Letter being brought to us very early the next morning we departed in the manner before declared and continued our voyoge till Sun-set when as we anchored at a little Village named Minhacutem where the Chifuu that conducted us was born and where his Wife and Children were at that time vvhich vvas the occasion that he remained there three dayes at the end whereof he imbarqued himself vvith his family and so we passed on in the company of divers other Vessels that went upon this River unto divers parts of this Empire Now though we vvere all tyed together to the bank of the Lauteaa where vve rowed yet did we not for all that lose the view of many Towns and Villages that were scituated along this River whereof I hold it not amisse to make some descriptions To which effect I will begin with the Citie of Nanquin from whence we last parted This City is under the North in nine and thirty degrees and three quarters scituated upon the river of Batampina which signifies The flower of fish This river as we were told then and as I have seen since comes from Tartaria out of a lake called Fanistor nine leagues from the City of Lancama where Tamberlan King of the Tartarians usually kept his Court Out of the same lake which is eight and twenty leagues long twelve broad and of a mighty depth the greatest rivers that ever I saw take their source The first is the same Batampina that passing through the midst of this Empire of China three hundred and threescore leagues in length disimbâ—ques into the sea at the bay of Nanquin in thirty six degrees The second named Lechuna runs with great swiftness all along by the mountains of Pancruum which separate the Country of Cauchim and the State of Catebenan in the height of sixteen degrees The third is called Tauquida signifying the Mother of waters that going North-west traverseth the Kingdom of Nacataas a Country where China was anciently seated as I will declare hereafter and enters into the sea in the Empire of Sornau vulgarly stiled Siam by the mouth of Cuy one hundred and thirty leagues below Patana The fourth named Batobasoy descends out of the Province of Sansim which is the very same that was quite overwhelmed by the sea in the year 1556. as I purpose to shew else-where and renders it selâ— into the sea at the mouth of Cosmim in the Kingdom of Pegu The fifth and last called Leysacotay crosseth the Country by East as far as to the Archipelago of Xinxipou that borders upon Mocovye and fals as is thought into a sea that is not navigable by reaâ—on the clymate there is in the height of seventy degrees Now to return to my discourse the City of Nanquin as I said before is seated by this river of Batampina upon a reasonable high hill so as it commands all the plains about it The climate thereof is somewhat cold but very healthy and it is eight leagues about which way soever it is considered three leagues broad and one long The houses in it are not above two stories high and all built
of wood only those of the Mandarins are made of hewed stone and also invironed with walls and ditches over which are stone bridges whereon they passe to the gates that have rich and costly arches with divers sorts of inventions upon the towers all which put together make a pleasing object to the eye and represent a certain kind of I know not what Majesty The houses of the Chaems Anchacys Aytaâ—s Tuâ—oâ—s and Chumbims which are all Goveâ—nours of Provinces or Kingdoms have stately towers six or seven stories high and guilt all â—ver wherein they have their magazines for arms their Wardrobes their treasuries and a world of rich housholdstuff as also many other things of great value together with an infinite of delicate and most fine porcelain which amongst them is prised and esteemed as much as precious stone for this sort of porcelain never goes out of the Kingdom it being expresly forbidden by the laws of the Country to be sold upon pain of death to any stranger unlesse to the Xatamaas that is the Sophyes of the Persians who by a particular permission buy of it at a very dear rate The Chineses assured us that in this City there are eight hundred thousand fires fourscore thousand Mandarins houses threescore and two great market placâ—s an hundred and thirty butchers shambles each of them containing fourscore shops and eight thousand streets whereof six hundred that are fairer and larger then the rest are compassed about with bâ—llisters of copper we were further assured that there are likewise two thousand and three hundred Pagodes a thousand of which were Monestaries of religious persons professed in their accursed Sect whose buildings were exceeding rich and sumptuous with very high steeples wherein there were between sixty and seventy such mighty huge bels that it was a dreadful thing to here them rung There are moreover in this City thirty great strong prisons each whereof hath three or four thousand prisoners and a charitable Hospital expresly established to supply the necessities of the poor with Proctors ordained for their defence both in civil and criminal causes as is before related At the entrance into every principal street there are arches and great gates which for each mans security are shut every night and in most of the streets are goodly fountains whose water is excellent to drink Besides at every full â—nd new moon open fayrs are kept in several places whither Merchants resort from all parts and where there is such abundance of all kind of victual as cannot well be exprest especially of flâ—sh and fruit It is not possible to deliver the great store of fish that is taken in this river chiefly Soles and Mullets which are all sold alive besides a world of sea-fish both fresh salted and dried we were told by certain Chineses that in this City there are ten thousand trades for the working of silks which from thence are sent all over the Kingdom The City it self is invironed with a very strong wall made of fair hewed stone The gates of it are an hundred and thirty at each of which there is a Porter and two Halberdiers who are bound to give an account every day of all that pâ—sses in and out There are also twelve Forts or Cittadels like unto ours with bulwarks and very high towers but without any ordinance at all The same Chineses also affirmed unto us that the City yeilded the King daily two thousand Taeis of silver which amount to three thousand duckats as I have delivered heretofore I will not speak of the Pallace royal because I saw it but on the outside howbeit the Chinesâ—s tell such wonders of it as would amaze a man for it is my intent to relate nothing save what we beheld here with our own eyes and that was so much as I am afraid to write it not that it would seem strange to those that have seen and read the marvels of the Kingdom of China but because I doubt that they which would compare those wondrous things that are in the countrys they have not seen with that little they have seen in their own will make some question of it or it may be give no credit at all to these truth because they are not confoâ—mable to their understanding and small experience Continuing our course up this river the first two days we saw not any remarkable town or place but only a great number of Villages and little hamlets of two or three hundred fires a piece which by their buildings seemed to be houses of fisher men and poor people that live by the labour of their hands For the rest all that was within view in the countrey was great woods of Firr Groves Forrests and Orange trees as also plains full of wheat rice beans pease millet panick barley rye flax cotton wool with great inclosures of gardens and goodly houses of pleasure belonging to the Mandarins and Lords of the Kingdom There was likewise all along the river such an infinite number of cattel of all sorts as I can assure you there is not more in Aethiopia nor in all the dominions of Prester Iohn upon the top of the mountains many houses of their Sects of Gentiles were to be seen adorned with high Steeples guilt all over the glistering whereof was such and so great that to behold them a far off was an admirable sight The fourth day of our voyage we arrived at a town called Pocasser twice as big as Cantano compassed about with strong wals of hewed stone and towers and bulwarks almost like ours together with a key on the river side twice as long as the shot of a falconet and inclosed with two rows of iron grates with very strong gates where the Junks and vessels that arrived there were unladen This place abounds with all kinds of merchandise which from thence is transported over all the Kingdom especially with copper sugar and allum whereof there is very great store Here also in the middest of a carrefour that is almost at the end of the town stands a mighty strong castle having three bulwarks and five towers in the highest of which the present Kings Father as the Chineses told us kept a King of Tartaria nine years prisoner at the end whereof he killed himself with poyson that his subjects sent him because they would not be constrained to pay that ransome which the King of China demanded for his deliverance In this town the Chifuu gave three of us leave to go up and down for to crave the alms of good people accompanied with four Hupes that are as Sergeants or Bailiffs amongst us who led us chained together as we were through six or seven streets where we got in alms to the value of above twentâ— duckats as well in clothes as mony besides flesh riceâ— meal fruit and other victuals which was â—â—stowed on us whereof we gave the one half to the Hupes that conducted us it being the custom so to do Afterwards we were
question betwixt them and to pay him two thousand Picos of Silver for to defray the Charges of those strangers the Tartar had entertained in this War by this means China continued for a good while quiet but the King doubting lest the Tartar might in time to come return to annoy him again resolved to build a Wall that might serve for a Bulwark to his Empire and to that end calling all his Estates together he declared his determination unto them which was presently not onely well approved of but held most necessary so that to enable him for the performance of a business so much concerning his state they gave him ten thousand Picos of Silver which amount according to our account unto fifteen Millions of Gold after the rate of fifteen hundred Ducates each Pico and moreover they entertained him two hundred and fifty thousand men to labour in the work whereof thirty thousand were appointed for Officers and all the rest for manual services Order being taken then for whatsoever was thought fit for so prodigious an enterprise they fell to it in such sort as by the report of the History all that huge Wall was in seven and twenty years quite finished from one end to the other which if credit may be given to the same Chronicle is seventy Iaos in length that is six hundred and fifteen miles after nine miles every Iao wherein that which seemed most wonderfull and most exceeding the belief of man was that seven hundred and fifty thousand men laboured incessantly for so long a time in that great work whereof the Commonalty as I delivered before furnished one third part the Priests and Isles of Aynen another third and the King assisted by the Princes Lords Chaems and Anchacys of the Kingdom the rest of the building which I have both seen and measured being thirty foot in height and ten foot in breadth where it is thickest It is made of Lime and Sand and plaistered on the outside with a kind of Bitumen which renders it so strong that no Cannon can demolish it Instead of Bulwarks it hath Sentries or Watch-towers two stages high flanked with Buttresses of Carpentry made of a certain black wood which they call Caubesy that is to say Wood of Iron because it is exceeding strong and hard every Buttress being as thick as an Hogshead and very high so that these Sentries are far stronger then if they were made of Lime and Stone Now this Wall by them termed Chaufacan which signifies Strong resistance extends in height equal to the Mountains whereunto it is joyned and that those Mountains also may serve for a Wall they are cut down very smooth and sâ—eep which renders them far stronger then the Wall it self but you must know that in all this extent of land there is no Wall but in the void spaces from Hill to Hill so that the Hills themselves make up the rest of the Wall and Fence Further it is to be noted that in this whole length of an hundred and fifteen leagues which this Fortification contains there are are but onely 5 Entries whereby the Rivers of Tartaria do pass which are derived from the impetuous Torrents that descend from these Mountains and running above five hundred leagues in the Country render themselves into the Seas of China and Cauchenchina howbeit one of these Rivers being greater then the rest disemboques by the Bay of Cuy in the Kingdom of Sournau commonly called Siam Now in all these five Passages both the King of China and the King of Tartaria keep Garrisons the Chinese in each of them entertains seven thousand men giving them great pay whereof six thousand are Horse the rest Foot being for the most part strangers as Mogores Pancrus Champaas Corosones Gizares of Persia and other different Nations bordering upon this Empire and which in consideration of the extraordinary pay they receive serve the Chineses who to speak truth are nothing couragious as being but little used to the Wars and ill provided of Arms and Artillery In all this length of Wall there are three hundred and twenty Companies each of them containing five hundred Souldiers so that there are in all one hundred and threescore thousand men besides Officers of Justice Anchacis Chaems and other such like persons necessary for the Government and entertainment of these Forces so that all joyned together make up the number of two hundred thousand which are all maintained at the Kings onely charge by reason the most of them are Malefactours condemned to the reparations and labour of the Wall as I shall more amply declare when I come to speak of the Prison destined to this purpose in the City of Pequin which is also another Edifice very remarkable wherein there are continually above thirty thousand Prisoners the most of them from eighteen to forty five years of age appointed to work in this Wall Being departed from those two Towns Pacau and Nacau we continued our course up the River and arrived at another Town called Mindoo somewhat bigger then those from whence we parted where about half a mile off was a great Lake of Salt-water and a number of Salt-houses round about it The Chineses assured us that this Lake did ebb and flow like the Sea and that it extended above two hundred leagues into the Country rendring the King of China in yearly Revenue one hundred thousand Taeis onely for the third of the Salt that was drawn out of it as also that the Town yielded him other one hundred thousand Taeis for the Silk alone that was made there not speaking at all of the Camphire Sugar Pourcelain Vermilion and Quick-silver whereof there was very great plenty moreover that some two leagues from this Town were twelve exceeding long Houses like unto Magazines where a world of people laboured in casting and purifying of Copper and the horrible din which the Hammers made there was such and so strange as if there were any thing on earth that could represent Hell this was it wherefore being desirous to understand the cause of this extraordinary noise we would needs go to see from whence it proceeded and we found that there were in each of these Houses forty Fornaces that is twenty of either side with forty huge Anvils upon every of which eight men beat in order and so swiftly as a mans eye could hardly discern the blows so as three hundred and twenty men wrought in each of these twelve Houses which in all the twelve Houses made up three thousand eight hundred and forty workmen beside a great number of other persons that laboured in other particular things whereupon we demanded how much Copper might be wrought every year in each of these Houses and they told us one hundred and ten or sixscore thousand Picos whereof the King had two thirds because the Mines were his and that the Mountain from whence it was drawn was called Corotum baga which signifies a River of Copper for that from the
time since it was discovered being above two hundred years it never failed but rather more and more was found Having past about a league beyond those twelve Hoâ—ses up the River we came to a place inclosâ—d with three ranks of Iron grates where we beheld thirty Houses divined into five rows six in each row which were very long and compleat with great Towers full of Bells of cast mettle and much carved work as also guilt Pillars and the Frontispieces of fair hewed stone whereupon many Inventious were engraved At this place we went ashore by the Chifâ—us permission that carried us for that he had made a Vow to this Pagod which was called Bigay potim that is to say God of an hundred and ten thousand Gods Corchoo fungané ginaco ginaca which according to their report signifies strong and great above all others for one of the Errors wherewith these wretched people are blinded is that they beleeve every particular thing hath its God who hath created it and preserves its natural being but thâ—t this Bigay potim brought them all forth from under his arm-pitâ— and that from him as a father they derive their being by a filial union which they term Biâ—â— Porentasay And in the Kingdom of Pegu where I have often been I have seen one like unto this named by those of the country Ginocoginans the God of all greatness which Temple was in times past built by the Chineses when as they commanded in the Indiaes being according to their supputation from the year of our Lord Iesus Christ 1013. to the year 1072. by which account it appears that the Indiaes were under the Empire of China but onely fifty and nine years for the successor of him that conquered it called Exiragano voluntarily abandoned it in regard of the great expence of mony and bloud that the unprofitable keeping of it cost him In those thirty Houses whereof I formerly spake were a great number of Idols of guilt Wood and a like number of Tin Lâ—tten and Pourcelain being indeed so many as I should hardly be believed to declare them Now we had not past above five or six leagues from this place but we came to a great Town about a league in circuit quite destroyed and ruinated so that asking the Chineses what might be the cause thereof they told us that this Town was anciently called Cohilouza that is The flower of the field and had in former times been in very great prosperity and that about one hundred forty and two years before a certain stranger in the company of some Merchants of the Port of Tanaçarim in the Kingdom of Siam chanced to come thither being as it seems an holy man although the Bonzes said he was a Sorcerer by reason of the wonders he did having raised up five dead men and wrought many other Miracles whereat all men were exceedingly astonished and that having divers times disputed with the Priests he had so shamed and confounded them as fearing to deal any more with him they incensed the Inhabitants against him and perswâ—ded them to put him to death affirming that otherwise God would consume them with fire from Heaven whereupon all the Townsmen went unto the House of a poor Weaver where he lodged and killing the Weaver with his son and two sons in Law of his that would have defended him the Holy man came forth to them and reprehending them for this uproar he told them amongst other things That the God of the Law whereby they were to be saved was called Iesus Christ who came down from heaven to the earth for to become a man and that it was needful he should dye for men and that with the price of his precious bloud which he shed for sinners upn the Crosse God was satisfied in his justice and that giving him the charge of Heaven and Earth he had promised him that whosoever professed his Law with Faith and good works should be saved and have everlasting life and withall that the gods whom the Bonzes served and adored with sacrifices of bloud were false and Idols wherwith the Devil deceived them Here at the Churchmen entred into so great furie that they called unto the people saying Cursed be he that brings not wood and fire for to burn him which was presently put in execution by them and the fire beginning exceedingly to rage the Holy man said certain Prayers by vertue whereof the fire incontinently went out wherewith the people being amazed cryed out saying Doubtlesse the God of this man is most mighty and worthy to be adored throughout the whole World which one of the Bonzes hearing who was ring-leader of this mutiny and seeing the Town-men retire away in consideration of that they had beheld he threw a stone at the holy man saying They which do not as I do may the Serpent of the night ingulf them into hell fire At these words all the other Bonzes did the like so that he was presently knock'd down dead with the stones they flâ—ng at him whereupon they cast him into the river which most prodigiously staid its course from running down and so continued for the space of five days together that the body lay in it By means of this wonder many imbraced the law of that holy man whereof there are a great number yet remaining in that country Whilest the Chineses were relating thishistory unto us we arrived at a point of land where going to double Cape we descryed a little place environed with trees in the midst whereof was a great cross of stone very well made which we no sooner espied but transported with exceeding joy we fell on our knees before our Conductor humbly desiring him to give us leave to go on shoar but this Heathen dog refused us saying that they had a great way yet to the place where they were to lodge whereat we were mightily grieved Howbeit God of his mercy even miraculously so ordered it that being gone about a league further his wife fell in labour so as he was constrained to return to that place again it being a Village of thirty or forty houses hard by where the Cross stood Here we went on land and placed his wife in an house where some nine days after she died in Child-bed during which time we went to the Cross and prostrating our selves before it with tears in our eyes The people of the Village beholding us in this posture came to us and kneeling down also with their hands lift up to heaven they said Christo Iesu Iesu Christo Maria micauvidau late impont model which in our tongue signifies Iesus Christ Iesus Christ Mary always a Virgine conceived him a Virgine brought him forth and a Virgine still remained whereunto we weeping answered that they spake the very truth Then they asked us if we were Christians we told them we were which as soon as they understood they carried us home to their houses where they entertained us with great affection Now all these
were Christians and descended of the Weaver in whose house the holy man was lodged of whom demanding whether that which the Chineses had told us was true they shewed us a book that contained the whole history thereof at large with many other wonders wrought by that holy man who they said was named Matthew Escandel and that he was an Hermit of Mount Sinai being an Hungarian by nation and born in a place called Buda The same book also related that nine days after this Saint was buried the said Town of Cohilouzaa where he was murthered began to tremble in such sort as all the people thereof in a mighty fright ran out into the fields and there continued in their tents not daring to return unto their houses for they cried out all with one common consent The blood of this stranger craves vengeance for the unjust death the Bonzes hath given him because he preached the truth unto us But the Bonzes rebuked and told them that they committed a great sin in saying so Nevertheless they willed them to be of good cheer for they would go all to Quiay Tiguarem God of the night and request him to command the earth to be quiet otherwise we would offer him no more sacrifices Immediately whereupon all the Bonzes went accordingly in procession to the said Idol which was the chiefest in the Town but none of the people durst follow them for fear of some earthquake which the very next night about eleven of the clock as those divelish monsters were making their sacrifices with odoriferous perfumes and other ceremonies accustomed amongst them increased so terribly that by the Lords permission and for a just punishment of their wickedness it quite overthrew all the Temples houses and other edifices of the Town to the ground wherewith all the Bonzes were killed not so much as one escaped alive being in number above four thousand as the book delivereth wherein it is further said that afterwards the earth opening such abundance of water came forth as it clean overwhelmed and drowned the whole Town so that it became a great lake and above an hundred fathom deep moreover they recounted many other very strange particulars unto us and also however since that time the place was named Fiunganorsee that is the chastisement of heaven whereas before it was called Cohilouzaa which signifies the flower of the field as I have declared heretofore After our Departure from the ruines of Fiunganorsee we arrived at a great Town called Iunquinilau which is very rich abounding with all kind of things fortified with a strong Garrison of Horse and Foot and having a number of Junks and Vessels riding before it Here we remained five days to celebrate the Funeral of our Chifuus wife for whose soul he gave us by way of alms both meat and clothes and withall freeing us from the oar permitted us to go ashore without irons which was a very great ease unto us Having leâ—t this place we continued our course up the river beholding still on either side a world of goodly great Towns invironed with strong walls as also many Fortresses and Castles all along the waters side we saw likewise a great number of Temples whose Steeples were all guilt and in the fields such abundance of cattel that the ground was even covered over with them so far as we could well discern Moreover there were so many vessels upon this river especially in some parts where Fairs were kept that at first sight one would have thought them to be populous Towns besides other lesser companies of three hundred five hundred six hundred and a thousand boats which continually we met withall on both sides of the river wherein all things that one could imagine were sold Moreover the Chineses assured us that in this Empire of China the number of those which levied upon the rivers was not less then those that dwelled in the Towns and that without the good order which is observed to make the common people work and to constrain the meaner sort to supply themselves unto trades for to get their living they would eat up one another Now it is to be noted that every kind of traffique and commerce is divided among them into three or four forms as followeth They which trade in Ducks whereof there are great quantities in this Countrey proceed therein diversly some cause their egs to be hatched for to sell the Ducklings others fat them when they are great for to sell them dead after they are salted These traffique only with the egs others with the feathers and some with the heads feet gizards and intrails no man being permitted to trench upon his companions sale under the penalty of thirty lashes which no priviledg can exempt them from In the same manner concerning hogs some sell them alive and by whole sale others dead and by retail some make bacon of them others sell their pigs and some again sell nothing but the chitterlings the sweet-breads the blood and the haslets which is also observed for fish for such a one sels it fresh that cannot sell it either salted or dried and so of other Provisions as flesh fruit fowls venison pulse and other things wherein such rigour is used as there are chambers expresly established whose officers have commission and power to see that they which trade in one particular may not do it in another if it be not for just and lawful couses and that on pain of thirty lashes There be others likewise that get their living by selling fish alive which to that purpose they keep in great well-boats and so carry them into divers countrys where they know there is no other but salt fish There are likewise all along this river of Batampina whereon we went from Nanquin to Pequin which is distant one from the other one hundred and fourscore leagues such a number of engines for sugar and presses for wine and oyl made of divers sorts of pulse and fruit as one could hardly â—ee any other thing on either side of the water In many other places also there were an infinite company of Houses and Magazines full of all kinds of provision that one could imagine where all sorts of flesh are salted dried smoaked and piled up in great high heaps as gammons of Bacon Pork Lard Geese Ducks Cranes Bustards Ostriches Stags Cows Buffles wild Goats Rhinoceroses Horses Tygers Dogs Foxes and almost all other creatures that one can name so that we said many times amongst our selves that it was not possible for all the people of the world to eat up all those provisions We saw likewise upon the same river a number of Vessels which they call Panouras covered from the poup to the prow with nets in manner of a cage three inches high full of ducks and geese that were carried from place to place to be sold when the Owners of those boats would have these fowl to feed they approach to the Land and where there are rich medows
side amazed to think how liberally it hath pleased God to heap up on this people the goods of the earth on the other side I am exceedingly grieved to consider how ungratefull they are in acknowledging such extraordinary favours for they commit amongst themselves an infinite of most enormous sins wherewithal they incessantly offend the Divine Goodness as well in their bruitish and diabolical Idolatries as in the abominable sin of Sodomy which is not only permitted amongst them in publique but is also accounted for a great vertue according to the instructions of their Priests CHAP. XXXII Our Arrival at the City of Pequin together with our imprisonment and that which moreover happened unto us there as also the great Majesty of the Officers of their Court of Iustice. AFter we were departed from that rare and marvellous Town whereof I have spoken we continued our course up the river until at length on Tuesday the nineteenth of October in the year 1541. we arrived at the great City of Pequin whither as I have said before we had been remitted by Appeal In this manner chained three and three together we were cast into a prison called Gofaniauserca where for our welcom we had at the first dash thirty lashes a piece given us wherewith some of us became very sick Now as soon as the Chifuu who conducted us thither had presented the process of our sentence sealed with twelve seals to the Justice of the Aytao which is their Parliament the twelve Chonchalis of the criminal Chamber unto whom the cognisance of our cause appertained commanded us presently away to prison whereupon one of those twelve assisted by two Registers and six or seven officers whom they term Hupes and are much like our Catchpoles here terrified us not a little as he was leading us thither for giving us very threatning speeches Come said he unto us By the power and authority which I have from the Aytao of Batampina chief President of the two and thirty Iudges of strangers within whose brest are the secrets of the Lyon crowned on the throne of the world inclosed I enjoyn and command you to tell me what people you are as also of what country and whether you have a King who for the service of God and for the discharge of his dignity is inclined to do good to the poor and to render them justice to the end that with tears in their eyes and hands lifted up they may not addresse their complaints to that Soveraign Lord which hath made the bright Enamel of the skies and for whose holy feet all they that reign with him serve but for sandals To this demand we answered him that we were poor strangers natives of the Kingdom of Siam who being imbarqued with our Merchandise for Liampoo were cast away in a great storm at sea from whence we escaped naked with the loss of all that we had and how in that deplorable estate we were fain to get our living by begging from door to door till such time as at our arrival at the Town of Taypor the Chumbim then resident there had arrested us for prisoners without cause and so sent us to the City of Nanquin where by his report we had been condemned to the whip and to have our thumbs cut off without so much as once daigning to hear us in our justifications by reason whereof lifting up our eyes to Heaven we had been adviced to have recourse with our tears to the four and twenty Judges of austâ—er life that through their zeal to God they might take our cause in hand since by reason of our poverty we were altogether without support and abandoned of all men which with an holy zeal they incontinently effected by revoking the cause and annulling the judgment that had been given against us and that these things considered we most instantly besought him that for the service of God he would be pleased to have regard to our misery and the great injustice that was done us for that we had no means in this Country nor person that would speak one word for us The Judg remained somtimes in suspence upon that we had said to him at length he answered that we need say no more to him for it is sufficient that I know you are poor to the end this affair may go another way then hitherto it hath done neverthertheless to acquit me of my charge I give you five days time conformably to the Law of the third Book that within the said term you may retain a Proctor to undertake your cause but if you will be advised by me you shall present your request to the Tanigores of the sacred Office to the end that they carryed by an holy zeal of the honour of God may out of compassion of your miseries take upon them to defend your right Having spoken thus he gave us a Taeis in way of alms and said further to us Beware of the prisoners that are here for I assure you that they make it their trade to steal all that they can from any one whereupon entring into another chamber where there were a great number of prisoners he continued there above three hours in giving them audience at the end whereof he sent seven and twenty men that the day before had received their judgment to execution which was inflicted upon them by whipping to death a spectacle so dreadful to us and that put us in such a fright as it almost set us besides our selves The next morning as soon as it was day the Jaylors clapt irons on our feet and manacles on ouâ— hands and put us to exceeding great pain but seven days after we had endured such misery being laid on the ground one by another and bewayling our disaster for the extream fear we were in of suffering a most cruel death if that which we had done at Calempluy should by any means chance to be discovered it pleased God that we were visited by the Tanigores of the house of mercy which is of the jurisdiction of this prison who are called in their language Cofilem Gnaxy At their arrival all the prisoners bowing themselves said with a lamentable tonâ— Blessed be the day wherein God doth visit us by the ministery of his servants whereunto the Tanigories made answer with a grave and modest countenance The Almighty and divine hand of him that hath formed the beauty of the stars keep and preserve you Then approaching to us they very courteously demanded of us what people we were and whence it proceeded that our imprisonment was more sensible to us then to others To this speech we replied with tears in our eyes that we were poor strangers so abandoned of men as in all that Country there was not one that knew our names and that all we could in our poverty say to intreat them to think of us for Gods sake was contained in a letter that we had brought them from the Chamber of the Society of the house
to the ordinance whereof I have made mention before Having now delivered the occasion whereof so great a prison was made before I leave it I hold it not amiss to speak of a Fair which we saw there of two that are usually kept every year which those of the Country call Gunxinem Apparau Xinanguibaleu that is to say The rich Fair of the prison of the condemned These Fairs are kept in the months of Iuly and Ianuary with very magnificent feasts solemnized for the invocation of their Idols And even there they have their plenory indulgences by means whereof great riches of gold and silver are promised them in the other world They are both of them frank and free so as the Merchants pay no duties which is the cause that they flock thither in such great number as they assured us that there were three millions of persons there And forasmuch as I said before that the three hundred thousand that are imprisoned there are at liberty as well as those that go in and out you shall see what course they hold to keep the prisoners from getting forth amongst others Every one that is free and comes in hath a mark set on the wrist of his right arm with a certain Confection made of Oyl Bitumen Lacre Rubarb and Alum which being once dry cannot be any wayes defaced but by the means of vinegar and salt mingled together very hot And to the end that so great a number of people may be marked on both sides of the gates stand a many of Chainpatoens who with stamps of lead dipt in this Bitumen imprints a mark on every one that presents himself unto them and so they let him enter which is only practised on men not upon women because none of that Sex are ever condemned to the labour of the wall When therefore they come to go out of the gates they must all have their arms bared where this mark is that the said Chaintapoâ—ns who are the Porters and Ministers of this affair may know them and let them pass and if by chance any one be so unhappy as to have that mark defaced by any accident must even have patience and remain with the other prisoners in regard there is no way to get him out of this place if he be found without that mark Now those Chaintapoens are so dextrous and well versed in it that an hundred thousand men may in an hour go in and out without trouble so that by this means the three hundred thousand prisoners continue in their captivity and none of them can slip away amongst others to get out There are in this prison three great inclosures like great towns where there are a number of houses and very long streets without any lanes and at the entrance into each street there are good gates with their sentinel bells aloft together with a Chumbim and twenty men for a Guard within a flight shoot of those inclosures are the lodgings of the Chaem who commands all this prison and those lodgings are composed of a number of fair houses wherein are many out-Courts Gardens Ponds Halls and Chambers inriched with excellent inventions able to lodge a King at his ease how great a Court soever he have In the two principal of these Towns there are two streets each of them about a flight shoot long which abut upon the Chaems lodgings arched all along with stone and covered over head like the Hospital at Lisbon but that they far surpass it Here are all things to be sold that one can desire as well for victual and other kind of provisions as for all sorts of Merchandise and rich wares In those arched streets which are very spacious and long are these two Fairs kept every year whither such an infinite multitude of people resort as I have declared before Moreover within the inclosure of this prison are divers woods of tall and high trees with many small streams and ponds of clear sweet water for the use of the prisoners and to wash their linnen as also sundry Hermitages and Hospitals together with twelve very sumptuous and rich Monasteries so that whatsoever is to be had in a great Town may in great abundance be found within the inclosure and with advantage in many things because the most part of these prisoners have their wives and children there to whom the King gives a lodging answerable to the houshold or family which each one hath The second of those things which I have undertaken to relate is another inclosure we saw almost as big as the former compassed about with strong walls and great ditches This place is called Muxiparan which signifies The treasure of the dead where are many towers of hewed carved stone and steeples diversly painted The walls on the top are in stead of battlements invironed with iron grates where there are a number of idols of different figures as of Men Serpents Horses Oxen Elephants Fishes Adders and many other monstrous forms of creatures which were never seen some of Brass and Iron and others of Tin and Copper so that this infinite company of several figures joyned together is one of the most remarkable and pleasantest things that can be imagined Having past over the bridge of the ditch we arrived at a great Court that was at the first entrance inclosed round about with huge gates and paved all over with white and black stones in checquer work so polished and bright as one might see himself in them as in a looking glass In the midst of this Court was a pillar of Jasper six and thirty spans high and as it seemed all of one piece on the top whereof was an idol of silver in the figure of a woman which with her hands strangled a Serpent that was excellently enamâ—lled with black and green A little further at the entrance of another gate which stood between two very high towers and accompanied with four and twenty pillars of huge great stone there were two figures of men each of them with an iron club in his hand as if they had served to guard that passage being an hundred and forty spans high with such hideous and ugly visages as makes them even to tremble that behold them The Chineses called them Xixipatau Xalican that is to say The blowers of the house of smoak At the entring into this gate there were twelve men with halberds and two Registers set at a table who eâ—rolled all that entred tâ—ere unto whom every one paid a matter of a groat when we were entred within this gate we met with a very large street closed on both sides with goodly arches as well in regard of the workmanship as the rest round about the which hung an infinite company of little bells of lattin by chains of the same mettal that moved by the air made such a noise as one could with much ado hear one another This street might be about half a league long and within these arches on both sides of
report that a certain King great Grandfather to him that then raigned in China named Chausi-Zarao Panagor very much beloved of his people for his good disposition and vertues having lost his sight by an accident of sickness resolved to do some pious work that might be acceptable to God to which effect he assembled his Estates where he ordained that for the relief of the poor there should be Granaries established in all the Towns of his Kingdom for wheat and rice that in the time of dearth which many times happened the people might have wherewithall to nourish themselves that year and to that purpose he gave the tenth part of the Duties of his Kingdom by a Grant under his hand which when he came to signe accordingly with a golden stamp that he ordinarily used because he was blind it pleased God to restore him perfectly to his sight again which he enjoyed still as long as he lived By this example if it were true it seemed that our Lord Jesus Christ would demonstrate how acceptable the charity that good men exercise towards the poor is to him even though they be Gentiles and without the knowledge of the true Religion Ever since there have been always a great many of Granaries in this Monarchy and that to the number of an hundred and fourteen thousand As for the order which the Magistrates observe in furnishing them continually with corn is such as followeth A little before reaping time all the old corn is distributed â—orth to the inhabitants as it were by way of love and that for the term of two months after this time is expired they unto whom the old corn was lent return in as much new and withall six in the hundred over and above for waste to the end that this store may never fail But when it falls out to be a dear year in that case the corn is distributed to the people without taking any gain or interest for it and that which is given to the poorer sort who are not able to repay what hath been lent to them is made good out of the Rents which the Countries pay to the King as an alms bestowed on them by his special grace Touching the Kings Revenues which are paid in silver Picos they are divided into three parts whereof the first is for the maintenance of the King and his State the second for the defence of the Provinces as also for the provisions of Magazines and Armies and the third to be laid up and reserved in a Treasury that is in this City of Pequin which the King himself may not touch unless it be upon occasion for defence of the Kingdom and to oppose the Tartars Cauchins and other Neighbouring Princes who many times make grievous war upon him This Treasure is by them called Chidampur that is to say The wall of the Kingdom for they say that by means of this treasure being well imployed and carefully managed the King needs lay no impositions upon the people so that they shall not be any ways vexed and oppressed as it happens in other Kingdoms for want of this providence Now by this that I have related one may see how in all the great Monarchy the Government is so excellent the Laws so exactly observed and every one so ready and careful to put the Princes Ordinances in execution that Father Navier having well noted it was wont to say that if ever God would grant him the grace to return into Portugal he would become a Suter to the King for to peruse over the rules and ordinances of those people and the manner how they govern both in time of war and peace adding withall that he did not think the Romans ever ruled so wisely in all the time of their greatest prosperity and that in matter of policy the Chineses surpassed all other Nations of whom the Ancients have written CHAP. XXXVII The great number of Officers and other people which are in the King of China's Pallace with our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our Exile and what befell us there OUt of the fear I am in left coming to relate in particular all those things which we saw within the large inclosure of this City of Pequin they that shall chance to read them may call them in question and not to give occasion also unto detractors who judging of things according to the little world they have seen may hold those truths for fables which mine own eyes have beheld I will forbear the delivery of many matters that possibly might bring much contentment to more worthy spirits who not judging of the riches and prosperity of other Countres by the poverty and misery of their own would be well pleased with the relation thereof Howbeit on the other side I have no great cause to blame those who shall not give credit to that which I say or make any doubt of it because I must acknowledge that many times when I call to mind the things that mine eyes have seen I remain confounded therewith whither it be the Grandeurs of this City of Pequin or the magnificence wherewith this Gentile King is served or the pomp of the Chaems and Anchacys of the Government or the dread and awe wherein all men are of these Ministers or the sumptuousness of their Temples and Pagodes together with all the rest that may be there for within the only inclosure of the Kings Pallace there are above a thousand Eunuchs three thousand women and 12 thousand men of his Guard unto whom the King gives great entertainment and pentions also twelve Tutons dignities that are Soveraign above all others whom as I have already declared the vulgar call The beams of the Sun Under these twelve Tutons there are forty Chaems or Vice-roys besides many other inferiour dignities as Judges Majors Governours Treasurers Admirals and Generals which they term Anchacys Aytaos Ponchacy Lauteas and Chumbims whereof there are above five hundred always residing at the Court each of them having at the least two hundred men in his train which for the most part to strike the greater terror are of divers Nations namely Megores Persians Curazens Moems Calaminhams Tartars Cauchins and some Braamas of Chaleu and Tanguu for in regard of valour they make no account of the Natives who are of a weak and effeminate complection though otherwise I must confess they are exceeding able and ingenious in whatsoever concerneth Mechanick Trades Tillage and Husbandâ—y they have withall a great vivacity of spirit and are exceeding proper and apt for the inventing of very subtle industrious things The women are fair and chaste and more inclined to labour then the men The Country is fertile in victual and so rich aboundâ—ng in all kind of good things as I cannot sufficiently express it such is their blindness as they attribute all those blessings to the only merit of their King and not to the Divine Providence and to the goodness of that Soveraign Lord who
of a Nation of a Country and of a Kingdom the inhabitants whereof wounded and killed one another most cruelly without any reason or cause and therefore no other judgment could be made of us but that we were the servants of the most gluttenous Serpent of the profound pit of smoak as appeared by our worke since they were no better then such as that accursed Serpent had accustomed to do so that according to the Law of the third Book of the will of the Son of the Sun called Mileterau we were to be condemned to a banishment from all commerce of people as a venemous and contagious plague so that we deserved to be confined to the Mountains of Chabaguay Sumbor or Lamau whither such as we were use to be exiled to the end they might in that place hear the wild beasts howl in the night which were of as vile a breed and nature as we From this prison we were one morning led to a place called by them Pitau Calidan wheâ—e the Anchacy sat in judgment with a majestical and dreadful greatness He was accompanied by divers Chumbims Vppes Lanteas and Cypatons besides a number of other persons there each of us had thirty lashes a piece more given us and then by publique sentence we were removed to another prison where we were in better case yet then in that out of which we came howbeit for all that we did not a little detest amongst our selves both the Fonsecas and the Madureyras but much more the divel that wrought us this mischief In this prison we continued almost two months during which time our stripes were throughly healed howbeit we were exceedingly afflicted with hunger and thirst At length it pleased God that the Chaem took compassion of us for on a certain day wherein they use to do works of charity for the dead coming to review our sentence he ordained That in regard we were strangers and of a Country so far distant from theirs as no man had any knowledge of us nor that there was any book or writing which made mention of our name and that none understood our language as also that we were accustomed and even hardned to misery and poverty which many times puts the best and most peaceable persons into disorder and therefore might well trouble such as made no profession of patience in their adversities whence it followed that our discord proceeded rather from the effects of our misery then from any inclination unto mutiny and tumult wherewith the Kings Atturny charged us and furthermore representing unto himself what great need there was of men for the ordinary service of the State and of the Officers of Iustice for which provision necessarily was to be made he thought fit that the punishment for the crimes we had committed should in the way of an alms bestowed in the Kings name be moderated and reduced to the whipping which we had twice already had upon condition nevertheless that we should be detained there as slaves for ever unless it should please the Tuton otherwise to ordain of us This sentence was pronounced against us and though we shed a many of tears to see our selves reduced unto this miserable condition wherein we were yet this seemed not so bad unto us as the former After the publication of this Decree we were presently drawn out of prison and tied three and three together then led to certain iron Forges where we past six whole months in strange labours and great necessities being in a manner quite naked without any bed to lie on and almost â—amished At last after the enduring of so many evils we fell sick of a Lethargy which was the cause in regard it was a contagious disease that they turned us out of doors for to go and seek our living until we became well again Being thus set at liberty we continued four months sick and begging the alms of good people from door to door which was given us but sparingly by reason of the great dearth that then reigned over all the Country so as we were constrained to agree better together and to promise one another by a solemn oath that we took to live lovingly for the future as good Christians should do and that every month one should be chosen from amongst us to be as it were a kind of Chief whom by the oath we had taken all the rest of us were to obey as their Superior so that none of us was to dispose of himself nor do any thing without his command or appointment and those rules were put into writing by us that they might be the better observed As indeed God gave us the grace to live ever afterward in good peace and concord though it were in great pain and extream necessity of all things We had continued a good while living in peace and tranquility according to our fore-mentioned agreement when as he whose lot it was to be our Chief that month named Christovano Boralho considering how necessary it was to seek out some relief for our miseries by all the ways that possibly we could appointed us to serve weekly two and two together some in begging up and down the Town some in getting water and dressing our meat and others in fetching wood from the Forrest both for our own use to sell. Now one day my self one Gaspar de Meyrelez being enjoyned to go to the Forrest we rose betimes in the morning went forth to perform our charge And because this Gaspar de Meyrelez was a pretty Musician playing well on a Cittern whereunto he accorded his voice which was not bad being parts that are very agreeable to those people in regard they imploy the most part of their times in the delights of the flesh they took great pleasure in hearing of him so as for that purpose they invited him very often to their sports from whence he never returned without some reward wherewith we were not a little assisted As he and I then were going to the wood and before we were out of the Town we met by fortune in one of the streets with a great many of people who full of jollity were carrying a dead corps to the grave with divers banners and other funeral pomp in the midst whereof was a Consort of musick and voices Now he that had the chief ordering of the Funeral knowing Gaspar de Meyrelez made him stay and putting a Cittern into his hands he said unto him Oblige me I pray thee by singing as loud as thou canst so as thou mayst be heard by this dead man whom we are carrying to burial for I swear unto thee that he went away very sad for that he was separated from his wife and children whom he dearly loved all his life time Gaspar de Meyrelez would fain have excused himself alledging many reasons thereupon to that end but so far was the Governour of the Funeral from accepting them that contrarily he answered him very angerly Truly if thou
Streamers waving upon the Battlements The first Salutation between the besiegers and the besieged was with arrows darts stones and pots of wild-fire which continued about half an hour then the Tartars presently filled the ditch with bavins and earth and so reared up their ladders against the wall that now by reason of the filling up of the ditch was not very high The first that mounted up was Iorge Mendez accompanied with two of ours who as men resolved had set up their rest either to die there or to render their valour remarkable by some memorable act as in effect it pleased our Lord that their resolution had a good success for they not only entred fiâ—st but also planted the first colours upon the wall whereat the Mitaquer and all that were with him were so amazed as they said one to another Doubtless if these people did besiege Pequin as we do the Chineses which defend that City would sooner lose their honour then we shall make them to do it with all the forces we have in the mean time all the Tartars that were at the foot of the ladders followed the three Portugals and carried themselvâ—s so valiantly what with the example of a Captain that had shewed them the way as out of their own natural disposition almost as resolute as those of Iapan that in a very shâ—rt space above 5000 of them were got upon the walls from whence with great violence they made the Chineses to retire whereupon so furious and bloody a fight ensued between either party that in less then half an hour the business was fully decided and the Castle taken with the death of two thousand Chineses and Mogores that were in it there being not above sixscore of the Tartars slain That done the gates being opened the Mitaquer with great acclamations of joy entred and causing the Chineses colours to be taken down and his own to be advanced in their places he with a new ceremony of rejoycing at the sound of many instruments of war after the the manner of the Tartars gave rewards to the wounded and made divers of the most valiant of his followers Knights by putting bracelets of gold about their right arms and then about noon he with the chief Commanders of his Army for the greater triumph dined in the Castle where he also bestowed bracelets of gold upon Iorge Mendez and the other Portugals whom he made to sit down at table with him After the cloth was taken away he went out of the Castle with all his company and then causing all the walls of it to be dismantelled â—e razed the place quite to the ground setting on fire all that remained with a number of ceremonies which was performed with great cries and acclamations to the sound of diveâ—s instruments of war Moreover he commanded the ruines of this Castle to be sprinkled with the blood of his enemies and the heads of all of them that lay dead there to be cut off as for his own souldiers that were slain he caused them to be triumphantly buried and such as were hurt to be carefully looked unto this done he retired with a huge train and in great pomp to his tent having Iorge Mendez close by him on horsback As for the other eight of us together with many brave Noblemen and Captains we followed him on foot Being arrived at his tent which was richly hung he sent Iorge Mendez a thousand Taeis for a reward and to us but an hundred a piece whereat some of us that thought themselves to be better qualified were very much discontented for that he was more respected then they by whose means as well as his the enterprise had been so happily atchieved though by the good success thereof we had all obtained honour and liberty CHAP. XXXIX The Mitaquer departs from the Castle of Nixiamcoo and goes to the King of Tartary his Camp before Pequin with that which we saw till we arrived there and the Mitaquers presenting us unto the King THe next day the Mitaquer having nothing more to do where he was resolved to take his way towards the City of Pequin before which the King lay as I have delivered before To this effect having put his Army into battel aray he departed from thâ—nce at eight of the clock in the morning and marching leasurely to the sound of his warlike instruments he made his first station about noon upon the bank of a river whose scituation was very pleasant being all about invironed with a world of fruit trees and a many goodly houses but wholly deserted and bereaved of all things which the Barbarians might any way have made booty of Having past the greatest heat of the day there he arose and marched on until about an hour in the night that he took up his lodging at a prety good Town called Lantimay which likewise we found deserted for all this whole Country was quite dispeopled for fear of the Barbarians who spared no kind of person but wheresoever they came put all to fire and sword as the next day they did by this place and many other along this river which they burnt down to the ground and that which yet was more lamentable they set on fire and clean consumed to ashes a great large plain being above six leagues about and full of corn ready to be reaped This cruelty executed the Army began again to move composed as it was of some threescore and five thousand horse for as touching the rest they were all slain as well at the taking of Quinçay as in that of the Castle of Nixiamcoo and went on to a mountain named Pommitay where they remained that night The next morning dislodging from thence they marched on somewhat faster then before that they might arrive by day at the City of Pequin which was distant about seven leagues from that mountain At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to the river of Palamxitan where a Tartar Captain accompanied with an hundred horse came to receive us having waited there two days for that purpose The first thing that he did was the delivering of a letter from the King to our General who received it with a great deal of ceremony From this river to the Kings quarter which might be some two leagues the Army marched without order as being unable to do otherwise partly as well in regard of the great concourse of people wherewith the ways were full incoming to see the Generals arrival as for the great train which the Lords brought along with them that over-spread all the fields In this order or rather disorder we arrived at the Castle of Lautir which was the first Fort of nine that the Camp had for the retreat of the Spies there we found a young Prince whom the Tartar had sent thither to accompany the General who alighting from his horse took his Scymitar from his side and on his knees offered it unto him after he had kissed the ground five times
being the ceremony or compliment ordinarily used amongst them The Prince was exceedingly pleased with this honour done unto him which with a smiling countenance and much acknowledgment of words he testified unto him This past the Prince with a new ceremony stept two or three paces back and lifting up his voice with more gravity then before as he that represented the Person of the King in whose name he came said unto him He the border of whose rich vesture my mouth kisseth and that out of an incredible greatness mastereth the Scepters of the earth and of the Isles of the Sea sends thee word by me who am his slave that thy honourable arrival is no less agreeable unto him then the Summers sweet morning is to the ground when as the dew doth comfort and refresh our bodies and therefore would have thee without further delay to come and hear his voice mounted on his horse whose trappings are garnished with jewels taken out of his Treasury to the end that riding by my side thou mayest be made equal in honour to the greatest of his Court and that they which behold thee marching in this sort may acknowledge that the right hand of him is mighty and valiant unto whom the labours of war giveth this recompence Hereupon the Mitaquer prostrating himself on the earth with his hands lifted up answered him thus Let my head be an hundred times trampled on by the sole of his feet that all those of my race may be sensible of so great a favour and that my eldest Son may ever carry it for a mark of honour Then mounting on the horse which the Prince had given him trapped with gold and precious stones being one of those that the King used to ride on himself they marched on with a great deal of State and Majesty In this pomp were many spare horses led richly harnessed there were also a number of Ushers carrying silver Maces on their shoulders and six hundred Halberdiers on horsback together with fifteen Chariots full of silver Cymbals and many other ill tuned barbarous instruments that made so great a din as it was not possible to hear one another Moreover in all this distance of way which was a league and an half there were so many men on horsback as one could hardly pass through the croud in any part thereof The Mitaquer being thus in triumph arrived at the first trenches of the Camp he sent us by one of his Servants to his quarter where we were very well received and abundantly furnished with all things necessary for us Fourteen days after we arrived at â—his Camp the Mitaquer our General sent for us to his Tent where in the presence of some of his Gentlemen he said unto us To morrow morning about this time be you ready that I may make good my word unto you which is to let you see the face of him whom we hold for our Soveraign Lord a grace that is done you out of a particular respect to me And this his Majesty doth not only grant unto you but your liberty also which I have obtained of him for you and which in truth I am no less glad of then of the taking of Mixiancoo the particulars whereof you may relate unto him if you come to be so happy as to be questioned by him about it Withall I assure you that I shall take it for a great satisfaction if when you shall return into your Country you will remember that I have kept my word with you and that therein I have shewed my self so punctual as it may be I would not for that consideration demand of the King some other thing more profitable for me that you may know this was that which I only desired Also the King hath done me the honour to grant it me presently and that with such exceeding demonstration of favour as I must confess I am thereby more obliged unto you then you are to me Having spoken thus unto as we prostrated our selves upon the ground and in this sort answered him My Lord the good which you have pleased to do us is so great that to go about to thank you with words as the world useth to do in the state we now are in would rather be an ingratitude then a true and due acknowledgment so that we think it better to pass it by in silence within the secret of that soul which God hath put into us And therefore since our tongues are of no use to us herein and that they cannot frame words capable to satisfie so great an obligation as this is wherein all of us stand for ever so infinitely ingaged unto you we must with continual tears and sighs beg of the Lord which made Heaven and earth that he will reward you for it for it is he that out of his infinite mercy and goodness hath taken upon him to pay that for the poor which they of themselves are not able to discharge It is he then that will throughly recompence you and your children for this good office you have done us and whereby you merit to have a share in his promises and to live long and happily in this world Amongst those which accompanied the Mitaquer at that time there was one named Bonquinuda a man in years and of the principalest Lords of the Kingdom who in this Army commanded over the strangers and Rhinocerots that served for the Guard of the Camp This same unto whom more respect was born then to all the rest that were present had no sooner heard our answer but lifting up his eyes to Heaven he said O! who could be so happy as to be able to ask of God the explication of so high a secret whereunto the weakness of our poor understanding cannot arrive for I would fain know from whence it comes that he permits people so for esloigned from the knowledge â—f our truth to answer on the suddain in terms so agreeable to our ears that I dare well say nay I will venture my head on it that concerning things of God and Heaven they know more sleeping then we do broad awake whence it may be inferred that there are Priests amongst them that understand the course of the Stars and the motions of the Heavens far better then oâ—â— Bonzes of the house of Lechuna Whereupon all that were about him answered Your Greatness hath so much reason for it that we were obliged to behold it as an Article of our faith wherefore we think it were fit that these strangers should not be suffered to go out of our Country where as our Masters and Doctors they might teach us such things they know of the world That which you advise replyed the Mitaquer is not much amiss and yet the King would never permit it for all the treasures of China because if he should he would then violate the truth of his word and so lose all the reputation of his greatness wherefore you must excuse me if I do not
of his greatness Hereupon he dismissed us for that day and the next morning he went to Pontiveu which is a place where the King useth to give audience to all such as have any suit to him There beseeching his Majesty to think of us he answered him that as soon as he dispatched away an Ambassador to the King of Cauchenchina he would send us along with him for so he had resolved to do With this answer the Mitaquer returned to his house where we were ready attending his coming and told us what the King had promised him wherewithal not a little contented we went back to our lodging There in the expectation of the good success of this promise we continued ten days with some impatience at the end whereof the Mitaquer by the Kings express command carried us with him to the Court where causing us to approach near to his Majesty with those ceremonies of greatness which are observed in coming before him being the same we used at Pequin after he had beheld us with a gentle eye he bid the Mitaquer ask of us whether we would serve him and in case we would he should not only be very well pleased with it but he would also give us better entertainment and more advantagious conditions then all the strangers that should follow him in this war To this demand the Mitaquer answered very favourably for us how he had often heard us say that we were married in our Country â—nd had a great charge of children who had no other means to maintain them but what we got with our labour which was poorly enough God knows The King heard this speech with some demonstration of pity so that looking on the Mitaquer I am glad said he to know that they have such good cause to return home as they speak of that I may with the more contentmant acquit me of that which thou hast promised them in my name At these words the Mitaquer and all we that were with him lifting up our hands â—s to a testimony of our thankfulness unto him we kissed the ground three times and said May thy feet rest themselves upon a thousand generations to the end that thou mayst be Lord of the inhabitants of the earth Hereat the King began to smile and said to a Prince that was near him These men speak as if they had been bred amongst us Then casting his eyes on Iorge Mendez who stood before all us next to the Mitaquer And thou said he unto him in what condition art thou wilt thou go or stay whereupon Mendez who had long before premeditated his answer Sir replyed he for me that have neither wife nor children to bewail my absence the thing I most desire in the world is to serve your Majesty since you are pleased therewith whereunto I have more affection then to be Chaâ—m of Pequim one thousand years together At this the King smiled again and then dismissed us so that we returned very well satisfied to our lodging where we continued three days in a readiness to depart at the end of which by the mediation of the Mitaquer and means of his sister who as I have said before was wonderfully beloved of the King his Majesty sent us for the eight that we were two thousand Taeis and gave us in charge to his Ambassadour whom he sent to the City of Vzamguee in Cauchenchina in the company of the same King of Cauchenchina's Ambassador With him we departed from thence five days after being imbarqued in the vessel wherein he went himself But before our departure Iorge Mendez gave us a thousand Duckets which was easie for him to do for that he had already six thousand of yearly rent withal he kept us company all that day and at length took his leave of us not without shedding many a tear for grief that he had so exposed himself to a voluntary exile Being departed from this City of Tuymican on the ninth day of May in the year one thousand five hundred forty and four we came to lodg that night at a University in a Pagode called Guatipanior where the two Ambassadors were very well entertained by the Tuyxivau of the house which is as the Rector thereof and the next morning when it was broad day both of them continued their course down the river each one in his own ship besides other two wherein their stuff was About two hours in the night we arrived at a little Town named Puxanguim well fortified with Towers and bulwarks after our manner as also with very broad ditches and strong bridges of hewed stone there was likewise great store of Artillery or Cannons of wood made like unto the pumps of ships behind the which they put boxes of iron that held their charge and were fastened unto them with iron bands as for the bullets which they shot they were like unto those of Falconets and half black Being much amazed to see this we demanded of the Ambassador who it was that had invented those kind of guns whereunto they answered that it was certain men called Almains and of a Country named Muscovy who by a very great lake of salt-water came down to this Town in nine vessels rowed with oars in the company of a widdow woman Lady of a place called Gaytor who they said was chased out of her Country by a King of Denmark so that flying for refuge with three sons of her the great Grand-father of this King of Tartaria made them all great Lords and gave them certain kinswoman of his in marriage from whom are extracted the chiefest families of this Empire The next morning we parted from this Town and that night lay at another more nobler named Euxcau Five days after we continued our voyage down this river and then we arrived at a great Temple called Singuafatur where we saw an inclosure of above a league in circuit in which were builded an hundred threescore and four houses very long and broad after the fashion of Arcenals all full up to the very tyles of dead mens heads whereof there was so great a number that I am afraid to speak it for that it will hardly be credited Without each of these houses were also great piles of the bones of these heads which were three fathom higher then the ridges of them so that the house seemed to be buried no other part of them appearing but the frontispiece where the gate stood not far from thence upon a little hill on the South-side of them was a kind of a platform whereunto one went up by certain winding-stairs of iron and through four several doors Upon this platform was the tallest the most deformed and dreadful Monster that possibly can be imagined standing upon his feet and leaning against a mighty tower of hewed stone he was made of cast iron and of so great and prodigious a stature that by guess he seemed to be above thirty fathom high and more then six broad notwithstanding the which
Benan Prince of Pafua whom the death of her husband had made resolve to shut her self up in this Monastery with six thousand women that had followed her thither and she had taken upon her as the most honourable Title she could think on the name of the broom of the House of God The Ambassadors went to see this Lady and kissed her feet as a Saint she received them very courteously and demanded many things of them with great discretion whereunto they rendred such answers as became them but coming to cast her eye upon us who stood somewhat far off and understanding that never any of our Nation was seen in those parts before she enquired of the Ambassadors of what Country we were They answered that we were come from a place at the other end of the world whereof no man there knew the name At those words she stood much amazed and causing us to come nearer she questioned us about many things whereof we gave her such an account as greatly contented her and all that were present In the mean time the Princess wondring at the answers which one of ours made her They speak said she like men that have been brought up amongst people who have seen more of the world then we have So after she had heard us talk a while of some matters that shâ— had propounded unto us she dismissed us with very good words and caused an hundred Taeis to be given us in way of an alms The Ambassadors having taken their leave of her continued their voyage down along the river so that at the end of five days we arrived at a great Town called Rendacalâ—m scituated on the uttermost Confines of the Kingdom of Tartaria Out of this place we entred upon the State of the Xinalâ—ygrau and therein we proceeded on four days together until such time as we came to a Town named Voulem where the Ambassadors were very well entertained by the Lord of the Country and abundantly furnished with all things necessary for their voyage as also with Pilots to guide them in those rivers From thence we pursued our course for seven days together during the which we saw not any thing worthy of note and at length came to a straight called Catenâ—ur whereinto the Pilots entred as well to abridge their voyage as to avoid the encounter of a famous Pirot who had robbed those parts of most of their wealth Through this straight running East as also East North-east and somtimes East and by East according to the windings of the water we arrived at the Lake of Singapamor called by them of the Country Cunebetea which was as our Pilots affirmed six and thirty leagues in extent where we saw so many several sorts of birds that I am not able to recount them Out of this Lake of Singapamor which as an admirable Master-piece nature hath opened in the heart of this Country do four very large and deep rivers proceed whereof the first is named Ventrau that runneth Eastward through all the Kingdoms of Sornaâ— and Siam entring into the Sea by the Bâ—â— of Chiamtabuu in six and twenty dâ—grees The second Iangumaa that going South and South-east traverseth also the greatest part of this Country as likewise the Kingdom of Chiammay the Laos Gueos and another part of Danbambur disimboking into the Sea by the Bar of Martabano in the Kâ—ngdom of Pegu and there is in distance from the one to the other by the degrees of this Climate above seven hundred leagues The third called Pamphileu passeth in the same manner through all the Countries of Capimper and Sacotay and turning above that second river runs quite through the Empire of Monginoco and a part of Meleytay and Sovady rendring it self into the Sea by the Bar of Cosmim near to Arracaâ— The fourth which in all likelihood is as great as the rest is not known by any name neither could the Ambassadors give us any reason for it but it is probable according to the opinion of divers that it is Ganges in the Kingdom of Bengala so that by all the discoveries which have been made in these Oriental Countries it is conceived that there is not a greater river then it Having crossed this Lake we continued our course for the space of seven dayes till we came to a place named Caleyputa the inhabitants whereof would by no means permit us to land for the Ambassadors endeavouring to do so they entertained us with such store of darts and stones from the shore as we thought us not a little happy in that we could save our selves from the danger of it After we had gotten out of this place much vexed with the bad entreaty we had received there that which most afflicted us was to sâ—t our selves unprovided of things we were greatly in need of but by the counsel of our Pilots we sailed by another river far larger then the straight which we had left and that by the spâ—ce of nine dayes at the end whereof we arrived at a very good Town called Tarem the Lord of which was subject to the Cauchin who received the Ambassadors with great Demonstrations of love and furnished them abundantly with all that they wanted The next day we departed from thence about Sur-set and continuing our voyage down the river about seven days after we came to an Anchor in the Port of Xolor which is a very fair Town where all the enammelled purcelain which is carried to China is made There the Ambassadors stayed five days during which time they caused their ships that were very heavy to be haled ashore by the force of boats That done and provision made of all things nâ—cessary they went to see certain Mines which the King of Cauchin hath in that place from whence great store of silver is drawn and the Ambassadors being desirous to know how much silver those Mines yielded every year they were answerâ—d that the whole amounted to some six thousand Picos which make eight thousand Quintals of our weight After our departure from the Town of Xolor we still continued our course for five days together down that great river and saw all along that while a many of great Boâ—oughs and goodly Towns for in that Climate the Land is better then other where very well peâ—pled and full of riches withall the rivers are frequented with a world of vessels and the fields very well tilled and replenished with abundance of wheat rice all kind of pulse and exceeding great Sugar-canes whereof there is marvellous store in all that Country The Gentlemen there are ordinarily clothed in silk and mounted on horses handsomly furnishâ—d as for the women they are exceeding white and fair Now it was not without much labour pain and danger that we passed those two Channels as also the river of Ventinau by reason of the Pyrats that usually are encountred there nevertheless we at the length arrived at the Town of Manaquileu which is scituated at the foot of the Mountains
King of Tartaria if we would have continued in his service After the King was departed from the City of Fanaugrem he proceeded on in his journy travelling but only six leagues a day by reason of the great number of persons that he carried along with him The first day he dined at a little Town called Benau where he stayed until the evening and then went to lodge at a Monastery named Pamgatur The next morning he departed from thence and so with not above three thousand horse in his Train he prosecuted his journy for nine dayes together passing by many goodly Towns at least they seemed to be so without permitting any reception to be made him by any of them In this manner he arrived at the City of Lingator seaâ—ed on a river of fresh water which for the bredth and deepness of it is frequented with much shipping There he abode five days for that he found himself somewhat indisposod with the tediousness of the journy From this place he departed before day taking no greater company with him then thirty horse and so withdrawing himself from the communication of so much people as continually importuned him he spent most part of the time as he went by the way in hawking and hunting those of the Countryes by which he past providing game always ready for him In this sort going on he slept most commonly amidst very thick woods in Tents pitched for him to that purpose Being arrived at the river of Baguetor he passed down the same in certain vessels called Laulees and Iangoas which were there ready for him till he came to a Town named Natibasoy where about evening he landed without any kind of pomp The rest of his journy he made by land so that at the end of thirteen dayes he arrived at Vzamguee where he had a most magnificent reception At his entry thereinto there marched before him as it were in triumph all the spoyls which he had taken in the wars whereof the principal and those which he made most reckoning of were twelve Chariots laden with the Idols of whom I have spoken heretofore and whereof the forms were different as they use to have them in their Pagodâ— Of these Idols there were threescore and four of brass which seemed to be Gyants and nineteen of silver of the same Stature for as I havâ— delivered before these people glory in nothing so â—uch as to triumph over those idols that so they may say That in despight of their enemies he had made their gods his slaves Round about these twelve Chariots went divers Priests by three and three weeping and bound with iron chains After them followed forty other Chariots each of them being drawn by two Rhinocerots and full from the bottom to the top of an infinite company of Arms and trayled Colours In the tayl of them there were twenty more carrying each of them a very great Chest barr'd with iron and wherein as we were told was the treasure of the Tâ—nocouhos In the same order marched all other things which are used to be most esteemed of in such triumphant entries as two hundred Elephants armed with Castles and warlike Panoures which are certain swords that are fastened to their teeth when they fight and a great number of horses laden with sacks full of dead mens heads and bones so that in this entry this King of Cauchin presented to the view of his people all that he had gained from his enemies in the battail he had given them After we had been a full month in this City during which time we had seen a world of stately shews sports and several sorts of rejoycings accompanied with most costly feasts and banquets set forth and made not onely by the greater persons but by the common people also the Tartar Ambassadour that had brought us thither moved the King again about our voyage whereunto he gave us so gracious an ear that he presently commanded we should be furnished with a Vessel for to carry us to the Coast of China where we hoped to meeâ— with some Portugal ship that might transport us to Malaca and from thence to the Indiaes which accordingly was done whereupon without further delay we prepared all things necessary for our departure CHAP. XLIII Our Departure from the City of Uzamguee and our adventures till our arrivall at the Isle of Tanixumaa which is the first Land of Jappon with our going ashore there UPon the twelfth of Ianuary we departed from the City of Vzamguee exceedingly rejoycing at our escape from so many labours and crosses which we before had sustained and imbarqued our selves upon a river that was above a league broad down the which we went seven dayes together beholding in the mean time on either side thereof many fair Towns and goodly Boroughs which by the outward appearance we believed were inhabited by very rich people in regard of the sumptuousness of the buildings not only of particular houses but much more of the Temples whose steeples were all covered over with gold as likewise in regâ—rd of the great number of Barques and Vessels that were on this river abundantly fraught with all sorts of provisions and merchandise Now when we were come to a very fair Town called Quaâ—geparun containing some eighteen or twenty thousand fires the Naudelum who was he that conducted us by the express commandmâ—nt from the King stayed there twelve dayes â—o trade in exchange of silver and pearl whereby he confessed to us that he had gained fourteen for one and that if he had been so advised as to have brought salt thither he had doubled his mony above thirty times we were assured that in this Town the King had yearly out of the silver Minâ—s above fifteen hundred Picos which are forty thousand Quintals of our weight besides the huge revenue that he drew out of many other different things This Town hath no other fortification then a weak brick wall eight foot high and a shallow ditch some thirty foot broad The inhabitants are weak and unaâ—med having neither Artillery nor any thing for their defence so that five hundred resolute souldiers might easily take it We parted from this place on Tuesday morning and continued our course thirteen dayes at the end whereof we got to the Port of Sanchan in the Kingdom of China Now because there was no shipping of Malaca there for they were gone from thence nine dayes before we went seven leagues further to another Port named Lampacau where we found two Juncks of Malaya one of Patana and another of Lugor And whereas it is the quality of us Portugals to abound in our own sence and to be obstinate in our opinions there arose amongst us eight so great a contrariety of judgment about a thing wherein nothing was so necesâ—ary for us as to maintain our selves in peace and unity that we were even upon the point of killing one another But because the matter would be too shamefull to recount in
the manner as it past I will say no more but that the Necoda of the Lorche which had brought us thither from Vzamguee amâ—zed at this so great barbarousness of ours seperated himself from us in such displeasure that he would not charge himself either with our messages or letters saying that he had rather the King should command his head to be cut off then to offend God in carâ—ying with him any thing whatsoever that belonged to us Thus different as we were in opinions and in very bad terms amongst our selves we lingered above nine dayes in this litâ—le Island during which time the three Juncks departed without vouchsafing to take us in so that we were constrained to remain in these solitudâ—s exposed to many great dangers out of which I did not think that ever we could have escaped if God had not been extraordinarily merciful unto us for having been there seventeen dayes in great misery and want it hapened that a Pyrat named Samipocheca arrived in this place who having been defeated went flying from the Fleet of Aytao of Chincheo that of eight and twenty Sayl which this Pyrat had had tâ—ken six and twenty of them from him so that he had with much ado escaped with those only two remaining wherein the most part of his men were hurt for which cause he was consâ—rained to stay there seven dayes to have them cured Now the present necessity inforcing us to take some course whatsoever it were we were glad to agree for to serve under him until such time as we might meet with some good opportunity to get unto Malaca Those twenty dayes ended wherein yet there was no manner of reconciliation between us but still continuing in discord we imbarqued our selves with this Pyrat namely three in the Junk where he himself was and five in the other whereof he had made a Nephew of his Captain Having left this Island with an intent to sail unto a Port called Lailoo some seven leagues from Chincheo we continued our voyage with a good wind all along the Coast of Lamau for the 〈◊〉 of nine dayes until that one moâ—ning when we were near to the river of salt which is about five leagues from Chabaquea it was our ill fortune to be assailed by a Pirate who with seven great Juncks fell to fighting with us from six in the morning till ten of the clock before noon in which conflict we were so entertained with shoâ— and pots full of arâ—â—ficâ—al fire that at last thâ—re were three Sâ—il burnt to wit two of the Pirats and one of ours which was the Junck wherein the five Portugals were whom we could by no means succour for that then most of our men were hurt But at length towards night being well refreshed by the afternoons gale it pleased our Lord that we escaped out of this Pirats hands In this ill equipage wherein we were we continued our course for three dayes together at the end whereof we were invironed by so great and impetuous a Tempest that the same night in which it seized us we lost the Coast and because the violence of the Storm would never suffer us after to recover it again we were forced to make with full Sail towards the Islands of the Lequios where the Pirate with whom we went was well known both to the King and those of the Country with this resolution we set our selves to â—ail through the Archipelage of these Islands where not withstanding we could not make land as well for that we wanted a Pilot to steer the vessel ours being slain in the last fight as also because the wind and tide was against us Amidst so mâ—ny crosses we beat up and down with labour enough from one â—homb to another for three and twenty dayes together at the end whereof it pleased God that we discovered land whereunto approaching to see if we could descry any appearance of a Port or good anchorage we perceived on the South-coast near to the Horizon of the Sea a great fire which perswaded us that there we might peradventure find some Borough where we might furnâ—sh our selves with fresh water whereof we had very great need So we went and rode just before the Island in seventy fathom and presently we beheld two Almedias come towards us from the Land with six men in them who being come close to the side of our Junck and having complemented with us according to their manner demanded of us from whence we câ—me whereunto having answered that we came from China with merchandise intending to trade in this place if we might be suffered one of the six replyed That the Nautaquim Lord of that Island called Tanixumaa would very willingly permit it upon payment of such customs as are usual in Iapan which is coâ—â—inued he this great Country that you see here before you At these news and many other things which they told us we were exceeding glad so that after they had shewed us the Port we weighed anchor and went and put our selves under the lee-shoar of a crâ—ek which was on the South-side and where stood a great Town named Miay-gimaa from whence there came instantly abord of us divers Paraoos with refreshments which we bought We had not been two hours in this Creek of Miaygimaa when as the Nautaquim Prince of this Island of Tanixumaa came directly to our Junck attended by divers Gentlemen and Merchants who had brought with them many Chests full of silver Ingots therewith to barter for our commodities so after ordinary complemenâ—s past on either side and that we had given our word for his easiest coming aboard of us he no sooner perceived us three Portugals but he demanded what people we were saying that by our beards and faces we could not be Chineses Hereunto the Pirate answerâ—d That we were of a Country called Malaca whither many years before we were come from another Lend named Portugal which was at the further end of the world At these words the Nautaquim remained much amazed and turning himself to his followers Let me not live said he unto them if these men here be not the Chenchicogis of whom it is written in our books that flying on the top of the waters they shall from thence subdue the inhabitants of the earth where God hath created the riches of the world wherefore it will be a good fortune for us if they come into our Country as good friends Thereupon having called a woman of Lequia whom he had brought to serve as an interpreter between him and the Chinese Captain of the Junck Ask the Necoda said he unto hâ—r where he met with these men and upon what occasion he hath brought them hither with him into our Country of Jappon The Captain thereunto replied That we were honest men and Merchants and that having found us at Lampacau where we had been cast away he had out of charity taken us in as he used to do unto all such as he met withall in the
like case to the end that God might out of his gracious goodness be thereby moved to deliver him from the danger of such violent Tempests as commonly they that sail on the Sea are subject to perish in This saying of the Pirate seemed so reasonable to the Nautaquim that he presently came abord of us and because those of his Train were very many he commanded that none but such 〈◊〉 he named should enter in After he had seen all the commodities in the Junck he sate him down in a Chair upon the Deck and began to question us about certain things which he desired to know to the which we answered him in such sort as we thought would be most agreeable to his humour so that he seemed â—o be exceedingly satisfied therewith In this manner he entertained us a good while together making it apparent by his dâ—mands that he was a man very curious and much inclined to hear of novelties and rare things That done he took his leave of us and the Necoda little regarding the rest saying Come and see me at my house to morrow and for a present bring me an ample relation of the strange things of that great world through which you have travelled as also of the Countries that you have seen and withall remember to tell me how they are called for I swear unto you that I would far more willingly buy this commodity then any that you can sell me This said he returned to Land and the next morning as soon as it was day he sent us to our Junck a great Parao full of divers sorts of refreshments as Reasons Pears Melons and other kinds of fâ—uits of that Country In exchange of this present the Necoda returned him by the same messenger divers rich pieces of stuff together with certain knacks and rarities of China and withall sent him word that as soon as his Junck should be at anchor and out of danger of the weather he would come and wait on him ashore and bring him some patterns of the commodities which we had to sell as indeed the next morâ—ing he went on land and caâ—ried us three along with him as also some ten or eleven of the chiefest of the Chineses of his Company to the end that at this first sight he might settle a good opinion of himself in this people for the better satisfaction oâ— that vanity whereunto they are naturally inclined we went then to the Nautaquims house where we were very well entertained and the Necoda having given him a rich present shewed him the patterns of all the commodities he had wherewith he rested so contented that he sent presently for the principal Merchants of the place with whom â—he Necoda having agreed upon a price for his commodities it was resolved that the next day they should be transported from the Junck unto a certain house which was appointed for the Necoda and his people to remain in till such time as he should set sail for China After all this was concluded the Nautaquim fell again to questioning of us about many several matters whereunto we rendred him such answers as might rather fit his humour then agree with the truth indeed which yet we did not observe but in some certain demands that he made us where we thought it necessary to make use of certain particulars altogether fained by us that so we might not derogate from the great opinion he had conceived of our Country The first thing he propounded was how he had learned from the Chineses and Lequios that Portugal was far richer and of a larger extent then the whole Empire of China which we confirmed unto him The second how he had likewise been assured that our King had upon the Sea conquered the greatest part of the world which also we averred to be so The third that our King was so rich in gold and silver as it was held for most certain that he had above two thouand houses full of it even to the very tops but thereunto we answered that we could not truly say the number of the houses because the Kingdom of Portugal was so spacious so abounding with treasure and so populous aâ— it was impossible to specifie the same So after the Nautaquim had entertained us above two hours with such and the like discourse he turned him to those of his Train and said Assuredly not one of those Kings which at this present we know to be on the earth is to be esteemed happy if he be not the vassal of so great a Monarch as the Emperour of this people here Whereupon having dismissed the Necoda and his Company he intreated us to passe that night on shore with him for to satisfie the extream desire that he had to be informed from us of many things of the world whereunto he was exceedingly carried by his own inclination withall he told us that the next day he would assigne us a lodging next to his own Pallace which waâ— in the most commodious place of the Town and for that instant he sent us to lie at a very rich Merchants house who entertained us very bountifully that night CHAP. XLIV The great honour which the Nautaquim Lord of the Isle did to one of us for having seen him shoot with an Harquebuse and his sending me to the King of Bungo and that which passed till my arrival at his Court. THe next day the Chinese Necoda disimbarqued all his commodities as the Nautaquim had enjoyned him and put them into sure rooms which were given him for that purpose and in three dayes he sold them all as well for that he had not many as because his good fortune was such that the Country was at that time utterly unfurnished thereof by which means this Pirate profited so much that by this Sale he wholly recovered himself of the losse of the six twenty Saile which the Chinese Pirate had taken from him for they gave him any price he demanded so that he confessed unto us that of the value of some five and twenty hundred Taeis which he might have in goods he made above thirty thousand Now as for us three Portugals having nothing to sell we imployed our time either in fishing hunting or seeing the Temples of these Gentiles which were very sumptuous and rich whereinto the Bonzes who are their priests received us very courteously for indeed it is the custome of thâ—se of Iappon to be exceeding kind and courteous Thus we having little to do one of us called Diego Zeimoto went many times a shooting for his pleasure in an Harquebuse that he hâ—d wherein he was very expert so that going one day by chance to a certain Mâ—rsh where there was great store of fowl he killed at that time about six and twenty wild Ducks In the mean time these people beholding this manner of shooting which they had never seen before were much amazed at it insomuch that it came to the notice of the Nautaquim who was at
from Heaven is profitable to our fields that are sowed with Rice Finding my self somewhat perplexed with the novelty of these terms and this manner of salutation I made him no answer for the instant which made the King say to the Lords that were about him I â—magine that this strâ—nger is daunted with seeing so much company here for that peradventure he hath not been accustomed unto it wherefore I hold it fit to remit him unto some other time when as he may be better acquainted and not be so abashed at the sight of people Upon this Speech of the Kings I answered by my Truchmâ—n that whereas his Highness had said that I was daunted I confessed that it was true not in regard of so many folks as were about me because I had seen far many more but that my amazement proceeded from the consideration that I was now before thâ— feet of so great a King which was sufficient to make me mute an hundred thousâ—nd years if I could live so long I added further that those which were present there seemed to me but men as I my self was but as for his Highness that God had given him such great advantages above all as it was his pleasure that he should be Lord and that others should be meer servants yea and that I my self was but a silly Ant in comparison of his greatness so that his Majesty could not see me in regard of my smalness nor I in respect thereof be able to answer unto his demands All the Assistants made such account of this mad answer of mine as clapping their hands by way of astonishment they said unto the King Mark I beseech your Highness how he speaks to purpose verily it seems that this man is not a Merchant which meddles with base things as buying and selling but rather a Bonzo that offers sacrifices for the people or if not so surely he is some great Captain that hath a long time scoured the Seas Truly said the King I am of the same opinion now that I see him so resolute but let every man be silent because I purpose that none shall speak to him but my self alone for I assure you that I take so much delight in hearing him talk that at this instant I feel no pain At those words the Queen and her daughters which were set by him were not a little glad and falling on their knees with their hands liâ—â—ed up to Heaven they thanked God for this his great goodness unto him CHAP. XLV The great mishap that befel the King of Bungo's Son with the extream danger that I was in for the same and what followed thereupon A Little after the King caused me to approach unto his bed where he lay sick of the Gout when I was near him I pree thee said he unto me be not unwilling to stay here by me for it does me much good to look on thee and talk with thee thou shalt also oblige me to let me know whether in thy Country which is at the further end of the world thou hast not learn'd any remedy for this disease wherewith I am tormented or for the lack of appetite which hath continued with me now almost these two months without eating any thing to speak of Hereunto I answered that I made no profession of physick for that I had never learnt that art but that in the Junck wherein I came from China there was a certain wood which infused in water healed far greater sicknesses then that whereof he complained and that if he took of it it would assuredly help him To hear of this he was very glad insomuch that transported with an extream desire to be healed he sent away for it in all haste to Tanixumaa where the Junck lay and having used of it thirty dayes together he perfectly recovered of this disease which had held him so for two years together as he was not able to stir from one place to another Now during the time that I remained with much content in this City of Fuchea being some twenty dayes I wanted not occasions to entertain my self withall for sometimes I was imployed in answering the questions which the King Queen Princes and Lords asked of me wherein I easily satisfied them for that the matters they demanded of me were of very little consequence Other-whiles I bestowed my selfe in beholding their Solemnities the Temples where they offered up their prayers their warlike Exercises their naval Fleets as also their fishing and hunting wherein they greatly delight especially in the high flying of Falcons and Vultures Oftentimes I past away the time with my Harquebuse in killing of Turtles and Quailes whereof there is great abundance in the Country In the mean season this new manner of shooting seemed no less marvellous and strange to the inhabitants of this Land then to them of Tanixumaa so that beholding a thing which they had nâ—ver seen before they made more reckoning of it then I am able to express which was the cause that the Kings second Son named Arichaudono of the age of sixteen or seventeen years and whom the King wonderfully loved intreated me one day to teach him to shoot but I put him off by saying that there needed a far longer time for it then he imagined wherewith not well pleased he complained to his Father of me who to content the Prince desired me to give him a couple of charges for the satisfying of his mind whereunto I answered that I would give him as many as his Highness would be pleased to command me Now because he was that day to dine with his Father the matter was referred to the afternoon howbeit then too there was nothing done for thâ—t he waited on his Mother to a Village adjoyning whither they came from all parts on pilgrimage by reason of a certain feast which was celebrated there for the health of the King The next day this young Prince came with only two young Gentlemen waiting on him to my lodging where finding me asleep on a Mat and my Harquebuse hanging on a hook by he would not wake me till he had shot off a couple of charges intending as he told me afterwards himâ—elf that these two shoots should not be comprised in them I had promised him Hâ—ving then commanded one of the young Gentlemen that attended him to go softly and kindle the Match he took down the Harquebuse from the place where it hung and going to charge it as he had seen me do not knowing how much powder he should put in he charged the Piece almost two spans deep then putting in the bullet he set himself with it to shoot at an Orange tree that was not far off but fire being given it was his ill hap that the Harquebuse brake into three pieces and gave him two hurts by one of the which his right hand thumb was in a manner lost instantly whereupon the Prince fell down as one dead which the two Gentlemen perceiving they ran
Chavequa of the first Mamoquo of the Moon in the presence of the Queen my Mother the Source of my right eye and Lady of all my Kingdom And signed a little below Hira Pitau Xinancor Ambulec the firm prop of all Iustice. As soon as the Gentlewoman had this Letter of the Kings in her hands she was never at quiet till she had left her Aunt and put her self upon her journey which she continued with such diligence that in a short space she arrived at the City and delivered the Letter to the Broquen who presently upon the reading of it caused all the Peretandas Chumbims and other Officers of Justice to assemble together and then went with them directly to the Prison where we were at that instant under a sure guard we no sooner saw them enter but all of us cried out three or four times together Lord have mercy upon us wherewith the Broquen and all that accompanied him whereof the prison was full were so moved as some of them could not forbear weeping out of the compassion they had of us In the mean time the Broquen fell to comforting us in such kind and loving terms as well expressed the greatness of his charity Withall he commanded the irons to be taken off from our hands and feet and drawing us into an outward Court he recounted unto us all that had past in our business whereof we had not any knowledge at all in regard of the strict watch that was set upon us all the while Then having caused the Kings Letters to be published My friends said he unto us now that God hath shewed you so much grace to deliver you as you see I have one request to make unto you which is that for my sake you will thank him from the bottom of your heart and praise him for it for if you make this acknowledgement unto him he will communicate to you from above whence all good doth proceed an agreeable repose which is a thing far more convenient for us then to live three or four days in the miseries of this world where there is nothing but labour grief great affliction and above all poverty which is the accomplishment of all evils and whereby ordinarily our souls are wholly consumed in the deep abyss of the house of smoak The Broquen moreover caused two Paniers full of clothes to be brought to that place and distributed to them amongst us according to each ones need That done he carried us home to his house where all the Ladies of the Town came to see us testifying by their countenances that they greatly rejoyced at the good success of our deliverance They comforted us also with great demonstration of pity which is an effect of the good nature of the women of this Country that is common to them all and not contented therewith they entertained us in their houses one after another during all the time we were there until our departure for we continued in this City afterwards the space of forty six dayes in which time we were furnished with all things necessary for us and that in such abundance as there was not one of us but carried above an hundred Duckets away with him As for the Portugal woman of whom I spake before she had above a thousand as well in mony as in other gifts which were given her by which means her husband in less then an year recovered himself of all the losses he had sustained After we had with a great deal of contentment past those forty six dayes there the season proper for our voyage being come the Broquen procured us passage in the Junck of a Chinese which was bound for the Port of Liampoo in the Kingdom of China according to the commandment that he had received of the King for that purpose buâ— first he caused the Captain of the Junck to put in good security for the safety of our persons during all the time of the voyage In this manner we departed from Pungor the capital City of the Island of Lequios of which I will here make a brief relation to the end that if it shall one day please God to inspire the Portugal Nation principally for the exaltation and increase of the Catholick faith and next for the great benefit that may redound thereof to undertake the Conquest of this Island they may know where first to begin as also the commodities of it and the easiness of this Conquest We must understand then that this Island of Lequios scituated in nine and twenty degrees is two hundred leagues in circuit threescore in length and thirty in bredth The Country is almost like that of Iapon saving that it is a little more mountainous in certain parts but in the middle it is plainer and more fertile It is rendred very agreeable by many large Plains that are watred with divers rivers of fresh water and from whence are gathered great provisions especially of Rice and Wheat It hath Mountains out of which is drawn such quantity of copper as in regard of the abundance thereof it is so common among those people that whole Ships are laden with it from thence in way of traffique to all the Ports of China Lamau Sumbor Chabaquea Tosa Miacoo and Iapon as likewise to all the other Islands on the South-side thereof as those of Sesirau Goto Fucanxi and Pollem Moreover in all this Country of the Lequios there is also great store of iron steel lead tin allum salt-peeter brimstone hony wax sugar and ginger far better then that which comes from the Indiaes It hath withall a world of Angelin-wood Chestnuts Trees Oak and Cedar wherewith thousands of Ships may be made On the East-side it hath five very great Islands where many Mynes of Silver are found as also Pearls Amber Frankincense Silk Ebony Brasil and a great abundance of a certain wood fit for Carpentry called Poytan It is true that there is not such store of Silk there as in China The Inhabitants of all this Country do as the Chineses cloth themselves with Linnen Cotten Silk and a kind of Damask-stuff which comes to them from Nanquin They are great eaters very much addicted to the delights of the flesh little inclined to arms and altogether unfurnished of them which induceth me to believe that they might be easily conquered and the rather for that in the year a thousand five hundred fiâ—ty and six a Portugal arrived at Malaca named Pero Gomez a' Almeyda servant to the Grand Master of Santiago with a rich Present and Letters from the Nautaquim Prince of the Island of Tanixumaa directed to King Iohn the third the Substance and Contents of his request was to have five hundred Portugals granted to him to the end that with them and his own Forces he might conquer the Island of Lequio for which he would remain tributary to him at five thousand Kintals of Copper and a thousand of Lattin yearly which Ambassy came to no effect because the Messenger was
his men amongst the which were threescore and two Portugals Now whereas this City was very strong as well in regard of the scituation of it as of the Fortifications which were newly made there it had besides within it twenty thousand Mons who it was said were come thither some five days before from the Mountains of Pondalâ—u where the King of Avaa by the permission of the Siamon Emperor of that Monarchy was levying above fourscore thousand men for to go and regain the City of Prom for as soon as that King had received certain news of the death of his daughter and son-in-law perceiving that he was not strong enough of himself to revenge the wrongs this Tyrant had done him or to secure himself from those which he feared to receive of him in time to come namely the depriving him of his Kingdom as he was threatened he went in person with his wife and children and cast himself at the Siamons feet and acquainting him with the great affronts he had received and what his desire was he made himself his Tributary at threescore thousand Bisses by the year which amount to an hundred thousand Duckets of our mony and a gueta of Rubies being a measure like to our pynt therewith to make a jewel for his wife of which Tribute it was said that he advanced the payment for ten years beforehand besides many other precious stones and very rich Plate which he presented him with estimated in all at two millions in recompence whereof the Siamon obliged himself to take him into his protection yea and to march into the field for him as often as need should require and to re-establish him within a year in the Kingdom of Prom so as for that effect he granted him those thirty thousand men of succor which the Bramaa defeated at Meleytay as also the twenty thousand that were then in the City and the fourscore thousand which were to come to him over whom the said King of Avaa was to be the General The Tyrant having intelligence thereof and apprehending that this above all other things he could fear might be the cause of his ruine he gave present order for the fortifying of Prom with much more care and diligence then formerly howbeit before his departure from this River where he lay at anchor being about some leâ—gue from the City of Avaa he sent his Treasurer named Dioçory with whom we eight Portugals as I have related before remained prisoners Embassador to the Calaminhan a Prince of mighty power who is seated in the midst of this region in a great and spacious extent of Country and of whom I shall say something when I come to speak of him The subject of this Embassage was to make him his Brother in Arms by a League and Contract of new amity offering for that effect to give him a certain quantity of Gold and precious stones as also to render unto him certain Frontier Lands of his Kingdom upon condition that the Spring following he should keep the Siamon in war for to divert him from succoring the King of Avaa and thereby give him means the more easily to take his City from him without fear of that assistance which that King hoped should serve for an obstacle to his design This Embassador departed then after he had imbarqued himself in a Laulea that was attended on by twelve Seroos wherein there were three hundred men of service and his guard besides the Watermen and Mariners whose number was little less The Presents which he carryed to the Calaminhan were very great and consisted in divers rich pieces as well of Gold as of precious stones but above all in the Harness of an Elephant which according to reports was worth above six hundred thousand Duckets and it was thought that all the Presents put together amounted to a Million of Gold At his departure amongst other favors which the King his Master conferred on him this same was not the least for us that he gave us eight unto him for to be his perpetual slaves Having clothed us then very well and furnished us abundantly with all things necessary he seemed to be exceedingly contented with having us along with him in this Voyage and ever after he made more account of us then of all the rest that followed him CHAP. LV. Our going with the King of Bâ—amâ—a's Ambassadour to the Calaminham with the Course which we held until we arrived at the Temple or Pagod of Timagoogoo and a Description thereof IT seems fit unto me and conformable to that which I am relaâ—ing to leave for a while this Tyrant of Bramaa to whom I will return again when time shal serve for to intreat here of the way we held for to go into Timplan the capital City of the Empire of the Calaminham which signifies Lord of the world for in their language Cala is Lord and Minhan the world This Prince also entitles himself The absoluâ—e Lord of the indomptable force of the Elephants of the Earth And indeed I do not think that in all the world there is a greater Lord then he as I shall declare hereafter This Ambassadour then departing from Avaa in the month of October a thousand five hundred forty and five took his course up the râ—ver of Queitor steering West South-East and in many places Eastward by reason of the winding of the water and so in this diversity of â—hombâ—s we continued our voyage seven days together at the end whereof we arrived at a Channâ—l called Guampanoo through which the Rhobamo who was our Pilot took his course that he might decline the Siamons Country being so commanded to do by the express Order of the King A while after we came to a great Town named Gataldy where the Ambassadour stayed three days to make provision of certain things necessary for his voyage Having left this place we wâ—nt on still rowing up through his Channel eleven dayes longer during which time we met not with any place that was remarkable only we saw some small villages the houses whereof were covered with thatch and peopled with very poor folks and yet for all that the fields are full of Cattel which seemed to have no Master for we killed twenty and thirty of them in a day in the sight of those of the Country no man so much as finding fault with it but contrarily they brought them in courtesie to us as if they were glad to see us kill them in that sort At our going out of this Channel of Guampanoo we entred into a very great river called Angegumaa that was above three Leagues broad and in some places six and twenty fathom deep with such impetuous currents as they drove us often-times from our course This river we coasted above seven dayes together and at length arrived at a pretty little walled Town named Gumbim in the Kingdom of Iangromaa invironed on the Lands side for five or six â—â—agues space with Forrests of Bâ—njamin as alâ—o with
Plains of Lacre wherewith they ordinarily traded to Marâ—abanâ— and do also lade there many vessels with those commodities for to transport them into dâ—vers Countries of the Indiaes as to the Streight of Mecqua to Alcoçer aâ—d Iudaa There is also in this Town great store of Musk far better then that of China which from thence is carriâ—d to Martâ—bano and Pegu where those of our Nation buy of it therewith to traffiqâ—e at Narâ—ingua Orixaa and Masulepatan The women of this Country are all very white and well-â—avoured They apparel themselves with Stuffs made of Silk and Cotten-wool wear links of gold and silver about their legs and rich Carcanets about their necks The ground there is of â—t self exceeding fertile in Wheat Rice Millets Sugar Wax and Cattel This Town with ten leagues of circuit about it yields every year to the King of Iangomaa threescore Altars of gold which are seven hundred thousand Duckets of our mony From thence we coasted the river Southward for the space of above seven dayes and arrived at a great Town named Catammâ—â— which in our language signifies the golden Crevice being the Patrimony of Raudâ—avâ—a Tinhau the Calaminhams second Son The Naugator of this Town gave good entertainment to the Ambassadour and sent him many sorts of refreshments for his followers withall he gave him to understand that the Calaminham was at the City of Tâ—mplan We dâ—parted from this place on a Sunday morning and the day after about evening we came to a Fortress called Campalagor built in the midst of the river in the form of an Island upon a rock and invironed with good free-stone having three Bulwarks and two Towers seven stories high wherein they told the Ambassador was one of the four and twenty Treasures which the Calaminham had in this Kingdom the most part whâ—reof conâ—â—sted â—n Lâ—ngâ—ts of silver of the weight of six thousand Caudins which are four and twenty thousand Quintals and it was said that all this silver was buried in wells under ground After this we still continued our course for the space of thirteen days during the which we saw on both sides of the river many very goodly places whereof the most were fair Towns and the rest stately high Trees delicate Gardens and great Plains full of Corn as also much Cattel red Deer Shamoises and Rhinocerots under the keeping of certain men on horsback who looked to them whilest they â—ed On the river there were a great number of vessels where in much abundance was all things to be sold which the earth produceth wherewith it hath pleased God to enrich these Countries more then any other in the world Now forasmuch as the Ambassadour fell sick here of an Impostume in his stomack he was councelled to proceed no further till he was healed so that he resolved to go with some of his Train for to be cured to a famous Hospital some twelve Leagues from thence in a Pagode named Tinagoogoo which signifies the God of thousand Gods and so departing at the same instant he arrived there on Saturday about night The Ambassadour being set on shore was the next day led to an Hospital called Chipanocan whither the greatest Lords used to repair when they were sick and where there were two and forty several Lodgings very neat and convenient in one of the which he was placed by the express command of the Puitaleu who was as it were Governour of the Hospital There care was taken that he wanted for nothing but was furnished in abundance with all that was necessary for him I will omit the odours the neatness the care of attendance the vessels the robes the exquisite meats the delicacies and all the delights that may be imagined which were to be had there with as much perfection and curiosity as more cannot be desired Thither likewise came twice a day to him exceeding fair women who sung to the Tune of Instruments of Musick and at certain hours represented Playes or Comedies before him that were very pleasant and finely set forth Now that I may not trouble my self in recounting here at length the infinite number of things which I could speak of concerning this Subject I will pass over many of them in silence whereof other persons that could better express them then my self would peradventure make great esteem After we had been eight and twenty days there by which time the Ambassador was perfectly cured we departed from thence for to go to a Town named Meidur twelve leagues further up the river of Angeguma But that I may not be blamed for failing in the promise which I made heretofore of speaking of this Pagods of Tinagoogoo I will here leave the Ambassadour to his Voyage and return me to the Pagode that of so many things which we saw there I may deliver some one for to shew how little we Christians do to save our souls in comparison of that much these wretches do to lose theirs During the eight and twenty dayes which the Ambassadour imployed in recovering his health we nine Portugals that waited on him not knowing what to do or how to bestow our time in the mean while no more then the rest we past it away in divers things according to each ones fancy and delight for to that purpose we wanted no commodities Thus some applied themselves to the hunting of Stags and Wild-boars whereof there is great store in that Country Some to the pursuing of Tygers Rhinocerots Ounces Zeores Lions Buffles Wild-bulls and of many other such kind of beasts which we have not heard spoken of in our Europe some to shooting at Wild-ducks Geese and such like Water-fowl some to hawking with Vultures and Faulcons and some to fishing for Trowts Mackarels Chevins Mullets Soles and many other sorts of fish whereof there is great abundance in all the rivers of this Empire In this manner we bestowed our time now in one thing and then in another but that which we gave our selves most unto was to hear and see as also to enquire after the Laws of the Country the Pagodes and Sacrifices which we beheld there with much terrour and astonishment Howbeit I purpose not to make any relation here more then of a few of them which I conceive may suffice to draw out the consequences of those that I shall not discourse of I say then that one of those sacrifices was made on the day of the new Moon of December namely on the ninth of that Month which is a time wherein these blinded people are accustomed to celebrate a Feast called by those of the Country Massunterivoo by those of Iappon Ferioo by the Chiâ—eses Manâ—ioo by the Lequios Champas and Cauchins Ampatilor by the Siamens Bramaas Pâ—fuas and Sacotays Sansaporau so that though all these names through the diversity of those languages are different yet do they in our tongue signifie all one thing that is The memorial of all the dead This was then the Feast which we saw celebrated
we departed from this Pagod of Tinagoogoo and continued on our way for thirteen days together at the end whereof we arrived at two great Towns scituated on the Bank of the river just opposite the one against the other about the distance of a stones cast one of the which was called Manavedéa and the other Singilapau in the midst of this same river which was there somewhat narrow there was an Island by nature formed round and in it a rock six and thirty fathom high and a Cros-bow shoot broad upon this rock was a Fort built with nine Bulwarks and five Towers without the rampire of the wall it was invironed with two rows of great iron gates and from the Bulwarks to the other side of the river ran a huge Chain of iron to keep vessels from passing along so that nothing could possibly enter there At one of these two Towns which was called Singilapau the Ambassadour landed where he was exceedingly well entertained by the Xemimbrum or Governour of it who likewise furnished all his Train with great store of refreshments The next morning we left this place accompanied with twenty Laulês wherein there were a thousand men and better and about evening we arrived at the Custom-houses of the Kingdom which are two strong places and from the one to the other run five mighty great chains of Latten all atwart the whole bredth of the river so that nothing can pass in and out without leave Hither came a man in a swift Seroo to the Ambassadour and told him that he was to go ashore at Campalagro which was one of the two Castles on the South-side for to shew the Letter which this King had sent by him to the Calaminham to see if it were written in the form that was required in speaking to him as was usually observed The Ambassadour presently obeyed and being come to land he was led into a great Hall where were three men 〈◊〉 a table with a great many Gentlemen who gave him good entertainment and demanded of him the occasion of his coming thither as they that knew nothing of it Whereunto the Ambassadour answered That he came thither from the King of Bramaa Lord of Tanguu and that he had a message to deliver unto the holy Calaminham concerning matters greatly importing his Estate Then having made further answer to other questions which were put to him in a way of ceremony by the three principal persons that were at the Table he shewed them the letter wherein they corrected some words which were not of the style wherewith they were accustomed to speak to the Calaminham together with this letter the Ambassadour shewed them the present which he had brought for him whereat they very much wondred especially when they saw the Chair for an Elephant of gold and precious stones which in the judgments of divers Lapidaries was worth above six hundred thousand Duckets besides the other rich pieces that he carried him also as I have before related After we had our dispatch from this first Custom-house we went to the other where we found more venerable men then the former who with another new Ceremony looked likewise on the Letter and the present and put to all the several parcels of it strings of wreathed carnation silk with three Seals in Lacre which was as the conclusion of the receiving of the Ambassy by the Calaminham The same day there came a man from the next Town of Questor sent by the Governour of the Kingdom to visit the Ambassadour with a present of refreshments of flesh fruit and other such things after their manner During nine dayes that the Ambassadour stayed in this place he was abundantly furnished with all things necessary both for his own Person and his Train and withall was entertained with sundry sports of hunting and fishing as also with Feasts accompaied with musick and Comedies represented by very beautiful women and richly attired In the mean time we Portugals went with the permission of the Ambassadour to see certain things which they of the Country had much commended unâ—o us namely veâ—y antique buildings rich and sumptuous Temples very fair Gardens Houâ—es and Castles that were all along the side of this river made after a strange fashion well â—ortified and of great charge amongst the which there was an Hospital for to lodge pilgrims in called Manicafaran signifying in our tongue The Prison of the Gods which was above a Lâ—ague in bredth Here we saw twelve streets all vaulted over and in every one of them two hundred and forty houses namely sixscore on each side which made in all two thousand eight hundred and fourscore all full of pilgrims who the whole year throughout came thither in pilgrimage from divers Countries for as they hold this pilgrimage ought to be of far greater merit then all others because that these Idols imprisoned by strangers have need of company All these pilgrims which as they of the Country say are all the year long without discontinuing above six thousand have meat given them the whole time of their abode there at the charge and out of the revenue of the house They are served by four thousand Priests of Manicafaran who with many others reside within the same inclosure in sixscore religious houses where there are also as many women that serve in the like manner The Temple of this Hospital was very great with three Isles after the fashion of ours in the midst whereof was a remarkable Chappel built round and invironed with three very big Ballistâ—rs of Latten within it there were fourscore Idols of men and women besides many other little gods that lay prostrated on the ground for the fourscore great Idols only stood upright and were all tied together with chains of iron As for the little ones they were as I said laid along on the pavement as the children of these greater and tied six to six by the middle with other slighter chains Moreover without the Ballisters in two Files there stood two hundred forty and four Giants of brass six and twenty spans high with their Halberds and Clubs upon their shoulders as if they had been set there for the Guard of the captive Gods There was over-head upon iron rods that traversed the Isles of the Temple great store of Lamps hanging having seven or eight Matches apiece in them in the fashion of Candlesticks like to them of the Indiaes all varnished without as also the walls were and every thing else that we saw there in token of mourning by reason of the captivity of these Gods Being amazed as well at that which I have recounted as at many other things which I pass over in silence and not able to comprehend what they meant by the imprisonment of these gods we demanded the signification of it of the Priests whereunto one amongst them that seemed of more authority then the rest made us this answer Since I see that being Strangers you desire to learn of me that
misfortune this poor woman was reduced so that we told her our opinion and what we thought was fit for her to do whereupon she concluded to go along with us to Timplam and so to Pegu and from thence to set sail for Coromandel there to finish her days in the Island of St Thomé Having vowed unto us to do thus we quitted her not doubting that she would lose so good an opportunity to retire her self out of the errors wherein she was and to restore her self to an estate wherein she might be saved since it had pleased God to permit her to meet with us in a Country so far distant from that which she could hope for Howbeit she performed nothing for we could never see nor hear of her afterwards which made us to believe that either some thing was befallen her that kept her from coming to us or that through the obstinacy of her sins she deserved not to make her profit of the grace which our Lord had offered to her out of his infinite goodness and mercy CHAP. LVIII The Magnificent Reception of the King of Bramaa his Ambassadour at the City of Timplam and that which passed betwixt the Calaminham and him NIne dayes after the King of Bramaa his Ambassadour had reposed himself there by way of ceremony according to the fashion of the Coâ—try for the more honour of his Ambassage one of the Governours of the City called Quampanogrem came to fetch him accompanied with fourscore Seroos and Laulees very well eqipped and full of luâ—ty able men Throughout this Fleet they played on so many barbarous and ill accorded instruments as Belâ— Cymbals Drums and Sea-corners that the din thereof coming to joyn with the noise which the Rowers made terrified all those that heard it and indeed one would have thought it at first to be some inchantment or to say better a musick of hell if there be any there Amidst this stir we drew near to the City where we arrived about noon Being come to the first Key that was named Campalarraia we saw a great many men both Horse and Foot all richly accoutred as also a number of fighting Elephants very well harnessed having their chairs and forâ—-head pieces garnished with silver and their warlike Panores fastened to their teeth which rendred them very terrible The Ambassadour was no sooner come on shore but the Campanogrem took him by the hand and falling on his knees presented him to another great man that attended for him at the Key in great pomp This same was called Patedacan one of the chiefest of the Kingdom as we were told After he had with a new complement of courtesie received the Ambassadour he offered him an Elephant furnished with a Chair and harness of gold but whatsoever the Mandarin could do to make the Ambassadour accept of it he could by no means draw him thereunto whereupon he caused another almost as well furnished to be brought and gave it to him As for us nine Portugals and fifty or threescore Bramaas they provided Horses on which we mounted In this manner we departed from that place having his Chariots before us full of men that amidst the acclamations of the people played upon divers kinds of instruments namely on silver Cymbals Bells and Drums Thus we were conducted through many long Streets whereof nine were invironed with Ballisters of Lattin and at the entrance into them there were Arches very richly wrought as also many Chapters of pillars guilt and great Bells which like unto clocks struck the hours nay the quarters of the hour of the day whereby the people were ordinarily directed After that with much ado by reason of the great press of people that was in the streets we were come to the outward Court of the Calaminham's Pallace which was as long or little less as a Faulcons shot and broad proportionable thereunto we saw in it above six thousand Horses all trapped with silver and silk and those that were mounted on them were armed with Coâ—slets of Lattin and Copper head-pieces of silver carrying Ensigns in their hands of divers Colours and Targets at their Saddle-bowâ— The Câ—mmander of thâ—se Troops was the Quietor of Justice who is as the Super-intendent over all the other Civil and Criminal Ministers which is a Jurisdiction â—epeâ—ate by it self from whence there is no appeal The Ambassadour being come near unto him who was also advanced to receive him and the two Governours they all prostraâ—eâ— themselves on the ground three times which is amongst them a new kind of Compliment whereupon the Queitor spake not a word to the Ambassadour but onely laid his hand on his head and then gave him a rich Scymitar that he wore by his side which the Ambassadour accepted of very thankfully and kissed it thrice That done the Quieor set the Ambassadour on his right hand and leaving the two Mandarins a little behind they past along through two ranks of Elephants which made a kind of Street of the length of the outward Court they being fifteen hundred in number all furnished with Castles and rich Chairs of divers inventions as also with a great many of silk Banners and gorgeous Coverings round abouâ— were a great Company of Halberdiers and many other shews of Greatness and Majesty which made us believe that this Prince was one of the mightiest of the Country When we were come to a great Gate that stood between two high Towers two hundred men which guarded it no sooner saw the Quietor but they all fell down on their knees Through this Gate we entred into another very long outward Court where the Kings second Guard was composed of a thousand men who were all in guilt Arms their Swords by their sides and on their heads Helmets wrought with gold and silver wherein stuck gallant plums of several colours After we had past through the middle of all this Guard we arrived at a great Hall where there was a Mandarim Uncle to the King called the Monvagaruu a man of above seventy years of age accompanied with a great number of Nobity as also with many Captains and Officers of the Kingdom About him were twelve little boyes richly clad with great Chains of gold three or four times double about their necks and each of them a silver Mace upon his shoulder As soon as the Ambassadour was come near him he touched him on the head with a Ventiloo that he held in his hand and beholding him May thy entrance said he into this Palace of the Lord of the world be as agreeable to his eyes as the rain is to our fields of Rice for so shall he grant thee all that thy King demands of him From thence we went up an high pair of stairs and entred into a very long room wherein there were many great Lords who seeing the Monvagaruu stood up on their feet as acknowledging him for their Superiour Out of this room we entred into another where there were four Altars very well
among the common people certain Magistrates like to our Aldermen of Wards do decide it and if contention happens to arise between persons of an higher quality then they submit to the judgment of certain religious men who are expresly deputed for that purpose and from them matters pasâ—e on in manner of appeal to the Queitor of Justice which is as the superintendent thereof from whose sentence there is no appeal how great and important soever the business be The Monarchy of these seven and twenty Kingdomes hath seven hundred Provinces that is six and twenty in every Kingdome and in the capitall town of each of those Provinces doth a Governor preside all of them being of like and equall power Now on every new Moon each Captain is bound to muster the souldiers that are under his charge which ordinarily are two thousand foot five hundred horse and fourscore fighting Elephants one of the which is called by the name of the capitall town of the same Province so that if one should make a just computation of all those men of war that are in those seven hundred companies of those Provinces they would appear to be seventeen hundred and fifty thousand whereof there are three hundred and fifty thousand horse and five and fifty thousand Elephants for in regard of the great number that there are of those beasts in that country this Emperor stiles himself in his titles Lord of the indomptable force of Elephants The revenue which the Monarch draws from his Royall Prerogatives by them called the price of the Scepter as also from his Mines amounts to twenty millions of gold without compâ—ising therein the presents which are given him by the Princes Lords and Captains and a great quantity of money that is distributed amongst the men of war according to every onâ—â— merit which are not of that accompt In all this country pearl amber and salt are very much esteemed of because they are things that come from the Sea which is far distant from the City of Timplaâ— but of all other commodities they have infinite store The Country of it self is very healthy the ayr very good and likewise the waters When they sneeze they use to say the God of truth is three and one whereby one may judge that these people have had some knowledge of the Christian Religion Being departed from the town of Bidor we held on our course down the great river of Pitâ—y and the same day at night we went and lodged at a certain Abby of the land of Quiay Iareno the God of married folks this Abby is seated on the bank of the river in a plain where are a great many of trees planted and very rich buildings here the Ambassador was well entertained by the Cabizondo and the Talagrepos then continuing our voyage seven dayes longer we arrived at a town named Pavel where we staid three dayes to furnish our vessells with some provisions which we needed in this place the Ambassador bought divers knacks of China and other commodities that were sold there at a very cheap rate as musk fine porcelains wrought silks Ermins and many other sorts of furs which are much used in that country because it is extreme cold there these wares were brought thither by great troops of Elephants and Rhinocero's from a certain far distant Province as the Merchants told us called Friouâ—araniaa beyond the which they said was a kind of people called Calogâ—â—s and Funcaos tawny men and great Archers having their feet like unto Oxen but hands like unto other men save that they are exceeding hairy they are naturally inclined to cruelty and have below at the end of the backbone a lump of flesh as big as ones two fists their dwelling is in mountains that are very high and rough on some parts where there are mighty deep pits or caves from whence are heard in winter nights most dreadfull cries and dolefull lamentations We were told likewise that not far from these people there were others called Calouhos Timpates and Bugems and a good way beyond them some named Oquens and Magores who feed on wild beasts which they catch in hunting and eat raw as also on all kind of contagious creatures as lizards serpents and adders they hunt those wild beasts mounted on certain animalls as big as horses which have three horns in the midst of their foreheads with thick short legs and on the middle of their backs a row of prickles wherewith they prick when they are angry and all the rest of the body is like â— great lizard besides they have on their necks instead of hair other prickles far longer and bigger then those on their backs and on the joynts of their shoulders short wings like to the sins of fishes wherewith they fly as it were leaping the length of five or six and twenty paces at a jump These creatures are called Banazes upon which these savage ride into the country of their enemies with whom they hold continuall war and whereof some pay them tribute in salt which is the thing they make most account of in regard of the need they have of it for that they are very far distant from the Sea We spake also with other men called Bumioens who live on high mountains where there are Mines of Alum and Lacre and great store of wood of this Nation we saw a troop conducting of above two thousand oxen on whom they had put pack-saddles and so made them to carry their Merchandise these men were very tall and had eys and beards like the Chineses We saw others likewise that had reasonable long beards their faces full of freckles and their ears and nostrills pierced and in the holes thereof small threds of gold made into clasps these were called Ginaphogaas and the Province whereof they were Natives Surobosay which within the mountains of the Laâ—hos are bounded with the lake of Chiammay and are cloathed with hairy skins going bare-foot and bare-headed certain Merchants told us that these had great richeâ— and that all their traffique was in silver whereof they had great store We spake also with another sort of men call d Tuparoâ—ns who are tawny great eaters and much addicted to the pleasures of the flesh these gave us better entertainment then all the rest and oftentimes feasted us Now because in a certain banquet where we nine Portugals were with the Ambassador one of us named Francisco Temuda challenged them to drink they taking it for a great affront caused the feast to continue the longer for the recovery of their honor but the Portugal set on them so lustily twenty that they were as he laid them all along drunk on the ground himself remaining still sober when they were out of their drink the Sapiton that was their Captain and in whose house the feast had been made called his company together which were above three hundred and whether the Portugal would or no made him to mount upon an Elephant and so lead him
through all the town accompanied with a great multitude of people that followed him at the sound of trumpets drums and other such instruments the Captain himself as also the Ambassador and the rest of us together with all the Bramaas marching on foot after him with boughs in our hands and two men before him on horseback that rode crying O all ye people praise with gladness the beams which proceed from the midst of the Sun who is the God that makes our rice to grow for that you have lived to see a man so holy that knowing how to drink better then all the men of the world hath laid on the ground twenty of the principall drinkers of our troop to the end his renown may be daily more and more augmented Whereunto all the crowd of people that accompanied him answered with such cries and acclamations as the very noyse thereof frighted all that heard it In this equipage they lead the Portugal to the Ambassadors house where they set him down with a great deal of respect and many complements then on their knees they rendred him to the Ambassador desiring him to have a care of him as of an holy man or the son of some great King for said they it cannot be otherwise seeing God hath bestowed so great a gift on him as to know how to drink so well Whereupon having made a gathering for him they got together above two hundred lingots of silver which they gave him and untill the time that we departed he was continually visited by the inhabitants whereof many presented him with rich pieces of silk and other gifts as if they had made an offering to some Saint upon a solemn day of his invocation After these we saw other men that were very white named Pavilens great archers and good horsemen apparrelled in caslocks of silk like those of Iapon and that carried their meat to their mouths with little sticks after the manner of the Chineses these same told us that their Coyntry was called Binagorem and that it was distant from thence about two hundred leagues up the river their merchandize was store of gold in powder like to that of Menancabâ— of the Island of Suâ—atra as also lacre aloes musk tin copper silk and wax which they exchanged for pepper ginger salt wine and rice the wives of these men which we saw there are very white of better conversation then all the rest of those countryes well natured and exceeding charitable demanding of them what was their Law and what was the divinity that they adored they answered us That their Gods were the Sun the heaven and the stars for that from them they received by an holy communication all the good that they enjoyed upon earth and furthermore that the soul of man was but a breath which ended in the death of the body and that afterwards tumbling up and down in the ayr she mingled her self with the clouds untill such time as coming to be dissolved into water she died again upon the earth as the body had done before I omit an infinite many of such extravagances which were told us and that gave us good cause to wonder at the blindness and confusion of these wretches and doth also oblige us to render thanks continually unto God for delivering us from these errors and this false belief Now from the diversity of these unknown Nations which we saw in these parts it is easie to infer that in this Monarchy of the world there are many countries yet undivided and unknown to us CHAP. LX. Our arrivall at Pegu with the death of the Roolim of Mounay COntinuing our course from this town of Pavel we came the next day to a village called Luncor invironed about the space of three leagues with a great number of trees of Benjamin which from this place is transported into the Kingdoms of Pegu and Siam From thence we sailed for nine daies together down that great river all alongst the which we saw many goodly towns and then we arrived at another river called Ventrau thorough the which we continued our voyage to Penauchin the first Borough of the Kingdome of Iangumaa where the Ambassador registred his vessells and all that were within them because such was the custom of the country Being departed from thence we went and lay that night at the Rauditens which are two strong places belonging to the Prince of Poncanor Five days after we came to a great town called Magdaleu which is the country from whence lacre is brought to Martabano the Prince thereof during the time that we stayed there shewed the Ambassador a generall muster of all the men of war that he had levied against the King of the Lauâ—os with whom he was at difference because he had repudiated a daughter of his which he had married three years before intending to espouse a gentlewoman by whom he had had a son that he had legitimated and made choice of for heir of his Kingdom thereby frustrating his Nephew by his daughter of his right Passing on then thorough the streight of Madur wherein we sailed five days we arrived at a village called Mouchell the first place of the Kingdom of Pegu there one Chalagâ—niâ— a famous Pyrat that went up and down robbing in this place with thirty Ceroos well equipped and full of warlike men assailed us one night and fighting with us till it was almost day he handled us in such sort as it was the great grace of God that we escaped out of his hands nevertheless it was not without the loss of five of the twelve vessells that we had together with an hundred and fourscore of our men whereof two were Portugals The Ambassador himself had a cut on one of his arms and two wounds besides with arrow shot which had almost cost him his life all of us likewise were cruelly hurt and the Present which the Calaminham sent to the King of Bramaa being worth above an hundred thousand duckats was taken by the Pyrat together with a great deal of rich merchandize that was in the five vessells whereof he had made himself master In this sad equipage we arrived three days after at the City of Martabano from whence the Ambassador wrote the King a letter wherein he rendred him an accompt of all that had happened to him in his voyage as also in his disaster Whereupon the King sent presently away a Fleet of sixscore Ceroos with a number of choice men amongst which were an hundred Portugals in quest of this Pyrat This Fleet having by good fortune discovered him found that he had put on shore his thirty Ceroos wherewith he had assailed us and was with all his forces retired into a fortress which was full of divers prizes that he had taken in severall parts thereabout our men immediately attacqued the place and carried it easily at the very first assault only with the loss of some few Bramaas and one Portugal howbeit many were hurt with
that were upon it this matter was no sooner resolved upon but was presently put in execution and for the better incouragement of them the King himselfe would be their Captaine albeit this whole enterprise was governed by the four Panariâ—ons which had formerly commanded in the first sally Having put themselves into the field then with the rising of the Sun they fought so valiantly without any fear at all of the dreadfull Ordnance which were planted on the Platform as in lesse then two Credoes they got to the top of it and there setting on the enemies who were thirty thousand in number they defeated them all in a very short time The Pangueyran of Pate seeing his forces thus routed ran thither in person with twenty thousand choice souldiers intending to beat the Passeruans from the place which they had gained but they defended it so couragiously as is not possible to expresse it in words This bloudy battell having indured till evening the Passeruan who had lost the most part of his men made his retreat into the Towne by the gate that was next to the Platforme whereunto having first set fire in six or seven places it took hold of some barrells of powder whereof there was great store there which inflamed it so terribly in severall parts as it was not possible to approach unto it by the space of a flight shoot this accident was very favourable to the besieged because the enemies were thereby kept from joyning together and so the Towne was for this time preserved from the great danger wherewithall it was threatned howbeit the Passeruans scap't not so scot-free but that of the ten thousand Volunteers imployed in this service six thousand remained dead on the top of the Platforme True it is that in the Pangueyran part there vvas above forty thousand killed amongst the vvhhich vvere three thousand strangers of divers Nations the most part Achems Turks and Malabares as also twelve Pates or Dukes five Kings with many other Commanders and men of quality All this night was spent on both sides in lamentations and complaints as also in dressing the vvounded and casting the dead into the river The next morning as soone as it was day the Pangueyran of Pata seeing the bad successe which his enterprise had had untill that present could not for all that be dravvn to desist from it so that he caused all his souldiers to prepare themselves for a nevv assaulting of the Tovvne being persvvaded that the besieged had no great force lefâ— to defend them vvithall considering their vvalls vvere overthrovvn in many places their ammunition spent the most part of their people slaine and their King dangerously hurt at leastvvise it vvas so reported Novv the better to be assured thereof he caused some of his forces to be laid in ambush in certain avenues by vvhich he had been advertised that divers of the frontizing inhabitants vvould passe to bring unto the Tovvne Eggs Pullaine and other such like things necessary for the recovery of sick persons Novv they vvhom he had sent for that purpose arrived at the Camp a little before day and brought nine prisoners with them amongst the which there was one Portugal After then that they had racked and tortured the other eight were come to do as much to the Portugal who was the last he imagined that it may be they would shew him some favour if he declared unto them what he was so that upon the first torment he cried out That he was a Portugal he not knowing hitherto any thing of us nor we of him Our King of Zunda no sooner heard this Declaration of his but he commanded him to be taken from the rack and instantly sent for us to know whether that which this wretch delivered was true whereupon six of us that were the least hurt went unto him and at the first sight we judged him by his countenance to be a Portugal so that prostrating our selves before the King we besought him to give us this man representing unto him that in regard he was of our Nation we were bound to make this suit for him which he very willingly granted us and so we in way of thankfullnesse kissed his feet After we had received him we carried him to the place where our companions lay wounded and then we would needs understand of him whether he were a Portugal indeed because he looked so strangely as we could not well know him no not by his speech but after he was a little come to himselfe and that he had shed a many of teares My Masters said he unto us I assure you that I am a Christian and a Portugal both by father and mother although as you see I do not weare the habit of one my country is Penamocor and my name Nuno Rodriguez Taborda I went out of Portugal in the year one thousand five hundred and thirteen after I had inrolled my self in the Marshalls Army and in the Ship called the S. Joano whereof Ruy Diaz Pereyra was Captaine Now because in those first beginnings I shewed my self in all occasions a worthy man Alphonso d'Albuquerque made me Captain of the four brigandines which he had in the Indiaes at that time afterwards I was present with him at the taking of Goa and Malaca withall I laboured in the foundations of Ormuz and Calecut never failing in any of the services performed in those times by that famous Commander to whom so many different Nations do at this day give the title of Great I continued the same proof of my courage during the Governments of Lopo Suarez of Diego Lopez de Siqueyra and of other Governors of the Indiaes even unto Don Anâ—iaque de Menesez who succeeded to that charge by the death of the Vice Roy Vasco de Gama who at the entrance into his Government made Francisco de Sa Generall of a Fleet of twelve Vessells wherein were three hundred men which he was to make use of for the building of a Fort at Zunda in regard of the feare they were then in of the Spaniards who at that time went to the Moluccaâ—s by the new way which Magellan â—ad discovered unto them in this Fleet I was made Captain of a Brigandine called the S. Jorge where I commanded over six and twenty very couragious and valiant men We departed then from the bar of Bintan whenas Pedro de Mascarenhas destroyed it but when we arrived at the Isle of Lingua we were beaten with so furious a tempest that unable to resist it we were forced to make towards Jaoa where of seven rowing Vessells that we were six were lost and my sins would have it that mine was one of that number besides for my greater infortune the tempest cast my Brigandine upon the coast of this Country where I have now remained these three and twenty years not one of all that were in the Vessell escaping save three of my companions who are every one dead but my self and would to God
not be applied to his wound but because he was hurt just in the heart there was no hope of recovery so that he died within a very short time after Presently they seized on the Page whom they put to torture by reason of some suspitions which they had upon this accident but he never confessed any thing and said nought els save That he had done it of his own free will and to be revenged of the blow which the King had given him on his head by way of contempt as if he had struck some dog that was barking up and down the streets in the night without considering that he was the son of the Pate Pondan Lord of Surebayaa The Page then was impaled alive with a good big stake which was thrust in at his Fundament and came out at the nape of his neck As much was done to his Father to three of his brothers and to threescore and twelve of his kinsmen so that his whole Race was exterminated upon which so cruell and rigorous an execution many great troubles ensued afterwards in all the country of Iaoa and in all the Islands of â—ale Tymor and Madura which are very great and whereof the Governors are Soveraigns by their Lawes and from all antiquity After the end of this execution question was made what should be done with the Kings body whereupon there were many different opinions amongst them for some said that to bury him in that place was as much as to leave him in the power of the Passeruans and others that if he were transported to Demaa where his Tomb was it was not possible but that it would be corrupted before it arrived there whereunto was added that if they interred him so putrified and corrupted his soul could not be received into Paradisâ— according to the Law of the country which is that of Mahomet wherein he died After many contestations thereupon in the end they followed the counsell which one of our Portugals gave them that was so profitable to him afterwards as it was worth him above ten thousand duckats wherewith the Lords rewarded him as it were in vye of one another for a recompence of the good service which he did then to the deceased This counsell was that they should put the body into a Coffin full of Lime and Camphire and so bury it in a Junck also full of earth so that albeit the thing was not so marvellous of it self yet left it not to be very profitable to the Portugals because they all found it very good and well invented as indeed the successe of it was such as by means thereof the Kings body was carried to Demaa without any kind of corruption or ill savour As soon as the Kings body was put into the Iunck appointed for it the King of Zunda Generall of the Army caused the great Ordinance and the ammunition to be imbarqued and with the least noyse that might be committed to safe custody the most precious things the King had together with all the treasures of the Tents But whatsoever care and silence was used therein the enemy could not be kept from having some inkling of it and from understanding how things went in the Camp so that instantly the King marched out of the Town in person with only three thousand souldiers of the past confederacy who by a solemn vow caused themselves to be annoynted with the oyle which they call Minhamundi as men resolved and that had vowed themselves to death Thus fully determined as they vvere they went and fell upon the enemies whom finding busie in trussing up their baggage they intreated so ill as in lesse then half an hours space for no longer lasted the heat of the fight they cut twelve thousand of them in pieces Withall they took two Kings and five Pates or Dukes prisoners together with above three hundred Turks Abyssines and Achems yea and their Caâ—ismoubana the Soveraign dignity amongst the Mahometans by whose counsell the Pangueyran was come thither There vvere also four hundred ships burnt vvherein vvere the hurt men so that by this means all the Camp vvas neer lost After this the King retreated into the Tovvn vvith his men vvhereof he lost but four hundred In the mean time the King of Zunda having caused the remainder of the Army to be re-imbarqued vvith all speed the same day being the nineth of March they set saile directly for the City of Demaa bringing along with them the body of the Pangueyran vvhich upon the arrivall thereof vvas received by the people vvith great cries and strange demonstrations of a universall mourning The day after a revievv vvas taken of all the men of vvar for to knovv hovv many vvere dead and there vvas found missing an hundred and thirty thousand vvhereas the Passeruans according to report had lost but five and tvventy thousand but be it as it vvill and let fortune make the best market that she can of these things yet they never arrive but the field is died vvith the bloud of the vanquishers and by a stronger reason vvith that of the vanguished to vvhom these events do alvvayes cost far dearer then to the others The same day there vvas question of creating a nevv Pangueyran vvho as I have said heretofore is Emperor over all the Pates and Kings of that great Archipelago vvhich the Chineses Tartar Iapon and Lequio Historians are vvont to call Raterra Vendau that is to say the eye-lid of the world as one may see in the Card if the elevation of the heights prove true Novv because that after the death of the Pangueyran there vvas not a lavvfull successor to be found that might inherit this Crovvn it vvas resolved that one should be made by election for vvhich effect by the common consent of all eight men vvere chosen as heads of all the people to create a Pangueyran These same assembled then together in a house and after order had been taken for the pacifying of all things in the City they continued seven vvhole daies together vvithout being able to come to any agreement about this election for vvhereas there vvere eight pretendents of the principall Lords of the Kingdome there vvere found amongst these Electors many different opinions vvhich proceeded from this that the most part or all of them vvere meerly allied to these â—ight or to their kinsmen so that each one laboured to make him Pangueyran vvhich vvas most to his mind Whereupon the inhabitants of the City and the souldiers of the Army making use of this delay to their advantage as men vvho imagined that this affair vvould never be terminated and that there vvould be no chastisement for them they began shamelessly to break out into all kind of actions full of insolency and malice And forasmuch as there vvas a great number of Merchants Ships in the Port they got aboard them and fell pell-mell to rifling both of strangers and those of the country vvith so much licentiousnesse as it vvas said
that in four daies they took an hundred Juncks vvherein they killed above six thousand men vvhereof notice being given to the King of Panaruca Prince of Balambuam and Admirall of the Sea of this Empire he ran thither with all speed and of the number of those which were convicted of manifest robbery he caused fourscore to be hanged all along the shore to the terror of those that should behold them After this action Quiay Ansedeaa Pate or Duke of Cherbom who was Governor of the Towne and greatly in authority taking this which the King of Panaruca had done for a manifest contempt because he had said he little respected his charge of Governor was so mightily offended â—t it as having instantly got together about six or seven thousand men he went and 〈…〉 this Kings Palace with an intent to seize upon his person but the Panaruca resisted him with his followers and as it was said he endeavoured with many complements to justifie himself to him all that ever he could whereunto Quiay Ansâ—dâ—aa was so far from having any regard as contrarily entring by force into his house he flew thirty or forty of his men in the mean time so many people ran to this mutiny as it was a dreadfull thing to behold For whereas these two heads were great Lords one Admirall of the Fleet the other Governor of the Town and both of them allied to the principall families of the Country the devill sowed so great a division amongst them as if night had not separated the fight it is credible that not one of them had escaped neverthelesse the difference went yet much farther and ended not so for the men of war who were at that time above six hundred thousand in number coming to consider the great affront which Quiay Ansedeaa Governor of the Town had done to their Admirall they to be revenged thereof went all ashore the same night the Paâ—aruca not being of power enough to keep them from it notwithstanding he laboured all that he could to do it Thus all of them animated and transported with wrath and a desire of revenge went and set upon Quiay Ansedeaas house where they slew him and ten thousand men wherewith not contented they assaulted the Town in ten or eleven places and fell to killing and plundering all that ever they met with so that they carried themselves therein with so much violence as in three daies alone which was as long as the siege of this Town lastâ—d nothing remained that was not an insupportable object to the sight There was withall so great a confusion of howling weeping and heavy lamentation as all that heard it could think no other but that the earth was going to turn topsie turvy In a word and not to lose time in aggravating this with superfluous speeches the Town was all on fire which burnt to the very foundations so that according to report there were above an hundred thousand houses consumed above three hundred thousand persons cut in pieces and almost as many made prisoners which were led away slaves and sold in divers countries Besides there was an infinite of riches stollen whereof the value as it was said only in silver and gold amounted even to forty millions and all put together to an hundred millions of gold As for the number of prisoners and of such as were slain it was neer five hundred thousand persons and all these things arrived by the evill counsell of a young King bred up amongst young people like himself who did every thing at his own pleasure without any body contradicting him CHAP. LXVI That which befell us untill our departure towards the Port of Zunda from whence we sâ—â— sail for China and what afterwards happened unto us THree daies after so cruell and horrible a mutiny whenas all things were peaceable the principall Heads of this commotion fearing as soon as a Pangueyran should be elected that they should be punished according to the enormity of their crime they all of them set sail without longer attending the danger which threatned them They departed away then in the same Vessells wherein they came the King of Panaruca their Admirall being not possibly able to stay them but contrarily was twice in jeopardy of losing himselfe in endeavouring to do it with those few men that were of his party Thus in the space of two daies only the two thousand sailes which were in the Port went away leaving the Town still burning which was the cause that those few Lords which remained being joyned together resolved to pasâ— unto the Towne of Iapara some five leagues from thence towards the Coast of the Mediterranean Sea This resolution being taken they put it presently in execution to the end that with the more tranquillity for the popular commotion was not yet well appeased they might make election of the Panguâ—yran which properly signifies Emperor As indeed they created one called Patâ— Sudayâ— Prince of Sâ—rubayaa who had been none of those eight Pretendents of whom we have spoken but this election they made because it seemed to them necessary for their common good and the quiâ—t of the Country All the inhabitantâ—â—o were exceedingly satisfied with it and they immediately sent thâ— Panarutâ— for 〈◊〉 to a place some dozen leagues from thence called Pisammenes where he at that time lived Nine dayes after he was sent for he failed not to come accompanied with above two hundred thousand men imbarqued in fifteen hundred Calaluzâ—s and Iuripangos He was received by all the people with great demonstrations of jâ—y and a little after he was crowned with the accustomed ceremonies as Pangueyran of all the countries of Iaâ—a Bala and Madâ—ra which is a Monarchy that is very populous and exceeding rich and mighty That done he returned to the Towne of Demaa with an intent to have it rebuilt anew and to restore it to its former estate At his arrivall in that place the first thing he did was to give order for the punishing of those which were found attainted and convictâ—d of the sacking of the Town who proved not to be above five thousand though the number of them was far greater for all the rest were fled away some here some there Thâ—se wretches suffered onely two kinds of death some were impaled alive and the rest were burned in the very same ships wherein they were apprehended and of four daies wherein this justice was executed there past not one without the putting to death of a great number which so mightily terrified us Portugals that were there present as seeing the commotion very great still over the whole country and no likelyhood that things would of a long time be peaceable we humbly desired the King of Zunda to give us leave to go to our ship which lay in the Port of Bantâ— in regard the season for the voyage to China was already come This King having easily granted our request with an exemption of the customes of our Merchandise presented
neer a moneth in this Port of Zunda where a good number of Portugals were assembled together so soon as the season to go to China was come the three Vessells set sail for Chincheo no more Portugals remaining ashore but only two who went to Siam in a Junck of Patana with their Merchandise I bethought me then to lay hold on this occasion and put my self into their company because they offered to bear my charges in this voyage yea and to lend me some money for to try fortune once more and see whether by the force of importuning her she would not use me bâ—tter then formerly she had done Being departed then from this place in six and twenty daies we arrived at the City of Odiaa the Capitall of this Empire of Sarnau which they of this country do ordinarily call Siam where we were wonderfully well received and intreated by the Portugals which we found there Now having been a moneth and better in this City attending the season for the voyage to China that so I might passe to Iapon in the company of six or seven Portugals who had imbarqued themselves for that purpose I made account to imploy in commodities some hundred duckats which those two with whom I came from Zunda had lent me In the mean time very certain news came to the King of Siam who was at that time with all his Court at the said City of Odiaa that the King of Chiammay allied with the Timocouhos Laaos and Gueos people which on the North East hold the most part of that country above Capimpâ—r and Passilâ—â—o and are all Soveraignes exceeding rich and mighty in Estates had laid siege to the Town of Quiteruan with the death of above thirty thousand men and of Oyaa Capimper Governor and Lievtenant Generall of all that Frontire The King remained so much appalled with this news that without further temporising he passed over the very same day to the other side of the river and never standing to lodge in houses he went and incamped under Tents in the open field thereby to draw others to do the like in imitation of him Withall he caused Proclamation to be made over all the City That all such as were neither old nor lame and so could not be dispensed with for going to this war should be ready to march within twelve daies at the uttermost upon pain of being burned alive with perpetuall infamy for themselves and their descendants and confiscation of their Estates to the Crown To the which he added many other such great and dreadfull penalties as the only recitall of them struck terror not into them of the country but into the very strangers whom the King would not exempt from this war of what Nation soever they vvere for if they would not serve they were very expresly enjoyned to depart out of his Kingdome within three daies In the mean time so rigorous an Edict terrified every one in such sort as they knew not what counsell to take or what resolution to follow As for us Portugals in regard that more respect had alwayes been carried in that country to them then to all other Nations this King sent to desire them that they would accompany him in this voyage wherein they should do him a pleasure because he would trust them onely with the guard of his person as judgiâ—g them more proper for it then any other that he could make choice of and to oblige them the more thereunto the message was accompanied with many fair promises and very great hopes of pensions graces benefits favours and honors but above all with a permission which should be granted them to build Churches in his Kingdome which so obliged us that of an hundred and thirty Portugals which we were there were sixscore of us that agreed together to go to this war The twelve daies limited being past the King put himself into the field with an Army of four hundred thousand men whereof seventy thousand were strangers of divers Nations They imbarqued all in three hundred Sâ—roos Lauleas and Iangâ—s so that on the nineth day of this voyage the King arrived at a Frontire Town named Suropisâ—â— some twelve or thirteen leagues from Quitiruan which the enemies had besieged There he abode above seven daies to attend four thousand Elephants which came to him by Land During that time he was certified that the Town was greatly prest both on the rivers side which the enemies had seized upon with two thousand Vessels as also towards the Land where there were so many men as the number of them was not truly known but as it was judged by conjecture they might be some three hundred thousand whereof forty thousand were horse but no Elephants at all This news made the King hâ—sten the more so that instantly he made a review of his forces and found that he had five hundred thousand men for since his coming forth many had joyned with him by the way as also four thousand Elephants and two hundred carts with field pieces With this Army he parted from Suropisem and drew towards Quitiruan marching not above four or five leagues a day At the end of the the third then he arrived at a valley called Siputay a league and an half from the place where the enemies lay Then all these men of War with the Elephants being set in battell array by the three Masters of the Camp whereof two were Turks by Nation and the third a Portugal named Domingâ—s de Sâ—ixas they proceeded on in their way towards Quitiruan where they arrived before the Sun appeared Now whereas the enemies were already prepared in regard they had been advertised by their Spies of the King of Siaâ—s forces and of the design vvhich he had they attended him resolutely in the plain field relying much on their forty thousand horse As soon as they discovered him they presently advanced and with their vant-guard which were the said forty thousand horse they so charged the King of Siams rearward composed of threescore thousand foot as they defeated them in lesse then a quarter of an hour with the losse of three Princes that were slaine upon the place The King of Siam seeing his men thus routed resolved not to follow the order which he had formerly appointed but to fall on with the whole body of his Army and the four thousand Elephants joyned together With these forces he gave upon the battalion of the enemies with so much impetuosity as at this first shock they were wholly discomfited from whence ensued the death of an infinite company of men for whereas their prinâ—â—s â—ll strength consisted in their horse as soone as the Elephants sustained by the harqueâ—uses and the field pieces fell upon them they were defeated in lesse then an half hour so that after the routing of these same all the rest began instantly to retreat In the meane time the King of Siam following the honor of the victory pursued them to the rivers side
Bramaaes there in pieces and had withall seizâ—d on the principall places of the country At these news the King was so troubled that without further delay he raised the siege and imbarqued himself on a river called Pacaâ—au where he stayed but that night and the day following which he imployed in retiring his great Ordnance and ammunition Then having set fire on all the Pallisadoes and lodgings of the Camp he parted away one Tuesday the fifteenth day of October in the year a thousand five hundred forty and eight for to go to the Town of Marâ—abano Having used all possible speed in his voyage at seventeen days end he came thither and there was amply informed by the Chalagonim his Captain of all the Zemindoos proceedings in making himself King and seizing on his treasure by killing fifteen thousand Bramaaes and that in divers places he had lodged five hundred thousand men with an intention to stop his passage into the Kingdome This news very much perplexed the King of Bramaa so that he fell to thinking with himself what course he should take for the remedying of so great a mischief as he was threatned with In the end he resolved to tarry a while at Martabano to attend some of his forces that were still behind and then to go and fight a battell with his enemy but it was his ill luck that in the space of fourteen days only which he abode there of four hundred thousand men which he had fifty thousand quitted him For whereas they were all Pegâ—es and consequently desirous to shake off the Bramaaes yoke they thought it best to side with the new King the Zemindoo who was a Pegu as well as they and they were the rather induced thereunto by understanding that this Prince was of an eminent condition liberall and so affable to every one that he thereby won most men to be of his party In the mean time the King of Bramaa fearing lest the defection of his souldiers should daily more and more increase was advised by his Councell to stay no longer there in regard the longer he should tarry the more his forces would diminish for that a great part of his Army was Pegues which were not likely to be very faithful unto him This counsell was approved of by the King who presently marched away towards Pegu neer unto which he was no sooner arrived but he was certified that the Zemindoo being advertised of his coming was attending ready to receive him So these two Kings being in the view of one another incamped in a great â—laine some two leagues from the City of Pegu the Zemindoo with six hundred thousand men and the Bramaa with three hundred and fifty thousand The next day these two Armies being put into battell array came to joyn together one Friday the sixteenth of November the same year a thousand five hundred forty and eight It was about six of the clock in the morning when first they began their incounter vvhich vvas performed vvith so much violence as a generall defeat ensued thereupon yet fought they with an invincible courage on either part but the Zemindoo had the worse for in lesse then three hours his whole Army was routed with the slaughter of three hundred thousand of his men so that in this extremity he vvas forced to save himself only with six horse in a fortress called Battelor where he stayed but one hour during the vvhich he furnished himself with a little Vessell wherein he fled the night ensuing up the river to Câ—daa Let us leave him now flying untill we shall come to him again whenas time shall serve and return to the King of Bramaa who exceedingly contented vvith the victory vvhich he had gotten marched the next morning against the City of Pegu where as soon as he arrived the inhabitants rendred themselves unto him on condition to have their lives and goods saved Whereupon he took order for the dressing of them that were hurt as for those that he lost in this battell they were found to be threescore thousand in number amongst the which were two hundred and fourscore Portugals all the rest of them being grievously wounded Having already intreated of the successe which the King of Bramaas voyage had in the kingdom of Siam and of the rebellion of the Kingdom of Pegu me thinks it will not be amisse for me to speak here succinctly of the scituation extent abundance riches and fertility which I saw in this kingdom of Siam and in this Empire of Sornaâ— to shew that the conquest thereof would have been far more utile unto us then all the estates which now we have in the India's and that we might obtain it with a great deal lesse charge This kingdom as may be seen in the Map is seven hundred leagues in length and a hundred and threescore in bredth the most part of it consists in great plaines where are a world of corn grounds and rivers of fresh water by reason whereof the Country is exceeding fertile and abundantly stored with cattell and victualls In the most eminent parts of it are thick Forests of Angelin wood whereof thousands of ships might be made there are also many mines of Silver Iron Steel Lead Tin Saltpetre and Brimstone likewise great abundance of Silk Aloes Benjamin Lacre Indico Cotton wooll Rubies Saphires Ivory and gold There is moreover in the woods marvailous store of Brasill and Ebony wherewith an hundred Juncks are every year laden to be transported to China Hainan the Lequios Camboya and Campâ—aa besides Wax Honey and Sugar which divers places there do yeeld very plentifully The Kings yearly revenue is ordinarily twelve millions of gold over and above the presents which the great Lords make him that comes to a great matter In the jurisdiction of his territories there are six and twenty hundred populations which they call Prodou as cities and towns amongst us besides villages and small hamlets whereof I have no reckoning The most part of those populations have no other fortifications or walls then palisadoes of wood so that it would be easie for any that should attaque them to make themselves masters thereof the rather for that the inhabitants of those places are naturally effeminate and destitute of arms offensive and defensive This coast of this kingdom joyns upon the two North and South Seas on that of the Indiaes by Iunçalo and Tanauçarius and on that of China by Monpolocata Cuy Lugor Chintabu and Berdio The capitall City of all this Empire is Odiaa whereof I have spoken heretofore it is fortified with walls of brick and mortar and contains according to some foure hundred thousand fires whereof an hundred thousand are strangers of divers countries of the world for whereas the country is very rich of it self and of great traffick there passes not a yeare whereunto from the Provinces and Islands of Iaoa Bale Madoura Augenio Bâ—rneo and Solor there sailes at the least a thousand Iuncks besides other smaller vessells
wherewith all the rivers and all the harbors are full The King naturally is no way given to tyranny The customs of all the Kingdome are charitably destinated for the maintenance of certain Pagodes where the duties that are paid are very easie for whereas the religious men are forbidden to trade with money they take no more of Merchants then what they will give them out of almes There are in this Country twelve Sects of Gentiles as in the Kingdome of Pegu and the King for a soveraigne title causeth himself to be called Prechau Saliu which in our tongue signifies A holy member of God He shewes not himself to the people save only twice in the year but then with so much riches and majesty as he hath power and greatnesse and yet for all this that I say he less not to acknowledge himself the vassall and tributarie to the King of China to the end that by means thereof his subjects Juncks may be admitted into the port of Combay where ordinarily they exercise their commerce There is also in this Kingdome a great quantity of Pepper Ginger Cinamon Camphire Allume Cassia Tamarinds and Cardamon so as one may truly affirm that which I have often heard say in those parts namely that this Kingdom is one of the best countries in the world and easier to be subdued then any other Province how little soever I could here report likewise many more particularities of things which I have seen only in the city of Odiaa but I am not minded to make mention of them that I may not beget in them that shall read this the same grief which I have for the losse which we made of it through our sins and the gain we might make in conquering this Kingdom CHAP. LXXI A continuation of that which happened in the Kingdome of Pegu as well during the life as after the death of the King of Bramaa TO return now unto the history which heretofore I have left you must know that after the King of Bramaa had obtained that memorable victory neer to Pegu as I have declared heretofore by means whereof he remained peaceable possessor of the whole Kingdom the first thing he imployed himself in was to punish the offendors which had formerly rebelled for which effect he cut off the heads of a great many of the Nobility and Commanders all whose estates were confiscated to the Crown which according to report amounted unto ten millions of gold besides plate and jewells whereby that common Proverb which was common in the mouths of all was verified namely That one mans offence cost many men very deare Whilest the King continued more and more in his cruelties and injustice which he executed against divers persons during the space of two moneths and a half certain newes came to him that the city of Martabano was revolted with the death of two thousand Bramaas and that the Chalogomin Governour of the same city had declared himself for the Xemindoo But that the cause of this revolt may be the better understood by such as are curious I will before I proceed any further succinctly relate how this Xemindoo had been of a religious order in Pegu a man of noble extraction and as some affirmed neer of kin to the precedent King whom this Bramaa had put to death twelve years before as I have already declared This Xemindoo had formerly to name Xoripam Xay a man of about forty five years of age of a great understanding and held by every one for a Saint he was withall very wel verst in the Laws of their Sects false Religion and had many excellent parts which rendered him so agreeable unto all that heard him preach as he was no sooner in the Pulpit but all the assistants prostrated themselves on the ground saying at every word that he uttered Assuredly God speaks in thee This Xemindoo seeing himself then in such great credit with the people spurred on by the generosity of his nature and the occasion which was then so favourable unto him resolved to try his fortune and see to what degree it might arrive To this end at such time as the King of Bramaa was fallen upon the kingdom of Siam and had laid siege to the city of Odiaa the Xemindoo preaching in the temple of Conquiay at Pegu which is as it were the Cathedrall of all the rest where there was a very great assembly of people he discoursed at large of the losse of this Kingdom of the death of their lawfull King as also of the great extortions cruell punishments and many other mischiefs which the Bramaas had done to their Nation with so many insolencies and with so many offences against God as even the very houses which had been founded by the charity of good people to serve for Temples wherein the Divine Word might be preached were all desolated and demolished or if any were found still standing they were made use of either for stables lay-stalls or other such places accustomed to lay filth or dung in These and many other such like things which the Xâ—mindoo delivered accompanied with many sighs and tears made so great an impression in the minds of the people as from thenceforward they acknowledged him for their lawfull King and swore allegeance unto him so that instead of calling him as they did before Xoripam Xay they named him Xemindoo as a soveraigne title which they gave him above all others Seeing himself raised then to the dignity of King the first thing during the heat and fury of this people was to go to the King of Bramaas palace where having found five thousand Bramaas he cut them all in pieces not sparing the life of one of them the like did he afterwards to all the rest of them that were abiding in the most important places of the State and withall he seized on the Kings treasure which was not small In this manner he slew all the Bramaas that were in the Kingdom which were fifteen thousand besides the women of that Nation of what age soever and seized on the places where they resided which were instantly demolished so that in the space of three and twenty dayes onely he became absolute possessor of the Kingdom and prepared a great Army to fight with the King of Bramaa if he should chance to return upon the bruit of this rebellion as indeed he fought with him to his great damage being defeated by him as I have heretofore declared And thus having methinks said enough for the intelligence of that which I am to recount I will come again to my first discourse This King of Braâ—aa being advertised of the revolt of the Town of Martabano and of the death of those two thousand Bramaaes gave order immediately to all the Lords of the Kingdome for their repair unto him with as many men as they could levy and that within the teâ—m of fifteen daies at the furthest in regard the present necessity would not indure a longer
want of care and imprudence His Commanders presently obeyed him and without longer tarrying there each of them went straight to the place whither his Commission directed him The Chaumigrem by means of this so cunning and well dissembled a sleight rid himself in lesse then three hours of all the hundred and fifty thousand Pegues who he knew if once they came to hear of the Kings death would fall upon the thirty thousand Bramaaes that he had there with him and not leave one of them alive This done as soon as it was night turning back to the City which was not above a league from thence he seized with all speed on the deceased Kings Treasure which amounted according to report unto above thirty millions of gold besides jewells that were not to be estimated and withall he saved all the Bramaaâ—s wives and children and took as many arms and as much ammunition as he could carry away After this he set fire on all that was in the Magazines caused all the lesser Ordnance to be rived asunder and the greater which he could not use so to be cloyed Furthermore he made seven thousand Elephants that were in the country to be killed reserving only two thousand for the carriage of his treasure ammunition and baggage As for all the rest it was consumed with fire so that neither in the Palace where were chambers all seeked with gold nor in the Magazines and Arsenalls nor on the river where were two thousand rowing Vessells remained ought that was not reduced to ashes After this execution he departed in all hast an hour before day and drew directly towards Tanguu which was his own country from whence he came some fourteen years before to the conquest of the Kingdome of Pegu which in the heart of the country was distant from thence about an hundred and threescore leagues Now whereas fear commonly adds wings to the feet it made him march with such speed as he and his arrived in fifteen days at the place whither they were a going In the mean time whereas the Chaumigrem had cunningly sent away the hundred and fifty thousand Pegues as I have declared already it happened that two days after they understood how the King of Bramaa was dead Now in regard they vvere mortall enemies of that Nation sixscore thousand of them in one great body turned back in hast for to go in quest of the thirty thousand Bramaaes but when they arrived at the City they found that they were gone from thence three days before this making them to follow in pursuit of them with all the speed that possibly they could they came to a place called Guinacoutel some forty leagues from the City whence they came there they were informed that it was five days since they passed by so that dispairing of being able to execute the design which they had of cutting them in pieces they returned back to the place from whence they were parted where they consulted amongst themselves about that which they were to do and resolved in the end since they had no lawfull King and that the Land was quite freed of the Bramaaes to go to Xemin de Satan as incontinently they did who received them not only with a great deal of joy and good entertainment but promised them mighty matters and much honor by raising them to the principall commands of the Kingdome as soon as time should serve and that he was more peaceably setled Thereupon he went directly to the City of Pegu where he was received with the magnificence of a King and for such crowned in the Temple of Comquiay which is the chief of all the rest CHAP. LXXII That which arrived in the time of Xenim de Satan and an abominable â—ase that befell to Diego Suarez together with the Xemindoos expedition against Xenim de Satan and that which insued thereupon THree moneths and nine dayes had this Tyrant Xenim de Satan already peaceably possessed the city and kingdome of Pegu whenas without fearing any thing or being contradicted by none he fell to distributing the treasure and revenues of the Crown to whomsoever he pleased whereupon great scandalls insued which were the cause of divers quarrells and divisions amongst many of the Lords who for this cause and the injustice which this tyrant did them retyred into severall foraigne Countries and Kingdoms Some also went and sided with the Xemindoâ— who began at that time to be in reputation again For after he had fled from the battell onely with six horse as I have declared heretofore he got into the Kingdom of Ansedaa where as well by the efficacy of his Sermons as by the authority of his person he won so many to his devotion as assisted by the favour and forces of those Lords as adhered to him he made up an army of threescore thousand men with which he marched to Meidoo where he was very well received by those of the Country Now setting aside what he did in those parts during the space of foure moneths that he abode there I will in the mean time passe to a strange accident which in a few dayes fell out in this city that one may know what end the good fortune of the great Diego Suarez had who had been Governour of this Kingdom of Pegâ— and the recompence which the world is accustomed to make at last unto all such as serve and trust in it under the semblance of a good countenance which she shews them at first The matter past in this sort There was in this city of Pegu a Merchant called Manbagoaa a rich man and that of good reputation in the country This same resolved to marry a daughter of his to a young man the son of a worshipfull and very rich Merchant also named Manicaniandarim about that time that Diego Suarez was in the greatest height of his fortune and termed the Kings brother and in dignity above all the Princes and Lords of the Kingdom So the fathers of these young couple being agreed on this marriage and of the dowry that was to be given which by report was three hundred thousand duckats when as the day was come wherein the nuptialls were celebrated with a great deal of state and magnificence and honoured with the presence of most of the gentlemen of chiefest quality in the city it happened that Diego Suarez being come a little before Sun-set from the royall palace with a great train both of horse and foot as his manner was to be alwayes well accompanied passed by Mambogoaas door where hearing the musick and rejoycing that was in the house asked what the matter was whereunto answer being made him that Mambogoaa had married his daughter and that the wedding was kept there he presently caused the Elephant on which he was mounted to stay and sent one to tell the father of the bride that he congratulated with him for this marriage and wished a long and happy life to the new married couple to these words he
foaming with poyson make horrible cries and be delivered into the burning jawes of the dragon of discord whom the true Lord of all the Gods hath cursed for ever whereas contrarily to those that shall be so happy as to obey this Proclamation as his holy brethren and allies shall be granted in this life a perpetuall peace accompanied with a great deale of wealth and riches and after their death their souls shall be no lesse pure and agreeable to God then those of the Saints which goe dancing amidst the beams of the Sun in the celestiall repose of the Lord Almighty This publication made the musick began to play again with a great noise as before which made such an impression in the hearts of them that heard it as in seven nights that it continâ—ed above threescore thousand persons went and rendred themselves to the Xemindoo for most of them which heard those words gave as much credit thereunto as if an Angell from heaven had spoken them In the meane time the besieged Tyrant seeing that these secret Proclamations of the enemy were so prejudiciall unto him as they could not chuse but turn to his utter ruine brake the truce at twelve dayes end and deliberated with his Councell what he should do who advised him by no means to suffer h mself to remaine any longer besieged for feare left the inhabitants should mutinie and fall from him to the enemy and that the best and surest way was to fight with the Xemindoo in the open field before he grew to any further strength This resolution being approved of by Zenim de Satan he prepared himself for the execution of it to which effect he two dayes after before it was day sallied out at five gates of the city with fourscore thousand men which then he had and charged the enemies with strange fury They then in the meane time who alwayes stood upon their guard received them with a great deale of courage whereupon insued so cruell a conflict between them that in lesse then halfe an houre for so long lasted the heat of the fight there fell on both sides above forty thousand men but at the end of that time the new King Zenim was born from his Elephant by an harquebuze shot discharged at him by a Portugall named Gonçalo Nâ—to which caused all the rest to render themselves and the city likewise upon condition that the inhabitants should have their goods and lives saved By this means the Xemindoo entred peaceably into it and the very same day which was a Saturday the three and twentieth of February a thousand five hundred fifty and one he caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu in the greatest Temple of the city As for Gonçalo Nâ—to he gave him in recompence for killing the Tyrant twenty Bisses of gold which are ten thousand Duckats and to the other Portugalls being eighty in number he gave five thousand Duckats besides the honors and prsviledges which they had in the country he also exempted them for three years from paying any custome for their merchandize which was afterwards very exactly observed CHAP. LXXIII That which the Xemindoo did after he was Crowned King of Pegu with the Chaumigrems the King of Bramaaes Foster-Brothers coming against him with a great Army and divers other memorable things THe Xemindoo seeing himself Crowned King of Pegu and peaceable Lord of all the kingdome began to have thoughts far different from those which Xemin de Satan had had being raised to the same dignity of King for the first and principal thing wherein he imployed himself with all his endeavour was to maintain his Kingdome in peace and to cause Justice to flourish as indeed he established it with so much integritie as no man how great so ever he was durst wrong a lesser then himself withall in that which concerned the government of the Kingdome he proceeded with so much vertue and equity as it filled the strangers that were there with admiration so that one could not without marvel consider the peace the quiet and union of the wills of the people during the happy and peaceable estate of this Kingdome which continued the space of a year and better at the end whereof the Chaumigrem foster-brother to the same King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan had slaine as I have before declared having received advertisement that by reason of the rebellions and warres which since his departure from thence had happened in the Kingdome of Pegu the principall men of the State there had lost their lives and the Xemindoo who then raigned was unprovided of all things necessary for his defence he resolved once again to adventure upon the same enterprise which had formerly been undertaken by his late King With this design he entertained into his pay a mighty Army of strangers unto whom he gave a Tincall of gold by the month which is five dackets of our mony when as he had prepared all things in a readinesse he departed from Tanguu the place of his birth On the ninth day of March a thousand five hundred fifty and two with an Army of three hundred thousand men whereof only fifty thousand were Bramaas and all the rest Mons Chaleus Calaminhams Sauâ—nis Pamâ—rus and Auaas In the mean time the Xemindoo the new King of Pegu having certain intelligence of these great forces which were coming to fall upon him made preparation to go and meet them with a design to give them battle for which effect he assembled in the same City where he was a huge Army of nine hundred thousand men which were all Pegues by nation and consequently of a weake constitution and lesse warlick then all the others whereof I have spoken and on Tueseday the fourth of April about noone having received advice that the enemies Army was incamped all along the river of Meleytay some twelve leagues from thence he used such expedition as the same day and the next night all his Souldiers were put into battle array for whereas they had prepared every thing long before and had also been trayned by their Capt. there needed no great ado to bring them into order The day ensueing all these men of warre begun about nine of the clock in the morning to march at the sound of an infinite company of warlick instruments and went and lodged that night some two leagues from thence neer to the river Potarâ—u The next day an hour before Sun-set the Bramaa Chaumigrem appeared with so great a body of men as it took up the extent of a league and an half of ground his Army being composed of seaventy thousand horse of two hundred and thirty thousand foot and six thousand fighting elephants besides as many more which carried the baggage and victuals and in regard it was almost night he thought fit to lodge himself all along by the mountain that he might be in the greater safety Thus the night past with a good guard and a strange noise that was made on
for the King our Soveraign Lord vvas thus handled by Don Antonio if the report of it be true Finally when the season of Navigation was come he was sent so manacled as he was to the Indiaes with an infamous verball process which the Parliament of Goa annulled afterwards And Don Antonio had thereupon an expresse Commandment from the Vice-Roy Don Pedro de Mascarenhas who governed the State of the Indiaes at that time to appear personally before him as a Prisoner for to be confronted in judgment with Gaspar Iorge and render an account of his proceeding against him as indeed Don Antonio failed not in making his appearance at Goa accordingly where being about to justifie himself for that which had past he was ordered to answer within three dayes to an ignominious Libel which Gaspar Iorge had exhibited against him But forasmuch as Don Antonio was naturally an enemy of Justifications by Answers and Replyes whereby it was said the Councellors of the Parliament intended to surprize him the report went at least wise such was the saying of Detractors for as for me I neither saw nor am assured of it that in stead of imploying the three dayes which had been given him in making answer to this Libell hee vvithin four and twenty hours having met accidentally vvith Gaspar Iorge sent him to prosecute his Suit in the other World laying him so sure on the ground as he never rose again Howbeit there are those vvhich recount this Affair quite otherwise and that say how in a Feast vvhereunto he was invited hee vvas poysoned By this death of his all this difference vvas decided and this businesse vvholly ceased so that Don Antonio vvas by Sentence absolutely cleared and sent back to his Government wherein he continued not above two months and a half at the end vvhereof he died of a bloody Flux and so vvere all the storms of envie and discord vvherewith the Fortresse of Malaca had been beaten appeased When the season was come vvherein vve might continue our Voyage on the first day of April in the year One thousand five hundred fifty and five wee parted from Malaca after vvee had imbarqued our selves in a Carvel belonging to the King our Soveraign Lord which Don Antonio the Captain of the Fortresse gave us by the expresse command of the Vice-Roy Three dayes after our putting to sea we arrived at an Island called Pulho Pisan at the entering into the Streight of Sincaapura where the Pilot having never navigated that way before ran us with full sails so dangerously on certain Rocks as we thought our selves to be utterly lost without all hope of recovery In regard whereof by the advice of all the rest the Father and I were constrained to get into a Manchua for to go and demand succour of one Luis Dalmeida who two hours before had passed by us in a Vessell of his and lay at anchor two leagues off us by reason the winde was against him So the Father and I made to him with peril enough For whereas all that Country which appertained to the King of Iantana Grand-childe to him that had been King of Malaca our mortall Enemy were at that time in arms his Balons and Lanchares that were assembled in a Fleet of Warr continually gave us chase with an intention to take us but by Gods providence we escaped them At length after we had got to this ship with no little fear and trouble he that was Captain of her furnished us with a Boat and Mariners and so we returned to our Carvel as speedily as we could for to succour and draw her out of the danger wherein we had left her But it pleased the Lord that we found her the day after delivered from it though it is true that she took in water abundantly in the prow's side but in the end we stanched it at Patana where we arrived seven dayes after There I went ashore with two others to see the King unto whom I delivered a Letter from the Captain of Malaca and being received very graciously by him he read it over whereby he understood that the cause of our coming thither was to provide our selves of victuals and some other things which we had not taken in at Malaca as also that we were resolved to proceed on in our course directly to China and from thence to Iapan where Father Belquior and others with him were to preach the Christian Law to the Gentiles vvhich the King of Patana having read after he had mused a little he turned to them that were about him and said smiling to them O how much better were it for these men since they expose themselves to so many travels to go to China and inrich themselves there then to recount tales in strange Countreys Whereupon calling the Xabandar to him Be sure said he unto him that thou givest these men here all that they shall demand of thee and that for the love of the Captain of Malaca who hath greatly recommended them unto mee and above all remember That it is not my custome to command a thing twice When we had taken leave of the King exceedingly contented with the good reception he had given us we fell presently to buying of Victuals and other such things as we stood in need of So that in eight dayes we were abundantly furnished with whatsoever was necessary for us Being departed from this Haven of Patana we sailed two dayes together with a South-east winde along by the coast of Lugor and Siam traversing the Barr of Cuy to go to Pulho Cambim and from thence to the Islands of Canton with an intent there to attend the conjunction of the new Moon But it was our ill fortune to be surprized by East and South-east winde which raign in that Coast the most part of the year whereof the violence was so great that we were in fear to be cast away so that to decline the event thereof we were forced to tack about again to the Coast of Malaya and arriving at an Island called Pullo Timan we ran into great danger there as well by reason of the tempest which we had upon the sea as in regard of the great treason of the people of the Country Now after five dayes that we had continued there without having either fresh water or victuals because for the easing of our Vessell we had cast out all into the Sea it pleased God that wee encountred with three Portugal Ships which came from Sunda by whose arrivall we were very much comforted in our travels Whereupon Father Belquior and I began to treat with the Captains of those Vessâ—ls about that which they thought was requisite we should do and all were of the opinion that we should send back the Carvel wherein wee vvere to Malaca saying that there was no likelihood wee should be able to make so long a Voyage in her as that of Iapan Having approved of this counsel we presently imbarqued our selves in the Ship of one
Frâ—ncisco Toscano a Worshipfull and rich man who defrayed our chaâ—ge during all our Voyage yea and most part of the time that vve were in China not permitting any of our Company to spend a peny From this Island Pullo Timan we put to sea on Friday the seventh of Iune in the same yeer One thousand five hundred fifty and five and discovering the firm land of the Kingdome of Champaa we sailed along the Coast with a North-West winde and in twelve dayes we arrived at an Island called Pullo Champeiloo in the Straight of Cauchenchina where we took in fresh vvater at a River which descended from an high Mountain There amongst the Rocks we perceived a very-fair Cross graven on a great free Stone and under it 1518 with six letters abbreviated which said Duart Coelho We observed also towards the River and on the South-side two flight shot off threescore and two men hanged on trees alongst the Strand besides others that lay on the ground half eaten a thing which seemed to have been done not above six or seven dayes before Upon another tree there hung a great Banner wherein these vvords vvere seen in Chinese letters Let every Ship or Iunck which shall arrive in this place be sure to dislodg quickly from thence after shee hath furnished her self with fresh water whether shee hath time or hath it not on pain of incurring the same justice as these wretches have done whom the fury of the arm of the son of the Sun hath overwhelmed Wee were mightily surprised vvith so strange an accident so that vve could make no other judgment of it but that some Chinese Army had arrived there and meeting with those vvretches had as Pirats use to do intreated them as vve saw under the specious pretext of Justice CHAP. LXXVIII Our departure from the Iland of Champeiloo and our arrivall at that of Lampacau with a relation of two great disasters which hapned in China unto two Portugal Colonies and of a strange accident that befell in the Country WHen we were parted from the Iland of Champieloo we got to the Ilands of Canton so that on the fifth day of our voyage it pleased God that we arrived at one of them called Lampacau where at that time the Portugals excercised their commerce with the Chineses which continued untill the year One thousand five hundred fifty and seven when as the Mandarins of Canton at the request of the Merchants of the Country gave us the port of Macao where the trade now is of which place that was but a desert Iland before our country men made a very goodly plantation wherein there were houses worth three or four thousand Duckats together with a Cathedral Church Moreover this Colony hath its Governor Auditor and Officers of Justice whereunto I shal add that the inhabitants of this place are in as great safety there as if they were in the quietest part of Portugal But God grant of his infinite mercy and goodnesse that this Colony may be of longer durance then that of Liampoo which was another of the Portugals and whereof I have spoken at large heretofore being two hundred leagues from this same on the North Coast. But ill fortune would that by the disorder of one Portugal it was demolished in a very little time in which disaster I my self was present and can say that the losse which was made there as well of people as of riches was inestimable For in this plantation were three thousand men whereof twelve hundred were Portugals and the rest Christians of divers nations Yea and I have heard many say which spoke like knowing men thereof that the Portugals traffick there exceeded three millions of gold Now the most part of this traffick was in lingots of silver of Iapan which had been found out not above two months before and was such as a man doubled his mony three or four times by the commodities which he sent thither In this Colony there was a Governor who resided in the Country there were also an Auditor Judges Sheriffs Aldermen a Provisor of the deceased and Orphelins a town Clark and all other Officers that are usually in a Commonwealth together with four publick Notaries and six Registers each of whose offices were sold for three thousand duckats yea and there were some farre dearer There were also two Hospitals wherein above thirty thousand duckats was spent every year and the Town house had in revenue six thousand per annum So that it was generally said that this Colony was the richest and best peopled of any that was in the Indiaes besides for matter of extent it had not its fellow in all Asia Furthermore when the Registers or Secretaries passed any Grant or when the publick Notaries made any writings they ordinarily used these termes In this most noble and alwaies faithfull town of Liampoo for the King our Soveraign Lord. Now having said so much of it I hold it not amisse to tell you how and wherefore so noble and rich a Colony was destroyed which arrived in this sort There was living there a man of a good extraction and rank named Lancerote Pereyra born at Pont de Lima a town in Portugal it is said that this same had lent some thousand duckats to certain Chineses who were not men solvent but became bankrupts and never paid him any thing nor could he hear any newes of them afterwards which was the cause that desiring to make good this losse and to recover it of them which were not the occasion of it he assembled for that effect some eighteen or twenty Portugals idle fellows and of lewd dispositions with whom under the favor of the night he fell upon a village some two leagues from thence where he robbed eleven or twelve labouring men and withall seizing on their wives and children killed about half a score persons without any reason at all so to do In the mean time the Alarum being taken up by the whole country round about by reason of this violence the inhabitants went and complained to the Chumbin for Justice and having made a verball process of the businesse they presented it in the name of the people to the Chaem of the Government which is as one of the Vice-Roys of the Kingdome who immediately thereupon dispâ—tched away an Haitau who is as an Admirall amongst us with an Army of three hundred Juncks and four score Vançons with Oares wherein there were threescore thousand men which being all made ready in seventeen daies came and fell on this misfortunate Colony and the matter passed in so strange a manner for them as I must confesse I have not capacity enough to recount it sufficiently neither understanding enough to imagine it only it shall suffice me to say as one who saw it that in lesse then the space of five hours which this dreadfull chastisement of the hand of God indured these cruell enemies left not any thing at all in Liampoo to which one could give a name
for they demolished and burnt all that they could find they put to death withall twelve hundred Christians amongst the which were eight hundred Portugals who were all burned alive in five and twenty ships and two and forty Juncks It is said that in this common ruine there was lost to the value of two millions of Gold as well in Lingots Pepper Sandal Cloves Mace and Nutmeggs as in other Commodities and all these desasters arrived by the ill conscience and little judgment of an avaricious Portugal Now from this misfortune was another farre greater derived which was that we lost our credit and reputation so mightily over all the Country as the inhabitants would no longer endure the sight of us saying that we were divels incarnate ingendred by the malediction of the wrath of God for the punishment of sinners This hapned in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two Martim Alfonso de Sousa being Governor of the Indiaes and Ruy Van Pereyra Marramaque Captain of Malaca Two years after the Portugals desiring to make another new Colony in a Port called Chincheo in the same Kingdome of China five leagues lower then Liampoo with an intention to settle their trade there the Merchants of the Country coming to consider what great profit would redound to them thereby intreated the Mandarins to make shew of permitting it and obliged them thereunto with many great presents we had commerce then with those of the Country about two yeares and an half untill such time as by the expresse command of Simano de Mello Captain of the Fortresse there was sent into this place another man of the same humor as Lancerote Pereyra was of unto whom the said Simano de Mello gave a commission to be Governor of this Port of Chincheo and Provisor of the Deceased but the bruit went of him that the extream covetuousnesse wherewith he was possest made him lay hands on all things without any the least respect to ought whatsoever It hapned then that in his time there arrived in the Port of Chincheo a stranger by nation an Armenian who was held by every one for a very good Christian This man who had an estate of ten or twelve thousand duckets and being a Christian as I have said and a stranger as we were passed out of a Mahometans Junck wherein he was into the ship of a Portugal named Luis de Montaroyo Now having lived some six or seven months very peaceably amongst us and much respected and favored of every one he chanced to â—all sick of a feaver whereof he died but before he gave up the Ghost he declared by his Testament that he had a wife and children in a town of Armenia called Gaborem and that of his twelve thousand duckets estate he left two thousand to the Hospitall at Malaca and for the rest he desired it might be kept in safe hands untill there were an opportunity to have consigned it unto his children as to his lawfull heirs and in case they were dead he left it to the Hospitall Behold what was the Testament of this faithfull Christian who was no sooner buried but Ayrâ—z Botelho de Sousa Provisor of the dead seized on all his estate without making any Inventorie or other kind of accompt saying that before any farther proceeding therein they were to send to make enquiry in Armenia which was above two thosand leagues from thence to see whether there were not some ingagements or seizure of Justice upon it There arrived also at the same time two Chinese Merchants who had to the value of three thousand duckets in silk peeces of damaske musk and porcelaines appertaining to the deceased Armenian the Provisor arrested them all and not contented therewith he would needs make the Chineses beleeve that all the merchandise which they had belonged also unto the Armenian so that under the pretext thereof he took eight thousand duckets from them and bid them go to Goa and there demand justice of the Provisor Generall by reason he could do no otherwise then he did for that he was obliged to deal in that sort by the duty of his Charge Now not to stand upon the delivering of the reasons which in vain were alledged by them against this injustice of his I will only say that these two Merchants returning home without any of their merchandise went with their Wives and Children and casting themselves at the Chaems feet represented unto him in a Petition the whole businesse as it past informing him moreover that we were men quite-void of the fear of God The Chaem willing to do justice then to these Merchants and to many others which had formerly complained against us caused it to be every where proclamed that no man on pain of death should converse with us whereupon the scarcity of victuals came to be so great amongst us as that which was wont to be bought for six blanks was then worth above a ducket so that necessity constrained us to go unto certain hamlets whereupon ensued such disorders as all the Country rose up against us with so much hatred and fury that sixteen daies after we were set upon by an Army of an hundred and twenty very great Juncks which intreated us in that manner for our sins as ofthirteen ships which we had in the Port there was not one that was not burnt and of five hundred Portugals which were abiding in the Country thirty only escaped who had not the worth of a penny left them From these two sad histories recounted by me I inferre that it seemes the Affairs which we have now in China and the tranquillity and confidence wherewith we live there supposing that the treaties of peace which we have with them be firm and assured wil last but til our sins shal serve for motives to the inhabitants of the Country to mutine against us which God of his infinite mercy permit not for the time to come To return again now to my former discourse you must understand that after we were arrived at the Port of Lampacau as I have declared before we could not meet with any vessel that was bound for Iapan so that we were constrained to passe another year too in this Port with a design in May following which was ten months off to continue our voyage as we had resolved Father Belquior and I perceiving that there was no hope of going to Iapan this yeare as well for that the season was past as for other inconveniences that fell out we were forced to stay in this Iland till the time should serve for us to make our voyage thither Having continued there then til the seventeenth of Feb. following certain news came to us from Cantan that on the third day of the same month the Province of Sansy had been swallowed up in the manner ensuing The first day of Frebruary the earth fel a trembling from eleven til one of the clock at night and the next day from midnight til two in the
the present in regard the affaires of my State are such as thou maiest peradventure have heard Wherefore I earnestly intreat thee since God hath brought thee hither that thou wilt repose thee a while from the travel which thou hast endured for his service And as for that which the Vice-Roy hath written to me touching the businesse which I sent to him about by Antonio Ferreyra I still avow it but the Affaires of the present time are reduced to that passe as I am much afraid if my subjects see any change in me that they will approve of the Bonzoes counsel Besides I make no question but the Christians which are here have told thee the great danger I run in this Country by reason of the mutinies that â—ave past here during the which I have been in as great jeopardy as any other so that for the safety of my person I have been inforced to execute in one morning thirteen of the Principallest Lords of my Kingdome together with sixteen thousand persons of their faction and league besides as many more which I have banished Bat if it ever happens that God shall grant me that which my soul desires of him I shall hold it a small matter to consent to what the Vice-Roy advises me by his Letter Hereunto the Father replied That he was greatly satisfied with his holy resolution but he was to remember that his life was not in the hands of men because they were mortall and that if he should chance to die before he effected it what would then become of his soul To which he answered smiling God knows The Father seeing that he could receive no other satisfaction from the King at that present but good words without making any conclusion on a matter that was so important for him dissembled with him and changing discourse talked to him of other things wherein he knew he took more pleasure So having spent the most part of the night with the Father in questioning him about divers novelties whereunto he was much affected he dismissed him in very plausible termes with hope that he would become a Christian but not so soon a thing which was then well enough understood and that sufficiently discovered his intention The next day about two a clock in the afternone the Father went to see the King again and setting aside his kind welcoming of him this Prince never answeed him to purpose and within a while after returned to his Fortresse of Osquy from whence he sent to desire him to continue abiding where he was and to come some times and see him for that he took extream pleasure in talking with him of the great things of God and perfection of his Law In the mean space above two months and an half past away without giving in all that time any other fruit of himself then certain kind of hopes accompanied ever and anon with some excuses which did not much content the Father so that he thought it requisite for him to return to Goa as well for the discharging of the duty of his charge there as for many other reasons that moved him thereunto Being resolved then for our departure I went to the Fortresse of Osquy to the King to demand an answer of the Letter I brought him from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes which he presently gave me having made it ready against my coming and in exchange of the Present he had received he sent him very rich Armes together with two Scymitars garnished with gold an hundred Ventiloes of the Country of the Lequios In the Letter which he himself had written were these words contained Lord Vice-Roy of honorable Majestie that art seated in the Throne of those which render Iustice by the power of the Scepter I Yaretandono King of Bungo give thee to understand that Ferdinand Mendez Pinto is come to me with a Letter from thy Royall Lordship and a present of Armes and other peeces very agreeable to my desire and which I very much esteem for that they are of a Country in the other end of the world which we call Chenchicogim where through the power of great Armies composed of divers Nations raignes the Crowned Lion of Portugal whose servant and subject I do by these presents declare my self to be Wherefore I pray thee that as long as the Sun shall not swerve from the effect for which God hath created him nor the waters of the sea cease from rising and falling on the shoares side thou wilt not forget this homage which hereby I make to your King whom I acknowledg for my elder Brother to the end that thereby this my obedience may remain the more honorable as I am confident it shall alwaies be And I desire thou wilt daign to accept of these Armes which I send thee as a gage and assurance of my faith From this my Fortresse of Osquy the ninth Mamocos of the third Moon in the thirtie and seventh year of our age With this Letter and his present I returned to our ship which rode at anchor some two leagues off in the Port of Zequa where I found Father Belquior and all the rest of our company already imbarqued and from thence we set sail the day after being the fourteenth of November One thousand five hundred fifty and six CHAP. LXXXI What past after our departure from Zequa till my arrivall in the Indiaes and from thence into the Kingdome of Portugal FRom this Port of Zequa we continued our course with Northerly vvinds which were favourable unto us in this season and on the fourth of December vve arrived at the Port of Lampacau vvhere we met with six Portugal ships vvhereof was Generall a certain Merchant called Francisco Martinez the creature of Francisco Barreto at that time Governour of the State of the Indiaes in the place of Don Pedro Mascarenhas And because that then the season for Navigation into India was almost past our Captain Don Francisco Mascarenhas stayed no longer there then was necessary for providing of victuall We departed then from this Port of Lampacau a little before Christmasse and arrived at Goa the seventeenth of February The first thing I did there was to go to Francisco Barreto unto whom I gave an account of the Letter which I brought from the King of Iapan but he having referred it to the day following I failed not to deliver it to him the next morning together with the Arms the Scymitars and the other Presents which that Pagan King had sent Whereupon after he had seen all at leasure addressing himself unto me I assure you said he unto me that I prize these Arms which you have brought me as much as the Government of India for I hope that by the means of this Present and this Letter from the King of Japan I shall render my self agreeable to the King our Soveraign Lord that I shall be delivered from the fortune of Lisbon where almost all of us that govern this State do go and land for our
For a conclusion of his speech he related unto me the little punishment which was ordained for such as were culpable of these matters and the great rewards that he had seen conferred on those which had not deserved them whereunto he added that if the King desired throughly to perform the duty of his Charge and by Arms to conquer people so far distant from his Kingdom and to preserve them it was as necessary for him to punish the wicked as to recompence the good This said he sent me to lodg in a Merchants house who for five days together that I remained there entertained me bravely though to speak truth I had rather have been at that time in some other place with any poor victuals for here I was always in fear by reason of the Enemies continual alarms and the certain news that came to the King the next day after my arrival how the Achems were already marching towards Aaru and would be there within eight days at the farthest which made him in all haste to give directions for such things as he had not taken order for before and to send the women and all that were unfit for War out of the City five or six leagues into the Wood amongst the which the Queen her self made one mounted on an Elephant Five days after my arrival the King sent for me and asked me when I would be gone whereunto I replyed at such time as it would please his Greatness to command me though I should be glad it might be with the soonest for that I was to be employed by my Captain with his Merchandise to China Thou hast reason answered he then taking two Bracelets of massy Gold off from his wrists worth some thirty Crowns I pre-thee now said he giving them to me do not impute it to miserableness that I bestow so little on thee for thou mayst be assured that it hath been always my desire for to have much for to give much withall I must desire thee to present this Letter and this Diamond from me to thy Captain to whom thou shalt say that whatsoever I am further engaged to him in for the pleasure he hath done me by succoring me with those Ammunitions he hath sent me by thee I will bring it to him my self hereafter when I shall be at more liberty then now I am Having taken leave of the King of Aaru I presently imbarqued my self and departed about Sun-set rowing down the River to an Hamlet that is at the entrance thereof composed of ten or eleven houses covered with â—traw This place is inhabited with very poor people that get their living by killing of Lezards of whose livers they make a poyson wherewith they anoint the heads of their arrows For the poyson of this place chiefly that which is called Pocausilim is held by them the best of those Countries because there is no remedy for him that is hurt with it The next day having left this small Village we sailed along the coast with a land wind until evening that we doubled the Islands of Anchepisan then the day and part of the night following we put forth somewhat farther to Sea But about the first watch the wind changed to the North-east for such winds are ordinary about the Isle of Samatra and grew to be so tempestuous that it blew our mast over board tore our sails in pieces and so shattered our Vessel that the water came in that abundance into her at two several places as she sunk incontinently to the bottom so that of eight twenty persons which were in her three and twenty were drowned in less then a quarter of an hour For as five that escaped by the mercy of God we passed the rest of the night upon a Rock where the waves of the Sea had cast us There all that we could do was with tears to lament our sad fortune not knowing what counsel or course to take by reason the Country was so moorish and invironned with so thick a Wood that a bird were she never so little could hardly make way through the branches of it for that the trees grew so close together We sat crouching for the space of three whole days upon this Rock where for all our sustenance we had nothing but Snails and such filth as the â—oam of the Sea produced there After this time which we spent in great misery and pain we walked a whole day along by the Isle of Samatra in the owze up to the girdle-stead and about Sun-set we came to the mouth of a little River some Crossbow-shot broad which we durst not undertake to swim over for that it was deep and we very weak and weary so that we were forced to pass all that night standing up to the chin in the water To this misery was there adjoyned the great affliction which the Flies and Gnats brought us that coming out of the neighboring Woods bit and stung us in such sort as not one of us but was gore blood The next morning as soon as we perceived day which we much desired to see though we had little hope of life I demanded of my four companions all Mariners whether they knew the Country or whether there was any habitation thereabout Whereupon the eldest of them who had a wife at Malaca not able to contain his tears Alas answered he the place that now is most proper for you and me is the house of death where ere it be long we must give an account of our sins it therefore behoves us to prepare our selves for it without any further delay and patiently to attend that which is sent us from the hand of God For my part let me intreat thee to be of a good courage whatsoever thou seest and not be terrified with the fear of dying since every thing well considered it matters not whether it be to day or to morrow This spoken he embraced me and with tears in his eyes desired me to make him a Christian because he beleeved as he said that to be so was sufficient to save his Soul which could not otherwise be done in the cursed sect of Mahomet wherein he had lived till then and for which he craved pardon of God Having finished these last words he remained dead in mine arms for he was so weak as he was not able to subsist any longer as well for that he had not eaten ought in three or four days before as in regard of a great wound the wrack of the Lanchara had given him in his head through which one might see his brains all putrefied and corrupted occasioned both for want of looking unto as by salt water and flies that were gotten into it Verily this accident grieved me very much but for my self I was in little better case for I was likewise so weak that every step I made in the water I was ready to swoon by reason of certain hurts on my head and body out of which I had lost a great
de Faria did with the Captain of the Pyrats Iunk that which past between him and the people of the Country with our casting away upon the Island of Theeves ANtonio de Faria having obtained this Victory in the manner I have related the first thing he did was to see his hurt men drest as that which chiefly imported him then being given to understand that the Pyrat Hinimilau the Captain of the Junk he had taken was one of the sixteen he had saved he commanded him to be brought before him and after he had caused him to be drest of two wounds that he had received he demanded of him what was become of the young Portugals which he held as Slaves Whereunto the Pyrat being mad with rage having answered that he could not tell upon the second demand that was made him with menaces he said that if first they would give him a little water in regard he was so dry as he was not able to speak that then he would consider what answer to make Thereupon having water brought him which he drunk so greedily as he spilt the most part of it without quenching his thirst he desired to have some more given him protesting that if they would let him drink his fill he would oblige himself by the Law of Mahomets Alcoran voluntarily to confess all that they desired to know of him Antonio de Faria having given him as much as he would drink questioned him again about the young Christians whereto he replyed that he should find them in the chamber of the prow thereupon he commanded three Soldiers to go thither and fetch them who had no sooner opened the scuttle to bid them come up but they saw them lie dead in the place with their throats cut which made them cry out Iesus Iesus come hither we beseech you Sir and behold a most lamentable spectacle hereat Antonio de Faria and those that were with him ran thither and beholding those youths lying so oâ—e upon another he could not forbear shedding of tears having caused them then to be brought upon the deck together with a woman and two pretty children about seven or eight years old that had their throats also cut he demanded of the Pyrat why he had used such cruelty to those poor innocents Whereunto he answered that it was because they were Traytors in discovering themselves to those which were such great Enemies to him as the Portugals were and also for that having heard them call upon their Christ for help he desired to see whether he would deliver them as for the two infants there was cause enough to kill them for that they were the childrâ—n of Portugals whom he ever hated with the like extravagancy he answered to many other questions which were propounded to him and that with so much obstinacy as if he had been a very Devil Afterwards being asked whether he were a Christian he answered no but that he had been one at such time as Don Paulo de Gama was Captain of Malaca Whereupon Antonio de Faria demanded of him what moved him since he had been a Christian to forsake the Law of Iesus Christ wherein he was assured of his salvation for to embrace that of the false Prophet Mahomet from whence he could hope for nothing but the loss of his Soul Thereunto he answered that he was induced so to do for that so long as he was a Christian the Portugals had always contemned him whereas before when he was a Gentile they called him Quiay Necoda that is to say Signior Captain but that respect immediately upon his Baptism forsook him which he verily believed did arrive to him by Mahomets express permission to the end it should open his eyes to turn Mahometan as after he did at Bintan where the King of Iantana was in person present at the ceremony and that ever since he had much honored him and that all the Mandarins called him brother in regard of the vow he had made upon the holy Book of Flowers that as long as he lived he would be a sworn Enemy to the Portugals and of all others that profest the Name of Christ for which both the King and the Cacis Moulana had exceedingly coÌ„mended him promising that his Soul should be most blessed if he performed that vow Being likewise demanded how long ago it was since he revolted what Portugal Vessels he had taken how many men he had put to death and what Merchandize he had despoyled them of He answered that it was seven years since he became a Mahometan that the first Vessel he took was Luiso de Pavia's Junk which he surprized in the River of Liampâ—o with four hundred Bars of Pepper only and no other spice whereof having made himself master that he had put to death eighteen Portugals besides their slaves of whom he made no reckoning because they were not such as could satisfie the Oath he had made That after this prize he had taken four ships and in them put to death above an hundred persons amongst whom there was some threescore and ten Portugals and that he thought the Merchandize in them amounted to fifteen or sixteen hundred Bars of Pepper whereof the King of Pan had the better moity for to give him a safe retrait in his Ports and to secure him from the Portugals giving him to that purpose an hundred men with commandment to obey him as their King Being further demanded whether he had not killed any Portugals or lent an hand for the doing thereof he said no but that some two years before being in the River of Choaboquec on the Coast of China a great Junk arrived there with a great many Portugals in her whereof an intimate friend of his named Ruy Lobo was Captain whom Don Estevan de Gama then Governor of the Fortress of Malaca had sent thither in the way of commerce and that upon the sale of his commodities going out of the Port his Junk about five days after took so great a leak as not being able to clear her he was constrained to return towards the same Port from whence he parted but that by ill fortune clapping on all his sails to get the sooner to Land she was overset by the violence of the wind so as all were cast away saving Ruy Lobo seventeen Portugals and some slaves who in their skiff made for the Island of Laman without sail without water or â—ny manner of victual That in this extremity Ruy Lobo relying on the ancient friendship that was between them came with tears in his eyes and pray'd him on his knees to receive him and his into his Junk which was then ready to set sail for Patana whereunto he agreed upon condition that therefore he should give him two thousand duckets for the performance whereof he bound himself by his Oath of a Christian. But that after he had taken them in he was counselled by the Mahometans not to trust unto the friendship of Christians lest he might
so much harmony as we were not a little delighted therewith some also bestowed themselves in making of curious Needle-works and Gold-strings some in other things whilest their companions gathered fruit to eat and all this was done so quietly and with such order and good behavior as made us admire it At our going out of this Garden where the Monvagaruu would needs have the Embassador to stay awhile that he might there observe something worthy to entertain his King with at his return to Pegu we went into a very great Antichamber where many Commanders and Lords were sitting as also some great Princes who received the Embassador with new ceremonies and complements and yet not one of them stirred from his place Through this Antichamber we came to a door where there were six Gentlemen Ushers with Silver Maces by which we entered into another room very richly furnished in this was the Calaminhan seated on a most majestical Throne encompassed with three rows of Ballisters of Silver At the foot of the degrees of his Throne sat twelve women that were exceeding beautiful and most richly apparelled playing on divers sorts of Instruments whereunto they accorded their voyces On the top of the Throne and not far from his person were twelve young Damsels about nine or ten years old all of them on their knees round about him and carrying Maces of Gold in the fashion of Scepters amongst them there was also another that stood on her feet and fanned him Below all along the whole length of the room were a great many of old men wearing Myters of Gold on their heads and long Robes of Sattin and Damask curiously embroidered every one having Silver Maces on their shoulders and ranked in order on either side against the walls Over all the rest of the room were sitting upon rich Persian Carpets about two hundred young Ladies as we could guess that were wonderful fair and exceeding well favored Thus did this room both for the marvelous structure of it and for the excellent order that was observed therein represent so great and extraordinary a Majesty as we heard the Embassador say afterwards talking of it that if God would grant him the grace to return to Pegu he would never speak of it to the King as well for fear of grieving him as of being taken for a man that reports things which seem altogether incredible As soon as the Embassador was entâ—red into the room where the Calaminhan was accompanyed with the four Princes that conducted him he prostrated himself five times on the ground without so much as daring to behold the Calaminhan in sign of the great respect he carryed towards him which the Monvagaruu perceiving willed him to advance forward so that being arrived neer to the first degree of his Throne with his face still bending downward he said to the Calaminhan with so loud a voyce as every one might hear him The Clouds of the Ayr which recreate the fruits whereof we eat have published over the whole Monarchy of the World the great Majesty of thy Power which hath caused my King desiring to be honored with thy amity as with a rich pearl to send me for that purpose and to tell thee from him that thou shalt much oblige him if thou pleasest to accept of him for thy true Brother with the honorable obedience which he will always render to thee as to him that is the elder as thou art And for that end it is that he sends thee this Letter which is the jewel of all his treasure that he prizes most and wherein his eyes take mâ—re pleasure for the honor and contentment they receive by it then in being Lord of the Kings of Avaa and of all the precious stone of the mountain of Falent of Jatir and Pontau Hereunto the Calaminhan made him this answer following and that with a grave and severe countenance For my part I accept of this new amity thereby to give full satisfaction to thy King as to a son newly born of my intrals Then began the women to play on Instruments of Musick and six of them danced with little children for the space of three or four credoâ—s After that other six little girls danced with six of the oldest men that were in the room which seemed to us a very pretty fantasticalness This dance ended there was a very fine Comedy represented by twelve Ladies exceeding beautiful and gorgeously attired wherein appeared on the Stage a great Sea-monster holding in his mouth the daughter of a King whom the fish swallowed up before them all which the twelve Ladies seeing went in all haste weeping to an Hermitage that was at the foot of a Mountain from whence they returned with an Hermit who made earnest supplications to Quiay Patureu God of the Sea that he would bring this Monster to the shore so as they might come to bury the Damsel according to her quality The Hermit was answered by Quiay Patureu That the twelve Ladies should change their lamentations and complaints into so many consorts of musick that were agreeable to his ears and he would then command the Sea to cast the fish upon the strand to be done withall as they thought good whereupon comes on the Stage six little Boys with wings and crowns of Gold upon their heads in the same manner as we use to paint Angels and naked all over who falling on their knees before the Ladies presented them with three Harps and three Viols saying that Quiay Patureu sâ—nt them these Instruments from the Heaven of the Moon therewith to cast the Monster of the Sea into a sleep that so they might have their desire on him whereupon the twelve Ladies took them out of the hands of the little Boys and began to play upon them tuning them unto their voyces with so lamentable and sad a tone and such abundance of tears that it drew some from the eyes of divers Lords that were in the room Having continued their musick about half a quarter of an hour they saw the Monster coming out of the Sea and by little and little as it were astonished making to the shore where these fair Musicians were all which was performed so properly and to the liâ—e that the Assistants could hardly imagine it to be a Fable and a matter devised for pleasure but a very truth besides the Scean was set forth with a world of state and riches Then one of the twelve Ladies drawing out a Poignard all set with precious stones which she wore by her side ripped up the fish and out of the belly of it drew the Infanta alive which presently went and danced to the tune of their Instruments and so went and kissed the Calaminhans hand who received her very graciously and made her sit down by him It was said that this young Lady was his Niepce the Daughter of a Brother of his as for the other twelve they were all the Daughters of Princes and of the greatest Lords of
the Country whose Fathers and Brothers were there present There were also three or four Comedies more like this acted by other young Ladies of great quality and set forth with so much pomp and magnificence as more could not be desired About evening the Calaminhan retired into another room accompanyed with women onely for all the rest they went along with the Monvagaruu who took the Embassador by the hand and led him back to the outermost room of all where with many complements after their manner he took his leave of him and so committed him to the Queitor who straightway caâ—ryed him to his House where he lodged all the while that he was there being two and thirty days during which time he was feasted by the principal Lords of the Court in a splendid and sumptuous manner and continually entertained with several sports of fishing hunting hawking and other such like recreations As for us Portugals we took a singular content in observing over all the City and about it the excellent structure of very sumptuous and magnificent edifices of statâ—ly Pagodes or Temples and of houses adorned with goodly workmanship and of inestimable value Now amongst all these Buildings there was not in the whâ—le City a more majestical one then that which was dedicated to Quiay Pimpocau who is The God of the Sick In it serve continually a number of Priests apparelled in grey Gowns who being of greater knowledg then all the rest of the four and twenty Sects of this Empire do distinguish themselves from the others by certain yellow strings which serve them for girdles they are also by the vulgar people in a soveraign degree of honor called ordinarily Perfect men The Embassador himself went five times to their Temple as well to see very marvelous things as to hear the doctrine of those that preached there of which and of all that concerns the extravagancies of their Religion he brought a great volume to the King of Bramaa which was so pleasing to him as he afterward commanded the said Doctrine to be preached in all the Temples of that Kingdom which is to this day exactly observed in all his states Of this Book I brought a Translation into the Kingdom of Portugal which a Florentine borrowed of me and when I asked him for it again he told me that it was lost but I found afterward that he had carryed it to Florence and presented it to the Duke of Tuscany who commanded it to be printed under this Title The new Belief of the Pagans of the other end of the World Upon a day as the Embassador was talking in this Pagode with one of the Grepos who professed much kindness unto him for indeed they are all of a good nature easie of access and communicating themselves to strangers freely enough he demanded of him how long it was since the Creation of the World or whether those things had a beginning which God doth shew so clearly to our eyes such as the Night the Day the Sun the Moon the Stars and other Creatures that have neither Father nor Mother and of whom no reason can be rendered in Nature how they began The Grepâ— relying more on his own knowledg then on the others that were about him made this answer to his Question Nature said he had no other Creation but that which proceeded from the Will of the Creator who in a certain time determined in his divine Counsel manifested it to the Inhabitants of Heaven created before by his soveraign power and according to that which is written thereof it was fourscore and two thousand Moons since the Earth was discovered from under the Waters when as God created therein a very fair Garden where he placed the first man whom he named Adaa together with his wife Bazagon them he expresly commanded for to reduce thâ—m under the yoke of obedience that they should not touch a certain fruit of a tree called Hilâ—forâ—n for that he reserved the same for himself and in case they came to eat thereof they should for a chastisement of their fault prove the rigor of his Iustice whereof they and their descendants should feel the dire effects This being known to the great Lupantoo who is the gluttonous Serpent of the profound House of Smoke and perceiving how by this commandment God would for mans obedience on Earth give him Heaven for a reward he went to Adaas wife and bid her eat of that fruit and that she should also make her Husband eat thereof for he assured her that in so doing they should both of them be more excellent in knowledg then all other creatures and free from that heavy nature wherâ—â—f he had composed them so that in a moment their bodies should mount to Heaven Then Bazagon hearing what Lupantoo had said unto her was so taken with a desire of enjoying that excellent prerogative of knowledg which he promised her 〈◊〉 to attain thereunto she eat of the fruit and made her Husband likewise to eat of it whence it insued that they were both of them by that unhappy morsel subjected to the pains of death of sorrow and of poverty For God seeing the disobedience of these two first creatures made them feel the â—igor of his Iustice by chasing them out of the Garden where he had placed them and confirming the punishments upon them wherewith he had threatened them before Wherefore Adaâ— fearing lest the divine Iustice should proceed further against him gave himself up for a long time to continual tears whereupon God sent him word that if he continued in his repentance he would forgive him his sin Whilest the Grepo was speaking thus the Embassador wondering at his discourse which was a great novelty to him Certainly said he unto him I am well assured that the King my Master hath never heard the like of this from the Priests of our Temples for they in recompence of our works propound no other thing unto us but the possession of riches in this life for as they say there is no guerdon after death and that we must finish our lives aâ— all the beasts of the field do except the Cows which for a reward of the milk they have given us are converted into other Sea-cows of the apples of whose eyes are pearls ingendred At these words the Grepo puffed up with vanity for that which he had said to the Embassador Think not answered he unto him that there is any one in all this Country can let thee understand so much as I have done unless it be one Grepo who is as learned as my self With this â—ume of presumption he chanced to cast his eye on us Portugalâ— that were behind the Embassador and as the Minister of the Devil believing that we esteemed him as much as he did himself Verily said he unto us I should be glad that you who as strangers have no knowledg of this truth would come more often to hear me for to understand how God hath created all