of them knew that whatsoever he did was to win time to work his will and purposes yet because they got much by their dissimulation they dissembled their knowledge and never acquainted our King with his secret intentions The same Lewis besides this manner of entertaining of our Ambassadors used when there was any great matter in debate and contention betwixt us and him to receive all Ambassages that were sent unto him and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other Ambassadors after them who should bring his answers and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt that he should have no longer cause to be discontented and when it came to the sending of such Ambassadors because he would be still assured to gain time he sent such personages as never had been in England before to the end that if his former Ambassadors had promised any thing that was not performed or begun any Treaty that was not finished the latter should not be able to make any answer thereunto but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their Master therewith and to crave and have his resolution therein Further you may remember that it hath been already said that the Almighty to the end that Kingdoms should remain still under their natural Princes or being transferred from one Nation to another should at length return unto kings of their own Nation who indeed are more fit to govern them of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable Successor after a Warlike Prince in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in England as well as in other places For we have had such Princes as did as well lose what their Predecessors had conquered or recover what some of them lost We won in the time of Richard the first the Kingdom of Cyprus and sold it presently We enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of VVilliam Duke of Aquitane and wife unto Henry the 2. that Dukedome better then 300 years and at the last lost the same by negligence We possessed the Dukedome of Normandy 350 years and lost it in the time of Charls the 7. We subdued Scotland in Edw. 1. time and lost it not long after We conquered Ireland better then four hundred years since and yet retain it VVe ruled in Flanders for a while and were driven out of Flanders after a small while Briefly it is written by some that Brennus who first took and conquered Rome was an Englishman and that he continued his conquest but a very short time And as we have had good fortune against others so others have not wanted good success against us for the Romans conquered us the Saxons subdued us the Danes ruled us and lastly the Normans had the upper hand of us of whom our Kings are lineally descended and in whose race they have continued better then 500 years Again it is usual betwixt Princes when they are wearied with long tedious chargeable and dangerous wars to desire peace and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions and in consideration of their troubles endured in wars of their charges sustained thereby and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof to take long times of Truce and surcease from wars within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility And this occasion hath also restrained some of our Princes for attempting any thing against France although they had great desire to recover their right in France Moreover it hath now and then hapned that when we have been determined to prosecute our right we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other Princes who have been mediators for peace betwixt France and us Or hindred by the departure of such Conâ—ederates from our part as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises Or drawn from them to defend our selves at home by reason of the sudden invasions which have been made by the Scots upon England at the intreaty and perswasion of the French which hath been the usual policy of the Kings of France to turn the wars from themselves upon us alwaies retaining the Scots for their friends and confederates for no other purpose but either to help them when we came into France or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our Forces thither Again either by the weakness or by the corruption of our Council we have as hath been said been so over-reached by the Frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them that when we have won the whole we have been contented with part and when as we might have had mountains we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills yea we have bound our selves to relinquish our Right to renounce our Titles and give over all our Interests So at what time Prince Edward married Isabella daughter of Philip sirnamed the Fair we resigned the Dutchy of Guyenna So Edward sir-named Long-hands acquitted the French King of all the right he had to the Crown of France to the Dutchy of Normandy and to the Earldoms of Anjou Mayne Tourrain and Poictou So Edward 3. having taken King Iohn of France prisoner at Poictiou and retained him four years prisoner in England took certain Towns and Countries in France for his ransome and surrendred the residue of France into his hands to be held by him and his heirs for ever and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter These agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires and not prosecuted our rights Lastly when we conquered France and had continual wars therewith the Realm was not then as it hath been of late years united void of dissention free from civil wars in the hands and under the government of one King and not divided dis-membred and possessed with divers petty Princes who either for alliance with us or for some quarrel betwixt them and the French Kings were alwaies ready to aid and assist us So we had help somtimes of the Duke of Burgundy of the Earl of Anjou of the Duke of Britain of the Earls of Foix of Flanders of Holland and of Arminack and somtimes of the kings of Navar and of the Emperors of Germany which helps of late years failing us and the reasons already mentioned have occasioned our weak slender and slack pursuit of the Title and Interest which we pretend unto the Crown of France Now to the second Point of this fourth Point wherein I should spend so much time and overweary you with too long impertinent discourse iâ— I should relate unto you the time and manner how and when we lost Normandy Aquitania and every other member of France and therefore it shall suffice to shew you how and when we had conquered almost all France in a few years we lost again all in a very
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
with all utmost extremities But if they do what remedy is there or who can gainsay the Conqueror Courtesie is commendable in all men and especially in Princes who are to extend the same at all times when it is demanded in good manner and by men worthy of mercy and compassion And such was the lamentable estate of Charles the Sixth who had at once many miseries heaped upon him by the heavy wrath of God as namely wars within his Realm rebellion of his own Son against him revolt of his Subjects and distraction of his wits and so it was extream cruelty to adde affliction to the afflicted Indeed mercy is to be extended to persons worthy of commiseration and Lunatiques are by all men to be pitied and in regard hereof the King of England whereas he might have destroyed the whole Realm of France burned the Cities wasted the Countries led away the people in captivity taken their goods to his own use bestowed the Nobilities and Gentlemens Lands upon his own Subjects altered the Lawes of the Countrey changed the Government thereof deprived the most part of them of their lives and seated his own Subjects in their possessions he suffered them to live at liberty to enjoy their ancient possessions to maintain and use their own priviledges to dwell in their wonted habitations and to continue in all respects as free as they were before they were conquered And whereas he might have made the King prisoner carryed him with him into England and to have placed another to govern for him especially he being not in case to rule and govern by himself He was so far from so doing that he suffered him to enjoy the Kingdom whilest he lived and by taking his Daughter to wife transferred not only the French but also the English Crown unto the issue of her body a thing to be greatly desired of that Father whose Son by reason of his disobedience deserved not to succeed him a thing practised by all men that have had the like children a thing far beyond the custom of Frenchmen themselves who in the like cases have not used the like clemency and moderation For over what Enemies had the French-men ever the upper hand whom they used not most cruelly What barbarous cruelty exercised they in Italy and especially at Naples where their Tyranny in Government their extremity in polling their insolency in mis-using the common people was such that in one night they were all slain and in hatred of them and their posterity the wombs of all Neapolitan women that were suspected to be with child by French-men were ripped up and the children pluckt out and likewise murdered with their Mothers What cruelty purposed they to have practised in England at what time Lewis the Dolphin of France was called into England by the Barons who bare Armes against King Iohn Intended they not to have destroyed the most part of the Realm Purposed they not to have killed the very Barons themselves who were their friends and confederates Had they not executed this their purpose if a noble French-man who was in England had not as well in hatred of their intended cruelty as in commiseration of the poor English Nobility revealed upon his death-bed their barbarous intentions To be brief what severity used King Lewis surnamed for his lenity towards others Lewis the M E E K against Bernard his own Nephew and rightful heir to the Crown of France as we have shewed in the second point which we handled whom he not only deprived of his right but also held him a long time in Prison and condemned him to lose his eyes which were accordingly pluckt out of his head and his cheif Counsellours endured the like punishment Of which both he and they complaining not without just occasion were so far from finding such compassion and remedy as they deserved as that a new Edictment was framed both against him and them Now with such Adversaries with men of such cruelty with such as had oftentimes falsified their faith and broken their promises what wise Prince would ever have used greater lenity more mercy or better Justice then the King of England shewed them Especially considering the immortal hatred deadly malice and long emulations competentions quarrels and contentions that have been alwayes betwixt England and France The fifth Objection that they make against this Contract is is That the Kingdom of France cannot be given unto any man by Will or Testament Which priviledge seemeth unto me very strange because I find by report of probable Histories that the Kingdomes of Spain England Aragon Scotland Poland and other Countries have been given away by Will and Testament and therefore if the French-men will challenge an Immunity contrary to the custom of other Countries and repugnant to the Law of all Nations they must shew how they came by such a Priviledge and why they should not follow the customes of other Kingdomes For whosoever will alledge an exemption from the due observance of the Law must make it appear at what time for what occasion and by whom he or his Predecessors obtained the same that the quality of the Giver and the consideration and cause of the Grant being duly examined and discreetly considered the strength and validity of his exemption may be well and perfectly seen I know that there are many degrees of Princes and that some Kings are in some manner subject unto others from whom they receive Lawes and by whom they and their Kingdomes are ruled and directed So hath Scotland been ruled by England so hath Denmark acknowledged the Empire so hath Sicily obeyed Rome so hath the Pope challenged power and authority over the Empire But all Histories agree in this that although of other Kingdomes some be subject to the Pope others unto the Emperour yet the Kingdom of France is and alwayes hath been most absolute neither depending upon the Emperour nor being in any respect subject unto the Pope That the Emperour hath no authority over France was shewed when as Sigismond the Emperour would have made the Earl of Savoy a Duke in Lyons for then the Kings Officers withstood him therein and forced him to his great grief and in a great fury and anger to depart thence and out of all the dominion of France before he could use in that point his Imperial power and authority And that the Pope hath no manner of Authority Prerogative or Preheminence over France it appeareth by the confession of all Canonists who have written and do write of the Popes Prerogatives For albeit they make the Empire and almost all the Kingdoms of the world in some sort subject unto the See of Rome yet they confess the King of France to be so absolute that he acknowledgeth no Superior but God and that there is no other Prince but he unto whom some Pope or other hath not either given or confirmed his Estate and Kingdom It must needs
Holds not comparable to Paris and other such like places The nineteenth An unprofitable marriage concluded betwixt our King and Margaret daughter unto Rainer king of Sicily and Ierusalem by the means of the Earl of Suffolk corrupted as it was thought by money for the King had nothing with her but delivered for her the Dutchy of Anjoyne the City of Mouns and the County of Mayne which Countries were the very stayes of the Dutchy of Normandy The twentieth The Earl of Arminack with whose Kinswoman the King should have married by reason of the aforesaid marriage became the Kings enemy and the chief cause of the loss of the Dukedom of Aquitain The one and twentieth The Queen disdaining that the King her husband should be ruled by the Duke of Glocester never left till she had brought him to his untimely death The two and twentieth The Dukes death which divers French Noblemen hearing of revolted from our King whose Realm was as he knew divided within it self because Richard Duke of York allyed by his wife unto the chief Peers of the Realm began to contemn the King who was ruled by his wife and to lay claim privily unto the Crown whereby mens minds were not attentive unto Forreign affairs but wholly given to prevent and keep off proffered wrongs at home The three and twentieth The King himself who being more given to a purchase of an heavenly then of an Earthly Kingdom regarded not the matter but suffered the Queen to be governed by ill counsel The four and twentieth The sudden and as it were in a manner the miraculous coming of the Virgin of Orleans unto the Dolphin who wrought him very strangely to leave those follies whereunto he was vainly given and to betake himself with more courage and diligence unto the violent pursuit and following of his cause And because as of a few sparkles somtimes ariseth a great fire so of very light occasions now and then come wondrous effects I will briefly declare unto you the history of this Virgin and also the means how she being a base and mean Maiden was reputed to be sent from heaven to work such wonders as I may say in some manner with the Dolphin This Maiden was a poor Shepherds daughter and alwaies brought up to attend and keep her Fathers Sheep until a Gentleman of some accompt and worth dwelling not far off thought it expedient by reason of a bold spirit which was seen and observed to be in her somwhat exceeding the common courage of women to use her as an instrument to bring the Dolphin who lay at Borghes besotted with the love of a very fair Damsel and careless of his own estate and of the honour of his Realm from that wretchless security unto a better trade of of life and a more earnest desire of the recovery of his losses First he made the Maiden privie to divers secret qualities of the Dolphin which he being an ancient and continual Courtier had observed from him in his Infancy Then by shewing her every day his Picture as truly and lively drawn as might possibly be done he acquainted her so well with the form and shape of his face that she might easily know him although he were never so much disguised amongst a number of other Courtiers And thirdly he learned her many other things far beyond the reach and capacity of a poor simple Maiden and taught her both to foretel and to do such things as made her to be taken for a very wise woman in the Country This done he resorteth to the Court acquainteth divers Courtiers with his purpose and intention and how that he considering that many other policies and devices had failed to make the Dolphin to be more careful of the present lamentable estate of France had with much labour travel and study invented a very ready way to stir him up to diligence and care of his Realm and Country and to enforce or perswade him to forsake those pleasures which had not only seduced and mis-led him but also the most and better part of his Nobility by whose negligence France was already fallen into bondage servitude and thraldome This matter saith he must be brought to pass not by humane policy but by perswading the Dolphin as I have found a means how to do it that God hath sent a Virgin as it were from heaven to be his Guide and Leader against his enemies whom as long as he should follow he should undoubtedly be accompanied with good and fortunate success Having won divers friends of his to allow of his device and to consent to the putting of the same in execution he and they spread a rumour in the Dolphin's Court of many strange things which they said had been already done by this Virgin which report came in time to the Dolphin's ears who being as Princes and others commonly are very desirous to know the truth of this report sent for this Gentleman because it was told him that he dwelt very nigh unto her and asked him what wonders she had wrought He verified the common report and added further That she must needs have some secret vertues more then other men or women could commonly have for that she had told him divers secrets of his own which he never told unto any man Which seeming somwhat strange unto the Dolphin he to make up the matter assured him that if she were called from her Fathers poor cottage to the Court he would not think any thing untrue that was reported of her for I dare undertake said he that she shall tell you your own secrets and know you and reverence you as King although she never saw you in her life and albeit you disguise your self in the habit of the meanest Courtier within your Court And further I have heard say that she can and will direct you a course how you shall within a very short time drive the Englishmen your enemies out of France The Dolphin somwhat astonished with the strangeness of this tale and very desirous to see the Maiden caused her presently to be sent for disguised himself in a mean apparel and willed one of his chief Noblemen to be honoured apparelled and accompanied as King upon whom he amongst the rest attended in proper person The Maiden being brought to Court in a strange attire made for the nonce and apparelleld like a Souldier and instructed in some points of Chivalry by the Gentleman before she came thither and especially in the fashions of the Court and other circumstances of the same so demeaned her self that it may be said of her Non minuit sed auget praesentia famam She findeth out the Dolphin presently in the midst of the thickest thâ—ong yeildeth him reverence due and usually shewed unto a King Who ravished with the strangeness thereof for that it was certainly known that she was never in the Court nor had at any time seen him talketh with her findeth her wise in her answers and able to
by the on-set which he gave upon France and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world And seeing that Francis the first King of France had lately won Milan from the said Emperour they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth as secretly as they might possible You have heard before how Leo the tenth taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour at the Diet of Worms very kindly was moved thereby to leave the French party and to become one of the Emperours Faction Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion took it in so evil a part that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth King of England who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt lately divorced from the same King The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan nor make his Son Pier Lewis Duke of Parma and Placentia I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these but from these you may sufficiently gather that the wisest both Popes Emperors and Kings that ever lived of late years have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions especially if they found that any King or Emperour by reason of their League presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose went about to incroach upon other Princes and to make himself Lord of the world You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy and of their falling from France to Spain and again from Spain to France how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them and how careless negligent and secure they are now since they notwithstanding not as their predecessors always did before them the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde the same desire the same ambition and the same purposes which were in his Father But the more careless other Princes are herein the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth who for better then these thirty five years hath as I have said often and cannot say too often mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors but rather as he amongst private men is highly commended who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes before the iniquity of any League or confederacie Besides since that the League that was betwixt England and Burgundy was as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy then with the Princes themselves her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces and being ready to do the like if the like occasion were offered with the other of the seventeen Provinces doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League but as her Predecessors have done before her as namely Edward the third and Richard the second her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign The which action being most commendable and such as might be approved by infinite Examples they do her Highness great wrong who not considering the indignities wrongs and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain to have risen from Spain blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League These men besides many other things which are already refuted or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal the which wrong gave as they affirm the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof that it was wisely and sufficiently answered That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova who being well able to spare the same and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much thought she might be so bold as the Spaniard had been to borrow the said money for a small time paying them as he did some yearly consideration for it Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain
since the said Merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders to be detained as prisoners seized upon their goods and Merchandizes and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain and further knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value he caused them likewise to be stayed and neither they nor our Merchants in Brabant Flanders Zeland or Spain were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satisfied which might easily be done the very Cloth it self which was transported out of England into those Countries being almost worth the sum that was pretended God knoweth how truly to be taken away from the Spâ—niard For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her Majesty yet the order which the Duke of Alva took for the recovery thereof was not to be justified He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof Then an Embassadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restitution thereof And lastly if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it the course which was taken had not been amiss But here the Cart went before the Horse and judgment was given before the Cause was heard Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries as well before as after the taking of this money because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did because we had daily Traffique with Spain and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures that there was peace betwixt us and Spain the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique as it is said in Spain and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions but not for any love to our Prince or Nation but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries which could not well stand or at the least wise as late experience hath shewed flourished as they did without them Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present the poverty of Burges and the calamity of many other Towns both in Brabant and in Flanders which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity Witness again Middleboroug Vlushing Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither which they have at this present in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger yea twice as big as they were wont to be Witness lastly the great wealth power and strength which the States of the United Provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannical Government entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects for which the small aid which they have had from us small indeed in comparison of their great charges and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither it is seen of late that they are become so mighty as that for provision of Wars for strength by Sea for Munition for all kind of furniture for Wars both by Sea and Land and especially by Sea they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England stand us in great stead Have they not won many Towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late Briefly have they not and do they not carry themselves so of late years that it may not only grieve the Spaniard but also all the Princes of Christendom that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength For if the chiefest Towns of France which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing if I say these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects and after due examination of their happiness follow their examples and so in time cast off the yoke servitude and obedience which time out of mind they have owed and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings would it not be a very ill president a dangerous imitation and a most pernicious example Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared that other Subjects would be as ready as forward as desirous as they of liberty of alteration and of a new kind of Government Nay was there not a time when almost at one time all the Subjects of Europe not seeing so much as they may now see jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Princes as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them The danger therefore of this inconvenience only being well and wisely considered all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place Now again to my purpose The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of Wars May any man considering the premises and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home and within their own Countries say truly that there is no War betwixt them No verily it is not the entercourse of Merchants nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that
to your secret view what others have published in prejudice of his wisdom and justice especially since I intend not to discover any hidden oversights but such as are known to the world for most manifest errours These unto him that hath leasure to enter into considerations of them all would fall out to be very many but my purpose is at this time but to acquaint you with four and of these four I will deliver you my opinion in this manner I hold it first for a great oversight that being bound by oath to rule and Govern in the Low-Countries by Deputies and principal Officers being born within the Limits of Brabant and Flanders he contrary to his Oath and all good policy hath ruled the said Countries by proud and dâ—sdainfull Spaniards For although a Magistrate loveth vertue and hateth vice embraceth justice and disliketh oppression possesseth all good qualities and entertaineth scant any kinde of ill disposition yet if he cannot accommodate himself unto the nature of those subjects which are committed unto his charge instead of Peace and tranquility he shall occasion and nourish among them discord and dissâ—nsion For proof whereof I shall need to alledge no other examples but the troubles and civil wars which in these few years have as I have said turned the prosperity wealth and riches of Flanders into Poverty Ruine and desolation For whosoever will considerately look into the causes of thâ—se troâ—â—les shall finde that they have proceeded principally from the contrariâ—ty of the natuâ—es and dispositions of the Spaniards and of the Flemings because the one never learned to command with a spirit of meeknâ—ss and lenity and the other could never endure to be ruled by proud and arrogant Officers but have alwayes been far better governed by the Courtesie and Clemency of Women then by the severity and rigour of Men. And truly although Nimrod began his reign with cruelty and violence as the Scriptures testifie and it hath been and it is a question disputable Whether it be better that the Ministers of Kings and Princes should be severe and cruel or gentle and courteous yet the wiser sort are of opinion that Humanity and Gentlenesse is both more commendable and necessary especially where the People that is to be governed is milde by Nature gentle in condition and no way inclined to conceive well of cruelty And certainly whosoever shall busie himself in reading many Chronicles shall undoubtedly finde in them that more Kingdoms Dominions and Seigniories have been overthrown and ruinated by the cruelty of under-Officers then by the severity of the higher Powers For in Histories men shall see that even those people who lived many yeers in peace without knowing what belonged to the besieging of a Town to the maintaining of a Camp or to the entertaining of any Domesticall sedition have been enforced by the barbarous and Cruel Tyranny of wicked Officers to prefer Wars before Peace and the effusion of blood before the conservation of their lives The Province of Graecia after that it had sought and gained many Battels subdued sundry Nations and triumphed over infinite Enemies was at the last overthrown and destroyed by the wickednesse and cruelty of their Governors The iniquity and cruelty of Appius Claudius shewed unto Virginius his Daughter changed the state of Rome and was the onely cause that their form and manner of Civil Government was altered The Ancestors of the same Flemmings which of late years have born Arms against King Philip of Spain not being able to brook and endure the Indignities and Injuries of those Officers which king Philip of France sirnamed The Fair set over them took out of Prison a poor Weaver and made him their Head rebelled against their king and killed all the Frenchmen that were in Flanders The People of sicilie moved thereunto by the barbarous cruelty of such French Governors as Tyrannized over them slew in one night all the Frenchmen that were in that kingdom and opened the bellies of as many women of their own Nation as were with childe by Frenchmen onely to destroy the fruit of their womb How many times have the People of England the Subjects of France and the Inhabitants of Spain rebelled for the same occasion Yea in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth whose Predecessors were driven out of all that ever they had in Switzerland for the great Tyranny which was used by him whom they placed for their Lieutenant And in truth less grievous and offensive are the Injuries which Princes themselves do unto their Subjects then those which proceed from the enmity and malice of their Officers and certainly much more dangerous to a Princes State are the Extortions Cruelties and Exactions of inferiour Magistrates then of those unto whom as well the Magistrates as the Subjects are accomptable This is first proved by the force and efficacie of Reason it self because every particular man can better endure to be wronged by the Master then by the Servant for that the Indignitie and base Condition of the wrong-doers many times increaseth the grief and discontentment which is conceived upon occasion of an Injury sustained Sâ—condly the Common People hating alwaies much more the evill and tyrannical Government of an Inferior Magistrate then of the Superior Powers think it far better to have a bad Prince who wil be Governed and directed by good Counsellors then to live under wicked Officers authorised to Rule and Govern them by a good and vertuous Prince For say thâ—y a wicked Prince liveth at ease in his Kingly Palace giveth himself unto pleasure followeth his delights and rejoyceth in the Company of his vain and foolish Favorites and these are most commonly the worst things that he doth But the wicked Magistrate studieâ—h continually how to commit Violence to invent new Exactions to trouble and torment the common People to clipp their Wings to deâ—â—owre their Children to dishonest their Wives and to seize upon their Goods to withhold their Lands and to violate and break their Priviledges These are the harmes that proceed from the bad Magistrate the remembrance of which is most greivâ—us the pain excessive the beginning odious and the end exâ—crable The consideration whereof maketh me think not onely ours but all other Estates and Kingdomes most happy which are governed by such Princes as are borne in the same Kingdoms which they Govern And those contrariwise most unfortunate and subject unto infinite miseries which are ruled by Forain Princes The consideration whereof made many kingdoms not to accept and acknowledge for their Kings the lawful Children of their deceased Soveraignes because they were born in Foâ—rain Countries The which consideration as it seemeth had sometimes place in England because amâ—ngst other Statutes of this Realme there is one to enable and make the Childâ—en of our Kings which are born in other Countries capable of the Crown of England Lastly the consideration whereof moveth many grave and wise Polititians to be of opinion
quiet Government at home to confer the necessities of her Predecessors with the urgent occasions that her Grace hath had to use much ready money they shall finde that her Ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her Majesty had of late years yea almost for the whole time of her reign For albeit her Majesty hath not had continual open Wars as some of them had yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs For first Wars are now adays as I have said far more chargeable then they were wont to be Then her Grace hath had no other Princes to contribute towards her expences as her Predecessors had Next her Loans to foreign Princes as to the Kings of France of Navar of Scotland to the late Duke of Alencon and to the States of the Low Countries have been very great And lastly her charges both by land and Sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums considering how many times her Highness hath been constrained to send her Navy to the Seas and her Land Souldiers forth of the Realm Besides her Predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary being undertaken to conquer and not to defend their Realms to get other Princes Dominions and not to conserve their own to revenge forein injuries and not to repulse domestical invasions briefly their Wars were for their own profit and hers for her Subjects benefit considering therefore that whatsoever her Grace hath levied not granted unto her by her Parliament without any contradiction without any accusing her of Prodigalâ—ty wâ—thout any such exception taken against her demands as hath been taken against other her Predecessors without any suspition of hâ—r evil Government therefore without any consigning the managing and government of the same unto others then unto them who by her Majesties appointment have the custody thereof it is a manifest argument that her Subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contributions that her Highness in her Princely Wisdom and Discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her Realm And if these malicious Accusers would look upon the governments upon the Exactions upon the extortions of such Princes in whose Realms they either live by Alms or wander up and down as Vagabonds their own consciences if at least they have any would condemn them of malice of untruth or of gross ignorance for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such Subsidies Taxes Impositions and Grievances as are levied in France Italy Spain of which the hundreth parts are unknown much less practised in England and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest since it cannot be denied that in some Dukedoms of Italy the Circuit of which is not comparable unto one Shire of England the yearly Revenues of the Duke far exceed the Revenues and Rents of the Crown of England Moreover if it may please this Viperous generation of Fugitives to call to mind the Interest that Princes have in their Subjects Goods and the great power that is given unto kings in the Old Testament over the Lands and Possessions of as many as live under their Obedience and also to remember that Princes the longer they live the more absolute Imperious and self-conceited they are in the Execution of their Government and the more Experienced in their proof they must rather commend then condemn her Majesty whom neither continuance of time nor fulness of Authority nor presumption upon the good Wills of her people nor confidence upon the Equity of her Cause nor the consideration of her Subjects weal wholly depending upon her welfare nor briefly the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-Government hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the Realm or over-burthensome unto her Subjects This grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled Now leaving the rest of these Fugitives suggestions unto another place wherein I shall have occasion to handle them more fitly I will end this point with condemning the King of Spain for being too light in crediting these Rebels in two principal points For first he ought to have considered that neither the vain Pamphlets disspersed by his lying Ambassador Mendoza nor the malicious book written by Cardinal Allen was able to alter remove or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our English Subjects they were too well acquainted with the Ambassadors old and inveterate malice with his hostile practices and his desperate intents They knew the Cardinal to be a Religious Fugitive to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money to be like unto Richard Shaw that was hired to preach at Pauls-Cross and there publickly to justifie the wrongfull usurpation of Richard the third to resemble the Duke of Buckingham who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the Guildhall London to imitate Iohn Petit a Preacher of France who for a far less bribe then a Cardinalship allowed approved and commended in Pulpit and in writing the most horrible murther committed by the Duke of Burgoigne on the person of the Duke of Orleans And lastly to follow his example who without all example was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of France and therein to deduce many reasons many causes for and by which he maintained that the said King might be lawfully deposed and another set up and established in his place Secondly he might have considered that those Fugitives are for the most part peevish and discontented Schollers fitter to mannage a Pen then a Lance to dispute of Philosophy then to discourse of War to be partial in their own conceits then to be prodigal in their assurance briefly to be ready to say more then they know especially when they are either assured or in good hope by saying much to obtain much he might have remembred that Iohannes Viennensis sent into Scotland by Charles the sixth of France although he was a man of great experience a Captain of long continuance aud one that by his long abode in Scotland knew England and her Forces far better then our Fugitives do deceived his King at his return out of Scotland in reporting unto him the strength of our Nation he had fought with many of our Armies had seen 60000 Footmen 8000 and Horsmen of ours in the Field was of opinion that our Country was easie to be conquered within the Realm howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad And lastly he both knew and signified unto the king that the Duke of Lancaster was absent in Portugal with the Flower and chief Youth of England These reason moved the French king to determine to invade England presently to carry an huge Army to Sluce in Flanders to assemble all the Nobility and Peers of his Realm for that voyage and to proâ—â—se unto himself an assured victory against England But what event had this Journey What effect followed of this perswasion The
partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
Raigne married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes Buâ— against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title the Scots make three principall Objections The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Huntingdon the which they confess they held of our Kings and by their grant and guift The second that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Baliâ—l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom took the two Competitors aside and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him which when Robert whose Title was as they thought best refused to do and Iohn was content to performe hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption The third that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage but were so farr from yeilding thereunto that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown and gave the same unto Robert the first because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed. The three Objâ—ctions may not be unanswered and therefore unto â—very one of them in Order True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or Soveraigne King of England although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes because hee sometimes owed Fidelity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy Bâ—t the case is altered in the King of Scots because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom And this is no good Argument The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England therefore they did not Homage for Scotland But the second Objection is of better weight and yet may bee thus answered I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit and desire to have Holinshed and Thâ— Walsingham speaking for us to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian namely by Pelidore Virgil a man of more indifferency of less partiality and perhaps of better Judgement against whom if it be be said that he was either hired to write our History favorably or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us I â—nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition and I eftsoones say as I once said before that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull Then to refell this Objection I say out of Polid. Virgil that Kâ—ng Edward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David and Robert Bruce of the Second I strengthen my saying by these Arguments First it is said that King Edward very wisely when as this great conâ—ention was referred unto his Audience and determination he called together as Hector Boetiâ—s himself writeth the learnedst men of England and of Scotland he sent the State of the Question into France whence he received Answer that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better And because he might be suâ—pected if he should examine the matter alone and give sentence himself he chose 12. English men as Boetius saith or 20. as Holinshed reporteâ—h and as many Scots as English men whom he made Judges of the controversie and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll which Award was confirmed by the King Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland as are before mentioned is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected Lastly although he had made Iohn Baliâ—ll to enter into such a condition and to binde himselfe thereunto this cannot help the Scots for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right that he shall not have his lawfull Favor unlesse he will be content And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal because the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands and the Vassal is not in some Mens opinion bound to do him homage unlesse it be required The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom they required our king to be bound as he was in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths and they appointed certain principal Noblemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use whom King Edward should declare to have best Right thereunto Againe Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland as Bucanan reporteth but was enforced as Hector Boetius restifieth to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obedâ—ence unto our King and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence but that our King enforced them thereunto As though it were not lawfull for the Superior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects in case fair means cannot prevaile with them by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty Inconstancy and Rebellion they revolted often They broke their promise many times They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words and to deceive us with vaine promises But the eternall who hateth deceivers and deceitfull dealings so prospered all our Attemps against them that our King for a while left them destitute of a King caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of
for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture whereby we are commanded to obey Princes to be subject unto them to honour them to pray for them since they are called Fathers and we Children they Shepherds and we their Flocks they Heads and we their Feet it is an hard Resolution and in my opinion an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents a Flock to Rebel against their Shepherd or the Feet to presume to command and direct the Head This question notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult is largly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories of Princes that have been done to death Briefly you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion For Buchanan argueth in such manner as I may rather commend his subtilty then his conscience And he that writeth against the French king sheweth himself too partial too malicious too injurious to Princes And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects and the other too much power unto the Pope It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people It is likewise certain that this Authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him Shall either a rude multitude or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people And because Countries have flourished and may still flourish without a king shall therefore every Country reject their king when they dislike their king It â—eemeth that Buchanan is of this opinion because he approveth the death of king Iames the third and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king and the chief Authors of his death The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King were but two The one that he had made certain base money and called it not in again at their pleasure The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity if these two faults might be amended the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King The King yeelded not unto these motions Why The History giveth a good reason for the King They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat but inforce their King and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness who presumed to War against him at home when he and his Kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign Enemies There was amongst them namely the Duke of Albania who affected the kingdom who to further his Traiterous purposes had joyned with the King of England against his native Country and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel and had hanged them contrary to all Law and Equity they laid not down their Weapons but followed the poor King and so followed him that at length they flew him And why My Author giveth this reason Because they knew that they had so highly offended him that they feared that if they should have spared him as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done he would have been revenged of them This murther the States of Scotland saith Buchanan allowed and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same But what States are these Those saith my Author that had born Arms against him and for whose sake he was murthered And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me Shall Princes do what they list and no man censure them Are they not subject unto the Laws May they not be called to an accompt Shall the people from whence they derive their Authority have no manner of authority over them And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law I limit their Wills unto Reason I tie their commandments unto the Word of God I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature unto Equity and unto the Weal of the people And if these things be not regarded I take their Laws to be unlawful their Commandmenâ—s unjust their Decrees â—â—ique I know that good Princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their Laws that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws And if any of them by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance by malice or forgetfulness begin to contemn their Laws I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked but not utterly rejected be in a mannerly sort checked but not violently condemned be gently admonished but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished Is there no way but down with them depose them kill them Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews as they did against Christ Crucifige Crucifige and not rather learn by the Jews that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency as in France Theodorick and Chilperick others for their negligence as again in France Lewis sirnamed Do nothing some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown as Martina Empress of Constantinople others for perjury and not keeping promise with their Enemies as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth some for not tendring the Weal and publick Welfare of their Subjects as Richard King of England others for murthering them which reprehended their vices as Boleslaus King of Polonia some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia others for their extream rigor and cruelty as Sigismond King of Hungary some for their childrens Adultery as Tarquine King of Rome others for Tyranny as Archilaus Son to Herod some for unreasonable
the Laws of Humanity or Hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken if such a Prince be severely punished for since he first violateth these Laws himself he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of Law for the shortning of so unthankfull a Guests life especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously But it was never seen say the Scotish Queens friends that a Prince flying from the violence of her Subjects or passing by another Princes Realm as the Scotish Queen did to go into another Country was detained prisoner It is a thing never heard of never practised in any Age or by any Prince were he never so barbarous never so void of Humanity This is a vehement Objection but not so vehement as ridiculous For as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave so Princes may not set their feet on their neighbours Territories without asking them leave and license and the Prince that shall presume to come into another Princes Country without his leave is thought too indiscreet and unwise although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull It is written of Baldwine the Emperor of Constantinople that when he being driven from his Imperial Seat came into England to demand aid of our King the cause of his coming was very just and equitable but when landed at Dover word was sent him by our King that he had done unadvisedly and otherwise then it became a king of his Magnificence and Majesty to adventure to come into our Realm without making them privy before hand to his coming and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave it was held for a manifest sign of great pride and contempt Was there ever Prince that took a more just and necessary and commendable voyage then Richard the first king of England did unto the Holy land Was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage Had ever Prince more just occasion to hope to pass by another Princes Country without danger or detriment then he had And yet as he returned although he was disguised in apparel to the end he might not be known and pass safely he was intercepted by Leopald Duke of Austria and held a long time in prison by him and afterwards dilivered unto the Emperor And albeit that the Pope and other Princes considering that he was unlawfully detained became Mediators and Intercessors for his liberty yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his Ransom Both our Chronicles and the Scotish Histories report that Iames son unto Robert King of Scotland when his Uncle being Governor of the Kingdom had murthered his Elder brother and purposed to have made him away also was sent by his father into France or into England with letters of recomenmdation unto both Kings wherein the poor and distressed Father besought both Kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate and to receive and entertain his Son with all kindeness The young Prince after that he had been but a small while upon the Seas not brooking them very well commanded the Master of the ship to land him in England He is presently brought unto the presence of King Henry the first to whom he shewed his Fathers letters The King having perused them called his Councel together they deliberate what were best to do with the Prince some think it good to send him into France others whose opinion was followed perswade the king to detain him as prisoner I might alledge a number of Examples like unto these two but they may suffice to refute this frivolous Objection And the late Queen of Scots might have learned of either these Princes how to have carried her self in the time of her Captivity King Richard was a valiant a mighty and a notable wise Prince His case was lamented of all the Princes of Christendom His Subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his Detainers to deliver him His journey was undertaken for the benefit of all Christendom and therefore it behoved all Princes to be offended with his imprisonment Briefly neither the Duke nor the Emperor had just occasion to detain him and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison nor practised any treacherous wayes to be revenged of his Detainers The Scotish Prince doubtless was to be pittied The cause of his flight was just and honest and the detaining of him prisoner waâ— rather hatefull then honourable and yet this poor Prince carried himself not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in England but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into France where he might have easily escaped from his keepers or quickly haâ—e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty he continued stâ—ll a faithfull prisoner And was so far at all times from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used and in requital of that courtesie when as Henry the sixth Son unto the same Henry who kept him Prisoner was driven out his kingdom he not onely haâ—boured him but also helped to restore him to his kingdom The good carriages of these two Princes condemneth the Scottish Queen and the general custom of Princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other Princes Dominions but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there confuteth this foolish this fond this ridiculous and childish Objection It is written of a King of Navarre that when he had occasion to come into England in the four and fortieth year of Edward the Third his reign not to conspire against us but to intreat a League with us and to fight for us he not onely demanded leave but also durst not adventure to come before that the King had sent unto his Realm certain Bishops Earls and Barons to remain as Hostages and Sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in England And surely Princes have great reason to require such Assurance since many Kings and Princes have been in great danger to be killed yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of Common Affairs So was Iulius Caesar in danger to have been in conference with Ariovisâ—us so was William Duke of Normandy killed in conference with Arnold Earl of Flanders so was the Duke of Burgundy muâ—thered at a meeting with the Dolphin of France And these examples have made Princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such Enterviews or if they must needs meet they cause places to be made of
crime worthy of death unless his Princes State be greatly endangered by his fault and folly Let all the ancient and new Histories be perused that handle matters of State All the large Volumns of Civilians be read that ever writ of points of Treason and all the Negotiations that have passed betwixt Prince and Prince be well and duly considered and it will appear that never any Princes servant or minister hath lost life for practising with his Masters Friends and Allies unless it were proved that through his fault of Friends they were made enemies For the Laws take not any man to be a traytor by whom his Princes State is not weakned or endangered or his Countries adversaries strengthned or assisted in deed or in counsel by advice or by action Then since it was not proved that Escovedo his practises with the King of France or with the House of Guise tended to the disadvantage of his Prince to the loss of his Realms the diminution of his Friends but rather to the advantage of the Kings Brother the benefit of the Low Countries and the continuance of the League and Amity betwixt France and Spain For Don Iohn de Austria his League with the Duke of Guise was concluded for the benefit and defence of both Kingdoms I see no reason why Escovedo should lose his life for contracting with France openly or secretly with the Kings pleasure or without his commission especially if it were not shewed that he had some express commandment not to deal in any matter of what nature soever with France without his privity For although it be a fault in a servant to be over-busie in his masters affairs into which divers servants fall many times either because they are desirous to be always doing somthing or for that they think they cannot be too careful and vigilant in any thing that concerns their masters yet it is an offence pardonable And the fault that proceedeth from temerity and rashness deserveth rather commiseration then cruelty pardon then punishment especially unless it be such a fault that hath no certain kind of chastisement appointed out by the Law But Escovedo was once well affected unto the Kings service and afterwards changed that affection But how will this be proved Bartell in his Book de Guelphis Gibellinis setteth down four causes or changes or signs of a changed affection and of a mans mind estranged and departed from that faction which he once liked and followed The first If he have any sudden occasion of quarrel and contention with a man that is mightier then himself amongst his own faction The second If any inheritance or great commodity be fallen unto him which he cannot enjoy unless he leave his old friends and lean unto their enemies The third If he be lately joyned in affinity with the contrary faction And the fourth and last if moved with any of these causes he departeth from one side unto another Of these four signs which was found in Escovedo Had he any quarrel with any one about his King that was greater then himself It appeareth not and Don Iohn de Austria testifieth unto the King that he was generally well liked and loved of all men Had he any league of kinred or affinity in Rome or France It was never urged against him and he never sought any occasion of any such alliance Left he his Masters service to serve the Pope or the French King There was nothing further from his heart Had he any pension of the Pope any fee of the French King any yearly reward of the House of Guise The intelligence that was given against him mentioneth no such matter and although he had some benefit by all these yet it maketh him no traytor For servants and Kings Counsellors may and do usually receive rewards of their Princes enemies much more of their friends which are given to the end they should do some good offices about their King and what Counsellor can be greatly blamed if he take a reward of an enemy to effect that which he knoweth his master would have effected Or who can justly think evil of that Counsellor who when an enemy seeketh a peace that will be both honourable and profitable to his Prince receiveth some notable reward to be a mediator of such a peace Is it not good to ease an indiscreet enemy of his money And have you not heard of Philip de Commines that divers great Officers of England had yearly Fees of the French King and yet were held and taken and that not wrongfully for good and faithful Counsellors unto their own King and Country It is noted for indiscretion and a great over-sight in the Seignory of Venice that when they send their Generals into the Field against their enemies they give them express charge and commandment not to fight a Battel without leave of the Senate because while they are sending for that leave they many times lose very good opportunities to overthrow their adversaries For that oft times it falleth out that the time the place and other circumstances give him opportunity to do better service then he should be able to do if he were precisely fastned unto his Instructions And undoubtedly the late Duke of Parma might have benefitted the Spaniard much more then he did in the Low Countries had he not been constrained to let slip many good occasions whilst he attended for advice and resolution out of Spain And it is certain that Don Iohn de Austria after his Victory at Lepantâ— might have done great service unto all Christendom had he not refused when he was requested by the Venetians to follow the victory because he had no warrant out of Spain to go further then he did And the Duke of Medina might as common fame reporteth in the late Spanish enterprize against England have annoyed our Realm much more then he did had he not stood so nicely to his Commission If therefore Flanders which in those days was very tumultuous and subject to divers accidents if France which favoured not England at that time so much as it doth at this present if the Pope who wanted not a number of fugitives to incense him against England if the House of Guise which had their secret friends and their privie practises in England if England it self which was the mark whereat the Pope the Spaniard and Don Iohn de Austria did shoot Briefly if all these together might minister many sudden occasions speedy resolutions and better furtherance from France from Rome then from Escovedo's practises were tolerable and his secret dealings gave the Spanish King no just occasion to put him to death It remaineth to see whether the cause of his death being unjust the King had any reasonable excuse to extenuate the murther He that cannot escape death but by killing another shall not be punished by death if he kill another because it is lawful to repel force by force The husband or father that killeth an adulterer in
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
many casualties unto many accidents and unto unexpected success and fortune They are to day Conquerors and to morrow conquered this day strong to morrow weak sometimes in health and prosperity upon a very sudden in sickness and penury Their Triumphs are Messengers of evil fortune their Victories forerunners of overthrows their abundance tokens of Penury and their conceived hope an infallible Prognostication of future calamity Was there ever a wiser Captain then Hanniball Was there ever any Army compounded of so many and diverse Nations Was there any Souldiers that were better governed or any Governor that was more carefull of his Company more politique to win and purchase unto himself the favour and friendship of such people with whom he had any manner of commerce or society or of whom he stood in any kind of need And yet what success had his Providence his Prudence his Policy Decayed not his strength daily his Souldiers became they not effeminate his fortune did it not forsake him his faithful friends did they not leave him the Towns he got did they not revolt from him And briefly lost he not in a very short space all that he got in many years And yet since Hannibal his time there was never any Captain General Colonel or Leader of any Army call him by what name or Title you list that in my simple conceit might compare with Hannibal either for the governing of his Souldiers or for temporizing with his Adversaries for preventing mischeifs or for inventing new Stratagems for putting in execution with good success and marvelous fortune of all his attempts and enterprises or briefly for furnishing his Camp with all things necessary or keeping his Souldiers in awe and obedience But Hannibal contended with the mightiest Adversary of the world Hannibal had secret enemies at home who were content to suffer him and his to live in want and penury abroad Hannibal pretermitted many occasions of good fortune which being taken in time might have made him a most happy Conqueror Hannibal suffered his Souldiers to dote in love when it was no time to dally in Lechery Briefly Hâ—nnibal would not win when he might have won And therefore it was reason that Hannibal should lose when he would not have lost In later times Hannibal's follies have made wise men Hannibal's evil fortune hath taught others to beware of the like Fortune Hannibal's losses have given his posterity occasion to take heed by his examples lest following his steps they chance to fall into his miseries Now Princes measure their strength by their adversaries power they rate their charges by the distance of places into which they are to convey their Armies they furnish their company according to the time for which they purpose to use the same they cast their accompts before they enter into wars they consider the casualties which are accustomed to follow wars they note the dispositions and affections of their neighbours they mark and observe the provision of their enemies they provide for longer time then they intend to spend in wars they have their carriage to attend upon their Armies their victuallers to follow them their confederates to supply their wants their Messengers to bring them word of their necessities and their Officers both at home and abroad to make provision as soon as any thing is found to be defective or wanting in their Armies So if they go far from home they seem always to be at home if they want their wants are presently supplied if they chance to decrease their number is immediately increased and although they may happen to languish yet they are never suffered to perish True it is that other mens harmes have made men both in these dayes and in former times to be wise and wary And the Prince is reputed to want the discretion and wisdom requisite in a Prince who undertaketh wars without due consideration of all the circumstances above mentioned and yet neither Hannibals ill fortune nor his example nor common experience nor fear of inevitable accidents can make men so wary as it behoveth them to be but in later times they have been and will be subject unto the self same Inconveniences which men in former times endured Have Armies in times past going far from home perished in their journies by reason of the intemperature of the air the heat of the weather and the intemperance of the Souldiers who seed too much of noisom and hurtful fruits or drank too much of hot Wines in hot seasons and in hot countries as did the Army which Marcus Antonius led from Italy to Parthia whereof better then 20000 Foot-men and 4000 Horsemen perished by such casualties before he came to his Journies end And do not or have not some miscarried by the same means in our dayes or within our memories Have many Christian Armies led out of Christendom into Turky not lost the greaâ—est part of their number before they came unto the place whereunto they were sent Did not the first Army that ever the Romans sent by Sea against the Carthiginians perish in the Sea and almost so dismayed the Souldiers that they were utterly discouraged to commit any more men or ships to the unmerciful Tempests of the raging Seas And did not the like befal unto the Navy that Charles the fifth sent in his time unto Algire whose lamentable overthrow is pitifully described by a Spanish Historian in the life of Paulus tertius sometimes Pope of Rome Did a plague consume so many of the Souldiers of Radagasius King of the Gothes that as Saint Augustine reporteth one day deprived better then an hundred thousand of their lives And did not the like happen unto Francis the first his Army in his Wars for the Kingdom of Naples Did better then 30000 of that Army which Iohn Duke of Lancaster carryed out of England into Portugal perish by the way for lack of victual and necessary sustenance and might not the same misfortune betide the small company which went out of late from England into Poâ—tugal Was the huge Army which Darius had against Alexander overthrown for want of water and other inconveniencies occasioned by their long aboad in a strange and unable country to receive so big an host and can it seem strange or marvelous that Charles the fifth's Army brought out of Spain to Marselles and passing by the most barren and unfruitful countries of France felt the like calamities Plagues Pestilence Famine Tediousness of the way Want of water Tempests by Sea and sudden Sickness have always and will continually lessen the number weaken the Forces and not spare the mighty multitudes that have been or shall be sent far from home by any Prince whatsoever There is no policy can prevent it no wisdom that can foresee it no fore-sight that can withstand it they be Scourges which it pleaseth the Almighty to send and therefore it behoveth him that hath urgent occasion to send an Army into forraign
it cometh to pass that divers learned men in their Writing striving to yeild more praises to Spain then it deserveth make mention of such commodities to be as yet in Spain which many years before our great Grand-fathers time were never seen nor found therein So doth Iohannes Vasoeus in his Preface of his History of Spain say that there was sometimes so great abundance of gold and silver Mines in one Province of Spain called anciently Boetica as that divers forain Nations being drawn thither with an unsatiable desire and covetousness thereof did not only lade their Ships with Gold and Silver but also made Anchors for their Ships of silver The same Authour addeth further That when the Carthaginians came first into Spain they found in many houses great Barrels and Hogsheads made of pure silver and in some Stables the Mangers for their Horses of silver In so much that the Carthaginians being enriched only with the wealth of Spain were made able therewith alone to subdue the Sicilians Libians and Romans for they found their silver in such great quantity that one man called Bebelo gave daily unto Hannibal there thousand Crowns The same Authour proceeding in one and the same manner of commendation affirmeth our of Iustin That Spain may compare for fertility of soil with France Affrica and Italy for that these Countries never help Spain but Spain oftentimes holpe them with Corn and all other kind of Victuals The same Authour Hyperbolishing still in one manner calleth Spain the most warlike Nation of the world the Teacher of Hannibal to war the Nurse of Souldiers and the Province which knew not her self nor her strength before she was overcome and that she troubled the Romans more then any other Nation of the whole world The same Authour always continuing one course preferreth Spain for Antiquity of true Religion and for faithful obedience to her Soveraign Kings and Governours before all other Nations attributing the first foundation of their faith and profession of Christ unto Paul the Apostle and Iames the son of Zebedeus and extolling their loyalty because they have not only been always true unto their own Kings but also to forraign Princes and Leaders As Hannibal Pompey Iuba King of Numidia Sertorius a notable Roman Rebel reposed greater trust and confidence in Spaniards then in their own Nations Lastly the same Authour striving to exceed all others in flattery equalleth Spain for learned men and women with the most learned Nations of Europe And Sebastianus Foxius in his Book de Institutione Historiae with a Spanish brag speaking by way of a Dialogue more arrogantly then wisely of himself giveth such praises unto himself for eloquence as Tâ—lly the father and founder of eloquence would or did ever challenge And yet Tullies Verse O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam argueth that he was somewhat proud and arrogant Now to avoid the just reprehension of hatred or malice I will forbear to confute their Assertions at large and briefly impugn them not by mine own but by other mens Testimonies who shall not be inferiour but equal to Vasoeus for learning and sidelity Munster therefore shall tell you that Spain now yeildeth no golden or silver Mines but that all the Mines it hath are of Lead and Tin which may perhaps in time turn into Gold and Silver if we may beleeve Raymundus Lullius and other Alchimists of his opinion which if it should chance at any time as many Historiographers as write of England would tell you that England should not then go behind Spain for gold and silver The same Authour shall likewise tell you how likely it is that Spain should excel Affrica France and Italy in fertility of soil since as he saith Spain lieth barren waste and desolate in many places and late experience sheweth that Denmark Holland and England have many times supplied Spains wants of Corn and other Victuals How warlike a Nation Spain hath been let not only Terapha a Spanish Chronocler and better witness for Spain then Vasoeus a Flemming but also reason and daily experience testifie both which telling us as you shall hereafter hear that Spain hath been conquered by more sundry Nations then any other Nation in the world do by necessary inference conclude that Spain yeildeth unto all those Nations in Prowess and Chivalty And all Historians of former times and of this present Age will undoubtedly controll as many as shall presume to affirm that France and England troubled not Rome much more then Spain did before they could be conquered for where was Caesar in greater danger then in England Where was there a Prince that durst challenge him to a single Combat but in England And what hold had he of his Conquest after he had conquered England No better then Vasoeus might have of a wet Eel by the tail But to proceed to the confutation of the rest Terapha in some manner agreeth with Vasoeus touching the Antiquity of Religion for he saith that during the Raign of Claudius the Emperour Iames the Apostle travelled over all Spain and not long after Paul came to Narbona but how many won Iames to profess the Gospel by travelling over all Spain Forsooth but poor nine Disciples as Terâ—pha reporteth a small number for so great a Travel or for Vasoeus to boast and brag of much less for him to preâ—et Spain in this respect before all other Nations for I know not why for Antiquity of Religion England should yeild unto Spain because the same Iosephus which buried the body of Christ not alone as Paul and Iames came into Spain but with great company arrived into England and not he alone but divers of his society converted not poor nine but infinite many and not to profess Christ Jesus but to be baptized And if a Spaniard may carry equal credit with a Flemming which a Spaniard will rather die then not do our little English Island professed Christ long before Spain For Dr. Illescas in his Pontiâ—ical History reporteth that Pope Elutherius sent Fugacius and Damianus into England to baptize King Lucius and all his Houshold And England was the first Province in all the world in common opinion of all other Nations that received and professed Christian Religion and if Spain may brag of their Isidorus Archbishop of Sivil or of Eludius Archbishop of Toledo which purged their Country of the Heresie of the Monopoliss why may not our Island boast of Augustinus Militus and that Iohn which Pope Gregory the first sent into England not to remove errors as their Bishops did but to confirm our Countrimen in that Christian Religion and Profession which they had received and entertained almost five hundred years before their coming Neither may it be justified that Spain as Vasoeus saith after it had once entertained the Doctrine of Christ never fell from the same for Illescas in the life of Pope Pelagius the second affirmeth that in the 585. year of Christs Incarnation
sixth book of his Chronicles of Flanders reporteth that Philip King of Flanders in the year 1181 having Wars against the French King had 200000 Men in his Army and Adrianus Barbadus in the Chronicles of the Dukes of Brabant recordeth that the Bishop of Utritch is able upon any urgent occasion to arm 40000 Men. The first of these reports sheweth what the force of Flanders hath been and the second giveth me occasion to conjectuâ—e and think that the strength of the United Provinces cannot but be great since a Bishop of one Town could readily and conveniently Arm so many Men. It is written that the chiefest cause of displeasure and contention betwixt Philip sirnamed The Fair king of France and Pope Boniface the eighth was because the said Philip would not at the request and intreaty of the Pope restore Guido Earl of Flanders unto his Liberty that he might accompany and assist the Christians in their Wars in the Holy Land where the said Guido's Predecessors had done better service then any other Prince of Christendom and the Pope held an opinion that Guido's presence would avail the Christians much more then the society of all the other Princes What a loss then hath the king of Spain by the Low Countries poverty as well of money as of men since the same Countries were of late years more populous far richer and better inhabited then they were in times past It is a worlds wonder to see the Riches the beauty the Pride and the jolity of those Citiâ—s before the late Câ—vil Wars And it will make any mans heart bleed as we say within his body to behold the poverty desolation ruine and calamity of them at this present Neither is the weakness of Flanders so prejudicial or hurtfull unto the Spaniards as the obstinate continuance of the United Provincâ—s in their disobedience against him For considering the extremity of his malice against England it must needs be very grievous unto him that there is so fast a League of friendship betwixt us and them And he cannot but be sorry in heart as often as he remembreth what aid they yeelded us against his invincible Navy whâ—reby the same was more easily subdued and overthrown But if he should look considerately upon their Strength by Sea and the multitude of their Mariners and Sea-faâ—ing mâ—n whereof he hath more need then of any other people whatsoever 〈◊〉 cannot but utterly despair to attain unto his desires or to satisfie his revengefull minde so long as those Pâ—ovinces shall continue in Amity with us It will seem incâ—edible that I have heard reported of the multitude of the natural Inhabitants in such a Country where most part of their Martial men are imployed in forreign Garrisons and the people remaining at home are scant fit to make soulders For that every man that hath an affâ—ction and liking to be trained up in Armes desireth to be sent into some such place where he may have the use of Armes It is an ancient custom amongst Princes if one hath an occasion to passe with an Army through anothers Country to take Pledges and Hostages that he shall passe without any kinde of Annoyance And if caution be thought necessary when a multitude goeth but through a Forreign Dominion how can a Prince be too watchfull provident and circumspect over an infinite number of Forreigners residing within the limits of his Kingdom where although they be not armed yet they may arm themselves at any time although they be dispersed yet they may congregate and unite themselves together at their pleasure although they want Guides and Governours to direct them in any malicious enterprise yet if any Army of their own Nation should attempt any manner of Hostility against the Prince within whose dominion they live they may watch and wait for some good opportunity to joyne with their Countrymen and so endanger his Estate that harboureth them And sometimes Strangers of a few grow to so great a multitude in other Princes dominions that they become both terrible and dangerous unto the Countrey which they inhabit There was a time when certain wicked Rebels cruelly murthered Charles Earl of Flanders of which some were according to their desert severely punished and others were both they and their Posteâ—ity banished out of all parts of the Earldome and also out of all the dominions of the king of France insomuch that all men and nations hating them for their wickedness they wandered up and down the wide world and could not finde any place that would receive and harbour them until that Edward King of England vouchsafed them a simple dwelling place in a little Island of Ireland called Gherma where in a few years they so multiplied and encreased that in the year 1287. they presumed to wage war against the said King Edward but being happily subdued by him the greatest part of them were slain and the residue which escaped became Sea-Rovers and spared not to pill and poll any Nation whatsoever thâ—t chanced to fall into their hands This example may warn all Princes to take heed of strangers and especially of such as have been Traytors unto their own Princes and whosoever considereth well every circumstance thereof and of many others like unto it may boldly presume to say that the Prince whose Country is replenished with strangers and especially with such as have bâ—en Traytors unto their own Princes hath great occasion to live in great doubt of his own security and of his subjects safety But I speake not this against such strangers as are fled into England or any other Country for their conscience sake to avoid the tyranny of the Spaniards I know that God ordained Cities of refuge whereunto it was lawful for â—nnocents and men wrongfully oppressed to fly for safety and yet even over such strangers it cannot be amiss to have a watchful Eye as well to Cherish tâ—em if living well and under Law they be wronged by the natural subjects of his Country where they live against the course of Law as to foresee that neither all nor part of them be induced by the natural or professed Enemies of the State in which they are harboured to attempt any open Hostility or secret Treason against him that vouchsafeth to harbor them You have heard what may be said against the present strength of the Spanish King Now it remaineth that you hear what can be objected against his wisdom and justice in Civâ—l Government For as necessary are Justice and Prudence for a peaceable regiment as Force and Policy in time of Wars To censure his wisdom will argue small wisdom in me who do both know and acknowledge it to be my duty to think well as I have said of all Princes and not to examine their actions nor look into the mysteries of their secret enterprises And yet because his favorites and friends spare not to report whatsoever their wicked hearts can imagine against our Sovereign I may boldy presume to commit
maketh any such vow or promise first it had been very good that he had never made it and next it were very convenient never to put the same in execution bâ—cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many This promise therefore if it were never made but suggested requireth no performance and if it were once made it likewise ought not to be performed because it is impossible and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood without hurt unto many and prejudice unto a whole estate From this promise therefore unto tâ—e fourth Reason a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus not for any affection that he baâ—e unto them but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects Theodosius sirnamed the Great who was always a most moâ—tal enemy unto their opinion did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject And Valens and Valentian whereof the one wâ—s an Arrian and the other a Catholick suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania which are Provinces of Bohemia to change their Religion And not long after him Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants Besides the Pope himself the Dukes of Mantua Ferrara Florence and Baviera together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome In the Kingdom of Poland the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whiâ—e professed And now there are many Lutherans Catholiques Anabaptists and Calvinists Lastly it cannot be denied and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which professâ— Luâ—herasme being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Peâ—ce of Aubspurge Considering therefore that al these Popes Emperors Kings Dukes Princes and Barons having no less regard then the King of Spain of their Soules health hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell namely the Jewes to live nay to be born and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes Dominions and Principalities What Shame Dâ—shonor or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Goâ— which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire I know not what should be the cause that he who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 Examples and Counsells doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration which will be acceptable unto his Subjects answerable â—nto their desires agrâ—eâ—ble unto Gods word and very proâ—itable for the Advâ—ncement of his own reputation It is to come unto the fift Reason because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in theâ—r several kingdoms Alaâ— neither the example of the one nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England They are free and he is bound They are tied to no conditions and he is fastened unto many and especially unto these not to break their ancient Priviledges nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconvâ—nience unto him then unto her by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects For his are so many that require the same that above 30000 departed at â—ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request and the number of Traditioners in England is so little that all that were of any note and name amongst them were heretofore and are at this present reduced into one little Island nay into no great house of a little Island But the late King of France who was esteemed one of the wisâ—st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom but because he would plant one onely there he made wars a great while against his own subjects destroying their houses wasting their Fields ruinating their Cities and Massacring their persons But who gave him Counsel so to do Was it not the King of Spain or his Pensioners And what advantage got he therefore Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country And what end had he of his war before he died Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars And what continuance had these wars Certainly they lasted above thirty years and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were And what issue is come of these French troubles Undoubtedly the issue was such that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions a little before the Kings death there were three and of those three the last was most unjust pernitious and execrable For in the same one Papist killed another the son bore Arms against the father the brother against the seed of his mothers womb and the subjects being in their opinion of a good Religion against their King whose Religion was as good or better then theirs It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him It beseemeth not his Catholâ—ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects This is the last and in effect the best of his Reasons For it is usual amongst Princes and therefore no shame to crave counsel advice and direction one of another in matters of great weight and moment and happy haâ—h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as hâ—s faithfull Friends abroad gave him Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another that they crave conference one with another that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously or meant truly that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor the Queen of England and other Princes of late years to Cullen should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects
them in their Necessities yet he stâ—ndeth in doubt that if he should send any great supplies and God should bless them with any extraordinary Fortune that the Duke of Mayne should be chosen King he seeth that they were too strong to yeild unto his motions hee perceiveth that he must keep them low and in continual need of his help and therefore when he hath once succoured them he withdraweth his forces and leaveth them somtimes in such distress that the Duke of Mayne is constrained to forget that he is Lieutenant General of the Crown of France and to his great shame and dishonor is driven to go seek for Aid of the Duke of Parma which carried the â—itle but of a Lieutenant unto his Master in one Province And truly it is reported that the King of Spain took not the loss of his men at the battaile of Iury where he received a great overthrow so grievously but that he was right glad to see his partakers reduced to so great an extremitie as that they were enforced to present him a Blank and to offer to subscribe to any thing that he should demand These faint proceeding of the King of Spain these apparent coutentions betwixt the Leaguâ—res themselves and this general discontentment of the common people might have shortned the Warrs in France if the now King had been of sufficient power to take and make his advantage of them But I shall have occasion to shew why this advantage was omitted and not taken in another place And therefore to proceed according to my purpose If you consider that the Etolians and Arcadians warrâ—d a long time together for a wild Boare that the Carthaginians held long Warrs with the People of Piraca for a Sea-Rovers ship that there were mortall Wâ—rrs betwixt the Scots and Picts for a few Doggs which the one Nation had taken from the other And that the wars betwixt Charles Duke of Burgondy and the Switzers began but for a cart loaden with sheep skins which Mr. de Romont took from a Switzer who passed therewith through his ground you shall easily perceive and see how ready Princes are to take very light occasions to war one against another And this ready desire accompanieth most commonly those Princes who have valiant hearts good occasions and ready means to be revenged on their Enemies It is therefore to be thought that the now king of France who is endowed with all the perfections and vertues which the Almighty of his bounteous liberality useth to bestow upon Princes will not suffer the king of Spain to offer him such wrong as he doth without revenging the same He is valiant and wise and undoubtedly he will follow the Life and Actions of his Predecessors of which Pipin made wars with the Venetians because they favoured the party of Nicephorus Emperor of Greece against Charles the great his Father Philip sirnamed The Fair warred against Adolph the Emperor because he had taken money of the king of England to make wars against France Philip Augustus denounced wars against France unto Iohn king of England because he killed his Nephew Arthur And Clovis the first of that name warred with Alurick king of the Visgots because he harboured and received the Exiles of France and had suborned certain men to come and kill the French king within his own Realm And hath not the king of Spain deserved much more then all these the hatred and hostility of the present king of France since he sendeth aid not to the Enemies but to the Subjects of the king of France since he hath not taken but given money to others to make wars against him since he hath not killed his Nephew but his own Son since he not onely receveth the Exiles of France but counselleth the good Subjects thereof to become bad and the most obedient to rebel against their king and hireth not strangers but his own natural Subjects to come and murther the French king in his own Palace But it may be said that the Spanish king hath taken a good course to keep the Frenchmen out of his kingdom by sending his Forces into theirs and by nourishing and continning the Civâ—l Wars in France To this I answer That the Leaguers begin now to lose their credit that their Forces and Strength declineth that their Towns and Partners leave them and that if they will not vouchsafe to imitate M. Coriolanus they must expect the success and fortune that fell unto the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury in England M. Coriolanus taking in evil part that the Romans had rejected a very reasonable demand which he made unto them joyned with their Enemies and obtained for them many battels and victories against his own Country but being intreated by his Wife and his Mother he returned into his Country and recovered whatsoever he or his Enemies had taken from Rome By whose Example if the Guisards being now so weakned as they are will not learn to submit themselves unto their Princes mercy they must fear and be afraid when they hear that the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury after that they had deprived one king of his Royal Seat and Scepter and placed another in the same were both cruelly murthered in the Field although there was a time whenas the one could have obtained whatsoever he would of the common People and the other by reason of his Offices had all the chief Forces and strength of England as well by Land as by Sea at his disposition and commandment Now if these two Earls had no better end but to be slain in the Field although they were the mightiest and best beloved Rebels that ever were in the world What assurance can the Guâ—sards of France have of their good fortune What hope in the multitude of their partners and their fellows in Arms What confidence in the favour of fortune which never was nor never will be constant in any other thing but inconstancy Their glory therefore cannot continue long their Alliance shall not greatly avail the Spanish king and the remembrance and memory of this their Rebellion will alwayes remain fresh as well in the hearts of our after-comers as in the mindes of our selves and our children because men are more prone and ready to remember the wrongs that others do unâ—o them then the benefits they receive from others How can the Frenchmen then forget the subtilty and cunning which the Spaniards used in taking from them the kingdom of Naples the rigour and cruelty that was shewed unto Francis the first to make him resign the Sovereignity of Flanders the injury and injustice used by Ferdinando king of Castile when he usurped and took into his hands the moyetie of the kingdom of Navarr and the unlawfull violence of the Spanish kings father practised in the usurpation of the Dukedom of Milan And remembring all this can they want good occasion to exercise all kinde of Hostility against the Spaniards as soon as it
For the Servant commandeth the Master the Subject his Sovereign the Inferior his Superior the Vassal his Lord and the elegible the Elector Whereat so many marvel that it was never more necessary or expedient then it is now to declare how this came to pass you shall therefore understand that there was a time when as the Emperor had power and preheminence over all the Princes of Christendom as well spirituall as temporal and as long as this power and prerogative continued so long the name of the Emperor was honored of all men his Empire was large and ample his Dominions great and excessive and his credit and authority was marvellous and incredible About or not long after this time not God but the Devil raised up a man who seeking the preferment of this world and the advancement of his See endeavoured by all means possible to attain his purpose What doth he What course taketh he What means useth he What habit putshe on He thinketh it not good to use any violence his Forces are too weak his Treasury too smal his Arms are not great and he wanteth a Lyons skin he therefore playeth the Fox accommodateth himself unto the humors of Princes counterfeiteth an extraordinary kind of Holiness and more then a common and usual kind of Zeal Sanctiâ—y and Devotion and entreateth the Emperor to make him Head of all the Churches of the World because as Rome was his Seat that commandeth the World in Secular causes so the Bishop that had his Sea at Rome was worthy to govern and rule all other Bishops in spiritual Affairs The Emperor that then was had killed his Predecessor had usurped his Empire and had need of one to tolerate and excuse his murder and to countenance and allow his Usurpation and therefore taking the Pope to be the fittest man that then lived to further his purpose yeeldeth to his demand But the other Bishops which before that time never acknowledged any Superiour refused to receive and acknowledge him for their Head who was wont to be their Equal and Companion The Bishops contradiction could not make him give over his Suit he praieth entreateth beseecheth and never leaveth to be importunate untill Phocas the Emperor granteth his Request He might have contented himself with this Grant with this favour But as covetous men the more they have the more they desire so this ambitious and proud Prelate studieth presently how to get new Dignities how to purchase new Honors wherein he findeth not only Fortune but the time favourable and friendly unto him For whenas the Empire began to decay having lost France England and Germany the Huns conquered Italy the Vandals became Lords of the greatest part of Africa and the dissolution and loss of the Empire began to be so great that the Emperors were fain to give over all the West Countries and to seaâ— themselves in the East It happened not long after that there fell out a great contention betwixt the Pope and the Emperor touching Images the one commanded them to be pulled down and the other to be raised up and he excommunicated the Emperor for withstanding his commandment And about this time or not very long after the Lumbards began to make great Wars in Italy whose Forces the Pope who was then very weak not being able to resist was forced to flie for Aid to the King of France by whom being defended from the force and violence of his Enemies were it to be revenged of the Emperor of the East or to recompence the good turn and pleasure which the Frenchmen had done him in debasing the pride of the Lumbards or to make the way to encrease his own power and magnificence more ready and easie considering the weakness of the Eastern Emperor whose power began daily to decrease and diminish through the continual and cruel Wars which were between him and the Turk he presumed to declare the King of France which was then Charls the Great for rightful Emperor And so he which at the beginning was poor aud needy feared not to deprive him of the Emperial Diadem unto whom God commanded all humane creatures should be obedient and to chuse the Roman Emperor whose election belonged in former times to the people or the Soldiers of Rome But what were the fruits what the effects of this choyce Forsooth a division of the Empire the which of one was made two a dangerous contention and long Wars the beginning and end whereof was most lamentable For the Empire having continued a long time in the Race of Charls the Great the Princes and Peâ—rs of Italy began to grieve and grudg thereat Insomuch that entring into League and Confederacy together they chose Berengarius Emperor and aided and animated him to make Wars against the lawful Emperor who was then Lewis the Third This Lewis being hated of his own Subjects for his great Pride and Tyranny Othon Duke of Saxony went into Italy with a great Army and there subdued Berengarius and received of the Pope the Emperial Crown for his guerdon and recompence Lewis the right and lawful Emperor being then alive The Pope that then was being Gregory the Fifth and this Othon whom he had made Emperor were both Germans and naturally hated all French men And therefore began to devise with themselves how they might take away all possibility for ever from the French-men to recover the Empire The Pope shewing himself herein wiser then the Emperor inventeth these means He thought it convenient for the better countenance of the Emperor that he should be assisted and alwayes accompanied with certain grave and wise Personages as well for learning as for honour and therefore he ordained that seven Princes of Germany should have full power and authority to chuse the Emperor whereunto the Emperor consented most willingly as well in regard of the hatred which he bore unto France as for that there were like to rise quarrels and debates betwixt the Germans themselves touching the Election What doth the Pope when he hath gained this high point Seeketh he not for something more Thought he that it was sufficient honour for his Pontifical Seat that three of the seven Electors of the Emperor were Bishops and all of them sworn to be obedient unto him in all things Approved he alwayes their Election Beareth he any respect or honour unto them that were chosen by the same Elector He meaneth no such thing For he setteth them at naught seeketh to discredit them and is not ashamed to command them to swear that they shall alwayes defend keep and maintain the goods of the Church and the Popes and also their Dignities their Priviledges their Laws and their Decrees by vertue of which Oath he restraineth their Wills abridgeth their Power and enforceth them to be at his devotion True it is that the Emperors Frederick the third and second and Henry the fourth not vouchsafing to brook their Bravadoes their Threats and their Outrages opposed themselves against
lay and inflict upon him The Pope sendeth two Cardinals into England before whom the King sweareth that the Murther of the Archbishop was undertaken and performed without his consent and privitie And yet because he confessed that in his wrath and anger he had spoken some words that might perhaps embolden the Malefactors to committ the same he could not be Absolved before he promised to give the Cardinals so much readie money as would maintaine 200. soldiers for a year in the Holy land and also that all his Subiects should have libertie to appeale from his Courts unto Rome a great punishment for a small offence For what a trouble and grief was it thinke you unto the Subjects of this Realme to have all causes carried unto Rome where they spent their travel and their money many years before they could be ended and received no indifferent Iudgment because their Contentions were for the most parâ— as you shall heare with Italians who found better favour either for money or for love then our Countrimen which were meer Strangers unto the Judges But these griefs are nothing in respect of those which we endured in the time of Henry the third the which were so grievous that the King together with the Clergie and Nobility complained thereof unto the generall Councell which was held in Pope Innocent the third his time at Lyons They complained first that the Pope not being contented with his Peter-pence did newly exact new contributions of the English Clergy and still intended to extort more and more from them contrary to the ancient Customes and Liberties of England Next that the Patrons of Churches when they fell void could not present fit Clerks unto them as by grant from the Pope they might do but their Churches were collated unto Italians who understood not our Mother tongue and therefore could not instruct their People whose Soules for lack of discipline and good instructions perished Thirdly they complained that the Pope imposed upon their Churches more Pensions then he had formerly promised to take of them and leavied divers taxes within this Realme without the Kings knowledge or consent Fourthly and lastly that Italians succeeded unto Italians in the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical livings of England Of which followed these Inconveniences First there was no Hospitality kept for the releif of the Poor Next the word of God was not preached to the edifying of mens Soules their divine Service was not celebrated to the comfort of mens consciences and lastly churchâ—s were not repaired to the benefit of their next Incumbents It was further shewed that the Clergy of England was enforced to maintain and arme some Ten Souldiers others five and others fifteen to bee sent with sufficient Armor and horses to serve the Pope in what place soever it pleased him Again it was declared that although there was an Ancient priviledg in England that no Legate should come into the Realme unless the King required and allowed him yet they came continually one after another and the later still exceeded the former in troubling and overcharging the Realme Moreover it was proved that besides the Popes Tributes and Subsidies Italians held Benefices in England to the yeerly value of 60 Thousand marks and transported out of the kingdom tâ—e most part of that money to the great impoverishment of our Country Neither were these griefes so lamentable but that it grieved all estates in our Country much more that our best wits for lack of such preferment as was due unto Learning were fain to leave the Universities and to betake themselves unto Mechanical Trades and such Occupations as were not fit for men of their Gifts and capacities whereby our Realme was almost induced unto a very Barbarisme The Ambassadors that made this complaint were men of great dignity mature Judgment and of exceeding great learning But what could they prevaile in a Councell where the Popesâ— Faction was so strong that at the very self same time he deposed the Emperor Frederick and sent away our Ambassadors greatly discontented For he gave them a chargâ— streightly to command all Bishops in England to set their hands and seales to that detestable Charter which King Iohn made to the Pope for a yeâ—rly pension to be paid unto the Sea of Rome unto which commandement all the Bishops more indiscreetly then wisely shewed themselves most obedient But the King protested that although the Bishops had bowed their knees unto Baal yet he would stand stoutly in the defence of the Liberty of his Realme and would never pay any yearly pension unto Rome under the name of a Tribute I might here take occasion to tell you how this Tribute grew but you must remember that I have already touched the same somewhat in all that may be said in the behalf of the Pope and for the maintenance of that Pension it hath been lately confuted in a leamed Treatise called Anti-Sanderus I might also proceed in declaring other inconveniences which our Realme hath endured by our voluntary subjection unto the Pope But these may suffice to commend those our Kings for their wisedome and magnanimitie which cast off that yoke amongst whom there are none that deserve greater commendation then the Queens Majesty that now raigneth and her Noble Father and godly Brother For some of their predecessors indeed permitted not the Pope to overcharge their Subjects but they have discharged them of all kind of Grievances which he was wont to put them unto and have both wisely and boldly excluded him and his Authority which he wrongfully usurped Whereat both his Fatherly reverence and our Romish Sâ—ctaries so much repine that they cry out with open mouth that it is against all Reason all Divinitie and Scriptures that secular Princes should have and arrogate unto themselves any manner of Authority in Ecclesiastical causes This and the Substraction of such Taxes and Impositions as the Sea of Rome was wont to impose upon the Englâ—sh Clergie are the true and only Causes why the Pope thundereth his Interdictions and Menaces against our Gracious Sovereigne and her kingdom although he pretendeth that her dissent and diversitie from his Religion only moveth him to excommunicate her Majesty You have heard sufficient Reasons to justâ—fie the taking away of those duties and services And the same might be warranted by the Examples of many Forreine Examples who upon the like occasion have done the like But I may not handle every matter that is worth the handling in this discourse which already is grown to be far large then I thought it should have been And yet considering the Impudency of our Adversaries in denying all kind of Authority unto Temporall Princes in spiritual Causes and for satisfying you somewhat in that point who especially Charged me to yield you some satisfâ—ction therein I will in few words and by a few Examples fetcht from the holy Scriptures prove unto you that this her Majesties proceeding in Ecclesiasticall Causes is waranted by holy Scriptures
Servant and to spoil the Master not to hurt the Subject and to murder the Prince to dismiss the Messenger and to detain the Sender briefly to honor him who representeth another mans person and to disgrace the party whose person is represented These are the most substantial Reasons that are made against this Sentence And to every one of these I will frame a brief Answer Par in parem non habet potestatem And therefore Princes who are most commonly equals cannot exercise any power or authority one against anoâ—her True it is that this is an ancient principle or maxime in Law but as other Rules or Maximes have their exceptions so this position is not without a limitation without an exception or interpretation Two Magistrates I grant being made and constituâ—ed by their Superior with equal power and authority have no power or jurisdiction one over another but they are created as it were with this condition that they shall use the authority which is given them by their Princes against their Inferiors and to those that are subject to their several jurisdictions But sithence this Law was made in their behalf onely who do acknowledge a Superior and that in such a time and in such a State in which there were many Magistrates but one King many Judges but one Emperor many that were equaâ—s among themselves but one that excelled them all in power and and authority I take it that the same concerneth absolute Princes no more then a privilege granted to Ticius alone belongeth unto Marius For sithence that the charge and alteration of time hath brought forth so many Kings instead of one Emperor that almost every Country hath now his several King Since the consent and general agreement of people hath given full power and authority unto their Kings to make what Laws they pleased since need and necessity requireth that new Laws be made and published almost every day and that they being once made shall not be of force out of those Realms within which they are established it cannot be but both absurd and ridiculous to beleeve and affirm that a Law made many hundâ—ed years ago by a Roman Emperor and that in Italy shall in these days bind those Princes over whom the Emperor hath no manner of power and that when aâ—tient Emperors had it long sithence abrogated and abolished For as many Shires and Provinces of England France and other Countries which had their several Kings are now reduced under the obedience of one King so contrariwise the Emperor which was wont to command many Nations is now brought to such alow ebb to so smal and slender an Estate that he can hardly challenge the absolute Rule and Government over the twentieth part of one Nation Since therefore Laws made by our Ancestors are so derived to our after-commers that it may be well said that they aâ—e as well Successors unto them in their Laws as they are their Heirs in their goods it is certain that many Laws remain still which were made many years ago but no Prince will admit or allow them any longer then they shall be found to be profitable and expedient for the Commonwealth or then they shall not diminish their royal Authority hence it cometh that some men hold opinion â—hat a King cannot make a Law which shall prejudice his Successors hence it cometh that former Laws may Lawfully be abrogated and others although they be quite contrary made in their stead so that they be found profitable for the Sâ—ate Hence lastly it cometh that the latter Statute repealeth the former and that which came last to light obtained most force Neither although there be but very few or no Princes especially in Christendome which even in these days of Weakness and infirmity of the Empire do not greatly respect and reverence the Emperor And albeit there be very few Lawyers which do not both read and admire the large volumes of the Civil Laws Compiled or rather digested into order by Iustinian the Emperor yet is there any King that useth the same Laws as Iustinian his Laws Or any Civilian that joyneth not the knowledge of the Statutes and Constitutions of his Country with the Studie of the Imperial decrees and Ordinance In England the Civil Law hath small force and lesse use In France it is in great Credit but there is a Capital punishment laid upon them who in pleading a Cause presume to alledge a Civill Text as a Law made by the Emperor but they alledged them as Laws approved by the French King For when as the King of France perceived that his Majesty should be greatly blemished and prejudiced if he should Govern his kingdom by Forreigne Laws and yet he saw that it was impossible to have or invent better Laws then the Civil Laws are he entertained the best of them being very loth that so good Laws should utterly perish and be forgotten But he commanded them to be Called his and his Successors Lawes least that it might turn to his discredit to Governe by other Princes Laws What accompt other Nations make of the Civil Laws it is easie to Conjecture by this That in Germany it self in which only Country the Emperor hath Imperial authority there are many Provinces which have banished the Civil Law Considering therefore that Laws made in Spaine binde not us in England and that the Frenchmen are not tyed to ours who shall be esteemed wise that will affirm that these Kings are Subject unto Iustinians Laws which are nothing inferior unto Iustinian his Successor in power and Authority But grant that the Emperors Laws have now as great Force and Strength as ever they had and that this Maxime Principle or Rule in Law Par in parem non habet potestatem doe bind all the Kings of the World yet it shall appear that it cannot any thing at all availe the late Scottish Queen For First as it oftentimes happeneth that men of great Authority lose the same by their own default or Negligence So princes going our of their own Countries into other kingdoms and Dominions make themselves inferior unto them in whose kingdom they remaine This is proved by Common experience For what Householder be he never so poor will suffer a rich man to rule or be his better in his own House What Master of a Ship will permit a Passenger bâ— he of never so great Wealth to Guide or Governe his ship Or what Captain can or will endure that a young Nobleman be he of never so great birth and Parentage shall lead and direct his Soldiers The sweetness which is in Commanders admitteth no Companion The Pope the Emperor or if there were any greater then they hath no share no part or Portion therein but all were it never so much belongeth wholy unto him that ruleth And there is such a feeling such pleasure in this sweetness that to extenuate the same by words is dangerous to diminish it by deeds perilous and to make others
exactions as Slaomire King of Abredites and others for corruption as Adolph the Emperor But if all these Depositions were examined and tried by the Touchstone of Law I think the most part of them will be found scant lawful For all these crimes in private men are not capital and therefore why should they be so severely punished in Princes How many judges take Bribes and are not deposed How many Magistrates are negligent and are not punished How many Officers execute not their Offices and are not removed How many rich men offend in Adultery and are not censured briefly How many Noble men commit Adultery and Murther and are not condemned In Poland the Gentleman that killeth a Yeoman payeth but a certain Fine in money in France he that killeth another manfully and in the field is seldom executed In Italy many are vilely murthered and the Murtherers are not always punished And in all Countries grievous Crimes are either tolerated or pardoned sometimes because the Malefactors are descended of notable parents whom Princes are loth to offend and discontent You have heard how Dunorix was spared although he were a Traytor for Diviaticus his Brothers sake and our Chronicles report that Henry the Third having taken in the Barons Wars many Schollars of Oxford in Northampton who did him more harm then all the rest of his Enemies would have hanged them all had not his Council perswaded him to save them because in executing them he might displease their friends who were Gentlemen and Noblemen of great Houses Shall mean personages vile murtherers private men escape unpunished and must the Law be executed with all severity upon Princes They are in higher places their actions are beheld of all men and most men are lead by their example True but David was not punished as soon as he had killed Uriah Solomon was not deposed although he kept many Concubines Herod was not streightways deprived for murthering of Iohn Baptist and it was long before Saul was removed by David But how then May Princes offend as often as they will and never be punished No Must their Subjects endure all their Cruelties and Tyrannies No May they be troublesom unto their Neighbours untrue unto their Confederates Enemies unto the common peace and never to be reprehended No What course is then to be taken to bridle their Appetites and restrain their Insolency Truly I finde two notable Laws for the punishment of such Princes the one made by Conrad the Emperor and the other by Otho the Third Conrad his Law commanded all Princes to embrace Peace to maintain Law and Equity and not to disturb the quiet and peaceable Estate of the Empire and that whosoever transgressed in any of these three points should suffer death Othon his Law was much to the same effect but he added That the Prince offending in any of these three points should besides the loss of life lose all his States and Dominions and be held for a common enemy and that all the Princes of Christendom should rise in arms against him as a perturber of Christian peace and tranquillity But in these days Princes neither are nor will be nor can be ready to help every one that complaineth and why should Subjects seek for releif abroad that may be releived and succoured at home The course is ordinary the remedy easie if men will not deceive themselves in taking their course Every Country hath its Parliament every Kingdom the Assembly of their Estates there may their Griefs be heard their Wrongs red ressed and their Princes repressed And in this course the common people loseth not a jot of their Authority for they which attribute most unto the people take not every confused rude and tumultuous multitude for the people but a choice company of the wisest Nobility and of the most grave honest discreet and wise men amongst the Commonalty It must not be such base and busie companions as was Iack Straw in England Nicholas Rency in Rome Iaques Artevilla in Flanders George Zechius in Bohemia Anthony Bavadella in Spain and William Siler in Switzerland that must presume to controll mighty Kings or to alter well governed States For such petty Companions are better able to mislead a number of simple people with their venemous tongues then to consider with discretion that many things are done in every Kingdom which Princes know not of and that divers abuses are committed which the Officers that commit them keep as long as they can possible from their Princes knowledge which abuses should be quickly redressed if the king might be made acquainted with them These Companions consider not that there is an High Court of Parliament unto which Princes either can be contented or be constrained to submit themselves and wherein Subjects may speak unto their King freely so they speak reverently any thing that may benefit their Country I said reverently because methinks it is not tolerable that any Subject be he never so great and mighty should use unreverent speeches unto his King secretly much less in an open Parliament as did Richard Earl Marshal of England unto King Henry the third who when the King called him in choler and perhaps not without occasion Traytor gave him the lye in the Parliament House and told him to his face he cared not for him because he was well assured that as long as he lived in obedience unto the Laws of the the Realm he could not hurt him And when the king answered he could intercept his victuals and suffer no man to bring him any manner of Provision he replyed that if he sent any to intercept his victuals he would send them home shorter by the heads then they came Such an audacious and unreverent speech coming to the ears of such busie Companions as Iack Straw and Iack Cade were in England would make them take the Speaker for a Demy God for a Patron of his Country for a Protector of their Liberty and being carried from them unto others may draw them like a company of mad-men to adventure life and limbs for such a desperate Cataline and without ever considering whereabout they go to undertake for his sake the utter subversion of Town and Country But it may be said that I am like the Physitian that prescribeth a remedy unto his Patient but telleth him not how he shall come by it so I talk much of a Parliament but I conceal how difficult it will be to have a Parliament especially when a Prince without whose consent and commandment the same cannot be called knoweth or mistrusteth that any thing shall be debated and determined therein to his prejudice I cannot but acknowledge this difficulty and therefore if the wrongs that are offered be not too great it is better to suffer them with patience thâ—n to seek to reform them by violence But if the outrages grow once to be so extream that they are no longer to be endured I hold the same for a most unfortunate unhappy and
to harbour their Ships their Ships that needed both harbour and reparations Was there any friend either within the Country or nigh unto the Country would bestow a little fresh water upon them for lack whereof many of their people died Was there ever a Priâ—ce or Potentate that would suffer them to repair either broken wind-shaken or Sea beaten Ships within his Dominion Brieflâ— was there any man that would furnâ—sh them with Masts Saâ—ls Cables and other things nâ—cessary for want whereof most of their Navy perished I will tell you a thing which may be strange to others but no news to you and yet worthy to be told because it is meet that it should be known unto all men When the report was certain in England that the Spanish Fleet and Forces were at hand instead of lamentatâ—ons weepings out-cries which things in time of sudden accidents are common and even used amongst valiant people the Queens Majesties ears were filled with Prayers Petitions and Motions sometimes of one Shire sometimes of another most humbly beseeching her Highness to give the Spaniards liberty to land with their Forces and them leave to encounter with them alone I my self do marvel and I think as many as shall hear it will marvel thereat that in men of one and the same Religion there should be divers opinions and different Judgements in matters concerning the advancement of their Religion Yet I know and you shall understand that the English Catholicks which are out of England and those that live within the same Realm were not all of one opinion of one minde when the Spaniards were coming for England for the one sort wished them all manner of happiness and prosperity and the other prayed to God not to prosper their journey much less their Attempt and besought the Queens Majesty to place them in the foremost Range and Ranck against the Spaniards and where they might endanger themselves most and do her Highness most service not because they were weary of their lives but for that they thought it most honorable to die in the defence of their Country and that God would never forsake them in so just a cause This may serve to shew that the Spaniards had and may have very small hope to finde any manner of aid within England And yet to clear this point the better may it please you to remember that when the report of the Spaniards coming began to be certain all those which we call Papists and our Adversaries term Catholicks at least the better sort of them were conveyed to several houses far distant the one from the other and there kept not like Prisoners but like Gentlemen of their calling and all the Nobility was commanded to repair to the Court of which commandment their followed two commodities The one That the Catholicks being under safe custody there was no man of account to sollicite the Subjects to Rebellion the other that if any small or great number had been disposed to rebell there was not any man of worth to be their Head And it hath seldom been seen that Rebels ever durst adventure to shew their evil inclination or adventuring had at any time good success without having some man of special accompt and authority for their head But Ireland and Scotland may be thought to favour the Spanish King and undoubtedly he hath been made beleeve that in either of those Realms he shall finde faithful friends and such as will adventure their lives to do him service Truly Ireland hath been a long time subject to the Crown of England but always divided into two Factions the one of civil and discreet people the other of wilde and savage men the first sort true and faithful Subjects unto their Soveraign and the other prone and ready to spurn against their Superiors but not able to do any great hurt no more then the Banditti of Italy which may rob a house spoil a little Village and set fire on a Castle and run away by the light when they have done and yet to be sure that no great annoyance should come from Ireland to England the best part of the Nobility of the Country was likewise called to the Court the strongest Holds were committed to the custody of faithful keepers and to hold them in better obedience there was sent over such a Lord Deputy as was well acquainted with their Customs practised in the Country and very well beloved of the people As for Scotland although the Kings thereof have always been for these many hundred years in firm league and amity with the Kings of France and of late years have had some occasion of extraordinary great love and friendship with the house of Guise the House that hath been as you have heard the onely upholder and maintaâ—ner of the Spanish Fact on in France yet because the present King of Scotland hath been nourished up from his infancy in the same Religion which the Queen of England professeth and for that he is bound unto her Highness for divers favors and courtesies shewed unto him in the time of his distress and necessity he is very well affected unto the State of England and desireth nothing more then the welfare of that Country the health and safety of the Queens Majesty and the reign and overthrow of all her Enemies which desire he signified unto her Majesty at such time as she thought she stood in need of his help offering to come in person to aid her Grace against the Spainards wiâ—h the greatest power he was able to make The Venetians brag of the strength of their City because it is distant five miles from any land and defended by a little natural Bank from the violence of the Sea How may England therefore boast of her strength since she is severed above thirty miles at the least from any other Nation not by a little Bank but by a great Sea especially if â—reland and Scotland be under her subjection and in League with her and also if the Maritine forces of the United Provinces be always ready to joyn with her against all her enemies It is not the happy success of one Battel nor the mighty or innumâ—rable forces of one Aâ—my that must or 〈◊〉 subdue England but he that will undertake to conquer our Realm must first overthrow our invincible Navy and then encounter with our strengths by Land and not obtain one onely but many Victories against them a matter in my simple conceit almost impossible especially for the King of Spain For besides that Fortune is seldom or never so constant or prodigal of her favours that she vouchsafeth unto any man any long continuance of desired happiness this impossibility will easily appear unto him that shall call to remembrance what hath been already said touching the Forces of England and Spain But the Romans first then the Danes next VVilliam the Conqueror Lastly Divers English Princes pretending right unto the Crown of England have with very small difficulty and with
living a long time as a banished man in Brittany with the Duke thereof could never be sent into his Country unto Edward the fourth or Richard the third although both of them knowing that that they could not Reign in security so long as he lived had requested him very earnestly of the Duke And the last of them ruled still in great fear but in Peace and Quietness untill that Isabella wife of Edward the fourth and Margaret the said Henries Mother by the help of a Physitian came to conferre together and in the end they concluded of this agreement that they would cause her Son the said Henry to return into England and to possess the Crown thereof with the help of his aid and their friends if he would take to wife the daughter of Edward the fourth Henry being certified hereof and also given to undeastand that Richard Thomas a man trained up in arms all the dayes of his life and Sir Iohn Savage would adventure their lives for him and that the Lord Bray had provided great sums of money to pay his Souldiers withal easily obtained of the king of France a small Army of 2000 men with which arriving in Wales and joyning with the Forces of the said Thomas he went towards London and upon his way daily received greater strength even of the Souldiers of king Richard his Enemy who by reason of the great cruelty and â—yranny which he used was forsaken of his own Friends and his Souldiers detesting his proud and cruel Government fought so in his behalf that they seemed more desirous he should lose then win the Field which fell out according to their desire By these Examples and others like unto these you may perceive that never any man had any good success against England who had not both a just cause to invade the same and a strong faction within the Realm And by that which hath been spoken you may understand that the Spaniard wanteth both the one and the other Here might I conveniently if I had not sufficiently declared the strength of England to make the difficulty and impossibility of the Spaniards purpose more apparent enter into a large discourse of the Forces thereof but let that suffice that hath been spoken And yet I may not forget to let you and as many as doubt of our strength understand that we have been and I know not why we should not still be so strong and fortunate that when the French were so many in the Field against us that they thought the very Boyes and Lacques in their Camp were able to subdue our Army and when the Scots thinking that because our king was in France with fourscore thousand English we had none but Priests and women left at home to encounter with them entred with main force into our Country and with assured hope and confidence to conquer the same we neither fearing the multitudes of the French nor being danted or terrified with the Scots suddain and advantagious Invasion subdued both Nations and took both their kings prisoners in the Field But our Englishmen cannot live with a little Bread and a Cup of Wine as the Spaniards can do they are not accustomed to endure cold to lie abroad in the Field to stand up to the knees in dirt and water to watch nights and dayes and briefly to take other such pains and travels as are incident unto wars To pleasure our Adversaries let us grant this to be so although the the contrary indeed is most true who amongst the bravest Spaniards or the greatest Souldiers in the World would willingly go to the wars if he should alwayes be subject unto these or the like incommodities And yet who would not rather endure and suffer them patiently then live in servitude or thâ—aldom or yeeld unto his mortal Enemies All Histories are full of examples of base and faint-hearted people the which having been compelled to fight for their lives because there was no other way to save or redeem the same have behaved themselves most manfully and have enforced their Enemies to yeeld unto reasonable Conditions of Peace which sometimes would not hearken unto any agreement and have constrained them to become humble Sutors who would not once vouchfaâ—e to hear their humble Petitions and truly extream perils and irresistible necessities have such force and vertue that oftentimes they put both heart and Courage into them which by nature are neither hearty nor couragious Considering therefore that our men shall fight at home and the Spaniard abroad that we will be as valiant to defend our selves as they can be couragious to offend us that when they have soiled us by Sea they must fight afresh with us by Land they being weary and we fresh they weak and we strong they lame and diseased and we whole and in perfect health Briefly they far from home and we at home for our wives for our houses for our children and for our goods Is it not likely that we should fight with greater courage with better success then they Considering again the England is fertile and replenished with all things necessary for mans sustentation That her Majesties Councellors are wise and provident her people rich and full of money her Subjects loving and well affected to her Highness and their Country Can there be any thing wanting that shall be needfull for the maintenance of a convenient Army Considering thirdly that if any want shall fall out their cause being general as the maintenance of the Spaniards Religion is universal and common to all his Confederates is it not to be thought that the Princes Protestants will supply those wants and fight for England as well and as willingly as the Papists will for Spain Considering fourthly that when Charles the fifth a Prince as I have said of greater power and of better experience then the Spanish king warred with the Protestants of Germany not onely the Princes of the Reformed Religion but also the French which hated their Religion aided and assisted them Can it be supposed that England should not finde the like aid and assistance Briefly Considering that the Spaniard cannot land his Army in any place in England where he shall not finde at the least ten thousand men to finde him work until a greater power come what hope can he then have to Land without Resistance to proceed without a Battel to fight without loss and to lose without extream confusion Our Armies therefore being equal to his and our hope more assured then his no wise or Politick man will doubt but that our success is likely to be far better then his and therefore his hope and expectation vain his purpose and intention ridiculous as well in regard of his course taken therein as of his possibility to attain thereunto But it behooveth a king to bridle and correct his Rebellious subjects and it is the part of a Protector of the Catholicks not to permit his own subjects or any other aiding or assisting them in
him Flanders Holland and all the rest of his seventeen Provinces would likewise fall from him But it pleased him having two notable Examples before his eyes the one of Antienâ—time the other of latter years the first bad and the other good to reject the one and to follow the other The Examples were these Rehâ—boam the sonne of wise Solomon would impose greater Taxes and Subsidies upon his Subjects then his Father had done before him The People hereupon complained unto him as the Low-country Subjects did unto the Spanish King desired him rather to mitigate then to increase his Impositions shewed that they were not able to bear and support so great charges He called his Councellors together as undoubtedly the Spaniard did and craved their advice The elder Counsellors were of opinion that it was good and expedient to yield unto his Subjects demands as perhaps the better sort of the Councell were and by easing their charges to assure unto himself their hearts and their affections But the younger sort and such undoubtedly were the Spanish Senators either in Wit or years advised him to reject their Petition and not to suffer them to prescribe Laws unto him who were to receive laws from him but to let them know that he was their King and they his Subjects and that it belonged unto them to obey This Counsel what followed But what followed in following this Counsel The greatest part of his People Rebelled against him Ieroboam was chosen King and Rehoboam raised an Army of 80 Thousand men to constraine his Subjects to return to their former obedience but he lost him time and Ten parts of his Kingdom Lewis the Eleventh King of France a wise and subtile Prince if ever there were any in France at his first coming to the Crown played his part as Rehoboam did until that the chief of his Nobility rebelled against him This wise King acknowledged his fault sought all means possible to pacify and reconcile those Rebells He yielded to their demands and was so far from punishing their disobedience as that he received them for his chief Councellors and was always more directed by them then by any other of his Counsell And when he had escaped the danger whereinto he was fallen by his Folly he gave great thanks to Almighty God that it had pleased him to give him the Grace not to hazard the losse of so great and mighty a Kingdome as France was and is upon the uncertainty of a Battaile and especially of a Bâ—ttaile to be fought against his own Subjects Subjâ—cts that love their Prince as the head of the Politique body their children as the stay and hope of their everlasting Families and their Liberty as the most precious Jewell of their worldly wealth And therefore when they see their Liberty restrained or impeached they forget their duty to their Prince remember not their love to their children and cut off their love and affection to their goods Nay they are no longer Masters of themselves being void of 〈◊〉 of reason of Judgment apprehending no thing else but that which is before their eyes and following those only who delude their senses abuse their reason and deceive their Judgment so that to strive with them in these Passions is to contend with mad men in their fury and it is almost as impossible for a Prince to rule them in this rage as it is impossible for one man to take and tame a number of wild Beasts in a wide and great Forrest It is doubtless that the Spanish King knew thus much but it pleased him to beleeve Appius Claudius better then Servilius to persecute and not to pacifie Volera to reject and not to receive Menenius his Counsell and to imitate Rehoboam of Israel rather then Lewis of France no marvel then if Rehoboams hard and ill Fortuâ—e and not Lewis his rare and strange Felicity beâ—ideth him You have seen his bad course heard his impossibility to subjugate and subdue England It remaineth to shew you that although he should conquer England yet he could not continue long in quiet and peaceable possession thereof It is hard to say what course he would take and how he would governe if he should chance to prevaile against England but I think he would imitate the example of others who have made conquest of strange and forreigne Countries before him and he will therefore make all things new as he himself shall be new He will appoint a new government and new Governors He will establish new Laws new Orders new Customes build up new Citadels and pluck down old Castels kill our Nobility and place Spaniards in their roomes Change all our Officers and make Castles and Forâ—s to keep his Subjâ—cts in awe and in fear destroy the Counâ—y and take away all ancient Priviledges impoverish the rich and inrich the poor unarme the vanquished and arms the vanquishers plant his religion and banishours impose new tributeâ— and charge the Subjects with strange impositions Briefly set spies in every City in every village in every town in every Hamlett and in every House to mark what is done or said what what is Counselled or practised Behold this is all that he can do This is as much as the Danes did This is the course that William the Conqueror took Briefly this is the manner of Government which the Romans practised and it is likely that he will doe all this in his own Kingdome But our Country men knowing by certaine report that he will doe all this will rather die then endure all this or if they endure it for a time will undoubtedly both seek and finde means to free themselves from such servitude in shorttime The examples of other Nations and other People which have killed themselves with their own hands because they would not fall into their Enemies hands will both move and encourage them to imitate and follow their Magnanimity The rebellions of many Princes will animate them to Revolt from their obedience Necessity will put some way or other into their heads how to find weapons how to choose Captains how to perswade a general Revolt and how to procure an alteration and change of his Tyrannical Government For albeit that the Spaniards will perhaps for a time Governe with all mildness â—â—â—anity and Justice yet as soon as they think themselves well setled and assured to hold and continue their conquests as soone as they taste those sweet Commodities and pleasant fruit which follow after the great increase of wealth and riches then will they begin to change their customes and their conditions then should you see which God forbid you ever see the Magistrates rob the commonwealth base and unworthy persons advanced to places of Dignity Superiors wrong their Inferiors â—â—supportable tributes imposed upon the People abominable Vices left unpunished Offices of Justice sold for money Laws little or nothing regarded Strangers more honored and respected then our own countrymen and good manners changed into evil conditions
to prevail in England cannot countervail the great distrust and fear which they have to lose their own possessions and Country whilst they busie themselves in seeking after strange and difficult conquests And if to leave nothing unsaid that may be said to encourage them some men will use unto them all the same perswasions which our Fugitives used to induce the Spanish King to undertake the Conquest of our Land that man whatsoever he be may well and sufficiently be answered with the same Arguments which I used long since to confute their Reasons With these and the like Reasons uttered by grave men unto the Common people who hearken willingly unto any thing for their own quiet and security and used in convenient time and place of which wise men in their wisdom and gravity can take their best advantage the most discreet and wisest Subjects of Italy may quickly be perswaded not to further the Spaniard in his unlawfull and ambitious attempts and purposes and the Princes themselves who willingly enter into no action whereof some great commodity is not likely to follow will easily hearken unto any man of credit and experience that shall review their memories and reduce unto their minde the means that their Predecessors have used to free themselves from Forreign Servitude and bondage a commodity far exceeding all the commodities that heart can imagine or tongue express It may therefore be shewed unto them in general that Maximilian the Emperor and the Spanish Kings great Grandfather for it were tedious to talk of his former Predecessors and of the wrongs that they did unto Italy entered oftentimes into League and Amity with barbarous Nations against the Princes of Italy brought them into their Country besieged their Cities cast down their Walls ransacked their Houses changed their mirth into sorrow and never lest to trouble and molest them until that his strength and not his good will to annoy them failed him Charles the fifth his Father for his Grand-father Philip died in the prime of his years and therefore could not greatly trouble them because he wanted the means doth the like and many of the Italian Princes most loving Subjects die some by the sword others by famine some through grief and others by infinite labour and travel neither permitting them that resisted him to live one hour in rest and quietness nor suffering those that yeelded unto him to enjoy any long peace and tranquillity but reduced both the one and the other sort unto extream beggery by grievous impositions and long and tedious wars He himself wheresoever he ruleth in Italy and he ruleth there too much imposeâ—h new Tributes unaccustomed Subsidies and extraordinary impositions and where he hath no Authority to rule there he borroweth money and payeth his Debts with fair words and sweet promises and when he useth them best with Bonds and Obligations which shall be paid when every brother payeth another When this is said and they moved with the grievous remembrance and lamentable rehearsal hereof it may be they would be glad to remedy and revenge these wrongs but they dare not adventure to contend with him they will fear him because he is wealthy stand in aw of him because he is mighty and strive amongst themselves who shall first begin to trouble him because they distrust one another His might and his wealth have already been shown sufficiently and proved to be far inferiour unto the general conceit and opinion that is had of them and their distrust may be removed by a general League and perfect imitation of their Predecessors It must therefore first be remembred that Nicholas the third Pope of Rome fearing the great wealth of France under Philip the son of Lewis sirnamed The Godly used all means possible to abate and diminish the French Kings power and reputation And the state of this present time must be conferred with the condition of that Age to the end that if the like causes of fear be now apparent the like remedies may be applied Then was France to be feared because there was no Civil War in France Now Spain must be suspected because Spain is quiet and at peace within it self all the Lords and Peers of France were then obedient unto their king and are they not so in Spain The French king was then in League with England and Germany and is not the Spaniard allied unto many For eign Princes The king of Navar a Vassal of France ruled all things then in Spain because he was Tutor unto the young king and doth not Spain now sway and rule a great part of France by reason of the League betwixt him and the unnatural Rebâ—s thereof Siciy was then subject unto Charles the French kings Uncle and now both Sicily and Naples are under the Spaniard The same Charles was of great authority in Rome he was Lieutenant General unto the Empire and under that Title either commanded by force or prevailed by authority through all Italy And hath not the Spaniard as great authority there at this present as he had then The face and countenance of both times are alike the Remedies therefore should be such now as they were then Then the Pope weakened the credit and authority that Charles had in Rome the Pope must do like to the Spaniard now Then was the Title of Lieutenant General taken from Charles Now should all helping Titles be likewise taken from Spain Then was the Pope determined to make two kings in Italy the one in Lombardy and the other in Tuskany and both of the House of Ursim of which he was the chief and principal branch And if the like device were now practised undoubtedly the Great Duke of Florence and some other Potentates of Italy upon whom the most should agree would accept the Title of kings and be able both for their wealth and their might to maintain the same with credit and reputation Then was Phaleologo Emperor of Constantinople incensed and encouraged to war upon the Sicilian king now there would want no sufficient reasons to move the French king to do the like against the Spaniard Then upon suddain were all the Frenchmen either slain in Sicily or driven thence and now might all the Spaniards be either murthered which were somewhat too bloody and cruel an action or removed by main force from Naples and Sicily which would be a general benefit and comfort unto all Italy But Italy of it self is not able to do all this what then shall it avail to intend and purpose this Italy must then be strengthened and holpen lest it faâ—l in doing this But how shall Italy be assisted Forsooth by an imitation of the Princes which lived in Charles the fifth his time and envied his greatness Forsooth when they saw that he had by subtilty and corruption obtained the Empire and that what with the vigour of his youth what with the reputation of his might and strength he was so puffed up with pride that he intended to make
no great Armies subdued the same and why may not the like fortune happen to the Spainard Truely if it might be inferred as a necessary consequent that the Country that hath been conquered many times and by many Nations should always be very easily conquered This inference might be far better made and used against Spain then against England For Spain was first governed by Tuball the Son of Iapheth the Son of Noe and by his posterity who were deprived of the Possession and Government thereof by the Sidonians and they by the Thracians and they by the Rhodians and they by the Phrygians and they by the Phenicians and they by the Cypriots and they by the Aegyptians and they by the Miletians and they by the Phocentians and they by the Chaldeans and they by the Carthaginians and they by the Romans and they by the Gothes and they by the Vice-Gothes and they lastly by the Spainards whom the Saâ—azens had driven out of their Country had not the Frenchmen holpen them to repel and expel the Sarâ—zens England was undoubtedly subdued by the Romans but not before they had conquered all the rest of the World because they reserved as it may be well supposed the conquest thereof as Conquerors most commonly do in great Enterprises for the last and greatest Exploit which they had to do or for the best reward that they could attain or expect of their long and tedious Wars And it is written that they boasted more of the Conquest thereof then of all the Victories which they had obtained in their dayes because they supposed that England which was divided from the rest of the World by the Sea was no part of the World and therefore they made two Triumphs thereof the one of the main Land and the other of the huge and merciless Sea The Danes and Saxons likewise subdued England but they enjoyed their Conquest but a very few years And how subdued they England Not by main force as Spain was always conquered but by cunning and deceit for Vortiger King of England being continually molested by Pirates and by the Scots was constrained to require Aid of the Saxons who sent him a great Army under the Conduct of two Brethren Engistus and Orsus of which Engistus having cunningly obtained of the King a convenient place for his people to dwell in fortified the same secretly got more thereunto covertly politickly perswaded the King to send for more forces out of Saxony and lastly Married his Daughter unto the King by whose means he brought his Countrymen in great credit with his Majesty made him banish the chief Nobility from the Court caused the King by this means to incur the hatred of his Subjects and when he perceived that our Country-men began to suspect and fear his over-growing Greatness he suddenly entred into league with the Picts the Antient Enemies of England and with their helps made an easie conquest thereof William the Conqueror became Master of England in this manner Edward King of England dying in the year 1065. made by his last Will and Testament William Duke of Normandy his sole and lawful Heir with the consent and counsel of the cheif Peers and Barons of his Realm But afterwards being wone thereunto by the flattery and sweet words of his Wife he changed his maid and adopted Harrold his Brother for his Heir whereupon there grew a great variance and contention betwixt the said VVilliam and Harrold who having some occasion to go into Flanders was by contrary winds driven into Normandy where he was presently intercepted and carried unto the Duke as a Prisoner before whom when he came fearing that he should not be set at liberty in a long time nor without a great Ransom unlesse he used some cunning device for his present delivery He said unto the Duke Other Princes Noble Duke when they have occasion to require Helps or any thing else of their Neighbours or Confederates use to demand the same by their Ambassadors But I contrary to this Custom knowing that there is no better way to end this contention and competency which is betwixt you and me then for me to marry your Daughter am come in person to pray your good Will that I may have her for my Wife The Duke yeeldeth to his desire Harrold with his new Spouse returneth speedily into England commandeth all Normans upon pain of death to depart out off his Realm within three dayes prostituteth his wife unto his meanest servants cutteth of her nose and her ears and sendeth her back unto her Father in a Fisher-mens Boat This Injury and Indignity may seem grievous unto you that hear it No marvel then if it so grieved her poor Father that to be revenged thereof he presently implored the help of his Friends who what for pitty of the distrested Princess what in hope of high rewards what in regard of the love and duty that some bare unto the Duke were so many that the greatest part of the Nobility of France with all the power that they could possibly make accompanied him in his journey But from him unto those kings of England who being driven from their Kingdoms recovered the same with small difficulty And not to be over tedious it shall suffice to mention unto you but two Princes of that kinde namely Edward the fourth and Henry the seventh And first to Edward who being deprived by his own Subjects of his Royal Diadem fled unto the Duke of Bugundy of whom obtaining an Army but of two thousand men onely he returned into England and finding that very few favoured him so long as he demanded the Crown he caused it to be proclaimed and published that he required nothing but the Dukedom of York whereunto every man knowing that he had Right many began to favour him and no man at his first landing in Yorkshire would resist him and yet he was not received into the City of York before that he had sworn faith and obedience unto the King This Oath being solemnly taken he goeth forward towards London Some few of his Friends came unto him upon the way The Earl of Warwick his Brother who was incamped neer about York to intercept him on the way either for fear or through ignorance suffereth him to proceed on his journey and so without so much as one stroke he came to London where he was received by the Citizens with great joy and gladness because divers of the richest sort doubting that they should never have again such sums of money as they had lent him whiles he was their king unless he recovered the Kingdom had purchased him the favour and friendship of the greatest part of the City of which being once Master he increased daily in power and strength and his Brother the Duke of Clarence and others leaving the Earl of Warwick and his Faction made him so strong that he daily subdued the rest of his Enemies Thus prevailed he Now from him unto Henry the seventh who
is the force of ambition and unsatiabâ—e are the desires of covetous Princes who having subdued one Country seek presently after anoâ—her and when they have conquered that labour to attain unto new Conquests and never leave to inlarge their over large Territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies But it may be said the King of Spain is old but covetousness dieth not but increaseth in old age He is already Master and Lord of many Kingdoms and so many Countries But as I have said the more a man hath the more a man wanteth he being nigh unto deaths door thinks nothing of his death But every Prince before his death would be glad to make his name immortal his Dominions infinite He is a Catholick Prince therfore will hold his words and promises with Catholicks as he hath done hitherto But deceitful men keep touch in small matters to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence They may therefore justly fear that he who coveteth Kingdoms that are far from him is not without a great desire of States that joyn and border upon his Dominions and they may well think since he is descended as you shall hear anon of such Predecessors as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever just or unjust honest or dishonest commendable or reprehensible to enlarge their Dominions that he hath learned of them to have the like desires and use the like practises But grant they have no just occasion to distrust him what shall they gain by his friendship what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him He called them to help him But when forsooth when his ships were suâ—k bruised and broken some lost and never heard of and those which returned into Spain were so shaken and beaten with weather and Gun-shot that either they will be altogether unprofitable or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges and when his people were either drowned or so terrified that they will have a small desire and less courage to return in England But why implored he not their helps when he went for England with an assured hope and confidence of an happy Conquest of an honourable Victory He was loath to use their help because he thought himself able to aâ—tain his purpose without making them partakers of his glory and now that he hath failed of his purpose he calleth them unto a second voyage intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey and they must go to recover his credit and to revenge his quarrel who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit And how must they revenge his quarrel Forsooth by sending their best Soldiers into a strange Country by dis-furnishing themselves of Ships and Artillery and by lending him Munition and Mariners who might do well to spare his own people and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of Christendom Their Ancestors bought peace with unreasonable conditions and at a great price and they shall go to Wars where they have no cause of War Their Predecessors when any Nation dwelling beyond the Alps intended to pass the Alps endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage and to keep them at home and they having not felt the forces of such Nations these many years shall for his sake now go about to provoke them Their Forefathers lived quietly at home with their own and they shall disquiet themselves and other men and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage Their Parents never suffered their ships or their Souldiers to depart out of Italy for fear left the great Turk in their absence should invade their Country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the Heavens against the Windes against the Weather and the Sea for so they sight that fight against England Their hearts may tremble to think of it and that whâ—ch hath happened once may happen again If whilest their Forces shall be imployed in the Spanish kings service the Turk shall assail them at home shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of England Or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion For there is no other way to relieve them or to repel them But it may be said that the Spaniards credit and reputation will be their Buckler his greatness will restrain and repress their Adveâ—iaries Tell me you that think so Is he stronger then hâ—s Father was Hath he ever had better success in the Wars then he And yet in the prime and flower of his years and even when he thought himself free from all danger from all trouble and vexation of the Turks the Turks came to besiege Vienna which is the Emperors chief Seat and a City of as great strength as any other City of Europe They may consider that Armies that go far from home have as I have said seldom good success that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand seldom fall out well that men being once deceived of their expeâ—ation in any thing that they undertake proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action that to hang good Souldiers and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel is but to tempt God and lastly that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain All these being duly considered they may justly be afraid when they call to minde that their Navy which they shall send into England to help the king of Spain shall pass through many Seas Rocks with many contrary Winds in great Tempests and through manifest and dangerous parils and that their Souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst sometimes be Sea sick and in great danger of other diseases for where many be shut up close together there few can be in health long All this being duly considered they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the Spanish Fleet which went out of Spain with an assured hope of victory returned with great loss and ignommy And they may be discomforted when they enter into cogitation that the Spanish Navy returning to that place where they were once well beaten and remembring what small relief they had when they were in distress will not onely lose theâ—r courage themselves but also discourage their Italian Souldiers not being accustomed to sight so far from home or on so dangerous and troublesome Seas and with so valiant a Nation as the English Sea and Subjects are They may again be dismayed when they consider that although they should conquer England yet they cannot keep it long because they have no just cause to fight against England And lastly they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance that the small hope and confidence which they have