Seleâ—cida was in great disorder 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 FroÌ„ this Arsaces the Parthian kingdome continued to Artabanus who raigning in Alexander Seuerus time was then destroied by Artaxerxes a Persian so the Empire of those Eastern cuntreyes vnited againe to the crowne of Persia Herodianus lib. 6. Vologeses or Vologesus for f 4. Hist p. 180. gratiae Vologeso acta both waies we finde it writen the Grecians call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was at this time king of Parthia sonne to Vonones that died in Claudius time Anno vrb con 802 and brother to Pacorus king of Media and Tiridates by Nero crowned king of Armenia 47. The fees of vacations Vacationes Id est pretia vacationuÌ„ for so he tearmeth them 1 An. p. 233. Mox indiscretis vocibus pretia vacationuÌ„ incusat now vacationuÌ„ of what muneruÌ„ for so Tacitus speaketh in another place hinc vacationes muneruÌ„ redimi So that vacationes in this place and againe p. 43 is as much as pretia vacationuÌ„ munerum for the commoÌ„ soldier by the strictnesse of ancient discipline was tyed and bound to many seruile miniâ—eries in the campe by a 1. Annal. Tacitus called munera as is afore saied and by b lib. 2. cap. 19. Vegetius muâ—a as to bring in wood straw hay water c. Being negligent or failing in execution â—herof they were cudgelled and whipped by the Centurions Tac. 1. Ann. Fracta vite in â—rgo militis alteram clara voce ac rursus aliaÌ„ poscebat centurio Lucillius whereupoÌ„ in al muâ—nees the Centurions were the meÌ„ principally shot at by the coÌ„moÌ„ soldier In the Gerâ—an sedition at the entring of Tiberius they muttered first among theÌ„selues venisse temâ—us quo cuncti modum miseriaruÌ„ exposcerent saeuitiamque centurionum vlciscerentur straight â—fter put it in execution against theÌ„ Repentè lymphati districtis gladijs in centuriones inuaduÌ„t â—a vetustissima militaribus odijs materies saeuiendi principiuÌ„ prostratos verberibus multant sexâ—genis singulos vt numeruÌ„ centurionuÌ„ adaequarent Tum coÌ„uulsos laniatosque partim exanimos â—nte valluÌ„ aut in amnem Rhenum proticiunt Now the welthy soldier and those which had meanes redeemed bought out for money this seruice at the Centurions haÌ„ds So the â—oldiers in Pannony complaine c pag. 225. Denis in diem assibus animaÌ„ corpus aestimari hinc veâ—eÌ„ arma tentoria hinc saeuitiaÌ„ centurionuÌ„ vacationes muneruÌ„ redimi the German d pag. 233. mox â—ndiscretis vocibus pretia vacationuÌ„ angustias stipendij duritiaÌ„ operuÌ„ ac propriis nominibus incuâ—ant vallum fossas pabuli materiae lignoruÌ„ adgestus siqua alia ex necessitate aut aduersus otiuÌ„â—astrorum quaeruÌ„tur That theÌ„ which here they demaÌ„ded was that for purchasing immunity froÌ„ these munera they should not be forced to pay any money to the Centurions 48. His owne cofers Ex Fisco suo Fisci spartea sunt vtensilia ad maioris summae pecunias capiendas Asconius so Tully vseth the worde in VerreÌ„ Fiscos coÌ„plures cuÌ„ pecunia Siciliensi a quodaÌ„ senatore ad equiteÌ„ RomanuÌ„ esse translatos And in the same sense we reade it in Tac. â— e pag. 234. An. cum fisci de imperatore rapti inter signa interque Aquilas veherentur in Suet. f cap. 18. Claudio positis ante se cum pecunia fiscis c. WhereupoÌ„ quia maior summa est pecuniae publicaeque priuatae vt pro censu priuato loculos arcaÌ„ facellos dicimus sic pro publico thesauro aerarij dicitur fiscus saieth Asconius applying the names of fiscus aerariuÌ„ both to one thing as Tully doeth Verrinâ 3. Quaternos H. S. quos mihi senatus decreuit ex aerario dedit ego habebo in cistam transferam ex fisco But after the diuision of the Empire made by Augustus in publicas principis prouincias the wordes were no more indifferently vsed Fiscus being appropriated to signifie the Princes treasure and Acrarium the publicke a difference notwithstanding more of names then of substaÌ„ce 1 That is In name the publicke treasure was seuered froÌ„ Augustus exchequer but in trueth that also was spent at his disposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio. l. 53. p. 343. 49 Being a freedmaÌ„ Ingenui were coÌ„moÌ„ly murdred priuily serui or libertini generis publickly executed Such also was Asiaticê° end that caried the credit with Vitelliê° as soone as VespasiaÌ„ came in Tac. 4. Hist Asiaticus vt libertus malaÌ„ potentiaÌ„ seruili supplicio expiauit 50. The Citty-Praetor calleth the Senate For both the Consuls were slaine In which case or otherwise in their absence ius vocandi senatuÌ„ belonged to the Praetor vrbanus Cic. lib. ad familiares g ep 12. 10. Paulo post idem mihi Munatius eas literas legendas dedit quas ipsi miseras eas quas publicè Placuit nobis vt statim ad Cornutum praetorem vrb literas deferremus quique Coss aberant consulare munus sustinebat more maiorum Senatus â—st continuò conuocatus 51. With al other princely prerogatiues The principall titles vsually annexed to the Princes place were these 1 Princeps 2 Imperator 3 Caesar 4 Augustus 5 Tribunitiae potestatis 6 Pater patriae 7 Pontifex maximus Tac. 1. Ann. Augustus cuncta descordijs ciuilibus fessa nomine 1 Principis sub imperiuÌ„ accepit which title of Princeps as I thinke was borrowed froÌ„ princeps senatê° in the former state 2 That is In that yeare Augustus tooke to himselfe the name of Imperator I meane noâ— that name which in ancient time was giuen to certaine persons vpon some notable victory but this other signifying soueraigne power and maiestie Imperator hath a double significatioÌ„ both touched by Dio. l. 52. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And not only this later which begaÌ„ first in Iulius Caesar A. v. c. 709. importing soueraine maiesty but also the other was vsuall vnder the Emperours both in the Princes stile conferred likewise vpoÌ„ priuate persoÌ„s that had deserued it Tac. 3. h pag. 330. An. Tiberiê° id quoque Bloeso tribuit vt imperator a legionibus salutaretur prisco erga duces honore qui bene gesta rep gaudio impetu victoris exercitus conclamabantur erantque plures simul imperatores nec super caeterorum aequalitatem concessit quibusdam Augustus id vocabuluÌ„ ac tuÌ„c Tiberius Bloeso postremuÌ„ In the princes stile thus Imp Caesar Augustus Imp. decimuÌ„ sextuÌ„ Imperator in the first place signifying supreme autority in the secoÌ„d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obtained either by himselfe or by his deputies So Nero remaining at Rome ob rem bene gestam a Corbulone in Armenia Hist p. 171. Nihil aequè exercitus nostros quà m egestas copiarum fatigabat and so it is taken in this booke p. 46. Priuatis promiscuis copijs iuuere militem 58. That in
three Legions nexâ— neighbour to Vindex only of a meane geÌ„tlemans house In lowe Germany Fâ—eius Capito with fower Legions Clodius Macer in Africke with a compeâ—nt army neither of them likely to repaire that which Nero had ruined Thâ—re remained then in armes Seruius Sulpitius Galba a man of great wealtâ— ancient nobilitie who had beene eight yeares Lieutenant in nearer Spaâ—ne to the reasonable conteÌ„tment of the cuÌ„trey with an host of one LegioÌ„ â—e Aides belonging thereto Vpon him Vindex finally resoluing dispatcheth â—â—to Spaine other cuntreies adioining secrete letters declaring his purposâ—â—o the LieutenaÌ„ts Galba in whom age had abated the heate of ambition expâ—rience and dangerous times engendred a vvarie and fearefull proceeding â—ought as then vpon nothing lesse then diademes and kingdomes hauing gâ—â—en himselfe ouer for certaine yeares past to an idle and obscure kinde of â—ife sequestred as it were and retired from affaires for feare of Nerâ— vnder vvhom to doe ill vvas not alwaies safe alwaies vnsafe to doe â—ell and of doing nothing no man constrained to yeelde an account Whereupon the letters arriuing he stoode much amazed diuided in minde what course hâ—e should follow to trust them peraduenture it was but a traine to disclose â—hem and sende them to Nero that were indeede to put in his head an eternal ielosie himselfe into a needlesse peril perhaps also there might be good meaning VVhereupon in so doubtfull a case the extremes seeming dangerâ—us he tooke the meane way suppressing the letters and not entring into the â—ause any further reseruing to gouerne himselfe in the rest as euents and â—ccurrents should leade and direst him The other Lieutenants sent all their letters to Nero betraying Vindex betraying the cause whereof themselues none were partakers Now Vindex certaine daies after the â—alends of March though not fullie assured yet hoping well of Galbaes intâ—â—t and presuming good lucke to so good a meaning assembled them of his proâ—â—nce such chieflie as were chiefe in their cuntrey for credit and chiefly had bene touched in goods or in honour To whom recounting in order the tyrannis of Nero namelie his paring of “ Gallia France to the quicke to the vtter destrucâ—ion of so many men the vniuersal decay of so goodlie a cuntrey he exhorteth hem all to take armes to succour themselues to succour the Romans and to free the whole world from so heauie a yoke Or if which the gods forbid in so â—ood a cause yet let vs quoth he sell him our liues in the fielde with honour seeing vvee cannot possesse them with safetie For another Prince our brokâ—n state and age voide of vertue not bearing a free common wealth wee haâ—e here at hande a man of great birth great wealth and great forces one tâ—at hath made honourable proofe of himselfe at home and abroad in al respâ—cts worthy the place Galba Lieutenant of “ Hispania Tarâ—â—â—onensis Arragon Jf you like of the ma there remaineth then onely wee muster the cuntrey to the most that wee mâ—y vvithout vvhose swordes all talke of vvarre is but vaine and this perâ—icious His demands being all accorded by common consent he leuieth a â—ower many men fewe soldiers taken vp on the sodaine not disciplined â—ot trained to the order of seruice he publisheth edicts diffaming the person gouernment of Nero. Then causing Galba to be proclaimed he writes hâ—â— a letter now or els neuer to declare himselfe in fauour of mankind agaiâ—st that monster of nature to furnish the bodie of an hundreth thousand Frenâ—h men in armes and more if neede were of a head The Sequani Aedui Aruerni Remi and the flowre in a maner of France were all of the party conferring men horse armour money and what els was requisite for serâ—ice in fielde Rufâ—nus Flauius Asiaticus with others were appointed captâ—ines Vienna seate of the warre whose next neighbours ancient enemiâ—s the Lugdunenses banded themselues against them the cause or the caâ—se for their sakes Many conflicts betweene them skirmishes during the warre so thicke and so hoatly pursued that one might perceaue much priuate choler passe vnder the shadow of publicke pretences The Lingones likewise and Treueri and some other citties forsaking their fellowes lincked themselues with the Legions confining Three Legions as before it is saied vvith their Aides Verginius had in his charge who seeing all France on a fire and that now of force he must either rebell vvith the rest or warre vvith the rebels for so they vvere stiled till they preuailed in priuate beholder for publicke respects misliking of Nero no admirer of Galba vvith Vindex proceeding highly displeased the example beeing vnseene that a prouinâ—e should be a Princemaker thus vnresolued resoluing this onely that he would not be resolued by others determined to stande on his garde and gatherâ—d his men about him in hast valiant soldiers and expert in seruice and likely to sway vvhere they vvent Of the other side the Lieutenâ—nt of Aquitania against the troubles of France requested the assistance of Galba his neighbour who then at new Carthage kept a law day but amne hee perceiued how that hee had taken a wrong adresse For Galba receiuing the letters of Vindex and being aduertised that vvarrant vvas out fâ—r his death to the Procuratours had debated the matter afresh vvith his fâ—endes Some vnwilling to plaie their state at a cast wisht him to staie atâ—ende to vvhat head the humours in Rome new stirred vvould gather as for the Procuratours they might be preuented and vvarned is halfe armed To Titus Vinius then Lieutenant of the Legion and anone chiefe in fauour vvith Galba that course seemed vnsafe Armed indeede quoth heâ— for a vvhile against a Procuratour or two nay put case vvee could hang vp these few in our places shal vvee liue doe you thinke for lacke of a hangman giue vs armes against Nero then vvee are armed But perhaps sith nothing is past on our part he maie be perswaded to call in his sentencâ— againe Euen good Princes are ielous of soueraine points and that string being touched haue a quicke eare They haue bought it ful deere vvhich igâ—orantlie haue sat in their chaire of estate that haue worne their diademe to keepe it from wetting or vpon like occasion Germanicus as some here maâ— remember because one or two in the armie had onelie a purpose to salute hâ—m Prince was neuer well brooked till by his owne death he had paied the prâ—ce of other mens rashnesse Corbulo euen that Corbulo which had quieted â—ermanie subdued Armenia broken the ParthiaÌ„ spirits brought Arsaces â—ne on his knees before Nero after he had so highlie deserued at his handes iâ— cost him his life that some men in secrete thought him a man fit to succeede Wee are as they saie openly proclaimed we haue an armie in field shall he then repent it that neuer repented but when he did well Let him looke that list for
succours from Rome vvhere libertie is lost fit men to free others Galba and Vindex their swordes and their armies must purchase our freedome This opinion preuailing as possible to prooue but of force to be followed a daie was appointed by Galba therein to dispatch the freeing of slaues The cuntrey came in at the daie suspecting the matter apt to receiue anie new impression And Galba hauing placed of purpose before his Tribunall a manie of images of great personages executed or banisht in Neroes time and fetched from exile a young nobleman out of the next ilands to stande by his seate his armie about him spake in this vvise My fellow soldiers and frendes we are at this present assembled to enfranchise our bondmen to bestowe vpon others that great benefit of libertie and freedome which wee our selues whom both nature and fortune hath freed this long time haue smallie enioâ—ed The life J haue led hitherto vvill sufficientlie discharge me from anie aspiring conceite and mine owne conscience beareth me witnes that I speake not vpoÌ„ anie malice or priuate respects It greeues mee to say but it helpes not to â—ide that which euerie man seeth hath euer bondman vnder a cruell masteâ— passed a yeare of harder seruice then we haue done fourteene vnder Nero â—hat kind of exaction hath he not proued to supply with extortion that which with shame he hath spent what kinde of cruelty hath he not practised if wee should conceale or seeke to suppresse it these dumbe stones would declare â—hem Beholde poisoned his father and brother abused slaine his owne mother murdered his wife his master what els soeuer valiant or vertuous in Senate in city in prouince without anie difference of sex or of age I neede not to speake of the sorrowful sighes bitter teares of so many young gentlemen bereft of their fathers so manie wiues robbed of their husbands so many gâ—eat men depriued of their cuntrey which crie vengeaÌ„ce vpon such a Prince 〈◊〉 Prince nay an incendiarie a singer a fidler a stageplaier a cart driuer a â—rier no Prince nay no man that hath a man to his husband a man to his wife but a monster of mankinde against whom what Vindex in France hâ—th already intended I am sure you doe know I for my part am most sory 〈◊〉 heare The whole course of my former life hath bene otherwise remoued from ambitioÌ„ in court from aiming too high this little that remaines of my dâ—ies I could hartilie wish were spent in more ease But sith I know not by whâ—â— my misfortune some haue imposed vpon me a part which I neuer ment to sâ—staine least of al at this age I will not refuse if you also approue it to sacrifice this olde carcase of mine for the wealth of my cuntrey not as Emperor 〈◊〉 Augustus which sacred names I adore a far of not daring to approch theÌ„ â—â—t as The speech was not finished when the soldiers people with one câ—mon voice interrupting saluted him Emperour Galba commending their zeale to the good of the Empire and accepting the substance refused the name tearming himselfe Lieutenant of the Senate and people of Rome Next care was to muster more men to make good the reuolt the cuntrey vvas prest and souldiers came in of all handes new Legions and Aydes vvere enrolled and to helpe at a neede a shippe of Alexandria laden with armor without master without mariner without passenger arriued at the port which accident besides that the wrecke came in in good season increast to the cause reputation as though against Nero the gods had furnished weapons from heauen Then he ordeined a counsell in forme of a Senate elected out of the chiefest and grauest men of his traine and a garde of young gentlemen to watch and warde at his lodging he publisheth edicts sendes them abroade to euery prouince exhorting them all to take armes concurre in common against the common enemie Many reuolted froÌ„ Nero came to the side M. Saluius Otho with the first then Lieutenant of “ Lusitania Portingall bringing his iewels plate which Galba made into money Jn high Germanie the soldiers considering the weakenesse of Nero that France had alreadie rebelled that Spaine made a Prince that the rest of the cuntreies were likelie to follow if not all for the same yet all against Nero viewing their owne forces and strength now vnited which before lay dispersed in troupes and in bandes strangers to Galba and greatly disdaining that one simple Legion should impose them a Prince finallie concluded to make it their benefite and bestowe the Empire themselues A fit man they needed not seeke farre off Verginius Rufus the Lieutenant though of a gentlemans house and no higher in strength of bodie matters of action and all other things excelled Galba in birth what if Galba were better Catulus the toppe of his kinne fled dishonourablie awaie in the Cimbrian vvarre vvhere Marius baselier borne then Verginius worthilie stucke to it and saued the state Hereupon they goe and breake downe tumultuously the images of Nero salute Verginius Prince inscribing his name in the banners Verginius seeing the matter growe to a tumult and being vnable to resist their violence shewed to yeeld in some degree against Nero but not for himselfe much lesse any other named abroade For his part hee saied he had no neede of the place which all men beside so greatly desired nor was not to suffer but such as by order of Senate should be appointed that they were the men to whom that election belonged whose right hee would surelie maintaine against vvhomsoeuer The soldiers being in part thus appeased he commandes the inscription to be defaced and with his vvhole armie entreth France pretending to warre against Vindex The citty of Bezanson which first refused to receiue him he straightway beseegeth Vindex to succour the towne and leuie the siege or bid him battaile if it might be no better with twenty thousand men commeth against him Lying encamped not farre asunder there passed letters betweene them whereupon they secretely met and conferred togither none els being present of neither side Their conclusion was frendly doubtlesse to ioine against Nero some thought to set downe Galba also and it was not vnlikelie Thus departing as frendes ech to his campe Vindex secure as in a quarrell alreadie composed and nothing attending lesse then the shocke meaning to enter the towne and repose his armie with all his men made towards the gates The souldiers of Germanie lying at the walles and perceiuing the armie approche marching as it seemed directly vpon them not priuy to their Generals purpose or not willing to loose so faire an occasion ranne out without bidding and falling vpon them at vnawares and in disarray not able on a sodaine to remedie the errour as men newly trained and vnexpert in warre slew them al in a maner and spoiled the cariage Vindex seeing the vnluckie successe of this
Italie chusing them out as the most special men whereupon they remained long faithfull to Nero and were great fauourers of Othoes proceedings But these Legions the more strength and forces they caried with them the more confident they were and consequently the slower in comming forward the e Perchaunce meaning of the two thousand mentioned before perchance rather of other beside Auxiliary cohorts and wings came before the corps of the Legions followed after Moreouer the city it selfe furnished good store of soldiers fiue Paetorian cohortes and certaine cornets of horesemen the first Legion beside two thousand “ Gladiatores fencers a base supply but in f Pompey in the ciuil warre against Caesar intended the like but being aduised by his friends vsed them not Caesar de bello ciuili lib. 3. ca. 4 ciuill warres vsed euen by seuere commanders Annius Gallus with g Of Vestricius Spurinna see Pliny li. 4. ep 1. 10. 2. ep 7. Vestricius Spurinna were appointed to leade this power and sent before hand to put themselues in possession of the h Howsoeuer it was in the determinatiō in the execution we finde none garding the riuer but the gladiatores banckes of the Po because their first determination had failed seing Caecina had already passed the Alpes whom they hoped might haue been kept within Gallia Vpō Othoes person a choice company of “ Spiculatores spearmen attēded accōpanied with the rest of the Praetorian cohorts and the old soldiers of the Garde beside an excessiue number of those which had serued at sea His vyage was with diligence and speed as appertained not wastfully spent in riot and pleasures himselfe with his iron brigandine marching before the enseignes on foote not decked not trimmed but soldier like vnlike the name that went of him V The actions of Othoes fleete NOW fortune seemed to smile vpon Otho and fauour his proceedings for the greater part of Italie by reason of his nauy at sea was possessed in his name euē to the entry of the * Alpes maritimae sea-Alpes of the Tungrian cohorts hauing long maintained the skirmish were forced at length to yeeld vp their liues euen to Othoes men the victory cost bloud of whome diuerse vnaduisedly following were intercepted by the horsemen turning vpon them And so as if a mutuall suspension of armes had beene concluded vpon with couenant on the one side that the fleet on the other that the horsemen should not attempt any sodaine inuasion the Vitellianists retired to Antipolis a freetowne of Gallia Narbonensis the Othonians to Albingaunum a colonie of Liguria interior VII The estate of Corsica and Sardinia and the rest of the ilandes thereabout THE reputation of Othoes victorious fleete easily held Corsica Sardinia and the rest of the ilandes thereabout in Othoes obedience But Corsica almost was ruined by the rashnes of Decimus Pacarius the Procurator who entred into an action which in so great a preparation for warre could nothing auaile to effecting the principall purpose yet serued well inough to worke his destruction For vpon hatred against Otho he determined with the strength of the ilande to aide Vitellius an aide vaine and to no purpose euen if it had succeeded Whereupō calling the principal men of the ilande hee declareth his meaning and commaundeth Claudius Phirrhicus master of the galleyes there and Quinctius Certus a gentleman of Rome to bee slaine who opposed themselues against his proceedings by the death of whome the rest that were present beeing terrefied sware allegeaunce to Vitellius and consequently the inferiour sorte partly vppon ignoraunce and partly to beare them company which did it for feare But whenas Pacarius began to take muster to tire those rude people in training and other militare duties they waxing weary of that vnwonted labour fell to recount their own weakenesse that it was but an ilande which they inhabited that Germanie and the Legionary power was far of and that euen they were wasted and spoiled by the fleete whom both cohorts and winges did protect whereupon their minds sodainly fel away and so they conspired against him not by way of open rebelliō but by priuy attēpt against his person for which purpose chusing out a fit opportunity as hee was in the bath naked without helpe the multitude that followed him being departed away they slew him and his company and caried the heads of them as of traitours to Otho by whō notwithstanding they were not rewarded as also not punished by Vitellius in so great confusion and disorder of the state passing among greater crimes and shadowed with other more hainous offences VIII Certaine small actions of the Syllan wing in Italie before Caecinaes entrie NOw the Syllan wing as before we haue shewed had opened the passage into Italie and drawen the warre ouer the mountaines the countrey fauouring not Otho neither yet vpon any speciall fancy to Vitellius but as men whom long peace had broken to all kind of slauery they were easily possessed by the first cōmer and not curious to side with the better The whole countrey and cities lying betweene the Po and the Alpes the most florishing part of al Italie was helde by Vitellius soldiers for the a 1. Hist p. 48. quia praesidio alae vnius latissima pars Italiae defendi nequibat praemissae Gallorum Lusitanorum Britannorumque cohortes Germanorum vexilla cohorts which Caecina had sent before him were now already come in At Cremona a cohort of Pannonians was taken betweene Placentia and Ticinum an hundreth horse intercepted and a thousand sea-souldiers by which successe Vitellius men beeing animated could now not be stopped by bancke nor by riuer Moreouer the inhabitants of Batauia beyonde the Rhene were enflamed the more euen by the verie b Disdayning that the Po should stay them who were accustomed to swimme horse and man ouer the great riuer of Rhene and others at home in their countrey Tac. 4. Hist p. 158. Batavi praecipuo nandi studio arma equosue retinentes integris turmis Rhenum perrumpere sight of the Po which they passed ouer against Placentia and taking some of the enemies spyes so terrefied the rest that beeing afraide they falsely reported Caecina was come with his whole armie Spurinna who then was within Placentia certainely knewe that Caecina was not yet come and if he did come was certainly resolued to keepe his men within their defences and not to hazard three Praetorian cohortes and a thousand Vexillaries with a few horse against an army of olde and approued warriers but c Plutarch writeth that the souldiers had almost slaine Spurinna but spared no maner of rayling and contumelious speech calling him traytour and a manifest marrer of his Princes affaires some also being drunke went in the night to his pauilion demāding to furnish thē with money for their iourney which they mēt to vndertake to the Prince at Brixellum to preferie accusation
and retireth himselfe to Brixellum THE forces of Caecina and Valens being ioyned together the Vitellianists refused not any longer to end the cause in a maine battell Otho proposed the matter in councell whether way were more expedient to prolong the warre or els to put it by and by to the fortune of a fielde Then Suetonius Paullinus esteemed the most experte man of that age in militare affayres supposing it agreeable to his fame renowne to discourse of the whole maner of proceeding in this warre stoode vp declared his opinion to bee that making of haste was profitable for the enemy and delaying for them that al the host of Vitellius was come certaine small forces remaining behinde which could not conueniently be remoued from the banke of the Rhene for feare of inuasion of those fierce nations especially Fraunce standing also in some tearmes of rebellion the souldier in Britannie had his hands full of the enemy there and was also stopped by the sea that Spaine had no great store of souldiers the prouince of Narbon was frighted by reason of the late inuasion by sea and the ouerthrow which they receiued and that portion of Italie beyonde the Po now in the possession of the enemy was wasted with the passage of their army and hauing no helpe by sea and by lande shut in with the Alpes could not be relieued from abroad so that they could no-where haue corne for their men and an host without prouision could not bee entertained Nowe the Germans which of all the enemies were most terrible hauing foggy and waterish bodies would not if the warre were prolonged to the sommer be able to endure the change of the soile and the avre that many armies whose fury at the first rush could not be resisted by delayes wearying out were brought vnto nothing Contrariwise they had all thinges themselues well stoared and well assured vnto them Pannonia Moesia Dalmatia the Easte with their armies whole and vntouched Italie and Rome the queene of the world the Senate and people titles neuer darkened though sometimes ouershadowed wealth priuate and publicke and infinite masses of money which in ciuill dissensions is of greater force then the sworde the bodies of their souldiers were accustomed to Italie or to other hoat countreys the riuer of Po lay a Not at Bebriacum where the consultation was holden but he meaneth if they should as he wished retire with their power in Cispadanam and there stand vpon their defence before them as a defence their cities were safely manned walled by the holding out of Placentia it was cleere to be seene that none through distresse or despaire woulde yeelde to the enemy and therefore in his opinion he was to protract the warre That within fewe daies the fourteenth Legion would bee come a Legion of great reputation with the forces of Moesia then might he deliberate againe and if it were liked to hazarde the battell fight with more power and greater aduantage Marius Celsus approued the opinion of Paullinus and certaine which were sent to Annius Gallus who was hurte with a fall of his horse a few daies before to demaunde his aduise brought woorde that hee also was of the same iudgement But Otho was willing to bring it to a battell his brother Titianus and Proculus captaine of the Gard hastening vpon ignoraunce and lacke of skill protested that fortune and all the gods with the godhead of Otho fauoured the counsailes and woulde without question prosper the enterprise descending to this grosse kinde of flattery lest any shoulde dare to crosse their opinion After they had concluded to fight a new doubt arose whether it were better that the Emperour shoulde withdrawe himselfe or else be present in the fielde in person the selfesame men taking also herein a wrong course without any more opposition of Paullinus and Celsus lest they should seeme to hazard their Prince too venturously persuaded him to retire to Brixellum and so being exempt from the doubtful euentes of the field to reserue himselfe for the maine chance of the state That day was the beginning of ruine to Othoes side For with him a valiant companie of Praetorian cohorts of “ Spiculatores spearemen and horse departed away and the rest which remained behinde were quite out of harte as hauing no confidence in their Generals and Otho whom only the souldiers trusted because he trusted none els but the souldiers had not perfitely setled the Generals in their charges but left their autorities at large and vncertaine XIIII A skirmish betweene the Vitellianists and Macer with his fencers vpon the Po. ALL that was saide or done was caried by by to the Vitellian side fugitiues swarming as in ciuill warres and the spyes vpon desire to search out discouer other mens counsailes disclosing their own Caecina and Valens lay still quietly attending while the enemy should by his own rashnesse miscary meaning in liew of wisedome to vse the vātage of other mens folly And so beginning a bridge lest their soldiers should be made worse with too much idlenesse and ease as if they had ment to haue passed the Po and forced a bande of “ Gladiatores fencers encāped on the other side they commanded boats to be placed crosse the riuer with their heads vp the streame in equall and conuenient distances and ioined them strongly together with plancks casting anckers also to make the bridge steady firme but the cable ropes were not tied short but plaied at length that when the riuer should rise the whole frame likewise might rise without hurting Vpon the end of the bridge a tower was planted reaching to the vttermost boate that out of it they might with their engines and shot displace and driue away the enemies the Othonians also vpon the bancke had builded a tower and did hurle stones and fire In the middle of the riuer there was an iland into possession whereof the fencers sought to put themselues by boate but the Germans by swimming preuented them and when Macer saw a competent number of them arriued there embarking of his best fencers he putteth ouer to assaile them but neither were the fencers of the like courage in fight to the souldiers neither could they tottering out of their boats ayme so certaine a blow as the other steadily standing did from the lande and whenas through sundry steppings aside vpon feare the rowers and souldiers which stoode at defence were confusedly mingled together and put in disorder the German souldiers leaping couragiously into the shallow and hanging at the tailes of the boats either clambered vp to the hatches or by maine strēgth ouerturned the boats into the water All which things passing after this sort in the view a The one lay at Bebriacum and the other by all coniecture at Cremona twenty miles asūder of both the armies as they were matter of great ioy to the Vitellianists so to the contrary side they gaue occasion to
present to his great contentation but afterward turned to his ruine Antonius and Varus in passing tooke Aquileia and the countrey thereabouts and proceeding forward were at Opitergium and Altinum ioyfully receiued At Altinum a garrison was left against the fleete of Rauenna of the reuolt whereof they had not as yet receiued any intelligence and marching forward they adioyned Padoua and Este to the side Where aduertisement was giuen that three Vitellian cohortes and the Scribonian wing lay at Forum Alieni hauing there made a bridge ouer the riuer It was concluded to take the occasion and to set vpon them as they lay negligently and carelesly for that circumstance also was certified and so accordingly they came vpon them at the dawning of the day and surprized them being for the most part vnarmed They were willed before hande that after some slaughter at the beginning they shoulde seeke to induce the rest with feare to chaunge their allegeance and some there were which yeelded themselues at the first but the greater part fled ouer the riuer and breaking the bridge cut off the passage from the enemy pursuing This victorie beeing divulged and the first attempts of the Flauianists hauing succeeded so prosperously two Legions the seuenth surnamed Galbiana and the thirteenth called Gemina a And Titus Ampius Flauianus Lieutenant generall of Pannonia with Vedius Aquila Lieutenaunt thereof came to Padoua cheerefully and ful of courage There some fewe daies were spent in reposing the army and Minucius Iustus campe-master of the seuenth Legion was saued from the fury of the soldier and sent to Vespasian because his gouernement was straiter and more seuere then the nature of a ciuill warre would support At what time also Antonius supposing it a plausible action and for the credit of the side if Galbaes gouernment should seeme to be liked gaue commandement thorow out all the free townes that the images of Galba which vpon change of times and dissension in state had beene broken downe should be restored a new a thing very long and greatlie desired and therefore interpreted gloriously in the highest degree Then was it proposed and disputed what place were best to be chosen for seate as it were of the warre Verona seemed fittest the countrey about it being champion and commodious for horsemen wherein consisted their principall strength and beside to dispossesse Vitellius of a towne of such wealth and importance would both be commodious and bring reputation to the cause In the passage thitherward they tooke Vicenza a thing of it selfe not greatly materiall as being a towne of smal forces howbeit because Caecina was borne there it seemed a matter of consequence when men beganne to recount how that the Generall of the contrary part had lost his owne countrey and home but the getting of Verona was worth the paines taking For both the side was relieued with their wealth and the example was a good precedent to others and the army lying there opportunely in the way betweene Germanie and Vitellius powers did shut vp the Rhoetian and Iulian Alpes and cut of all hope of passage for the Germanes that way All which proceeding was either vnknowen to Vespasian or expressely forbidden by him his commandement was to march no further then Aquileia and there to expect Mutianus adding also a reason thereof that seing Aegypt the garners of the citty the reuenues and tributes of the richest prouinces were in his hands Vitellius army might through lacke of pay and vittaile be constrained to yeelde To the same purpose also Mutianus aduised them often by letters alleadging what a glory it would bee to obtaine a victorie without bloud and whereof no mourning ensued with such other pretenses whereas hee did it indeede vpon ambition and coueting to reserue the whole renowne of the warre for himselfe but by reason of the greate distances counsailes came after the factes Antonius hauing thus seated himselfe in Verona issued foorth on the sodaine and gaue the alarme to the enemy where trying their manhoode together in a light skirmish they departed on euen hand Anone Caecina encamped himselfe between Hostilia a village of the territorie of Verona and the marishes of the riuer Tartarus in a safe and defensible place his backe being garded with the riuer and the flanckes with marishes who if hee had meant trueth hauing all his masters power vnder his hande might with great facilitie either haue surprized two simple Legions the army of Moesia as yet being not ioyned or at least beaten them backe and forced them to flee and with shame forsake Italie But Caecina omitted traiterously all aduantages which at the first were offered spending the time in trifling delaies and rebuking them by epistles whome with like facility hee might haue repulsed with armes vntill by messengers passing betweene the bargaine was driuen and the couenantes for his treason agreed vpon In the meane time Aponius Saturninus came with the seuenth Legion surnamed Claudiana the Legion was gouerned by Vipsanius Messalla a Tribune a man nobly descended and of noble qualities himselfe the only vertuous man and without note that entred into that action To this army nothing comparable to his owne for as yet there were but three Legions Caecina sent letters blaming their rashnes that being once ouercome they durst put themselues againe into armes and withall he extolled the valure of the German army of Vitellius making small mention and in common termes only without any reprochfull worde against Vespasian at all in summe writing nothing that might either corrupt the enemie or terrifie him The captaines of the Flauian armie omitting to speake of their former misfortune returned answere concerning Vespasian in hawtie and glorious termes shewing themselues verie confident in their cause and secure of the euent reuiling Vitellius as enemies and bragging of the Moesian armie as being hitherto neuer ouerthrowen seeking * Praesumpsere parteis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 moreouer to weaken the faith and winne the good will of the contrary side by putting the Centurions and Tribunes in hope of retaining their places and fauours which Vitellius had bestowed vpon them and exhorting Caecina himselfe in plaine termes to reuolt Both the letters were solemnely readde to the Flauian souldiers which thing increased not a little their courage and confidence seeing Caecina to write humbly as fearing to offende Vespasian and their Generalles contemptuously as it were insulting ouer Vitellius III. Amutinee of the Pannonian souldier against Flauianus their Generall and another of the Moesian against Saturninus likewise theirs SHORTLY afterward the third and eighth Legion came the one commanded by Dillius Aponianus the other by Numisius Lupus whereupon they beganne to make shew of their forces determined to cast vp a * Vallum militare in oppositiō to vallū rusticum or fossa agrestis militare trench about the towne of Verona By chance it fell to the Galbian Legion to worke in the foreparte of the trench toward the enemy some of
in amongst them whom the Vitellianists also did kill without any difference Six shippes vppon the first notice of the surprise escaped and with them Apollinaris the Admirall of the nauy the rest were either taken vpon the shoare or els suncke in the sea being ouercharged with the company that leapt into them Iulianus was brought to Lucius Vitellius and scourged then slaine in his presence Diuerse haue accused Triaria Lucius Vitellius wife that girding hir selfe with a sworde like a souldier she should haue demeaned hir selfe cruelly and insolently amidst the pitifull cryes lamentable destruction of the poore towne Lucius himselfe sent a lawrell in token of victory to his brother requiring withall his further pleasure whether he should returne presently to Rome or stay subdue the rest of Campania the interposing of which litle time fell out greatly for the good both of Vespasians side and of the state For if the soldiers presently after their victory had directly repaired to Rome whiles they were in courage and hart by reason of their late good successe beside a naturall obstinatenesse in them the matter would not haue bene ended so quickly without much adoe and the euident destruction of the citty For Lucius Vitellius albeit he were infamous otherwise yet was he industrious and powerable not as good men by vertues but by vices as the worst sorte XV. The Flauian armie entreth the citty the Praetorian campe is taken by force Vitellius is slaine WHILES these things were a doing of Vitellius side Vespasians armie remooued from Narnia to Otriculum and at good leysure celebrated the a Saturnalia beginne the 17. of December and continue till the 24. of the same moneth Saturnalia there The cause of this harmefull delay was to stay for Mutianus some impute it to Antonius as done with a traiterous intent vpon letters receiued from Vitellius wherein he offred vnto him the Consulship and his daughter in mariage with a great dower if hee would reuolt in rewarde of treason others affirme that all this was falsely surmised and maliciously spred to please Mutianus withall Some are of opinion that it was the purpose of all the Commaunders rather to put the citty in feare then to seeke to take it by force seeing the most and principall cohortes had already relinquished Vitellius and now all his strength being cut off it was likely he would resigne the Empire without further coaction but all that course was crossed first by Sabinus hast and then through his cowardlinesse who rashly taking armes was not afterwarde able to keepe a fortresse of that strength and which euen great armies could not haue taken against three onely cohorts But the fault cannot well bee imputed to one which was common to all For both Mutianus was some occasion of stay by meanes of his doubtfull letters and Antonius by his preposterous obeying or in seeking to auoide enuy deserued great blame and the other Commaunders presuming the warre to bee finished made the ende of it more notorious Neither did Petilius Cerealis who was sent before with a thousand horse to coast through the cuntrey of the Sabins and so to enter the citty by Via Salaria make that hast as the matter required till in the ende the newes of the siege of the Capitoll made them stirre al at once Antonius came forward by the Flaminian way to Saxa rubra late in the night too late to succour For there he vnderstood that Sabinus was slaine the Capitol burned the city in great feare and al things went il it was also declared that the people and bondmen were arming for Vitellius And besides Petilius Cerealis had receiued a blowe in a skirmish of horsemen by running headlong and charging rashly vpon the enemy presuming them conquered persons but the Vitellianists with horsemen and footemen interlaced together valiantly receiued the charge This skirmish was not farre from the citty among the buildings and gardens and crosselanes wherewith the Vitellianists were well acquainted the other not which was an occasion to dismay them the more and besides all their horsemen were not of one minde and affection some being of those that hauing lately yeelded at Narnia kept aloofe meaning afterward to close with the winner Tullius Flauianus captaine of a wing was taken prisoner the rest ranne away dishonourably but the Vitellianists pursued no further then to Fidenae By this successe the affection of the people was greatly augmented immediately the townesmen tooke armes few had any militare targets but the most tooke vp whatsoeuer weapons came to their hands and forthwith required the signe of the battel Vitellius thanked them hartily willed them to issue out with al speed in defence of the citty Then he called a Senate wherein Embassadors were appointed to the armies which as in the name and vnder the colour of a common weale should persuade them to peace and agreement The hap of the Embassadors was not al alike For they which met with Petilius Cerealis incurred extreme dāger the soldiers refusing vtterly al conditions of peace and Arulenus Rusticus the Pretor was wounded which beside the enormity of the fact in the person of an Embassadour and a Pretor was also more hainous in regard of the worthinesse of the man His traine was dispersed and one of his sergeants next before him slaine for presuming among armed men to make way thorow the prease for his master and vnlesse they had beene defended by a bande that the captaine assigned to garde them the right priuiledge of Embassadors reputed sacred euen among strange nations had through ciuil fury bene violated by murder euen at the very gates wals of the citty But they which came to Antonius found more curteous entertainement not because those souldiers were ciuiller but because the General was of greater autority Into the company of these Embassadors Musonius Rufus inserted himselfe a gentlemā of Rome addicted to the study of philosophy after the way of the Stoicks who thrusting himselfe among the companies of the soldiers began to discourse of the good of peace danger of warre to schoole men in armes at which many scoffed more grew weary of it some forbare not to push spurne him away til in the end by the aduise of the discreeter sort and the threats of the other he was persuaded to desist from his vnseasonable wisedome The Vestall virgins also were sent with letters from Vitellius to Antonius requesting him to differre the battaile for one day by means of that little delay with more ease would all points be agreed vpon The virgins were sent home with honour answere was made to Vitellius that by the murder of Sabinus the burning of the Capitol al parle of peace was cut off and al extremity to be looked for notwithstanding Antonius calling his army together assaied to pacifie them thus farre that they would bee content to encampe themselues for that present at the Miluian bridge and not to
it grew for the soothsayers forewarned that the worke should not be defiled with stone or golde which had bene destinated to any other vse only the roofe was made hyer that alteration alone was not disallowed by the gods the former temple for want of proportion that way was thought to lacke statelinesse and maiesty conuenient for a building wherein such a masse of men should be holden XXI The Treueri and Lingones at the instigation of Classicus Tutor and Sabinus assembling secretely in counsell at Coleyn determine to reuolt from the Romans Vocula remooueth from Magontiacum to Coleyn Claudius Labeo maketh a roade against the Caninefates without great effect WHEN the death of Vitellius was heard of in France and Germanie it doubled the warre For Ciuilis now laying aside dissimulation declared himselfe and made open warre against the Roman Empire The Legions which had serued Vitellius wished rather forraine bondage then to haue Vespasian their Prince The Frenchmen conceiued courage and hope of freeing themselues from the yoke supposing that the same fortune was befallen to our armies in all places alike and indeede a rumour was noysed that our standing campes in Pannonia and Moesia were straitly besieged by the Sarmatians and Dacians the like was reported of Britannie But nothing perswaded them so much to beleeue that the Roman Empire was come to an ende as the burning of the Capitoll For the cittie had beene once before taken by the French but the seate of Iupiter then being vntaken the Empire stoode and remayned whereas nowe by this fatall fire a manifest signe of the gods heauy wrath and displeasure was giuen And the Druides out of their vayne superstitious learning did prophecie that the Empire of the worlde was to passe and bee seated beyonde the mountaines Moreouer a common fame went that the a Primores Galliarum ab Othone aduersus Vitellium missos who these primores Galiiarū were when and frō whēce sent by Otho against Vitellius I conceiue not vnlesse it be ment of the Roman Senatours whereof many were French by birth whom Otho assumed into his traine against Vitellius but men of their quality me thinke should haue no great cause to seeke so great an alteration noble men of France when they were sent by Otho against Vitellius did couenant togither before their departure that in case the Roman common wealth ceased not thus to be torne by multiplying of ciuill warres domesticall troubles one straight succeding another they would ioyntly attempt to recouer their ancient liberty againe But before the murther of Hordeonius Flaccus nothing brake out whereby the conspiracy might be perceyued after his death there passed messages betweene Ciuilis and Classicus captaine of the wing of the Treueri Classicus in birth and wealth farre exceeded the rest of that quarter he was extract from the line of their ancient kings his auncestours renowned in warre and in peace and himselfe boasted to be descended of enemies to the people of Rome rather then frendes Vnto him in this action adioyned themselues Iulius Tutor and Iulius Sabinus the one of Triers the other a Lingon Tutor was appointed by Vitellius ouerseer of the bancke of Rhene Sabinus besides a naturall vanity was pricked forward with the vaine glorie of a supposed kinred that his great grandmother for hir beauty had pleased Iulius Caesar when hee warred in France and was by him carnally knowen These three by secrete conferences searched the mindes and inclinations of the rest and when they had made acquainted and associated to them such as they supposed fit for the purpose they appointed a meeting in Coleyn in a priuate house for the publicke state of the citty vtterly abhorred all such attempts Notwithstanding certaine of the Vbij and Tungri were present at the consultation but the strongest part and that which caryed the matter was of the Treueri and Lingones Neither made they any long deliberation but all with one voyce cryed amaine that the Romans did nothing b Joseph lib. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 2. but rage in ciuill dissensions that the Legions were stayne Italie wasted and the cittie of Rome euen taken that all the armies were helde occupyed euery one with their seuerall warres and if the Alpes were fortifyed with good and sufficient garrison and so their liberty wunne and assured then might France determine at leysure what course to take of further proceeding and how farre they list to enlarge This was no sooner sayed then allowed a scruple remained concerning the remnant of the Roman soldiers Many were of minde that they were to be put to the sworde as mutinous and faithlesse persons and polluted with the bloud of their leaders but the opinion of sparing them preuailed lest hope of pardon being taken away they would become desperate So it was thought more conuenient by faire meanes to allure them to the party that the Lieutenants alone being made away the common soldiers would easily be wunne to the side vpon guiltinesse of their owne misdeeds and hope of impunity This was the forme of their first consultation and some were sent abroad into France to kindle and stirre vp the warre they themselues pretended all subiection and obedience to Vocula that they might oppresse him at the more vnawares Vocula had secrete intelligence hereof but hee had not forces to punish it his Legions being both thinne and vnstedfast So betweene vnsure souldiers and secret enemies supposing it the best way that now he could take to vse their owne artes against them he dissembled the matter went downe to Coleyn Thither Claudius Labeo was escaped hauing corrupted his keepers who as before we haue saide was taken and confined out of the way into Frisia and promising that if hee might haue men hee would goe into Batauia and reunite the greatest part of the cuntrey againe to the Roman Empire hauing a prety company of horsemen footemen assigned he durst not enterprise any thing amongst the Batauians but drew certaine of the Neruij and Bethasij after him into the fielde and rather by stealth then by way of open inuasion made some incursions vpon the Caninefates and Marsaci XXII Classicus and Tutor corrupt Voculaes souldiers Vocula at Nouesium is forsaken by his souldiers and slaine who immediately sweare fidelity to the Empire of France VOCVLA allured by the fraude of the Frenchmen remooueth towardes the enemye When they approched to Vetera Classicus and Tutor pricking before vnder colour of discouering met with the German captaines and concluded the bargaine and thereupon encamped their companies with a seuerall trench from the Legionarie souldiers At which signe of manifest contempt and reuolt Vocula conceiuing greate indignation cryed alowde that the Roman state was not by ciuill warres brought yet to so low an ebbe as that the Treueri also and Lingones neede to despise it so many cuntreies continuing faithfull our armies being victorious the fortune of the Empire standing entier and the gods ready
die ipso quo matreÌ„ occiderat Suet. i cap. 40. Neron Now Agrippina was slaine ipsis QuinquatruuÌ„ diebus Tac. 14. k pag. 479. Ann. Suet. l cap. 34. Nerone Quinquatrus begin the nineteenth day of March Ouid. Fast 3. so allowing some coÌ„peteÌ„t time froÌ„ VieÌ„na or LioÌ„s to Naples it wil appeare that Vindex rebellioÌ„ began about the tenth or twelfth of March. Againe Xiphilinus saieth that Galba reigned nine moneths and thirteene daies which is to be vnderstood from the time he tooke the Empire vpon him in Spaine as Xiphilinus himselfe noteth in the last words of Vespasians time so that Galba dying the fifteenth of a Tac. 1. Hist Ianuary beganne his raigne about the first or second of Aprill Nero began the 13 of October Tac. 12. b pag. 447. An. 1 That is And hee raigned thirteene yeares and eight moneths wanting two daies and died in the moneth of Iuly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saieth Zonaras tomo 2 which two sayings cannot both be true for if Nero deceased in Iuly then raigned he more then thirteene yeare eight moneths but if his raigne was no longer which Xiphilin also assureth vs of theÌ„ died he not in Iuly Againe the same Xiphilin writeth 2 That is That by iust computation from Neroes death till the beginning of Vespasians raigne there was one whole yeare and two and twenty daies pag. 225. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the first day of VespasiaÌ„s Empire was the first day of Iuly Tac. 2. Hist so that Neroes death was vpon the 8. of Iune so it should seeme by Tacitus in this very booke septeÌ„ à Neronis fine menses sunt Aurelius Victor saieth Menses septem diesque totidem imperauit Galba which vnderstoode from Neroes death agreeth iustly with the former account About the very same time with Nero dyed Vindex in France The word came first of his death to Galba in Spaine and certaine daies after of Neroes in post Plutar. Galba And certaine it is that Nero neuer had any newes of Vindex ouerthrowe for it could not haue beene otherwise but that beeing heard must needes haue wrought some notable alteration at Rome Philostratus l. 5. de vita Apollonij 3 That is It was reported at Messana where Apollonius then was that Nero was fled and Vindex deade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as though at Messana in Sicily the newes of Neroes destructioÌ„ had first bene reported Of Neroes death Icelus brought Galba the newes in seuen dayes from Rome Plut. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So allowing some time for prouision it may seeme that Galba set forward about the beginning of Iuly and entred the citty as it may be reasonably supposed about September follovving his iourney sayeth Tacitus vvas slowe the vvay long and his men heauy loaden 23. Galba brought in the Spanish Legion That is as I thinke Septima Galbiana gathered as it may seeme by Tacitus 3. c pag. 120. Hist Dio. d pag. 384. lib. 55. and e Galbâ cap. 10. Suetonius by Galba in Spaine which notwithstanding seemeth to haue bene sent away into Illyricum before his death vnder Antonius Primus Lieutenant therefore without cause remembred here in the tumult of Otho I finde no mention of any Hispana legio neither in Tacitus in this booke nor any writer beside vnlesse percase they alone were a sleepe when al the world beside was in armes 24. To the straits of the Caspian mountaines Suetonius f cap. 1â— Nerone Parabat Nero ad Caspias portas expeditionem conscriptâ ex Italicis senûm pedum tyronibus noua legione quam Magni Alexandri phalangem appellabat Xiphilinus addeth further that he had purposed a viage into Aethiopia 25. Lieutenants of legions Legati legionuÌ„ Legatus in this very booke hath 3. significations 1. Legatus for an Embassadour p. 24. CensueraÌ„t patres mitteÌ„dos ad GermanicuÌ„ exercituÌ„ legatos 2. Legatus or Legatus consularis or consularis for a LieutenaÌ„t deputy president or gouernour of a whole prouince or army p 21 Othonem in prouinciam Lusitaniam specie legationis seposuit p 42 Hordeonius Flaccus consularis legatus aderat p. 19 inferioris Germaniae legiones diutiùs sine consulari fuere 3. Legatus legionis or legatus Praetorius or legatus simply but by circumstaÌ„ce to be discerned for the LieutenaÌ„t of a LegioÌ„ whereof were in euery army as many as Legions p. 44 Coelius legatus vicesimae legionis p. 586 in vitâ Agricolae speaking of the same LegioÌ„ maÌ„ Quippe legatis coÌ„sularibê° nimia ac formidolosa erat Nec legatus Praetorius ad cohibeÌ„duÌ„ potens p. 42 Nullo legatoruÌ„ tribunoruÌ„ue pro Galba niteÌ„te p. 44 Foedis legatoruÌ„ certaminibus spoken equiuocally to the vaÌ„tage of the worde for the one of theÌ„ was legatus consularis the other legatus legionis 26. Prouinces abroad Eprouincijs Scilicet Caesaris onely ment as I take it here for Augustus after the warre at ActiuÌ„ enforced forsooth by the Senate to vndertake the Monarchy diuided the prouinces into two sorts The quiet peaceable cuntreyes he rendred into the Senate peoples hande the prouinces that limited bordered the Empire with the rest where any rebellion or warre might be feared he retained to himselfe his successours in shew to sustaine himselfe al danger alone and leaue to the Senate the sweete at their ease but in trueth to keepe himselfe alwayes armed and them without armes To the Senate and people as a lib. 17. Strabo and b lib 53. Dio vvrite belonged these prouinces follovving vvhich c 13. Ann p. 450. Tacitus if I be not deceiued calleth publicas prouincias Duae consulares Africke with Numidia and Asia so called because these tvvo prouinces vvere properly assigned to those vvho had beene Consuls vvhereas for the rest it suffized to haue borne inferiour office and decem praetoriae Boetica Narbonensis Sardinia vvith Corsica Sicilia Epirus Macedonia Achaia vvith Thessalia c. Creta vvith Cyrene Cyprus Pontus and Bithynia To himselfe he retained Hispania Tarraconensis Lusitania Gallia Lugdunensis Belgica Aquitania Syria c. Cilicia Egypt Dalmatia Moesia Pannonia and the tract of Rhene vpon the French side called by the name of d In Marcellinus li. 15. p. 1461. Germania prima wherein were Magontiacus Vangiones Nemites Argentoratus and Germania sâ—cunda Agrippina Tungris munita superior and inferior Germania as it is also at this day called Germanie but by Caesars description comprehended in Gallia and a verie part of Belgica vvho knevv no other Germania but that vvhich the later vvriters call for difference sake 1 Great Germanie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beyond the Rhene vvhereas Tacitus in this first booke naming often Germany meaneth alwaies the other two prouinces so called because the Germans continually passing the Rhene inhabited the cuntrey and so by little and little changed the name Caesar lib. 2. com Dio. lib.
53. Tac. lib. 1. e pag. 242. Ann. and in his booke f pag. 574. de moribus Germanorum Treueri Neruij circa affectationem Germanicae originis vltrò ambitiosi sunt tanquam per hanc gloriam sanguinis à similitudine inertia Gallorum separentur ipsam Rheni ripam haud dubiè Germanorum populi colunt Vangiones Treboci Nemetes c Of these tvvo Germanies superior sayeth Dio vvas 2 From the head of the Rhene 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and stretched to Mentz or Cobolentz rather inferior downward 3 To the Brittish Oâ—ein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beside these prouinces vvhatsoeuer vvas aftervvard conquered or became subiect to the Roman Empire as England in Claudius time Pontus Polemoniacus and Alpes Cottiae in Neroes time Dacia in Traianes c g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio. pag. 341. increased the Emperours portion Novv the gouernours that vvere sent into the Senates cuntreyes both Pretorian and Consular vvere called Proconsules vvhether they had euer bene Consuls or no. Those vvhich the Emperours sent into theirs vvere called Legati or Legati Consulares or Propraetores except peraduenture they sent sometimes their Procuratours as in small prouinces before vvee haue noted Dio. lib. 53. 4 That is Of both the publique Princes prouinces Aegypt onelie excepted the gouernours were taken â—ut of the Senatours for the publique prouinces annuall and chosen by lot except they were conferred on any vpon some speciall priuiledge as of mariage or multitude of children and sent out as it were from the body of the Senate nor wearing sworde nor spaludamentum an indifferently called Proconsuls whether they euer had beene Consuls or not hauing also as many sergeants attending as vsually they had in the citty and as soone as they were out of the Pomerium assuming the ensignes of their office which they alwaies retained vntill their returne Now for the gouernours of the Princes prouinces he reserued them for his owne choise and appointed that they should be tearmed Legati and ropraetores though they had peraduenture borne the office of Consulshippe before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paulò post 5 That is The name of Propratores he gaue to those of his owne choise and continued their office more or lesse during pleasure appointing likewise that they should weare the Paludamentum and sworde as hauing autority of life and death ouer the souldiers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tacitus in this booke speaking of â—allia Narbonensis a publicke prouince Vinius sayeth hee proconsulatu Galliam Naâ—onensem seuerè rexit who neuer had beene Consul before h pag. 152. Annalium 1 I finde Granius Marcellus called Praetor of Bithynia vvhich vvas at the first diuision a publicke prouince so continued as appeareth out of Plinies i ep 64. 65. tenth booke of epistles And in the same place of Tacitus mention is made of a Questor an office not vsed in the Princes cuntreyes in Claudius time damnatus lege repetundaruÌ„ Cadius Rufus accusantibus Bithynis which action I thinke lay not against the Princes legati as executing their charge rather by way of coÌ„mission theÌ„ by vertue of office But of Propraetor the case is cleare 12. An. p. 430. in BritaÌ„nia P. Ostorium propraetorem p. 434. of the same man Caesar cognita morte legati c. Vitellius in this booke is called legatus consularis inferioris Germaniae 4. k pag. 367. Ann. L. Apromus inferioris Germaniae propraetor Suetonius a cap. 40. Nerone Duce Iulio Vindice qui tum eam prouin eiam propraetore obtinebat ad est Galliam Lugdunensem belonging to the Prince In Africke Caius beside the Proconsul the office name due to the place superinduced a legatus as from himselfe to take charge of the soldiers there Tac. b pag. 178. Hist 4. Legio in Africa auxiliaque tutandis imperij finibus sub diuo Augusto Tiberioque principibus proconsuli parebant Mox C. Caesar turbidus animi ac c Or according to Dio Lucium Pisonem M. Sullanum obtinentem Africam metuens ablatam proconsuli legionem misso in eam rem legato tradidit aequatus inter duos beneficiorum numerus mixtis vtriusque mandatis discordia quasita auctaque Prauo certamine legatorum ius adoleuit diuturnitate officij vel quia minoribus maior aemulandi cura Proconsulum splendidissimus quisque securitati magis quà m potentiae consulebant Dio. lib. 59. 1 That is After that Lucius Piso sonne of Cn. Piso and Plancina was made Prâ—consul of Africke Caius the Emperour fearing that vpoÌ„ hautinesse of stomacke he might bee induced to worke innouation especially hauing vnder his charge great forces both legiâ—nary and auxiliary he diuided the gouernement into two parts and gaue another the charge both of the souldiers and of the Numidians bordering thereabouts which custoÌ„e is retayned euen to this day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Only of Egypt the gouernor was neither called Legatus nor Propraetor but Praefectus Aegypti or Praefectus Augustalis Other names as praeses rector c. I take to be coÌ„mon to both sorts Againe in prouincijs publicis were Quaestores beside Procurators in the Princes Procurators onely Dio. lib. 53. 2 That is Into the prouinces which appertaine to the Senate people there are sent Questors chosen by lot 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 342. and pag. 343. 3 That is The Emperour sendeth Procurators to all prouinces alike both his owne and those which belong to the people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 27. Of Spayne c. Hispaniae praerat Cluuius Rufus Id est Hispaniae Tarraconensi for that onely of the three prouinces into vvhich Spaine is diuided vvas furnished vvith souldiers and of such especially in this place Tacitus intendeth not extending his speech to the naked and peaceable vvhich aftervvard he calleth inermes Cluuius Rufus vvas a famous oratour and vvrote a story of that time alleadged by Tacitus 13. and 14. Ann. vvho notvvithstanding his preferment vvas by Galba d Tac. 1. Hist p. 51. svvare vvith the first to Otho and in the beginning of Vitellius time returned to Rome non adempta Hispania quam rexit absens Tacitus 2. Hist pag. 90. In the nineth booke nineteenth epistle Plinie maketh mention of a speech that passed betweene Verginius and Cluuius his vvordes bee these ita secum aliquando Cluuium locutum Scis Virgini quae historiae fides debeatur proinde si quid in historijs meis legis aliter ac velles rego ignoscas Ad hoc sic illum Cluui ne tu ignoras ideò me fecisse quod feci vt esset liberum vobis scribere quae libuisset 28. Egypt and the garrisons there the gentlemen of Rome 4 That is After the victory at Actium Augustus made Aegypt tributary and committed the gouernemeÌ„t thereof to Cornelius Gallus For considering the great store of people both in the townes and the cuntrey moreouer their
leuity and inconstancy that it was the RomaÌ„ storehouse of corne and very rich of money not onely he durst not trust it into the hands of the Senators but also expresly forbad any of them to soiourne there except by permission namely from him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saieth Dio. lib. 51 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tacitus 2. Ann. pag. 283. writeth that not onely Senatours but also equites Romani illustres that is as I thinke those whom 16. Ann. pag. 551. he tearmeth equites Romanos dignitate senatoria vvere forbidden to goe thither but vpon permission Ne fame vrgeret Italiam quisquis eam prouinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamuis leui praesidio aduersus ingentes exercitus insedisset Arrianus lib. 3. is of opinion that the Romans in ordering Egypt followed the example of Alexander the great who sayeth he 5 Is reported to haue diuided the gouernement of Aegypt amongst many hauing in admiration the naturall site and strength of the cuntrey wherefoâ—e hee thought is not safe to commit the entier regiment thereof to any one man and the Romans in my opinion learned this point of Alexander strictly to garde Aegypt and for the same cause to make none of the Senatours gouernour there but onely of the ordo Equestris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29. Who beeing priuiledged to vveare golde rings Quem annulis donatum In Spaine vvhen hee brought the newes of Neroes death Annulis donare is al one with equestri dignitate donare Tac. 2. Hist postulante exercitu vt libertum suum Asiaticum equestri dignitate donaret inhonestam adulationem compescuit Vitellius Dein mobilitate ingenij quod palam abnuerat inter secreta conuiuij largitur honorauit que Asiaticum annulis foedum mancipium malis artibus ambitiosum Suet. a cap. 12. Vitellio primo imperij die aureù donauit annulis super coenam quum mane rogantibus pro eo cunctis detestatus esset seuerissimè talem equestris ordinis maculam speaking of the same man vvith Tacitus Dio. lib. 48. 1 That is Augusâ—us honoured Menas with golden rings and entred him among the Equites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for in ancient time though afterward wealth increasing euerie one beganne to braue it in golde yet 2 That is Among the ancient Romans it was not lawful for any I meane not of those onely which sometimes had beene slaues but of al others free borne and liberally brought vp to weare golde rings except hee were either Senator or Eques and therefore the Princes bestow this vpoÌ„ the freedmen whom they fauour as a great honour though otherwise they weare rings of golde as being thereby made better then common freedmen and equall in degree with the Equites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This priuiledge the Prince conferred not onely vpon his owne but also vpon other mens liberti although inuitis or ignorantibus patronis it vvas not lightly granted or if it vvere it vvas recalled and it drevv vvith it ius ingenuitatis but not to exclude the patrone ab hereditate liberti. lib. 40. Digest 30. In grace with Nero c. 3 That is Nero vsed Otho as his inwarde frende and companion because of his riot and being often noted by him of sparing and nigardlines he tooke it in very good part and it is reported that on a time Nero as he was annointing with a very costly ointmenâ— hauing besprinkled Otho with a little thereof the day following Otho entertayning him againe set in diuerse corners siluer and golden pipes spouting out the ointment like water and washing the place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarchus Galbâ 4 That is There was one M. Saluius Otho so familiar with Nero both for likenesse of their conditions and fellowshippe in vices that when once in speech with Nero he let fall a worde So may you see me Emperour as this and this is a trueth he did him no harme but onely replied No I will not so much as see thee a Consul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xiphilinus Nerone 31. Poppoea Sabina Concerning the matter how it passed betweene Nero Poppaea and Otho reade Suetonius Othone c. 3. and Plutarch b pag. 1503. Galbâ differing from Tacitus in some little circumstances But to this place of Tacitus most contrary and without question irreconciliable is Tacitus himselfe in another 13. Annal. p. 471. 32. Sulpician and Lutatian houses Plutarch p. 1490. speaking of Galbaes petigree 5 He was descended of the most honourable house of the Seruij 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saieth he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Tacitus lib. 2. Hist Post Iulios Claudios Seruios both somewhat strangely vsing the c This forename of Seruius was so generall to the Sulpitij that the Sulpitij surnamed Rufi assumed another foren me turning the foresaide after a sort in gentilicium whereupon in the life of Atticus we reade M. Seruius Sulpicius and in Iulius obsequens P. Seruius Sulpitius Rufus forename pro gentilicio to note the house which was Sulpitia of which you may reade more at large in Sueton. Galbâ c. 2. 3. But Galba sayeth Plutarch 6 Gloried more in his affinity with Catulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Qu. Lutatius Catulus being his great grandfather by the mother That he was of kin to Liuia Augusta as Plutarch writeth I haue not els red although it is true that obseruauit ante omnes Liuiam Augustam cuius vinae gratia plurimum valuit mortuae testamento penè ditatus est Suet. c. 5. But of kinred I finde no worde neither doe I greatly beleeue it onely a stepmother he had named Liuia Ocellina who adopted him therefore hee was called Lucius Liuius Ocellinus after hir name vsque ad tempus imperij if Suetonius in d cap. 4. Galba doe not deceiue vs. 33. Neare me in bloud Propinquos aut socios belli Augustus adopted Agrippa and Tiberius as socios belli the rest as propinquos So Otho was to Galba socius belli and Dolabella who as Plutarch affirmeth was also in speech about the adoption propinquus Tac. p. 58. Cornelius Dolabella propinquitate Galbae monstratus if it be as I thinke the same man of whom Plutarch speaketh 34. Of one family C. Iulius adopted Augustus Augustus Liuia and Tiberius who adopted Germanicus whose sonne Caius was and Claudius his brother and lastly Claudius adopted Nero in whom fayled the Iulian line Ausonius Aeneadum generis qui sextus vltimus heres Polluit clausit Iulia sacra Nero. 35. I Shall cease c. DesinaÌ„ videri senex i. DesinaÌ„ contemni quasi senex Non legiones non classes perinde firma imperij munimenta quam numerum liberorum Tac. e pag. 180. 4. Hist in the persoÌ„ of Titus Literally to construe it may seeme somewhat strange that a man should cease to seeme aged because he had adopted one that was one and thirty yeares olde as Piso f Tac. 1.
fourth twentie and two beside to sounde the trumpet and strike the drumme c. The fift thirtie The sixt classis b Liuâ— l. 1. f. 10. P immunis militia 1 That iâ— Free from al seruice in warre and al paâ—â—ent of Tribute Dionysius lib 4 p. 165. although the same Dionys in the same page allâ—tâ—eth it by oversight one soldier in 193. true it is that the sixth clâ—ssis had one voice in 193. in comitâ—â—s centuriatis but it yeelded no man to the muster at al. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So that one course by this maner of mustering yeelded a hundreth ninetie two men to the warre vvhereof eighteene were horsemen fower artificers and fifers a hundreth and seuentie footemen and so about againe as the case required a greater or lesse armie in the same proportion Dionysius libro 4. pag. 164. and 165. With whom Liuy libro 1 agreeing in the rest differeth onely in the cense of the fift classis vvhich by him is but eleuen thousand asses and furthermore the artificers Liuy ioineth to the first classis and the fifers to the fift whereas Dionysius putteth them to the second and fourth The reason vvhy this last and poorest sort was excluded from seruice is vvell set downe by Iulius Exuperantius Populus Romanus sayeth hee per classes diuisus erat pro patrimonij facultate censebatur ex ijs omnes quibus res erat ad militiam ducebantur diligenter enim pro victoriâ laborabant qui praeter libertatem bona defendebant illi autem quibus nullae opes erant caput suum quod solùm possidebant censebantur belli tempore in moenibus residebant facilè enim poterant existere proditores quia egestas haud facilè habetur fine damno This kinde of mustering per classes instituted by Seruius vvas in later times as it may bee gathered by the d Tribus ad sacramentum vocatae Liuy Tacit. and others practise in the Roman stories and plaine vvordes of e lib. 6. p. 180. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Polybius altered in parte and reduced somewhat nearer to a matter of tribe as beeing a more popular order and more agreeable to the present gouernement yet so that to Legionary seruice none could bee mustered but such as vvere sessed at f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fower thousand asses at the least sayeth Polybius vvhich is indeede somewhat lesse then the cense of the fift classis limited by Dionysius and Liuy vvhether it vvere that Polybius had forgotten the summe or that the cense of the classis was abated for that both then and afterward regard vvas had of the classes in taking the muster it is cleare by the vvordes of Salust in Iugurthino Marius interea milites scribere non more maiorum neque ex classibus sed vti cuiusque lubido erat capite censos plerosque such as for lacke of vvealth vvere censed onelie by poll After which time the classes were as I take it in little consideration in the muster of Legions especially in the ciuil warres and in the Empire vtterly neglected the cense also being abolished Now the Legion Legionary being such as we haue described remaineth to speake of the Auxiliary soldiers Auxilia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were soldiers which being not citizens of Rome serued in the Roman campe The first Aydes to purpose which the Romans vsed were of the Albans in Tullus Hostilius tyme. Dionys l. 3. p. 119. And anone Alba the head and mother city of the Latins being razed they chalenged as conquerors that superiority ouer the Latin nation which the Albans before had enioyed In the tyme of Tarquinius Priscus the Latins serued in the Roman Armie as Aides g Dionys p. 143. 147. against the Hetrusci and against the g Dionys p. 143. 147. Sabins the Hetrusci and the Latins In the free state many hundreth yeares the Latins onely Hernici ministred Auxilia grauium armatorum for archers and funditores and leuia auxilia of other nations they did h Hiero apud LiuiuÌ„ li. 22. f. 145. A. not refuse sometime to admit After the third Punicke warre they admitted also i S. lust Juâ—urtia Auxilia ex socijs Italicis à populis regibusque And after that time wee finde sometimes k As in â—ulâ—es epistles Appian c. perchance â—â—tâ—er ex veteri formula and by an ordinary phrase of speech then otherwise mention but no great reckening made in the free state of Auxiliaries the reason as I take it was that the citty beeing communicated to the Latins and Italian allies in bello Marsico they serued no longer in quality of Auxilia being novv inuested vvith the right of Legionarie seruice Augustus and the Emperours fortifying the limits of the Empire with armies and furnishing the Legions onely in a maner of prouinciall Citizens established Auxilia againe supplied out of their allies and subiects abroad and generally out of all nations indifferently making acquainted the barbarous people and ancient enemies of the Roman Empire with their maner of seruice not without notable a Vide Tac 4 Hist in bello cum Germanâ—â— preiudice to the state In Tacitus vnder the first Emperours wee haue in the Roman campe Auxiliaries è Transrhenanis Gallis Britannis Numidis Lusitanis Batauis Thracibus c. and vnder the later Emperours no militar matter in the vvhole Empire passed thorow other then barbarous handes till at length the Romans as great reason was vvere forced to deliuer the Empire to them to whom they had deliuered their armes Theodosius saieth Zosimus 1 That is Made legâ—onaries the barbariaÌ„s bâ—rne beyond the Damnius l. 4. p. 755 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and pag. 756. 2 That is There waâ— no ordâ—r bâ—rued in the armies â—or difference made of Roman and Barbarian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of Gratian pag. 760. 3 That is Hee receiued certain fugitiues of the Alaâ—i and bestowed them in his armies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 17. 18. Synesius likevvise a more indifferent person to the Christian Princes reprehendeth the too great facility of Theodosius in receiuing to mercy into his cuntrey kingdome and armies the barbarous nations reaping no other fruite of his clemency but scorne at their hands and thereupon hee taketh occasion to exhort Arcadius his sonne c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. to encrease his Legions and vvith the Legions his courage making supply of his owne people and sending backe the Barbarians thither from whence they first came But to returne to our Auxiliary souldier Vegetius lib. 2. cap. 2. describing them vnder the Empire hath these wordes Auxiliares conducuntur ad praelium ex diuersis locis ex diuersis muneribus venientes Nec disciplinâ inter se nec notitiâ nec affectione consentiunt Necesse est autem tardiùs ad victoriam peruenire qui discrepant antequam dimicent Denique cum in expeditionibus